Race, Racism and Anti-Discrimination in France

“The Fifth Republic at Fifty: Logics and Dynamics”
Short Course
APSA Annual Meeting
Chicago, 29 August 2007, 1-5 pm
Race, Racism and Anti-Discrimination in France
Ariane Chebel d’Appollonia
CEVIPOF-Sciences Po Paris
97 rue de l’Université
75007 Paris
France
ariane.chebel-d’[email protected]
The civil unrest that started in Clichy-sous-Bois in October 2005 and spread
throughout 15 other urban areas, has again pushed the theme of the “crisis of the Republican
model of integration” on the top of the agenda. Such riots were not new; they have been
recurring since the 1980s. The theme of the crisis of the French model was not new either. It
also emerged during the 1980s, notably with the “headscarf affair”, culminating
controversially in the debate over the ban on the wearing of “conspicuous religious symbols”
at school in 2004. These events have served to structure the current discussion around two
basis positions.
For the defenders of traditional republicanism, the riots illustrated the dangers of
communitarianism, defined as a form of tribalism and associated with religious and ethnic
fanaticism. From this perspective, there is a need to restore the authority of the Republic in
the banlieues (characterized as “no-go” zones) and to protect the values of Jacobean
republicanism against the delinquency and “incivilities” of young rioters (characterized as “la
racaille” or scum). The only appropriate short term response is to further establish the
authority of the “moral order”, by implementing a “zero tolerance” policy towards urban
violence. Proponents envisage this approach, in the long term, as key to the re-invigoration of
the republican principles. The very notion of French citizenship has been restated: all French
citizens should enjoy the same rights, and all French citizens (but notably those of “foreign
origin”) should respect the duties related to their civic status. In the same spirit, the “contract
of integration” now requires newcomers to endorse the “grand principles of the republic”, as
well as “the values of French society”.
An alternative reading of the 2005 riots has been developed by those who argued that
the rebellion of the youth of the banlieues (characterized as marginalized neighbourhoods or
deprived areas) against long-term racial discrimination, unemployment, and exclusion from
“Frenchness” – despite the fact that they are predominantly French citizens. Moreover, in this
view, the French model is not only unable to address these issues, but these issues are also the
result of the French republican form of abstract universalism. According to proponents of this
position, the denial of the “rights of minorities,” coupled with the insistence on cultural
assimilation, fuels discrimination and legitimises a form of differential racism, which, in turn,
fosters resentment among those who suffer from discrimination. A vicious circle thus ensues.
It is worth noting that these two opposite perspectives share many of the same
premises. They both view France as a multi-ethnic society characterized by an increasing
cultural and religious diversity. They also both focus on the figure of the “North African”, or
alternatively the “French Muslim,” as a source of major test of the viability of the integrative
capacity of French society. As Jeremy Jennings (2000: 582) notes, “at the top of the list
comes the recognition that the foreign population in France has changed.” Finally, these two
perspectives both seek to address the same series of questions although they offer divergent
responses to these questions: Is the republican model of integration still relevant in dealing
with diversity? Should this model be seen as a source of “emancipation” (to use the notion
initially embedded in the republican project) through the promotion of individual rights? Or
rather viewed as an exclusionary ideology aimed at rendering invisible (in policy terms) the
visible minorities intent on remaining ignorant of discriminatory processes? Ultimately, can
republican universalism be balanced with the recognition of particular minority groups in
order to fight racism and discrimination effectively?
The central puzzle to be addressed in this paper is how and why the principle of
‘indifferentiation’, embedded in the French model of integration, has become a vehicle for
both inclusion and exclusion. This will be done by assessing the basic policy principles
included in this model, and by evaluating its capacity to deal with the main concerns that
currently challenge the explicit goal of republican integration. The first section examines the
special emphasis placed on the historical and political evolution of republican principles.
First, in contrast to the traditional republican mantra which tends to dismiss the
realities of (past and present) racism by providing a fictional rosy picture of previous
immigration and integration, I argue that the French republican model was not initially
designed to integrate immigrants. On the contrary, the objective was to achieve the integration
of nationals (Breton, Corsican, or whatever) though a more rigid distinction between French
citizens and foreigners. On the other hand, when viewed through historical lenses, this model
has proved to be unexpectedly successful. Current opponents to traditional republicanism
have to concede that the “ethnic blindness” paradigm was aimed at fighting the legacy of
racial colonialism and identity-based racism. Essentially, in the post WW II French context,
the non-recognition of racial or ethnic categories was not illiberal. It was, rather, grounded in
a set of democratic principles and institutions sketched out in 1946 and consolidated by the
1958 Constitution. Yet these principles and institutions were unable to prevent the emergence
of new forms of racism, specifically the differential racism of social exclusion.
The current “ethnicization of public policies” has been fuelled by certain socioeconomic problems (notably, high levels of unemployment), combined with the political
malaise that has characterized France since the mid-1980s. With regards to the “visibility of
the others”, notably immigrants and nationals of North African origin, in this section I discuss
not only to the so-called “changing character of immigration” but also the increasing
dysfunction of the traditional tools of integration (such as education, housing policy, and the
labor market). The point at issue is not to endlessly debate about principles, but to address the
causes of the gap between these principles and policy outcomes.
The second section of the paper attempts to evaluate how public policy is formulated
and implemented when it comes to bridging this gap. My crucial concern is to analyze antiracism, both as an ideology and as a policy, in order to better understand the resilience of – if
not the increase in – racist violence and discrimination in France. Clearly, the legal arsenal at
the disposal of the French state available to fight racism is quite impressive. Yet, while
support for racist beliefs is declining, the number of racist acts of violence is increasing.
In this section I examine two sets of factors to explain this puzzle. The first one is
related to the ambivalence of the republican anti-racism. Does the denial of the category of
“race” undermine the fight against racism? Conversely, does the introduction of “race
policies” susceptible to improve this fight? The second factor highlights to the limitations of
the republican approach to anti-racism, by suggesting that the French legislation only deals
with the manifestations of racism, while not addressing effectively the underlying roots of
exclusion. When some victims subsequently become perpetrators, the relationship between
principle and policy inevitably becomes more complex.
The third section of the paper examines the new anti-discrimination framework. In
contrast to the anti-racist legislation, it is supposed to address the root causes of exclusion. A
brief assessment of this framework, however, highlights a series of difficulties faced by the
French republican model. How can the republic respond to ethnic discrimination if there are
no reliable data about ethnic minorities? Might the introduction of ethnic categorization
strengthen the ethnicization of public policies and, subsequently, legitimize ethnic
discrimination? Beyond the controversy over the production of ethnic data and the
introduction of some degree of “positive discrimination”, the reformulation of republicanism
in France raises crucial issues, especially in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks that occurred
in the US and Europe. Before 9/11, the integration of migrant and minority groups was
undermined by the persistent socio-economic exclusion and a rampant Islamophobia. Since
then, it is the republican model itself that is threatened by the turn to law as state of exception.
The proliferation of a discourse and a related practice of policing in France may favor a
regime of exceptions in which the “others” (notably the Muslim “enemy inside”) will suffer
from tougher discrimination.
Outline
1. Racism without race: the apparent paradox of the French republican model
- The republican philosophy of integration
- The unintended success of the French model
- Ethnic/racial blindness and the visibility of the “others”
2. Racist violence and discrimination: the question of exclusion
- The ambiguities of the republican anti-racism
- The excluded, the victims and the perpetrators
3. Anti-discrimination and republicanism: the diversity/security dilemma
- The new anti-discrimination framework
- Equality before the law vs. the state of exception as rule
Annexes
Table 1.
There are too many immigrants in France (%)
1988
1995
2002
2003
35
41
25
27
2005
32
2006
25
1988-2006
- 10
There are not too many immigrants in France (%)
1988
1995
2002
2003
2005
2006
29
25
38
38
31
36
Sources: CEVIPOF surveys; TNS-Sofres/Le Monde/RTL opinion polls
1988-2006
+7
Tolerance in France (CNCDH report)
- 74% of the French population believed that immigration was “a source of enrichment”
- Discrimination against minority groups was condemned by a large majority: 61%
agreed, for example, with the statement that “to deny North African immigrants
access to labor market is a very grave offense”; and 67% supported the idea that the
fight against racism and discrimination should be more effective
- Religious tolerance is quite widespread: 77% believed that Muslim practices should be
respected and 44% favored the idea that more Imams should be trained in France.
- Only 33% believed that Muslims will never integrate into French society
Table 2: anti-racist legislation in France
Anti Propaganda:
- Legislation against racist and antiSemitic propaganda (hate speech)
- Legislation against the apology or
denial of the Holocaust (négationisme)
- Restrictions on the freedom of the
press
-
-
Anti
Extremist
Behavior
and
Discrimination:
- Legislation against militarization of
political parties (militias)
- Legislation against the wearing of
arms
- Legislation restricting freedom of
assembly (preservation of public
order)
- Legislation regulating the modalities
of street demonstrations (public order)
-
-
-
Law of July 1st, 1972 (Pleven Law)
completed in June 1977 (limitations to
the freedom of the press by
modification of the law of July 29,
1881)
Law of July 13, 1990 (Gayssot Law)
penalizing hate speech
Law of March 9, 2004 (extension of
the period of prescription to one year)
Law of June 21, 2004 on racist
propaganda via Internet
Decrees of October 23, 1935 (new
article 7 Law 1901, prevention of
subversive activities by restrictions on
street demonstrations, no wearing of
arms)
Penal Code (ex: articles 187-1, 187-2
and 416-1 in 1972 on racist and
discriminatory behavior) + new Penal
Code in 1994 (articles 225 and 432)
Civil Code (article 1131)
Law of November 16, 2001 and Law
of March 9, 2004 (augmentation of
penalties for racist discrimination)
-
Law of February 3, 2003 (the notion
of « aggravating circumstances » that
enhances penalties)
Table 3
Table 4
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