Ellipsis and expansion of auxiliary constructions in the

Ellipsis and expansion of auxiliary constructions in the Perfect
Workshop coordinators: Kristin Melum Eide (NTNU-Trondheim) & Marc Fryd (U. of Poitiers)
The aim of this workshop is to investigate instances of the Perfect where, contrary to canonical patterns (e.g.
[Fr.] Je l’ai vue / [Eng.] I’ve seen her); [Fr.] Je dois l’avoir vue / [Eng.] I must have seen her), one finds a wealth
of non-canonical constructions illustrating either structural ellipsis or structural expansion.
The former is, for instance, illustrated in the optional auxiliary ellipsis likely to affect haben or sein from the
second half of the Early Modern German period (c1500>), e.g. [1660] ‘die grosse Noth / welche sie in dem
Schmalkaldian Krieg außgestanden [ø]’ (the big misery which they in the Schmalkadian war suffered [have]).
This trend, however, decreases rapidly in the 18th century (cf. Breitbarth, 2005). Probably under the influence of
German, the same feature is also found simultaneously in Swedish and Norse (cf. Larsson, 2009: 379), where it
still thrives today, though syntactic restrictions may apply, such as in subordinate clauses (e.g. [Norw.] ‘Jag vet
at hun *(har) skrivit brevet’ (I know that she has written the.letter) / [Swed.] ‘Jeg vet att hon (har) skrevit brevet’
(I know that she has written the.letter)). In Late Middle English and up to the Early Modern English period,
auxiliary ellipsis is also possible (e.g. [1461] ‘at hes comyng he undrestode ye were not there, and if ye had, my
Lorde desired you to come and spoken with hym’ (upon his arrival he understood you were not there, and if you
had, my Lord would have desired you to have come and have spoken with him). This pattern is especially
productive with modal auxiliaries: [1449] ‘Meche oþer langage we hadde qhyche xuld taken long leysyr in
wrytyng’ (we had a further exchange which would have taken a long time (to couch) in writing). In Present-Day
English, though largely ignored, the pattern is far from extinct, even if it appears to be restricted either to pockets
of regional varieties of English, or to a limited set of past participles, most notably ‘liked’, e.g. [1861] ‘Tell
Aunt Mary & Abby I should liked to have seen them as bad as they did me’; [2012] ‘Syracuse football coach
Doug Marrone would liked to have seen ‘Northeastern’ conference. In Scandinavian languages, however, the
pattern remains productive: e.g. ‘Dette ville vært et problem’ (this would [have] been a problem).
Expansion comes in many guises. German exhibits a double (present or past) perfect (e.g. ‘Sie haben/hätte
gegessen gehabt’ (she has/had eaten had). This form is attested from the Early Modern German period, where it
is spurred, no doubt, by the aoristic drift affecting the present perfect, well on its way to take over from the
simple preterite for remote past time reference. In Present-Day usage, however, the pattern appears to be largely
restricted to regional varieties. The English language also exhibits a double perfect form of its own (see Denison
2000), e.g. ‘Little Dombey was my friend at old Blimber’s, and would have been now, if he’d have lived…’. The
cliticised ’ve auxiliary, often written of in unguarded texts is also extremely productive in instances such as ‘I
wish he hadn’t’ve left’. In more audacious instances, which are by no means rare, the double perfect displays
two consecutive, probably homophonous, forms, e.g. ‘I lost my cellphone about 4 weeks ago and somebody
must of have been using it’.
In Romance languages, French, for one, exhibits a double perfect (the so-called “passé surcomposé”) which may
be found in Standard French but is perhaps more productive in regional varieties, e.g. in Swiss French: ‘C’est
vrai, alors que j’ai eu trouvé les minutes longues, voilà que maintenant les heures sont courtes!’ (… while I have
[had] found …) (Apotheloz, 2010: 98). In Present-Day Spanish, meanwhile, one may witness the development
of a strikingly innovative collocation combining two finite auxiliary verbs (‘fué’ (BE, Past 3Sg ) + ‘ha’ (HAVE,
Pres 3Sg), followed by a past participle, e.g. ‘La movilización de los universitarios no fué ha sido autorizada’ (…
[was has not been authorised]…). The pattern is not restricted to the passive, e.g. ‘Nueva pregunta del Hilo
Lotus F1 Team: ¿Quién fué ha sido el único piloto campeón F1 postumo, con cúal equipo y en que año?’ (…
[was has been]…).
One of the aims of the workshop should be to assess the extent to which both of these phenomena (ellipsis and
expansion) can be addressed by formal or informal theories on tenses and compound tenses, and how, if at all,
they may be accounted for in Reichenbachian terms. The postulate held by the organisers is that no principled
account of the Perfect may be achieved at the cost of ignoring language as it is used, however marginal or “nonstandard” those features may be.
Papers presented at the workshop will address any of the linguistic features presented here or of a similar nature
in other languages, seeking –the list is not exhaustive– to shed light on their historical development, on the
possible syntactic, semantic or phonological constraints at play, on the possible roles played by types of
discourse and register, or on sociolinguistic factors such as reception and acceptability.
References:
Apothéloz, Denis. (2010) ‘Le passé surcomposé existentiel.’ Etudes Romanes de Brno, 31 (1):97-109.
Breitbarth, Anne (2005) Live fast, die young—the short life of Early Modern German auxiliary ellipsis. LOT
Dissertation series Nr 115, Utrecht.
Denison, David (2000) ‘Combining English Auxiliaries.’ Pathways of Change: Grammaticalization in English,
ed. by Olga Fischer, Anette Rosenbach, and Dieter Stein. John Benjamins.
Eide, Kristin Melum (2011) ‘The Ghost of the Old Norse Subjunctive: the Norwegian Subjunctive Participle.’
Groninger Arbeiten zur germanistischen Linguistik, vol. 53(2): 1-28, special issue on Diachronic and
synchronic studies on time, tense and aspect in varieties of English and other Germanic languages, Marc
Fryd, guest editor.
Fryd, Marc (To appear) ‘Morphological variation in the English Infinitive Perfect: some remarks on the
historical development of have-omission.’ Cahiers Chronos.
Larsson, Ida (2009) Participles in Time: The Development of the Perfect Tense in Swedish. Doctoral
Dissertation. Göteborg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis.
Paper proposals for the Eide & Fryd workshop at Chronos 12
Ø Proposal 1
Non-tensed finite clauses in Swedish
Fredrik Heinat (Linnaeus University)
In Swedish, finiteness is morphologically marked by tensed verb forms, as in many other languages. However, it
has for a long time been known that in Swedish it is possible to leave out the finite auxiliary ha 'have' in
embedded clauses, so called ha-deletion, (1) (see Andersson and Dahl, 1974; Holmberg, 1986; Julien, 2002;
Platzack, 1986). This possibility exists even in main clauses when ha does not occupy the verb second position,
(2) (Holmberg,1986; Platzack, 1986; Sells, 2005, 2007):
(1) a. Lisa sa att Eva (hade) läst boken.
Lisa said that Eva (had) read the book
'Lisa said that Eva had read the book.'
b. Lisa påstår att Eva(har) ätit lasagne.
Lisa claims that Eva (has) eaten lasagna
'Lisa claims that Eva has eaten lasagna.'
(2) a. Lisa kanske(har) läst boken.
Lisa maybe (has) read the book
'Maybe Lisa has read the book.'
b. Kanske Lisa(har) ätit lasagne förut.
Maybe Lisa (has)eaten lasagna before
'Maybe, Lisa has eaten lasagna before.'
c. Kanske*(har) Lisa ätit lasagne förut.
maybe (has) Lisa eaten lasagna before
'Maybe, Lisa has eaten lasagna before.'
The effect of ha-deletion is that a clause which to all intents and purposes is finite, contains no finite verb form.
This paper presets an account of this deletion in the constraint based frame work Lexical Functional Grammar. It
is argued that in all conditions in which ha is optional, there is something else than ha that provides the clause
with a Finite feature. A careful analysis of the data reveals that in Swedish there are several ways in which the
feature Finite can be introduced in a clause: by the Phrase Structure-rule that licenses a subject, by
complementizers, by an adverb marked Finite+, and by a finite verb.
References
Andersson, Anders-Börje, and Östen Dahl. 1974. Against the penthouse principle. Linguistic
Inquiry 5:451-453.
Holmberg, Anders. 1986. Word order and syntactic features in the Scandinavian languages and
English. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Stockholm.
Julien, Marit. 2002. Optional ha in Swedish and Norwegian. The Journal of Comparative
Germanic Linguistics 5:67_95.
Platzack, Christer. 1986. COMP, INFL and Germanic word order. In Topics in Scandinavian
syntax ,ed. L. Hellan and K. K. Christensen, 185_234. Dordrecht: Reidel.
Sells, Peter. 2005. Morphological and constructional expression and recoverability of verbal
features. In Morphology and the web of grammar, ed. C. Orhan Orgun and Peter Sells,
197-224. Stanford, CA.: CSLI Publications.
Sells, Peter. 2007. Finiteness in non-transformational syntactic frameworks. In Finiteness:
Theoretical and empirical foundations, ed. Irina Nikolaeva, 59_88. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Ø Proposal 2
La surcomposition verbale et ses emplois existentiels en français
Denis Apothéloz (Université de Lorraine & ATILF)
Depuis une dizaine d’années, on assiste à une recrudescence des travaux consacrés aux formes
surcomposées du français (cf. les références ci-dessous). La majorité de ces travaux est consacrée au passé
surcomposé. Ce fait n’a rien de surprenant, car tous les spécialistes s’accordent à reconnaître que ce temps verbal
est, en français, la forme surcomposée de loin la plus fréquente.
L’analyse sémantique du passé surcomposé –l’étude de ses différents emplois et contextes d’emploi– est
en revanche loin de faire l’unanimité. L’approche défendue dans la présente communication consiste à
considérer que le passé surcomposé s’articule autour de deux emplois : (i) Un emploi clairement marqué comme
résultatif sur le plan aspectuo-temporel, et fortement contraint contextuellement ; prototypiquement (mais de
façon non exclusive), cet emploi est associé aux subordonnées temporelles ; (ii) un emploi existentiel, dans
lequel le passé surcomposé grammaticalise la valeur de parfait d’expérience. Dans beaucoup de cas, on peut
considérer que ce second emploi doublonne l’une des valeurs que peut par ailleurs produire le passé composé.
Sémantiquement, l’emploi (ii) peut être décrit comme l’application d’un quantificateur existentiel à une
situation. Il produit une signification glosable comme ‘S est advenu une fois au moins dans un intervalle
temporel donné’ (S désignant une situation). Quand il porte sur des individus, le quantificateur existentiel
présuppose que soit défini un ensemble. De la même manière, il présuppose, quand il porte sur des situations,
que soit défini un intervalle temporel.
L’auteur de la présente communication se propose d’étendre cette analyse aux formes surcomposées de
l’infinitif passé (avoir eu mangé), du participe présent (ayant eu mangé), du plus-que-parfait (avait eu mangé),
du futur antérieur (aura eu mangé), du conditionnel passé (aurait eu mangé) et du subjonctif passé (ait eu
mangé), en mettant l’accent sur l’emploi (ii).
L’approche adoptée sera purement synchronique, et essentiellement sémantique. Des considérations
morphologiques n’interviendront que sporadiquement, par exemple à propos de formulations susceptibles d’une
double analyse (comme un nez qu’il a eu cassé, où le participe qui suit eu peut être interprété comme attribut de
l’objet du passé composé a eu, ou comme une forme du passé surcomposé de casser). Les exemples étudiés
proviendront de corpus oraux et écrits (notamment de la base de données FRANTEXT) ainsi que de forums et de
blogs internet. Les emplois de type (ii) sont généralement reconnus comme régionaux, mais la présente
communication ne comportera pas de considérations de géographie linguistique.
Références
Apothéloz, D. (2012). La concurrence du passé composé et du passé surcomposé dans l’expression de la valeur
de parfait d’expérience. In : L. de Saussure, A. Rihs (éds), Etudes de sémantique et pragmatique
françaises. Berne : Peter Lang, 39-65.
Borel, M. (2015). L’évolution des formes verbales surcomposées en français. Communication présentée au
colloque DIACHRO VII, Paris, 5-7 févr. 2015.
Carruthers, J. (1999). A problem in sociolinguistic methodology: investigating a rare syntactic form. Journal of
French Language Studies, 9, 1-24.
Havu, J. (2013). Le passé surcomposé en français classique et moderne. In : F. Sullet-Nylander, H. Engel, G.
Engwall (éds), La linguistique dans tous les sens. Stockholm : Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets
Akademien, Konferenser 80, 37-58.
Holtus, G. (1995). Zur Verbreitung der formes surcomposées in den romanischen Sprachen. In : W. Dahmen, G.
Holtus, J. Kramer, M. Metzeltin, W. Schweickard, O. Winkelmann (eds), Konvergenz und Divergenz in
den romanischen Sprachen. Tübingen : Narr, 85-114.
Melchior, L. (2012). Tra esperienzialità e iteratività : il ‘passé surcomposé à valeur spéciale’ in francese (e in
altri idiomi romanzi). Revue de linguistique romane, 76, 65-98.
Schaden, G. (2009). Composés et surcomposés. Le “parfait” en français, allemand, anglais et espagnol. Paris :
L’Harmattan.
Wilmet, M. (2009). Le passé surcomposé sous la loupe. Journal of French Language Studies, 19, 381-399.
Ø Proposal 3
Past participle or simple past? Ellipsis of the auxiliary ‘have’ in Australian English narratives
Marie-Eve Ritz & Sophie Richard (University of Western Australia)
The aim of this paper is to examine a particular type of auxiliary ellipsis in sequences of present perfect (PP)
clauses in Australian English narratives and police media reports, and to contrast it with non-ellipsed cases. The
paper builds on previous work by Engel & Ritz (2000), Ritz & Engel (2008), Ritz (2007, 2010) which showed
that in this English variety and the two genres examined, the PP has acquired some of the functions of the Simple
Past (SP), namely, it can be used in sequences expressing temporal progression, and combines with past-time
adverbials. Nonetheless, the PP can still be used to express perfect meaning, and can be best described as a
‘pragmatic past tense’. The PP can be shown to contrast with the SP in discourse to produce a range of effects.
(Ritz, 2010:3411)
Within this context, it is interesting to take a closer look at sequences of clauses where the common subject
is ellipsed. Example (1) shows such a case in the second clause, where the presence of a past participle suggests
that two PPs have been conjoined and that the auxiliary has been ellipsed:
(1) …the frisbee’s hit a chandelier, broken part of it, and it’s landed down on a guy who’s sitting in the
audience. (Triple J radio, Sydney, 28.02.2000)
Of course, many English verbs have identical past participle and SP forms, as exemplified in (2). Here, two
clauses are conjoined with ‘and’, leading to the reasonable assumption that the second and third VP are in their
past participial forms:
(2) ‘‘And then he’s taken him up into his arms, he’s rocked it and held it like it was his own child and then
taken him off to the ambulance,’’ Mr. Fitzgerald said. [Quote from a police officer describing the rescue by
a police constable of a baby from a house on fire.] (The West Australian, 12.4.2000)
So that the ellipsed forms would then amount to “…and [he’s] held it/taken him…”. However, now consider
(3):
(3) A vehicle has pulled up behind him and a male person has walked over to the driver’s side […] The male
driver has panicked and drove away. (Craig Bailey, WA Police Media, 26.7.2005) (Ritz, 2010:3405)
Here, the second VP in the two underlined conjoined clauses has the form of a SP. While such examples are not
overly frequent, they are exemplified in our corpora, even sometimes in cases of reasonably ‘fixed’ constructions
such as ‘go and VP’:
(4) …so I’ve thrown the biggest tanti [tantrum], gone and hid under me bed for the most of the day… (Nova
93.7 FM radio, Perth, 19 02. 2004)
We also find cases where the first of two conjoined clauses is in the SP and the second, with an ellipsed subject,
is in the PP:
(5) This [= a bottle] was thrown through the driver’s open window and has struck the driver in the left eye. (Ros
Weatherall, WA Police Media, 4. 11. 2005).
Given the above examples, we need to be cautious about the way in which we code data. When presented with
examples such as “he’s come out/turned around and said…”, or any sequence of clauses with an ellipsed subject
and a verb whose past participle has the same form as a SP, we cannot be certain that the form of the VP is
intended to be the same in each clause. Nor can the presence of an irregular participle guarantee that the form is
indeed a perfect, as, at least for some speakers, the distinction between the two forms appears to have become
blurred. This is illustrated in example (6) where the auxiliary combines with the SP form of undo:
(6) … I had a bright pink halter neck dress on. And um, he’s undid it just as they’ve taken the photo and both
coconuts have fallen out. (Nova 93.7 FM radio, Perth, 7. 02. 2004)
The present paper explores the hypothesis that the auxiliary (either realized in full as has/have or elided as ’s/’ve)
may be becoming a marker in its own right, and so serve functions which are distinct from the tenses used for
narration (i.e. SP and Narrative Present). In order to examine the question further, we focus on the contrast
between examples where the auxiliary is repeated in each of a sequence of clauses (as in (7)) with examples
where it is not present (as in (1) and (2) above).
(7) So I’ve got a texta, I’ve held her head straight and I’ve written on her forehead ‘Hi Mum, I’ve tried drugs for
the first time.’ (Triple J radio Sydney, 29.02.2000)
We use a set of three corpora, (i) spoken narratives contributed by speakers calling Australian radio chat-show
programs; (ii) spoken narratives collected through face-to-face interviews; (iii) more formalized written
narratives exemplified by police media reports. We explore the discourse functions of the auxiliary in terms of
its ability to define distinct sub-episodes, in a sense ‘bracketing’ particular sequences that relate to the main
topic, following Ritz’s (2007, 2010) analyses. Finally, we discuss results in relation to Ritz’s proposed semantics
for this vivid narrative perfect.
References:
Engel, Dulcie, Ritz, Marie-Eve, 2000. The use of the present perfect in Australian English. Australian Journal of
Linguistics 20 (2), 119–140.
Ritz, Marie-Eve, Engel, Dulcie, 2008. ‘Vivid narrative use’ and the present perfect in spoken Australian English.
Linguistics 46 (1), 131–160.
Ritz, Marie-Eve, 2007. Perfect change: synchrony meets diachrony. In: Salmons, J., Dubenion-Smith, S. (Eds.),
Historical Linguistics 2005. Selected papers from the 17th International Conference on Historical
Linguistics, 31 July–5 August 2005. Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 284. Benjamins, Amsterdam,
pp. 133–147.
Ritz, Marie-Eve. 2010. “The perfect crime? Illicit uses of the present perfect in Australian police media
releases.” Journal of Pragmatics 42: 3400-3417.
Ø Proposal 4
Tense recursion and the structure of auxiliaries
Ida Larsson (University of Oslo) & Ellen Brandner (University of Konstanz)
The possibility of so-called perfect doubling (1) is widespread in varieties of German, Italian and French, and it
occurs to a more limited extent also in Dutch and Danish (Koeneman et al., Barbiers et al.).
(1) Ich habe
das ganz
vergessen gehabt
I
have.PRES that completely forget.PTC have.PTC
(1) can have several interpretations: (i) a temporal one in which it has the same reading as a pluperfect and (ii)
what Barbiers et al. call a superperfect which roughly expresses that the target state no longer holds at the speech
time.
We suggest that on the pluperfect reading of the double perfect, the finite auxiliary is tenseless, but the two
participles both spell out a non-finite past tense. Paired with the assumption that morphologically simplex forms
block complex forms (e.g. Minimize exponence, Siddiqi), this accounts for the fact the pluperfect reading of the
double perfect is only attested in varieties that have lost the simple past, i.e. varieties where finiteness and tense
are not spelled out together. It also explains why perfect doubling is sometimes required in subjunctives, even in
Standard German. Moreover, we argue that the superperfect involves additional tense recursion. Among other
things, the distribution of temporal adverbs suggest that the superperfect has two layers of past tense (like a
pluperfect) plus a finite (present or past) tense. We can also show that the lexical participle has the properties of
an ordinary perfect participle (contra Koeneman et al.).
In our account, the (im-)possibility of double perfects (and tense recursion) boils down to the inventory of
different grammaticalized auxiliaries, allowing iteration or not. We assume that vacuous tense recursion is
banned, and that the superperfect is therefore only possible in varieties where the two auxiliaries in double
perfects make partly different semantic contributions. Focusing on Germanic, we suggest that the cross-linguistic
patterns are a consequence of the different stages of grammaticalization of the perfect auxiliary; varieties that
have the superperfect have a less grammaticalized auxiliary HAVE of the English type, as well as a more
grammaticalized auxiliary of the German type. In this way, we tie the availability of the double perfect to other
properties of the perfect.
The languages that disallow perfect doubling all have a perfect of the English type. They disallow positional
past adverbials in the present perfect. Furthermore, they lack auxiliary selection, but have HAVE as the only
temporal auxiliary. We argue that this clustering of properties is not a coincidence, but should be given a unified
treatment. Again, we tie the varying semantics of perfects to variations in the structure of the auxiliaries, while
assuming that perfect participle morphology always spells out T+past (Julien, Larsson). We can then account for
the different readings of simple and double perfects as a consequence of the combination of auxiliaries (with
varying properties) with the invariant meaning of the participle (past). This is a welcome result as it places the
variation (and diachronic development) in the functional makeup of lexical items (auxiliaries), rather than in the
syntactic or semantic component.
References:
Barbiers S. et al. subm. Mesocomparative Syntax of Perfect Doubling.
Julien M. 2001. The syntax of complex tenses. The Linguistic Review 18:125–167.
Koeneman O. et al. 2001. Perfect doubling. Linguistic Variation 11:35–37.
Larsson I. 2009. Participles in Time. Gothenburg.
Siddiqi, D. 2006. Minimize Exponence: Economy Effects on a Model of the Morphosyntactic Component of the
Grammar. Diss. Arizona.
Ø Proposal 5
Auxiliary reduction and omission in secondary grammaticalization:
Evidence from the periphrastic past in Spanish
Lewis (Chad) Howe (University of Georgia)
The correspondence between meaning and phonetic form has long been discussed in the literature on
grammaticalization, which maintains that elements with more abstract (grammatical) meaning tend to be shorter
and more reduced (Givón 1979, Bybee et al. 1994, Lehmann 1995). In their analysis of tonal erosion in Sinitic
languages, Ansaldo and Lim observe that grammaticalized items “show phonetic erosion [reduction] when
compared to their lexical counterparts” and that this erosion is in fact “[o]ne of the salient aspects of the
grammaticalization process” (2002:345,360). Nevertheless, recent studies have questioned this claim, observing
that phonetic reduction is not necessarily linked to more abstract (i.e. grammaticalized) meaning (see Amaral et
al. 2013, Gradoville 2013). Following Traugott (2002), the current study assumes a distinction between 'primary'
and 'secondary' grammaticalization, the latter referring to changes that do not involve a shift in grammatical
category but rather extension of semantic/pragmatic meaning. By analyzing patterns of phonetic reduction of a
form undergoing secondary grammaticalization, in this case the perfectivization of the periphrastic past (or
perfect) in Peninsular Spanish (see Schwenter & Torres Cacoullos 2008), I argue that reduction is not a "salient"
feature of secondary grammaticalization.
Various studies, such as Bybee (2002), have shown that the rate of deletion (or reduction/lenition) of intervocalic
/d/ in Spanish is greater with participles than with other lexical, non-grammaticalized classes (see also Blas
Arroyo 2006). The current analysis observes patterns of erosion and omission of auxiliaries in the Spanish
periphrastic past and demonstrates that sound change in morphosyntax is more gradient than observed by Bybee
(2002, and others). The data were extracted from a corpus of spoken Spanish consisting of sociolinguistic
interviews with speakers from Alcalá de Henares, Spain, a dialect in which the periphrastic past displays the
perfect to perfective development characteristic of other Peninsular varieties (see Howe 2013). The results of the
current study call into question Ansaldo and Lim's claim regarding the general role of phonetic reduction in
linguistic change, suggesting instead that erosion in secondary change can be the result of factors that are not
correlated per se with the process of grammaticalization.
References:
Amaral, Patrícia, Meghan Armstrong, & Luciana Lucente. 2013. Phonetic cues in the production of aspectual
periphrases. Paper presented at LSRL 44. New York University.
Ansaldo, Umberto and Lisa Lim. 2002. Phonetic absence as syntactic prominence: Grammaticalization in
isolating total languages. Up and down the Cline-The Nature of Grammaticalization, ed. by O. Fischer, M.
Norde and H. Perridon, 345-362. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Blas Arroyo, José Luis. 2006. Hasta aquí hemos llega(d)o: ¿Un caso de variación morfológica? Factores
estructurales y estilísticos en el español de una comunidad bilingüe. Southwest Journal of Linguistics 25.3973.
Bybee, Joan L. 2002.Word frequency and context of use in the lexical diffusion of phonetically conditioned
sound change. Language Variation and Change 14.261–290.
Givón, Talmy. 1979. On Understanding Grammar. New York: Academic Press.
Gradoville, Michael. 2013. Grammaticization and phonetic reduction: The case of Caraqueño Spanish para.
Paper presented at NWAV 42. University of Pittsburgh.
Howe, Chad. 2013. The Spanish Perfects. Basingstoke/New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Lehmann, Christian. 1995 [1982]. Thoughts on grammaticalization. München / Newcastle: Lincom Europa.
Schwenter, Scott A. & Rena Torres Cacoullos. 2008. Defaults and indeterminacy in temporal
grammaticalization: The ‘perfect’ road to perfective. Language Variation and Change, 20.1–39.
Traugott, Elizabeth C. 2002. From etymology to historical pragmatics. Studies in the History of the English
Language, ed. by D. Minkova and R. Stockwell, 19-39. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.