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PATHÉ ET HARPO FILMS PRÉSENTENT UNE PRODUCTION PLAN B/ CLOUD EIGHT FILMS/ HARPOCASTINGFILMS EN ASSOCIATIOMUSIQUE
N AVEC INGENIOUS MEDIA UN FILM DE AVA DUVERNAY DAVID OYELOWO ‘SELMA’ TOM WILKINSON CARMEN JOGO GIOVANNI
RIBISI ALESSANDRO NIVOLA CUBAPRODUCTEURS
GOODING JR.AVEC TIM ROTH ET OPRAH WINFREY DEAISHA COLEY DE JASON MORAN COSTUMIERECHEF RUTH E. CARTER MONTEURCHEFPRODUIT
SPENCER AVERICK DÉCORATEURCHEF MARK FRIEDBERG
DIRECTEUR DE LA
PHOTOGRAPHIE BRADFORD YOUNG EXECUTIFS BRAD PITT CAMERON MCCRACKEN DIARMUID MCKEOWN NIK BOWER PAUL GARNES AVA DUVERNAY NAN MORALES PAR CHRISTIAN COLSON OPRAH WINFREY DEDE GARDNER
JEREMY KLEINER ÉCRITPAR PAUL WEBB RÉALISÉPAR AVA DUVERNAY
©2014 Pathé Productions Limited. Tous droits réservés.
DOSSIER
pedagogique
SELMA
DOSSIER
pedagogique
SELMA
Un film de Ava DuVernay
DVD Pathé
Dossier rédigé par Aurélie Duchaussoy,
professeure d’anglais, et Magali Bourrel
(entretien avec Pap Ndiaye), journaliste,
pour Zérodeconduite, en partenariat avec
Pathé Distribution et le Réseau Canopé.
Crédits photos du film Selma :
© Atsushi Nishijima
SELMA
Un film de Ava DuVernay
Pour tout renseignement :
[email protected] / 01 40 34 92 08
http://www.zerodeconduite.net
SOMMAIRE DU DOSSIER
Introductionp. 3
Fiche technique du film
p. 4
Dans les programmes
p. 5
Entretien avec l’historien Pap Ndiaye
p. 6
Chronologie des événements
p. 11
Activités pédagogiques (Anglais)
p. 12
Activité 1 : Fighting for the right to vote
p. 12
Activité 2 : Different Perspectives
p. 14
Activité 3 : MLK, an American hero p. 20
Activité 4 : MLK's legacy
p. 24
Activité 5 : Final tasks
p. 27
Activité 6 : Pour aller plus loin
p. 28
Corrigé des activités
p. 35
P.2
INTRODUCTION
Selma
DOSSIER
pedagogique
Sa place dans le panthéon hollywoodien est inversement proportionnelle à son importance dans l’histoire américaine (c’est le seul
personnage, avec Christophe Colomb et George Washington, à avoir « son » jour férié, célébré chaque troisième lundi de janvier aux ÉtatsUnis) : hormis quelques documentaires ou fictions télé, quelques allusions dans des fictions plus grand public (Ali de Michael Mann) le
révérend Martin Luther King Jr est resté quasi absent des écrans depuis sa mort en 1968.
S’inscrivant dans une vague de films portant à l’écran, directement (12 years a slave de Steve Mac Queen, Le Majordome de Lee Daniels) ou
indirectement (Lincoln de Steven Spielberg), la mémoire afro-américaine, Selma est le premier véritable long-métrage de cinéma sur MLK.
Pourtant la réalisatrice afro-américaine Ava DuVernay a su éviter le piège du « biopic » apologétique hollywoodien en se concentrant sur
l’un des combats de King les moins connus du public, à savoir la marche de Selma à Montgomery. Beaucoup moins ancrée dans l’imaginaire
collectif que «l’autre marche » sur Washington, le boycott des bus lié à l’arrestation de Rosa Parks ou bien sûr le fameux discours «I have
a dream» qui mena à la déségrégation en 1964, elle n’en constitue pas moins une date majeure du Civil Rights Movement, et contient des
questions qui restent aujourd’hui d’une brûlante actualité (cf les émeutes de Ferguson).
Le film débute en 1965, alors que King, fort d’avoir obtenu la signature du Equal Rights Act garantissant l’égalité des droits civiques pour
toutes les communautés américaines, reçoit le Prix Nobel de la Paix à Oslo. Mais l’illusion de la victoire est de courte durée : dans les états du
Sud le racisme fait rage, tuant au hasard femmes et enfants, et refusant aux Noirs le plein exercice du droit de vote (de nombreux obstacles
légaux et techniques étaient mis en place pour empêcher leur inscription sur les listes électorales). Face à la violence et aux intimidations,
Martin Luther King Jr et la Southern Christian Leadership Conference répondent par la désobéissance civile, avec un art consommé de la
stratégie politique. Le film montre comment, en l’espace de trois mois, la ville de Selma devient l’enjeu d’un combat national sur la défense
d’un droit soi-disant déjà acquis, mais si difficile à faire respecter, obligeant peu à peu le président Johnson à statuer sur une question dont
il espérait ne pas avoir à se mêler.
A l’heure où la France se pose la question du racisme, de l’intégration des minorités et de la vie en commun, Selma offre aux enseignants
le point de départ pédagogique idéal pour une réflexion approfondie sur les droits et devoirs du citoyen, et aux élèves un modèle de
persévérance réfléchie et pacifique pour faire face à l’injustice et à la violence.
P.3
FICHE TECHNIQUE
Selma
DOSSIER
pedagogique
Selma
Année : 2014
Langue : anglais
Pays : États-Unis
Durée : 122 mn
Éditeur du DVD : Pathé
Un film de : Ava DuVernay
Avec : David Oyelowo, Carmen Ejogo, Oprah Winfrey, Tim Roth, Tom Wilkinson…
Synopsis :
Selma retrace la lutte historique du Dr Martin Luther King Jr. pour garantir le droit de vote à tous les citoyens
américains. Face à un président Johnson peu enclin à signer une nouvelle loi en faveur des afro-américains
( à qui il venait de garantir la déségration totale des états du sud l’année précédente), King s’engagea dans
une campagne de sensibilisation à hauts risques. Après avoir levé le voile sur la violence inouïe subie par les
citoyens noirs dans certains états américains, celle-ci s’acheva par une longue marche, depuis la ville de Selma
jusqu’à celle de Montgomery en Alabama. Cette manifestation pacifique réunit des hommes et femmes de
toutes couleurs, âges et religions dans un élan solidaire de défense des droits démocratiques garantis par la
Constitution mais malmenés par des hommes de loi rétrogrades.
Selma retrace l’histoire de citoyens ordinaires qui, de par leur détermination et leur conviction, parviennent à
faire évoluer non seulement la législation mais les mœurs de leur pays, sans jamais céder à la tentation de la
riposte face à la violence et à l’intimidation auxquelles ils doivent inlassablement faire face. Le film se clôt sur
leur victoire : la signature en 1965 de «l’Equal Rights Act» garantissant à chacun que leur droit de vote ne serait
désormais plus jamais soumis à quelques conditions imaginaires devisées par leurs opposants.
+ d’infos sur le film :
http://www.pathefilms.com/film/selma
P.4
DANS LES PROGRAMMES
Enseignement
Selma
DOSSIER
pedagogique
Niveau
Dans les programmes
Anglais
4ème / 3ème
«L’ici et l’ailleurs» : le civil rights movement
Anglais
Seconde
«L’art de vivre ensemble» mémoires : héritages et ruptures
Anglais
Cycle terminal
Mythes et héros» (Martin Luther King) / «Lieux et formes du pouvoir» (la
«
désobéissance civile)
P.5
REPÈRES
DOSSIER
pedagogique
Professeur des universités à l’Institut d’études politiques de Paris, Pap Ndiaye est spécialiste de l’histoire sociale des Etats-Unis où il a
étudié et enseigné. Il s’intéresse également aux situations minoritaires en France (histoire et sociologie des populations noires). Parmi
ses publications : La condition noire. Essai sur une minorité française, Calmann-Lévy, 2008, 436 p., Prix Jean-Michel Gaillard des
“Rendez-vous de l’Histoire” de Blois (2008), Edition de poche en septembre 2009 (Gallimard, collection Folio), Les Noirs américains.
En marche pour l’égalité, Paris, Gallimard, collection “Découvertes”, 2009, 160 p..
Propos recueillis par Magali Bourrel
Pouvez-vous revenir sur le contexte historique et politique des marches qui se sont déroulées entre les
villes de Selma et Montgomery dans l’État américain de l’Alabama en mars 1965 ?
Depuis la fin du XIXème siècle, le sud des États-Unis se caractérise par l’institution de la ségrégation surtout dans les années 1880 - et par la privation du droit de vote. Bien qu’en théorie, selon la Constitution,
les Afro-Américains disposaient du droit de vote depuis 1870, il est, dans certains États du sud, tributaire
de la réussite à un test de type scolaire et d’une taxe que la plupart des Noirs n’avaient pas les moyens de
payer. Des citoyens américains sont écartés du scrutin électoral dans le sud du pays tandis qu’au nord, le
premier membre afro-américain du Congrès est élu en 1928. De nombreux représentants noirs originaires
des villes de New York, Detroit et Chicago seront ensuite élus dans les années 30, 40 et 50. Il convient de
rappeler que la marche s’achève dans la ville de Montgomery où Rosa Parks avait été arrêtée par la police
après avoir refusé de céder sa place à un passager blanc dans l’autobus en décembre 1955. Un événement
déclencheur qui encouragea un jeune pasteur noir inconnu, Martin Luther King Jr, à lancer une campagne
de boycott contre la compagnie de bus. C’était le début d’une longue série de manifestations non-violentes.
La loi signée le 2 juillet 1964 par Lyndon Baines Johnson interdisant la discrimination dans les bâtiments publics, l’administration et les emplois est une première victoire pour
le Mouvement pour les droits civiques. Théoriquement, les lieux publics ne peuvent plus être séparés entre Blancs et gens de couleur, « whites » and « colored », comme c’était
le cas dans le sud du pays à l’époque. Mais les Noirs du sud essaient en vain de s’inscrire sur les listes électorales. Il s’agit donc d’exercer une pression sur le président démocrate
Johnson jusqu’à ce qu’il signe, en août 1965 le Voting Rights Act qui supprima entre autres ces restrictions et permit donc à toute la population noire de voter.
P.6
REPÈRES
DOSSIER
pedagogique
Quels sont, en plus de la figure emblématique de Martin Luther King, les
différentes personnes et associations qui constituent le Mouvement des droits
civiques ?
L’église noire du sud des États-Unis a joué un grand rôle dans le mouvement
pour les droits civiques. Après le boycott des bus de Montgomery, King crée en
1957 la Southern Christian League Conference (SCLC) qui regroupe des pasteurs
d’églises noires du sud des Etats-Unis. La SCLC jouit d’une haute autorité morale
et s’appuie sur un dense réseau d’églises noires qui lui permet d’organiser des
réunions et de disposer de ressources financières. King et la SCLC sont au centre
du Mouvement pour les Droits Civiques. Leur approche modérée, basée sur la
résistance non-violente, rend la négociation possible avec le pouvoir, John F.
Kennedy d’abord, puis Lyndon B. Johnson après l’assassinat de JFK le
22 novembre 1963. Parallèlement à cela, des organisations plus radicales composées
essentiellement de jeunes Noirs jugent King trop modéré et privilégient les
rapports de force. Le Congress Of Racial Equality (CORE) fondé à 1942 à Chicago
s’installe dans le sud à partir des années 50. Il n’apparaît pas dans le film mais ses
membres organisent les Freedom Rides qui y sont évoquées. Afin de tester l’arrêt de la Cour suprême Boynton v. Virginia qui rendait illégale la ségrégation dans les transports
les militants voyageaient ainsi dans des bus inter-états. Le premier Freedom Ride partit de Washington en 1961. Une autre organisation, plus radicale, se nommait le Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Dans le film, King s’entretient avec deux jeunes membres de la SNCC.
Malcolm X fait une brève apparition dans le film…
Il se rend à Selma en janvier 1965, quelques semaines avant d’être assassiné dans le sud des États-Unis, mais il y reste très peu. Malcolm X est un homme du nord. Son QG est
à Harlem et son audience se compose de jeunes Noirs issus des ghettos du nord du pays. Il connaît peu le sud et on ne peut pas dire qu’il y joue un rôle important. Par contre, à
partir de fin 1966, il inspire ce qui deviendra le Black Power regroupant des militants du SNCC, du CORE, et de tous ces jeunes qui vont radicaliser leurs positions à l’instar de
Stokely Carmichael, l’un des chefs du SNCC, puis du Black Panther Party. Ils se mobilisent contre toutes les inégalités socio-économiques qui persistent à la fin des années 60
et dans les années 70.
P.7
REPÈRES
DOSSIER
pedagogique
Comment réagit l’opinion internationale à tous ces évènements ?
La marche de Selma est suivie de près dans le monde entier. A l’ONU, les Etats-Unis sont attaqués
sur cette question. En France, de nombreuses émissions, dont Cinq colonnes à la une, traitent de
la Marche de Selma. L’URSS apostrophe les États-Unis en leur reprochant de donner des leçons
de démocratie et de liberté dans le monde face au soi-disant communisme oppresseur alors qu’ils
perpétuent des crimes raciaux sur leur propre sol et empêchent une partie de leur population de
voter. De plus, au début des années 60, de nombreux pays d’Afrique acquièrent leur indépendance.
C’est la période de la décolonisation, du tiers-mondisme. Les dirigeants américains redoutent de
projeter une image négative auprès des pays nouvellement indépendants comme l’Inde ou les pays
africains. Cela explique pourquoi le gouvernement américain bascule sur cette question, malgré les
réticences de Johnson qui sont bien montrées dans le film.
La presse a joué un rôle important dans le combat pour les droits civiques
Les mouvements pour les droits civiques et les stratégies de non-violence ont une condition essentielle : la présence des journalistes. Chaque citoyen américain possède un poste
de télévision et il faut montrer la violence des partisans de la ségrégation pour faire basculer l’opinion publique. Devant les caméras, la police ne peut pas agir en toute impunité.
La question de la présence de la presse est bien posée dans le film, on la voit beaucoup. C’est tout à fait juste. Martin Luther King fait allusion à Bull Connor, le shérif de la ville
de Birmingham en 1963 : il est le chef d’une police qui tape sur les femmes, les personnes âgées, les manifestants pacifistes à terre. Ces images bouleversent l’Amérique et créent
des élans militants. La présence de caméras et de journalistes empêche la police d’avoir recours à des moyens extrêmes tels que ceux utilisés par la police sud-africaine à la
même époque, qui tire à la mitraillette sur des manifestants pacifistes noirs à Sharpeville.
En parlant d’images, quelle est la place du monde afro-américain et de son histoire dans le cinéma américain ?
Le sujet des droits civiques est récent dans le cinéma américain, il n’a pas beaucoup de place à Hollywood. Dans son film Le Majordome sorti en 2013, Lee Daniels revisite, à
travers le personnage du fils du majordome de la présidence, l’histoire des droits civiques aux Etats-Unis. C’est la première fois qu’un épisode aussi important que les Freedom
rides apparait à l’écran. La reconstitution par Ava DuVernay de la charge de la police sur marcheurs pacifistes sur le pont Edmund Pettus de Selma, au dessus de la rivière
Alabama, est saisissante et n’avait jamais été montrée auparavant.
La question de l’esclavage n’a pas une place très importante non plus. Le film 12 years a slave, réalisé par Steve McQueen (II) et sorti au même moment que Le Majordome, a
fait sensation parce qu’il montrait de façon crue la violence subie par les esclaves. Ce n’est pas ordinaire dans le cinéma américain, loin s’en faut. L’élection de Barack Obama a
P.8
REPÈRES
DOSSIER
pedagogique
vraisemblablement favorisé l’installation et la légitimation d’un cinéma auparavant vu comme peu commercial, tout aussi bien que l’émergence d’acteurs « bankable », sur qui on
peut miser financièrement. Un argument avancé par les producteurs d’Hollywood était en effet que ce type de sujets n’intéressait pas les Américains, ou du moins, pas au-delà
du monde noir américain. Le succès du film Le Majordome les a contredit. Des fictions dont le casting était presqu’entièrement noir pouvaient attirer du public. Même constat
pour 12 years a slave. Ce ne sont pas des films communautaires.
Quelle est la résonnance de ce film aujourd’hui ? Existe t-il encore des barrières aux droits civiques des noirs américains?
La question de la ségrégation ne se pose plus de façon légale puisqu’elle est interdite depuis 1964 mais des discriminations, en particulier résidentielles, demeurent. Même
si chacun est théoriquement libre d’aller s’installer où il veut aux États-Unis, il existe des quartiers à dominante blanche et des quartiers à dominante noire avec une forte
dimension de classe. Les quartiers noirs sont restés noirs tout en s’appauvrissant car les classes moyenne et supérieure noires les ont quittés dans les années 70 pour s’établir
dans des endroits plus agréables. Ce phénomène s’appelle « l’hyper-ghetto ». Sans parler des innombrables discriminations dans l’accès au marché du travail, l’avancement
professionnel, l’éducation, la justice, les rapports avec la police. La mort de ce jeune afro-américain non armé abattu par un policier blanc dans la ville de Ferguson (Missouri) et
les émeutes qui ont suivi montrent que la situation est loin d’être résolue. Le taux de chômage des Noirs est deux fois plus important de celui des Blancs. On pourrait multiplier
ainsi tous les indicateurs sociaux pour montrer que ce n’est pas du tout la même chose d’être noir ou blanc aux États-Unis.
Et concernant le droit de vote ?
La situation n’est plus celle d’avant 1965, cependant il y a beaucoup à dire sur l’exercice du
droit de vote aux Etats-Unis. Le Parti Républicain, tout puissant dans le sud des États-Unis,
s’efforce par tous les moyens de restreindre l’exercice du droit de vote des groupes qui lui
sont hostiles, en particulier les minorités. Il lui est impossible de les en empêcher mais il peut
leur mettre des bâtons dans les roues en limitant par exemple le nombre de bureaux de vote
dans les quartiers noirs ou hispaniques. Une personne qui devra attendre six heures debout
avant de voter risque plus facilement de se décourager qu’une autre qui ne patientera qu’une
heure... Une autre stratégie du parti républicain est de multiplier comme autant d’obstacles à
l’inscription sur les listes électorales. D’ailleurs le vrai scandale de l’élection de Georges Bush
en 2000 n’était pas tant la question des trous sur les bulletins de vote que le fait que toute la
population noire dans l’ouest de la Floride n’avait pas pu voter. Elle avait été renvoyée chez
elle au prétexte qu’elle n’avait pas les bons papiers… La Cour suprême a d’ailleurs récemment
levé les mesures qui avaient été mises en place après le vote de la loi en 1965 (Voting Rights
P.9
REPÈRES
DOSSIER
pedagogique
Act) pour protéger le droit de vote des noirs dans le sud. Les juges considèrent que l’état d’exception qui était celui du sud quant aux droits civiques depuis 1965, n’avait plus lieu
d’être. Cette décision va encore favoriser les menées du Parti Républicain pour limiter le droit de vote des minorités. Sachant qu’on perd assez facilement son droit de vote aux
Etats-Unis, pour une condamnation pénale par exemple. Or le nombre d’afro-américains en prison ou en liberté conditionnelle, « on probation » comme on dit là-bas, est très
élevé.
D’anciens ségrégationnistes siègent-ils au sein du Parti républicain ?
Tout à fait. Le début des années 60 est un moment historique puisqu’il correspond au basculement du sud du Parti démocrate vers le Parti républicain. Jusqu’en 1964-1965, les
Blancs partisans de la ségrégation, les suprématistes du sud des États-Unis étaient membres du Parti démocrate. Le Parti démocrate était dans une situation intenable. Dans
le sud des États-Unis, il était partisan de la discrimination alors que dans le nord il était du côté du monde ouvrier, en faveur de la justice sociale. D’ailleurs, dans les années
30, en dépit de toutes les mesures sociales qu’il avait prises, dont la création de la sécurité sociale, le président démocrate Franklin D. Roosevelt n’avait pas du tout touché à la
ségrégation. Il avait besoin des élus démocrates du sud pour sa majorité au Congrès.
Vous avez évoqué les évènements survenus à Ferguson, pouvez-vous nous parler de la réaction du président Barack Obama suite à ces évènements ?
Il n’est toujours pas allé à Ferguson ! C’est tout à fait significatif de son éloignement
stratégique du monde noir. Une distance qu’il avait théorisé dès 2004 en considérant
que s’il voulait un jour être élu président, il fallait qu’il s’éloigne du monde noir pour
ne pas être vu comme le candidat des Noirs afin que sa candidature ne soit pas vue
seulement comme une candidature de témoignage. Il s’est présenté d’emblée comme
le président de tous les Américains. Il s’est distancié davantage du monde noir que
certains de ses prédécesseurs tant il craignait d’être vu comme trop favorable au monde
noir, d’où la tiédeur de sa réaction initiale à l’égard des évènements de Ferguson. Cela
lui est reproché aujourd’hui. Son ministre de la justice Eric Holder, plus engagé sur
cette question, s’est rendu sur place. Le monde noir américain n’a pas vu sa situation
significativement améliorée depuis l’élection d’Obama. Reste à savoir, alors qu’il entame
la deuxième partie de son deuxième mandat et n’a plus rien à perdre, s’il va faire un peu
plus pour le monde noir qu’il n’a fait jusqu’à présent…
P . 10
REPÈRES
Chronologie des événements : les marches de Selma
DOSSIER
pedagogique
Janvier 1965 : Martin Luther King Jr. et la Southern Christian Leadership Conference s’intéressent à la ville de Selma, Alabama, où seuls 2 % des citoyens noirs sont inscrits sur
les listes électorales : les autorités locales multiplient les freins légaux et techniques à l’inscription des citoyens de couleur.
2 février : King est arrêté avec des centaines de personnes lors d’une manifestation pour les droits civiques à Selma.
5 février : Le gouverneur George Wallace interdit toute manifestation nocturne à Selma et à Marion.
18 février : Les policiers attaquent les marcheurs dans la ville de Marion, Alabama, provoquant la mort de Jimmie Lee Jackson, un diacre de 26 ans, non armé, qui tentait de
protéger sa mère Viola Jackson et son grand-père Cager Lee.
7 mars : La première marche de Selma à Montgomery, menée par John Lewis et Hosea Williams, est stoppée par des policiers locaux et nationaux sur l’Edmund Pettus Bridge.
600 marcheurs sont assaillis par les gaz lacrymogènes puis refoulés. Un grand nombre d’entre eux est battu. Ce jour funeste est connu dans lemonde sous le nom de « Bloody
Sunday ».
8 mars : King en appelle aux leaders religieux afin qu’ils se joignent aux marcheurs de Selma.
9 mars : King prend la tête d’une seconde marche, mais à l’abord de l’Edmund Pettus Bridge, la foule fait marche arrière, redoutant la violence des policiers. Cette marche est
baptisée « Turn Around Tuesday ».
9 mars : Après la marche, le pasteur James Reeb, résidant à Boston, est sauvagement battu par des ségrégationnistes blancs armés de matraques, à la sortie d’un dîner. Il décède
deux jours après des suites de ses blessures à la tête.
15 mars : Le président Johnson s’adresse au Congrès et au peuple américain en ces termes : « C’est une erreur, une erreur fatale de refuser le droit de vote à n’importe lequel de
nos citoyens américains ». Il annonce le vote imminent d’une loi sur le droit de vote. Son discours sera reconnu plus tard comme l’un des plus importants jamais tenus par un
président.
17 mars : Les marcheurs de Selma gagnent en justice lorsque le juge de district Frank M. Johnson décide qu’ils avaient le droit de marcher pour obtenir réparation des torts qu’on
leur avait causés.
18 mars : Peu avant l’ouverture de la session législative en Alabama, le gouverneur Wallace condamne cette décision du juge de district.
20 mars : Lyndon B. Johnson signe un décret présidentiel qui place la Garde Nationale d’Alabama sous régime fédéral.
21 mars : Près de 4 000 marcheurs quittent sous protection de la police fédérale la ville de Selma afin de parcourir les 80 kilomètres qui les séparent de Montgomery.
25 mars : Lorsque les marcheurs atteignent Montgomery, leur nombre est proche de 25 000. Martin Luther King Jr. prononce un discours mémorable sur les marches du Capitole
6 août : Le président Johnson signe le désormais historique Voting Rights Act de 1965.
Source : extrait du dossier de presse du film Selma, © Pathé Distribution
P . 11
ACTIVITÉ 1
Fighting for the right to vote
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
A) Understanding the context : the situation in 1964
In 1964, the Civil Rights Act ended racial segregation in schools, offices and other public spaces. It also officially outlawed discrimination based on race, color,
religion, sex, or national origin. This was a great victory for the African-American population of the USA and a great reward for Martin Luther King Jr.’s activist
movement, the SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference). But the fight for equal rights was not over. Even though the Constitution authorized Black
citizens to vote many of them were denied that right, especially in the notoriously racist Southern states of the country (Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia...).
Watch this extract from the film and explain which obstacles African American citizens met when they tried to register to vote in Southern states.
Annie Lee Jackson at the courthouse :
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M8giaBkb82w
Other information on the same topic is mentioned in the film ; do you remember which other ways are said to be used against Black people when they try to
register to vote?
P . 12
ACTIVITÉ 1
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
B) The 1965 Voting Rights Act
Here is an extract from the 1965 Voting Rights Act :
«AN ACT To enforce the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That this Act shall be known as the «Voting Rights Act of 1965.»
SEC. 2. No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or
applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote
on account of race or color.»
1. What do you think was the impact of this new law?
2. From what you’ve seen at the end of the film, how did the new law change the face of Southern politics? What
happened once black people could easily vote?
3. Do you think Black citizens were the only community affected by these new measures? Who else do you think
got more rights than before?
4. Do you think this enforcement of equal rights put an end to racism?
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Different perspectives
ACTIVITÉS
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A) Granting black people the right to vote
The movie Selma shows how divided the country was regarding the right to vote for colored people in the 1960s. From what you’ve seen in the film, explain
each party’s position on the right for Black citizens to vote :
People
Their opinion on the right to vote
Martin Luther King Jr. and the SCLC
Governor of Alabama George Wallace
(photograph) and Selma’s Sheriff Jim Clark
President of the USA Lyndon B. Johnson
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B) Following Martin Luther King Jr.
1. Compare the French (left) and the American (right) movie poster of Selma.
What is surprising with the American movie poster ? Why? What is the effect created by this unusual
perspective?
Many scenes in the movie also choose to show King from behind. Can you imagine why?
As a spectator, where does the camera place us? How does it influence our judgment?
2. Look at this quote from the film :
«King returns to his Atlanta residence. C. King and children present. 01:24 pm. LOGGED.»
a) Is it a spoken or a written quote? Is it the only one in the film? What do they refer to? which sounds come with them?
b) Who was following King? Why?
c) Do we get to see the FBI in the film? who represents it?
d) What’s the position of the FBI regarding King and the SCLC? What do they offer to do?
e) Does President Johnson agree with the FBI? does he accept their offer?
f) What image of the FBI is given in Selma? What do you think of their attitude?
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C) Two men face to face : King vs. the president
Each had their own agenda. Both had their own concerns. They agreed on the right thing to do, but they disagreed
on its urgency. Selma is also the story of the confrontation of two of the most powerful men of their time, a Nobel
Prize against a president, using everything in their power to serve their country the best they could. Each man
had a clear sense of history : who would be remembered, and for what?
1. Think about the different scenes of the film where King and Johnson communicate : how does these verbal
exchanges evolve?
2. Have the two men worked together before? How did it end?
3. Is the president pleased to deal with King as the representative of the Black cause?
4. What did the two men agree and disagree upon from the beginning of the film?
5. Which strategies did MLK resort to to convince Johnson to (re)act?
6. «This place is perfect». Why did King and the SCLC choose the city of Selma to fight for their voting rights?
7. What made the president flinch eventually? Martin Luther King Jr., the media or someone /something else?
8. How would you say Lyndon B. Johnson is represented in the film? does the film Selma give a good image of him? Give examples.
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D) Black dissensions : Malcolm X vs. Martin Luther King Jr.
1. Who was Malcolm X? What do you know about him?
2. Who meets with him in the movie? Why?
3. What is Martin Luther King Jr.’s reaction to this meeting?
4. What did the two black leaders disagree upon?
5. Why did the SCLC choose non-violence as a weapon against racism? was it only an ethical choice?
6. Search the web for information about Malcolm X : how and when did he die? what was the name of his movement ? his creed ?
7. What does this opposition between two civil rights defenders tells us about protest ?
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Anglais
E) Viola Liuzzo : the white martyr
Viola Liuzzo is briefly shown in the movie Selma, but every viewer is shocked to find out, just before the film ends,
that she was shot only five hours after King’s speech upon their arrival in Montgomery. She was driving some of
the protesters back to their home in Selma.
Who was this white lady, and how did she end up dying for a «black» cause ?
1. Try to imagine the life and motivations of Viola Liuzzo :
- As an American white woman of the 1960s, what sort of daily life did she experience?
- Do you think she was a Southerner? Why?
- Why did she come to Selma?
- Do you think she met with difficulties? What do you think were the reactions of her husband / children / parents / neighbors?
- How would you qualify her actions?
- Who do you think shot her? Why?
- Could you compare her fate to that of other character(s) in the film? Who?
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2. Now search the web for information about the real Viola Liuzzo and check your hypotheses.
You may log onto : http://gury.orgfree.com/viola1.htm for example.
3. What was the role allegedly played by the FBI in Viola Liuzzo’s death? does it confirm or contradict the impression of the Bureau given in the film ?
4. What do you think was the impact of Liuzzo’s death on American citizens, both black and white?
5. Do you think Viola Liuzzo was a heroine? Justify your answer.
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ACTIVITÉ 3
Martin Luther King Jr., an american hero
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
Nous vous proposons ici une réflexion cadrant avec la thématique «Mythes et
héros» dans les programmes de lycée.
Cette activité pourra être réalisée individuellement en devoir à la maison ou en
classe en groupes de deux ou trois élèves, chaque groupe devant présenter sa
citation (inconnue des autres élèves) et rapporter les conclusions de son travail.
Read the following definitions and say if they apply or not to Martin Luther King Jr.
Quote scenes from the film to justify your answers. Can you think of other heroes matching these definition?
“The characteristic of genuine heroism is its persistency.” Ralph Waldo Emerson
“You must be the change you want to see in the world.” Mahatma Gandhi
“Each man must for himself alone decide what is right and what is wrong, which course is patriotic and which isn’t. To decide against your conviction
is to be an unqualified and excusable traitor, both to yourself and to your country.” Mark Twain
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ACTIVITÉ 3
Martin Luther King Jr., an american hero
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
“A hero is someone who has given his or her life to something bigger than oneself.” Joseph Campbell
“All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing.” Sir Edmund Burke
“What is a hero without love for mankind?” Doris Lessing
“A hero is an ordinary individual who finds the strength to persevere and endure in spite of overwhelming obstacles.” Christopher Reeves
“At first, dreams seem impossible, then improbable, and eventually inevitable.” Christopher Reeves
“Heroism is not only in the man, but in the occasion.” Calvin Coolidge
“Dreams do come true, if only we wish hard enough. You can have anything in life if you will sacrifice everything else for it.” J.M. Barrie
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Martin Luther King’s legacy
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
A) Martin Luther King Jr. Day : a webquest
As explained at the end of the movie, Martin Luther King’s wife Coretta successfully lobbied for a national holiday in memory of her husband.
Log onto this website to find out more about Martin Luther King Jr. Day in America:
http://www.timeanddate.com/holidays/us/martin-luther-king-day
Browse the website and find the answers to the following questions :
1. When is Martin Luther King Day
celebrated each year?
2. When was it this year?
When will it be in 2019?
3. When was first
Martin Luther King Day celebrated?
4. Are schools and shops
closed on this day?
5. What is the purpose of this holiday?
6. What are Americans encouraged
to do on Martin Luther King Day?
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ACTIVITÉ 4
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B) «I have a dream»
Martin Luther King Jr. still inspires many people all over the world today. Not only was he a dreamer, a believer and
a preacher, but he also was a great speech writer and public speaker. Watch the famous speech delivered by Martin
Luther King Jr. as the «March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom» arrived at the capitol on August 28, 1963.
Voici l’un des nombreux liens permettant de visionner la vidéo en ligne gratuitement :
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=smEqnnklfYs
Vous trouverez le discours en fichier audio ainsi que sa transcription ici :
http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm
1) Who marched to Washington DC along with Martin Luther King Jr.? How many people do you think were present?
Were there only black people?
2) What was the purpose of this march? What did these protesters demand?
3) Where did Martin Luther King Jr. deliver his speech? Why is this particular place symbolic?
4) How does the crowd react to Martin Luther King’s speech? What does this interaction remind you of? What do you think makes Martin Luther King such a
powerful public speaker?
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5) Read these excerpts from the text. What do you think they refer to?
Quotes from the speech:
References :
«a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the «unalienable Rights» of «Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.»
«We can never be satisfied as long as our children are (...) robbed of their
dignity by signs stating: «For Whites Only.»
«I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former
slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at
the table of brotherhood.»
«the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression»
«down in Alabama, with its vicious racists»
«My country ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!»
«Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!»
«and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.»
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On demandera aux élèves d’être particulièrement attentif, lors de la projection du film, aux trois discours de King mis en scène par Ava DuVernay.
Ils pourront observer comment l’acteur David Oyelowo s’est approprié les intonations et la gestuelle du révérend, ainsi que l’admirable travail d’écriture du
scénariste Paul Webb et de la réalisatrice Ava DuVernay qui, n’ayant pu obtenir les droits des discours officiels de King, ont réussi le tour de force d’en écrire de
parfaites imitations.
C) «Let freedom ring!» famous quotes from Martin Luther King Jr.
Les élèves se répartissent en groupes de deux ou trois élèves. Chaque groupe pioche au hasard une citation parmi les suivantes. A eux de reformuler les paroles
de Martin Luther King Jr. afin de faire deviner aux autres groupes de quelle citation il s’agit parmi la liste complète qui leur sera distribuée ou projetée à l’issue de
leur temps de travail en îlots. On pourra aussi les inviter à exprimer ce que ces citations leur évoquent (sujets d’actualité, anecdotes personnelles, lectures ou films
vus...). Ces citations peuvent bien sûr être utilisées dans le cadre de la réalisation d’une tâche finale (exposition au CDI ou posters contre le racisme, voir Activité 5).
•“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but
where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”
•“We may have all come on different ships, but we’re in the same boat now.”
•“There comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but
he must take it because conscience tells him it is right.”
•“In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.”
•“Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”
•“We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.”
•“Let no man pull you low enough to hate him.”
• “Nothing in all the world is more dangerous than sincere ignorance and conscientious stupidity.”
•
“I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their
character.
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Final tasks
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
A) Create a poster against racism EE (collège + lycée)
On élargira le débat à l’époque actuelle et aux différentes formes de racisme. Il est recommandé de travailler en interdisciplinarité avec les professeurs d’Arts
Plastiques, Education Civique ou Histoire-Géographie. Les affiches réalisées peuvent faire l’objet d’un concours où le poster élu par l’ensemble de la communauté
éducative sera primé.
B) An exhibition about Martin Luther King in the school library EE (collège)
Les élèves, répartis en petits groupes, choisiront un thème qu’ils devront présenter sur un panneau (textes et illustrations) qui sera ensuite exposé au CDI. On
présentera par exemple la vie de Martin Luther King Jr., le SCLC et le Civil Rights Movement, une chronologie commentée des évènements majeurs et l’impact
du combat de Martin Luther King Jr sur la société américaine.
C) Who’s your hero? EE ou EO (collège + lycée)
Everyone has someone he or she admires, someone to look up to. Who is your own personal hero? write a short speech and present him / her to the class.
Document your presentation if you can (pictures, videos, quotes...).
Ces travaux pourront être exposés sur les murs de la classe sous la forme d’une fresque («our heroes mural»).
Les productions orales pourront faire l’objet d’une évaluation type bac dans le cadre de la prise de parole en continu sur le thème «mythes et héros».
D) What is your dream? EE ou EO (collège + lycée)
Write a short essay in the first-person narrative to explain what kind of future you would like to live in. Start your essay / oral presentation with the words «I have
a dream».
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Final tasks
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E) Write your own «I have a dream» speech (lycée)
a) Imagine that you are living in Selma in 1960. You are a supporter of the civil rights movement. Write a speech against racial segregation and promoting the right
to vote for colored people.
b) Write a speech to support a cause that matters to you (animal rights, ecology, gender equality, world peace...) and deliver it to the class.
Don’t forget that you need to be convincing to rally people to the cause, so work on your intonation and pauses (rehearse in front of your mirror or your friends)
and use powerful metaphors everyone can relate to.
Use the expression «I have a dream» at some point in your speech (not necessarily at the beginning).
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Pour aller plus loin
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Anglais
Les enseignants trouveront sur internet et dans les manuels scolaires une multitude d’exploitations pédagogiques possibles sur la vie et les combats de Martin
Luther King Jr. Voici toutefois encore quelques pistes à explorer avec les classes, en fonction de leur niveau et de leurs intérêts.
A) Songs in memory of Martin Luther King Jr.
1. The movie soundtrack : “Glory” by John Legend featuring Common
“Glory”
One day, when the glory comes
It will be ours, it will be ours
Oh, one day, when the war is won
We will be sure, we will be here sure
Oh, glory, glory
Oh, glory, glory
Oh, glory, glory
Oh, glory, glory glory
Somewhere in the dream we had an epiphany
Now we right the wrongs in history
No one can win the war individually
It takes the wisdom of the elders and young people’s energy
Welcome to the story we call victory
The coming of the Lord, my eyes have seen the glory
Hands to the Heavens, no man, no weapon
Formed against, yes glory is destined
Every day women and men become legends
Sins that go against our skin become blessings
The movement is a rhythm to us
Freedom is like religion to us
Justice is juxtaposition in us
Justice for all just ain’t specific enough
One son died, his spirit is revisitin’ us
True and living living in us, resistance is us
That’s why Rosa sat on the bus
That’s why we walked through Ferguson with our hands up
When it go down we woman and man up
They say, “Stay down” and we stand up
Shots, we on the ground, the camera panned up
King pointed to the mountain top and we ran up
Now the war is not over
Victory isn’t won
And we’ll fight on to the finish
Then when it’s all done
We’ll cry glory, oh glory
Oh, glory, glory
Oh, glory, glory glory
Selma is now for every man, woman and child
Even Jesus got his crown in front of a crowd
They marched with the torch, we gon’ run with it now
Never look back, we done gone hundreds of miles
From dark roads he rose, to become a hero
Facin’ the league of justice, his power was the people
Enemy is lethal, a king became regal
Saw the face of Jim Crow under a bald eagle
The biggest weapon is to stay peaceful
We sing, our music is the cuts that we bleed through
When the war is done, when it’s all said and done
“Glory” was written by Stephens, John Roger / Lynn, Lonnie
Rashid.
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ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
2. “Pride (In The Name Of Love)” by U2
One man come in the name of love
In the name of love!
One man come and go
What more in the name of love?
One man come he to justify
One man to overthrow
What more? In the name of love!
Early morning, April 4
Shot rings out in the Memphis sky
Free at last, they took your life
What more? In the name of love!
They could not take your pride
One man caught on a barbed wire fence
One man he resist
One man washed on an empty beach
One man betrayed with a kiss
Et pourquoi ne pas proposer aux élèves inspirés d’écrire leur propre chanson en souvenir de Martin Luther King et de son combat?
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Anglais
B) Reading press articles
Voici deux articles récents pouvant faire l’objet d’une compréhension écrite pour des élèves de niveau avancé (B2).
L’un s’interroge sur la réalisation du rêve du révérend King dans la société américaine actuelle, l’autre est une réflexion approfondie autour du film Selma que l’on
pourra morceler / faire travailler en îlots tant il fourmille de pistes de réflexion.
Chasing the dream
The Economist, August 24th 2013
Fifty years after Martin Luther King’s speech, fixing America’s racial ills requires a new approach
HIS name adorns schools, streets, bridges and colossal biographies. Almost as soon
as they can talk, American children are taught to revere Martin Luther King. His
message was a simple clarification of America’s founding promise, that “all men are
created equal” and have a right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness”. That
means everyone, he explained. He put it best on August 28th 1963, ad-libbing before a
crowd in Washington, DC: “I have a dream that my four little children will one day live
in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content
of their character.”
In the 50 years since then, America has changed beyond recognition Under Jim Crow,
blacks in the South risked lynching if they tried to register to vote. They were forced
to use separate and inferior water fountains and schools. They were locked in lowly
occupations: in 1940, 60% of black women with jobs were domestic servants.
Now, African-Americans are more likely to vote than any other racial group, at least
if Barack Obama is on the ballot. White bias against non-white candidates is hard to
detect. The governor of lily-white Massachusetts is black; Mr Obama won more of the
white vote in 2008 than John Kerry did in 2004. In King’s day, inter-racial love was
illegal in many states. Today, 15% of new marriages cross racial lines; for black men,
the number is 24%. In King’s day, segregation was the law in the South and the norm
in the North. Today, “all-white neighbourhoods are effectively extinct”, finds a recent
study by Edward Glaeser and Jacob Vigdor, and segregation is declining in all 85 of
America’s largest metropolitan areas. No one today finds it odd to see blacks running
big cities (Washington, Philadelphia, Denver) or big companies (Merck, Xerox,
American Express) or playing God on the silver screen (Morgan Freeman). Black
earnings shot up after the civil-rights revolution, both in absolute terms and relative
to white.
Yet in recent years economic progress has stalled. Between 2000 and 2011, black
median household income fell from 64% to 58% of the white figure. The wealth gap
is even more alarming. Because mortgaged homes make up more of poorer people’s
wealth, the gap widened dramatically after the housing bubble burst. In 2005 white
families’ median net worth was 11 times that of blacks; in 2009 it was 20 times. On
other measures, too, blacks fare poorly. Many struggle in school: the average black
17-year-old reads and manipulates numbers about as well as a white 13-year-old.
Many fall foul of the law: by the age of 30-34 one black man in ten is behind bars; the
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figure for white men is one in 61. And the traditional black family has collapsed since
King’s day. In the 1960s many thought it a crisis that nearly 25% of black children
were born out of wedlock. Today it is 72% (for whites, 29%), and most of these children
are being raised by mothers who are truly alone, not cohabiting.
Explanations of these figures tend to fall into two camps. Some stress the lingering
effects of racism. Black schools are underfunded; employers overlook black job
applicants; the criminal-justice system is biased against blacks. If this diagnosis is
correct, the best prescription may be more funding for inner-city schools, sterner
enforcement of anti-discrimination laws and better training for cops and judges.
It seems unlikely, however, that racism has grown worse in the past decade. To
express a racist opinion in America today is a career-ending mistake. Firms caught
discriminating are punished both by the courts and by consumers. Those failing
black schools are not a racist conspiracy: many answer to black mayors, just as
federal prosecutors answer to a black attorney-general. Polls suggest that racism is
dwindling: the young are far less bigoted than the old. And the obstacles that racism
creates are not insuperable. The median earnings for black and white women with
college degrees, for example, are about the same.
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
Locking up non-violent drug offenders for decades tears families apart. Far better to
give minor criminals of all races drug treatment, ankle tags and help finding jobs.
Likewise, experience shows that inner-city schools cannot be fixed by throwing
money at them. Many are run for the benefit of unsackable teachers, rather than
pupils. And as Mr Obama has observed, many black students sneer that a classmate
who reads is “acting white”—and shun him. This self-destructive cultural norm is
almost non-existent in private schools, which is one reason why black parents are so
keen on vouchers and charter schools. When reformers call school choice “the new
civil-rights struggle”, they have a point.
There is not a great deal that politicians can do about the collapse of the black family,
but school and prison reforms should help: black women, unsurprisingly, prefer
partners who are neither ill-educated nor incarcerated. Role models help, too: Mr
Obama inspires young black men partly because he has a wife and daughters he
patently treasures and respects.
America’s shameful past is fading. Skin colour is nothing like the barrier it once was.
But the “pursuit of happiness” to which King referred is never easy, and never ends.
Conservatives, black and white, tend to argue that although racism still exists, it is
largely up to blacks to solve their own problems. Americans who finish high school,
work full-time and wait until they are 21 and married before they have children have
only a 2% chance of being poor. Depressingly few blacks meet all three fairly basic
conditions.
Yet although individuals are ultimately responsible for their own fate, the legacy of
discrimination is hard to shake off. Poverty begets poverty, even more now than in
the past: as technology advances, those who struggle at school are falling further
behind in the workplace. And the economic crisis hit single-parent families hard,
since they lack the safety net that a second adult provides.
There are ways in which the government can help blacks, not by tackling racism
head-on, but by addressing flaws in the American system that hurt blacks more than
whites. The scandal of the justice system is not that it is biased, but that it is brutal.
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ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
The Beautiful, Complicated, Connected Histories of Black Folk in Selma
Esther Armah, www.gawker.com, 15 January 2015
Sleeping. A little black girl, lying on her couch, in her home in Detroit. Dreaming little
black girl dreams. Her sleep shattered by a firebomb lobbed through the window.
Police force their way in, desperately looking for a man. A shot daggers the air. A
bullet to her head. Aiyana Stanley Jones. Seven years old.
TV remote in hand, I watch Aiyana’s grandma sitting to the left of her lawyer, staring
at some spot on the table, talking about her grandbaby. I think about Aiyana when I
see the four little black girls in the opening scene of Ava DuVernay’s stunning film,
Selma. They are walking down stairs, sharing little black girl conversation about their
hair, about how Coretta Scott King wore hers, how she parted it in the middle, how
she slept to keep it fresh, how she pressed it. We witness the beauty of innocence and
childhood. I wonder what Aiyana dreamt about when she slept. I wonder how she
wore her hair to school, what her favorite subject was, who her bestie was. I wonder
because DuVernay has rendered the humanity of black girls in full. In America,
on a Hollywood big screen, the humanizing of black girls—their childhood, their
innocence—is historic, radical, revolutionary. And so in Selma we watch: horrified,
devastated, traumatized, haunted as each part of that life is blasted to smithereens
by white racist supremacy. Slowed down, broken dolls, a piece of fabric, destroyed.
Devastating. Selma 1965. Detroit 2010.
That moment is Selma’s first victory. It is the telling of unspoken, untold history:
emotionalizing black girls, centering their destruction in a specific way. Our historytelling when it comes to Martin Luther King Jr. can be linear. Restricted to a set of
facts about organizations and presidents and a civil rights leader. There are, and must
always have been, other truths: untold and unseen, lenses untrained on and immune
to black emotionality.
That beginning scene in Selma emerges in the context of ongoing activism around
the inclusion of black girls and women in a movement that sees protests all over
the country, and across the world, against police brutality inflicted upon black
bodies. The names Mike Brown, Eric Garner, John Crawford, Trayvon Martin are
headlines. #ICantBreathe is a rallying cry; “Hands Up, Don’t Shoot,” the beat to which
protestors poured onto streets, left homes, walked out of schools and office buildings.
#ICantSleep is not part of that cry. This space sees a push for reminders of the names
of black women killed by police and state violence. That roll call of black women
includes: Rekia Boyd in Chicago, Yvette Smith in Texas, Shereese Francis in New
York, and so many more. This space is one where 200 girls were simply taken from
their village, schools and homes by Boko Haram in Nigeria—and the silence of their
taking, the absence of a unified, multicultural, multiracial sustained outrage on the
streets of nations, lingers. That space sees six African presidents stand up for one
apparent ideal in the form of Charlie Hebdo, but remain silent over the disappearance
of 200 girls and the most recent massacre of up to 2,000 Nigerians—mostly women
and children—by Boko Haram in Baga. But here is Selma, centralizing black girl
childhood.
So much of the world walks with the absence of black girl emotionality: of not
needing protection, of not being seen as human, of never being the motivator
for mass protest, action, or resistance. The beauty of black girls—their lives, their
childhoods—are erased, omitted, silenced. DuVernay’s power as a filmmaker is the
centering of black woman complexity in all of her films. Her first was I Will Follow.
Her second, Middle of Nowhere, earned her Sundance Best Director, the first African
American woman to win the award. I’ve interviewed DuVernay before and what is
clear is her primary lens is a revolutionary love of black folk, and a specific focus on
black woman complexity.
Selma is Hollywood’s first studio film about the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference (SCLC) and Martin Luther King. I was stunned to learn that—it feels
as though there must have been others, but no—Selma was the first. We’ve had
dominant narratives around King for so long. And in Selma, here comes not simply a
counter narrative, but a beautifully, thoughtfully complicated drawing of the people
that contributed to a movement, and the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
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Critics of Selma have three major issues: outrage at President Lyndon B. Johnson’s
portrayal, its depiction of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC),
and its concern about the absence of women. The LBJ critique reminds us how much
white privilege expects a particular centering in any black narrative. Richard Cohen’s
piece in The Washington Post.
“In its need for some dramatic tension, Selma asserts that King had to persuade
and pressure a recalcitrant Johnson to introduce the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
The movie also depicts Johnson authorizing FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to
smear King and—as King himself suspected—try to drive him to suicide. It is a
profoundly ugly moment.”
Cohen goes on to line up historians who refute this version of events. A second piece
in the Post by former White House aid Joseph Califano stated: “In fact, Selma was
LBJ’s idea, he considered the Voting Rights Act his greatest legislative achievement, he
viewed King as an essential partner in getting it enacted.” Jaw-droppingly laughable
for black folk, deadly serious for re-writers of history seeking to set records straight of
LBJ as a great uniter.
White privilege routinely expects, and has so often gotten, a centering in black
historical narratives, so when it fails to see this delusional version of itself reflected
back on screen it lies flat on its belly, pounds its fists on the floor and screams. Put
in the context of how presidential action traditionally happens, through consistent
creative lobbying, activism, people power, and pressure, it implodes, pouts and cries
foul: why, why, why do black people refuse to let me keep being their savior? In the
film, LBJ is neither savior nor demon; he reflects the reality of being president—
caught between competing forces. LBJ might have been proud of the Voting Rights
Act as Califano claims, but LBJ’s pride at this legislation doesn’t make his portrayal in
Selma wrong; it makes him one player in a piece of history, not the single vote-giving
liberator of black folk.
Selma passes the Bechdel Test when it comes to women in the film. The Bechdel
Test requires Hollywood films to have at least two women together, talking about
something other than men. The scene between Coretta Scott King and Amelia
Boynton Robinson talking strategy, fear, and the power of a shared heritage does
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
as much. America, too, learns the name Diane Nash. For millions, she was not very
well-known, despite her influence in the battle for civil rights. Does that mean Selma
is perfect? Since when has perfection been the measure of important, revolutionary,
powerful art.
It is not that I am either unconcerned or uninterested in a historian’s critique. It is
that, for me, there have always been multiple histories. That includes the power of
the emotional journeys: the joy, negotiation, pushing, arguing, anger, devastation,
connectivity, and community. Our history has always been more than the facts of a
moment. It’s emotionality was erased. Introducing it, making it present, clear, creating
connection is an act of film-making genius. So I am reminded not of a historian’s
critique of SNCC as portrayed Selma, but their limitations at recognizing and
verbalizing history’s breath in an emotional articulation of what it took to pass these
historic acts. This territory is not contested, it is unchartered. It is also crucial to the
fullest telling of our history.
From Selma to Ferguson has been the cry. For me, it was Selma to South Africa’s
Soweto then to Ferguson. In the global black context, the concern around SNCC
and the SCLC and LBJ and King reminds me of issues around the African National
Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), F.W. De Klerk, and Nelson
Mandela (the 1994 elections in which black South Africans voted for the first time, as
well as the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission). That history is told
via Nobel Peace Prizes, through forgiveness, of black and white hands joined, held
aloft in mutual victory of justice over legislated segregation. But the working truths
are messier, uglier, and more powerful. The tension between ANC and PAC, between
Steve Biko and ANC leadership, including Mandela, is similar to that between
SNCC’s leaders and the SCLC.
Selma’s Sheriff Jim Clark mirrored Soweto’s Theuns ‘Rooi Rus’ Swanepoel. Swanepoel,
a police commander, gave the order to fire on the schoolchildren during the June
1976 Soweto Uprising that killed 500 people. At the TRC, Swanepoel said: “I made my
mark. I let it be known to the rioters I would not tolerate what was happening. I used
appropriate force. In Soweto, where I operated, that broke the back of the organizers.”
In Ferguson, Staten Island, and Chicago, we heard police officers explain lethal force
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ACTIVITÉ 6
ACTIVITÉS
Anglais
was appropriate, a grand jury’s lack of indictment said lethal force was appropriate,
militarized police against peaceful protestors in Soweto, in Selma, in Ferguson—
appropriate. Apartheid-style policing now finds its home on the streets of an America
with a president who revealed during a 2013 trip to Senegal that his “first act of
political activism” was a campaign against apartheid.
It’s all connected, knotted by circumstance and history: Aiyana Stanley Jones and the
four girls bombed in a Birmingham Church in 1963; Ferguson, New York City, and
Selma; the SCLC and the ANC; King and Mandela.
Selma reminds us: portrayal of a historic icon and portrayal of a movement are
more than different stories when it comes to black folk. They remind us of the
interdependence of individual and institutional power, of strategizing and organizing,
of people and presidential power, of our connected global black histories. It is also a
dismantling of the emotionality of historical patriarchy on Hollywood’s big screen,
preserved spaces where men—black and white—brought people various freedoms.
These are hard stories. The important stories. We must tell them.
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CORRIGÉ DES ACTIVITÉS
PATHÉ ET HARPO FILMS PRÉSENTENT UNE PRODUCTION PLAN B/ CLOUD EIGHT FILMS/ HARPOCASTINGFILMS EN ASSOCIATIOMUSIQUE
N AVEC INGENIOUS MEDIA UN FILM DE AVA DUVERNAY DAVID OYELOWO ‘SELMA’ TOM WILKINSON CARMEN JOGO GIOVANNI
RIBISI ALESSANDRO NIVOLA CUBAPRODUCTEURS
GOODING JR.AVEC TIM ROTH ET OPRAH WINFREY DEAISHA COLEY DE JASON MORAN COSTUMIERECHEF RUTH E. CARTER MONTEURCHEFPRODUIT
SPENCER AVERICK DÉCORATEURCHEF MARK FRIEDBERG
DIRECTEUR DE LA
PHOTOGRAPHIE BRADFORD YOUNG EXECUTIFS BRAD PITT CAMERON MCCRACKEN DIARMUID MCKEOWN NIK BOWER PAUL GARNES AVA DUVERNAY NAN MORALES PAR CHRISTIAN COLSON OPRAH WINFREY DEDE GARDNER
JEREMY KLEINER ÉCRITPAR PAUL WEBB RÉALISÉPAR AVA DUVERNAY
©2014 Pathé Productions Limited. Tous droits réservés.
CORRIGÉ
des activités
ACTIVITÉ 1
CORRIGÉ
des activités
A) Understanding the context: the situation in 1964
Watch this extract from the film and explain which obstacles African American citizens met when they tried to register to vote in Southern states.
Annie Lee Jackson at the courthouse:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M8giaBkb82w
Other information on the same topic is mentioned in the film ; do you remember which other ways are said to be used against Black people when they try to register to vote?
Obstacles met by black citizens when they tried to register to vote:
* In the courthouse scene:
- literacy tests
- intimidation from white magistrates («what will your employer say?»)
* in other scenes of the movie (watch especially 00:53:00-00:55:00):
- poll tax (black people were poor and thus could not afford it)
- sponsoring (you needed another black person to vouch for you)
- an all-white justice system prejudiced against black people and protecting the KKK
B) The 1965 Voting Rights Act
Here is an extract from the 1965 Voting Rights Act: (…)
1. What do you think was the impact of this new law?
2. From what you’ve seen at the end of the film, how did the new law change the face of Southern politics? What happened once black people could easily vote?
3. Do you think Black citizens were the only community affected by these new measures? Who else do you think got more rights than before?
4. Do you think this enforcement of equal rights put an end to racism?
The enactment of the law immediately decreased racial inequality in voting. Literacy tests and all other discriminatory measures were ruled out. Nearly 250,000 African Americans registered
to vote in 1965.
Once African Americans were allowed to vote not only did they not re-elect those who had denied them their rights (ex: Selma Sheriff Jim Clark was never sheriff again) but they also massively
voted for candidates of their own color so as to ensure that their voice would be heard and represented in federal and national decision-making. Between 1965 and 1985, African Americans
elected as state legislators in the 11 former Confederate states increased from 3 to 176.
As voters they could also be members of jury and thus have KKK members sentenced to jail, whereas all-white juries used to acquit white defendants accused of race related crimes (lynchings,
beatings, verbal and sexual abuse...).
All other ethnic minorities benefited from this new law as they met with the same obstacles (due to racism mostly): Asians, Latinos and other legal citizens also seized this new opportunity to
be heard.
The legislation of equal rights did not put an end to racism as you can’t force people’s opinions but it certainly contributed to asserting the idea that African Americans, as well as other minorities, should be treated as equals.
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ACTIVITÉ 2
CORRIGÉ
des activités
A) Granting black people the right to vote
People
Their opinion on the right to vote
Martin Luther King Jr. and the SCLC
Desegregation was a victory but African Americans were still being physically and verbally abused in the South.
Allowing them to vote freely would not only enforce their constitutional rights but also give them a chance to defend
their interests and be taken seriously.
Governor of Alabama George Wallace and Selma’s Sheriff Jim Clark
«We have a certain way things are done. It’s the way it is, it’s the way people want it to stay». 01:41:00
Most Southerners could simply not consider black people as their equals, whatever the Constitution and its various
Amendments said. It was racism pure and simple.
President of the USA Lyndon B. Johnson
«This voting thing is just gonna have to wait». 00:11:48
Only 6 months after granting African Americans equal rights and thus putting an end to segregation in the South (1964
Equal Rights Act) President Johnson wanted to focus on winning the Vietnam war. He was afraid his electorate might
believe that he only cared about Black citizens if he granted them too much too soon. His other concern was not to
push the Southern Congressmen too far.
B) Following Martin Luther King Jr.
1. Compare the French (left) and the American (right) movie poster of Selma.
What is surprising with the American movie poster ? Why? What is the effect created by this unusual perspective?
Many scenes in the movie also choose to show King from behind. Can you imagine why?
As a spectator, where does the camera place us? How does it influence our judgment?
It is very unusual to show the main character of a film from behind, especially if the hero is a historic figure such as MLK or if the main actor is famous. This is a bold choice. It is the director’s
choice to put us viewers right behind King in many scenes of the movie. This perspective puts us into the shoes of King’s followers, equal rights protesters facing white hostility. This creates a
feeling of immersion into the film’s moral battle and influences our judgment as we are compelled to side with the SCLC. It also shows us without any distance how terrifying it must have been
to bravely walk forward armed policemen with no other weapon than conviction, faith and non-violence.
2. Look at this quote from the film:
«King returns to his Atlanta residence. C. King and children present. 01:24 pm. LOGGED.»
a) Is it a spoken or a written quote? Is it the only one in the film? What do they refer to? which sounds come with them?
This is one of the written quotes that regularly appear on the screen, accompanied by a typewriting sound. One can also notice the FBI seal. They refer to the notes taken by officers following
King and logging minutely all his activities (where he was, when and with whom, doing what). All entries adopt a very formal/ neutral, almost military style.
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ACTIVITÉ 2
Different Prespectives
CORRIGÉ
des activités
b) Who was following King? Why?
The FBI was following King because he was considered a possible threat to the peace of the nation. As an activist challenging the laws and who had proved able to gather thousands of protesters to march to Washington, he was under watch for fear he talked his followers into resorting to violent acts.
c) Do we get to see the FBI in the film? who represents it?
J. Edgar Hoover, director of the Bureau, is seen discussing the «King case» with Hoover.
The FBI agents following King are never seen so as to suggest that their tracking is inconspicuous yet efficient (see the notes on screen).
d) What’s the position of the FBI regarding King and the SCLC? What do they offer to do?
Hoover calls King «a political and moral degenerate» (00:15:00) and suggests that he should be disposed of, an indirect death threat dismissed by the president. Then he offers to use the Reverend’s family life to undermine the man, and thus the movement. He suggests to use the existing tensions in the couple to dismantle the family and drive King’s attention away from politics.
e) Does President Johnson agree with the FBI? does he accept their offer?
President Johnson disagrees with Hoover when it comes to «disposing» of him and first refuses to use his family as leverage against him. But when King meets the president for the second
time and refuses to cancel the march from Selma to Montgomery, Hoover is furious because he knows things will end badly for the protesters («50 miles across rural Alabama» 00:55:50). He is
now ready to stop the SCLC from marching at all costs, a position we understand as he simply says «get me J. Edgar Hoover!» to his assistant. In the next shot, we see Coretta King listening to
a recording of his husband’s alleged lovemaking to another woman, and we immediately understand (as does King himself) that the president has accepted Hoover’s offer to resort to the man’s
private life to crush down his movement.
f) What image of the FBI is given in Selma? What do you think of their attitude?
The image of the FBI is a very negative one. J. Edgar Hoover is portrayed as a secret assassin and his agents as mere spies with no brains.
C) Two men face to face: King vs. the president
1. Think about the different scenes of the film where King and Johnson communicate: how does these verbal
exchanges evolve?
MLK and Johnson’s relationships grow more and more tense as their interests diverge. First they meet, then they speak on the phone, finally they communicate through the president’s assistant. Their relationship, cordial at first, grows cold and distant as they can’t find a way to compromise.
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ACTIVITÉ 2
CORRIGÉ
des activités
2. Have the two men worked together before? How did it end?
MLK was the one to convince the president that racial segregation had to be put to an official and immediate end, which led to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. During their first meeting in the
movie Johnson hints at the fact that he had offered MLK a job at the White House, an offer which MLK obviously declined, probably to stay true to his cause and not be biased by political
interests.
3. Is the president pleased to deal with King as the representative of the Black cause?
He is, because MLK, since he won the Nobel Peace Prize, is famous all over the world, and his fame shines positively on whoever works alongside him. More pragmatically he is pleased that
King manages to contain violence in his camp and is not «one of those Malcolm X types» (00:10:00). As a leader able to raise huge crowds, MLK could be dangerous if he decided to encourage
riots, armed rebellion or violent counterattacks on the KKK.
4.What did the two men agree and disagree upon from the beginning of the film?
Both men agreed on the idea that African Americans should be granted equal rights everywhere in America. Johnson mentions the Equal Rights of 1964 as the «proudest moment of my life»
(00:09:31) so he was not at all opposed to King’s ideas. What they disagreed upon was the timing of things: MLK demanded immediate action whereas the president, as a politician, wanted to
satisfy all his voters and not seem to favor only a minority. He believed that winning the Vietnam War would grant him unanimous and historic approval so that was what came first on his
agenda.
5. Which strategies did MLK resort to to convince Johnson to (re)act?
«Right now Johnson has other fish to fry and he’ll ignore us if he can. The only way to stop him doing that is by being on the front page of the national press every morning, and by being on the TV
news every night. And that requires drama.» (00:30:00)
King knew he had to use the media to make the entire population of the USA (especially the North) aware of the situation in the South. As a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize he knew his
actions would be covered by the media so he had to be there whenever there was racism and blatant transgression of the law.
6. «This place is perfect». Why did King and the SCLC choose the city of Selma to fight for their voting rights?
King explains in his first meeting with the SNCC students that Selma is the perfect stage for dramatic action because its sheriff, Jim Clark, can easily be manipulated into violence. His failure
to enforce the law will be the key to reach white awareness.
King mentions that his SCLC team spent 9 months in the town of Albany trying to get attention but that its sheriff, Laurie Pritchett, was a cautious man eager not to break the law. Without any
drama / violent action, no cameras came, and so their protest remained a local topic hardly ever discussed by the authorities.
The «test» at the bank (where King gets slapped in the face) proves King right: the white people in Selma are ready to burst and when they do, he will make sure the cameras will be here to
catch it on film. King decides to start his action with a sit-in at the courthouse because it is «a citadel defended by fanatics. Perfect stage.» (00:32:00)
P . 39
ACTIVITÉ 2
CORRIGÉ
des activités
7. What made the president flinch eventually? Martin Luther King Jr., the media or someone / something else?
Even after the uproar created by the images of Black protesters being assaulted by policemen in Selma on the news, Johnson still hoped he could compromise with both Governor Wallace and
King to settle things quietly. But both men refused to meet halfway, leaving the president with no other choice but to set things right himself. What eventually made him make up his mind
was what King told him about his legacy, something he cared about most, contrary to Governor Wallace: «I’ll be damned if I’m gonna let history put me in the same place as the likes of you!»
(01:42:00).
8. How would you say Lyndon B. Johnson is represented in the film? does the film Selma give a good image of him? Give examples.
Movie critics argued that Selma depicted Johnson in a very negative manner, as a heartless tactician only interested in his personal legacy. In the film his character is double-faced: a human
rights defender in the public place, a hot-tempered politician in his private office. What shocked viewers is the fact that he is the only character using a very familiar, even rude language throughout the movie and not only during the scenes when he is furious or has good reason to lose his nerve.
D) Black dissensions: Malcolm X vs. Martin Luther King Jr.
2. Who meets with him in the movie? Why?
Martin’s wife Coretta meets him in the Selma church while her husband is in jail. He wants to offer his help, even though he disagrees with King’s methods.
3. What is Martin Luther King Jr.’s reaction to this meeting?
Martin Luther King Jr. is furious. Malcolm X has slandered his name, calling him a «modern day Uncle Tom» and alleging that «the white man pays [him] to keep negroes defenseless». (00:43:00)
King is not ready for a truce.
4. What did the two black leaders disagree upon?
King praised non-violence as the only way to make things change whereas Malcolm X believed that only acts of terrorism could trigger a reaction from the white government. Malcolm X did
not encourage integration but supported black supremacy, another form of racism claiming the superiority of the black race.
5. Why did the SCLC choose non-violence as a weapon against racism? was it only an ethical choice?
King was inspired by Gandhi’s action and his own faith, but he had to be pragmatic when it came to convince protesters not to retaliate when beaten up mercilessly. His message is explained
in a scene when, after the first Selma march went horribly wrong, a black man wants to take arms: «Now you take two of them, they’ll take a hundred of us. (...) We have to win another way».
(01:15:42) There was simply no way African Americans could physically win against the US army, so non-violence was their only chance to be heard.
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ACTIVITÉ 2
CORRIGÉ
des activités
7. What does this opposition between two civil rights defenders tells us about protest ?
History tends to make us believe that all African Americans sided with King, when in fact few followed him. Some were (rightfully) scared, others thought he was too meek, others still accused
him of secretly working for the White House’s best interests, not theirs. Some black people had just got used to the way things were and feared change of any kind. The KKK and its ruthless
practices had managed to silence most of their claims. The Civil Rights movement itself was divided, as seen in the movie with the frowning of the two SNCC students, who wanted no drama
and tried to make things change peacefully (to no avail). Protest takes courage and perseverance, but its main enemy is often discord among activists and leaders. Maybe King could win
because his inside enemy was down: «I have no army behind me anymore. I have myself, and the truth.» Malcolm X. (00:40:00)
E) Viola Liuzzo: the white martyr
1. Try to imagine the life and motivations of Viola Liuzzo:
- As an American white woman of the 1960s, what sort of daily life did she experience?
- Do you think she was a Southerner? Why?
- Why did she come to Selma?
- Do you think she met with difficulties? What do you think were the reactions of her husband / children / parents / neighbors?
- How would you qualify her actions?
- Who do you think shot her? Why?
- Could you compare her fate to that of other character(s) in the film? Who?
On profitera de cette activité pour faire travailler la formulation d’hypothèses. Les expressions en gras pourront être écrites au tableau en guise de prompts.
She must have been a housewife, as most white middle class ladies in the 1960s.
She was certainly expected to care for her home, her husband and her children.
She was probably not expected to volunteer as an activist, especially for a cause so far from her concerns.
Her neighbors must have disapproved of her socializing with black protesters. Her husband and children may have feared for her safety.
She probably lived in the North.
She might have seen Martin Luther King Jr. on TV when he delivered his «I have a dream» speech. She had to know about his equal rights claims.
Her actions were brave / courageous / bold / compassionate.
She must have been shot by Alabama citizens who disapproved of the march / voting rights for black people / racists / white supremacists from the South.
Her fate is comparable to that of the white priest who saw Selma on the news and decided to come down. South and join the movement. He was beaten up to death by white Alabama men who
wanted to show him «what it was like to be a nigger down here».
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ACTIVITÉ 2
CORRIGÉ
des activités
2. Now search the web for information about the real Viola Liuzzo and check your hypotheses.
«Viola Fauver Gregg Liuzzo (April 11, 1925 – March 25, 1965) was a Unitarian Universalist civil rights activist from Michigan. In March 1965 Liuzzo, then a housewife and mother of 5 with a history of local activism, heeded the call of Martin Luther King Jr and traveled from Detroit, Michigan to Selma, Alabama in the wake of the Bloody Sunday attempt at marching across the Edmund
Pettus Bridge. Liuzzo participated in the successful Selma to Montgomery marches and helped with coordination and logistics. Driving back from a trip shuttling fellow activists to the Montgomery airport, she was shot by members of the Ku Klux Klan. She was 39 years old.
One of the four Klansmen in the car from which the shots were fired was Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) informant Gary Rowe. Rowe testified against the shooters and was moved and given
an assumed name by the FBI. The FBI later leaked what were purported to be salacious details about Liuzzo which were never proved or substantiated in any way.»
Taken from Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viola_Liuzzo
3. What was the role allegedly played by the FBI in Viola Liuzzo’s death? does it confirm or contradict the impression of the Bureau given in the film?
«After Liuzzo’s death, the FBI was concerned that they might be held accountable for their informant’s (Rowe) role in the death. Rowe had been an informant for the FBI since 1960. The FBI was
aware that Rowe had participated in violent activities during Ku Klux Klan activities. On the day of Liuzzo’s death, prior to the shooting Rowe called his FBI contact and notified him that Rowe
and other Klansman were travelling to Montgomery, and that violence was planned. After Liuzzo’s death, the FBI initiated a cover-up campaign, to obscure the fact that an FBI informant was in
the car, and to ensure that the FBI was not held responsible for permitting their informant to participate in violent acts, without FBI surveillance or backup.
FBI director J. Edgar Hoover initiated a campaign to discredit Liuzzo in the eyes of the public. Hoover insinuated to President Johnson that Liuzzo was a drug addict, that she had sex with Moton,
and that her husband was involved with organized crime. The FBI leaked the allegations to the media, and several newspapers repeated the claims. Liuzzo’s husband attempted to defend his
wife’s reputation; his daughter Penny states that the disinformation campaign «took the life right out of him .. he started drinking a lot.» Autopsy testing in 1965 showed no traces of drugs in
Liuzzo’s system, and that she had not had sex recently at the time of death. The FBI’s role in the smear campaign was uncovered in 1978 when Liuzzo’s children obtained case documents from the
FBI under the Freedom of Information Act.»
4. What do you think was the impact of Liuzzo’s death on American citizens, both black and white?
5. Do you think Viola Liuzzo was a heroine? Justify your answer.
«Liuzzo was criticized by different racist organizations for having brought her death upon herself. At that time, Liuzzo’s choice to immerse herself in such a dangerous undertaking was seen as
extremely radical and controversial. However, of all the deaths to occur during the campaign, Liuzzo’s was the only one scrutinized in such a way, where other male activists who were killed were
recognized as heroes.»
Because she was a woman, her involvement was considered foolish and not heroic. Even though her reputation was stained by FBI slander, she became an inspiration for other women eager to
commit and make the world change instead of sheepishly staying at home and obey their husbands.
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ACTIVITÉ 4
Martin Luther King‘s legacy
CORRIGÉ
des activités
A) Martin Luther King Jr. Day: a webquest
1. When is Martin Luther King Day celebrated each year?
The third Monday of January. MLK was born on January 15 so MLK Day is around that date.
2. When was it this year? When will it be in 2019?
In 2015 it was January 19th. In 2019 the date will be January 21st.
3. When was firs Martin Luther King Day celebrated?
15th January 1990.
4. Are schools and shops closed on this day?
«Non-essential Government departments are closed, as are many corporations. Some schools and colleges close but
others stay open and teach their students about the life and work of Martin Luther King. Small companies, such as
grocery stores and restaurants tend to be open, although a growing number are choosing to close on this day.»
5. What is the purpose of this holiday?
«It is seen as a day to promote equal rights for all Americans, regardless of their background.»
6. What are Americans encouraged to do on Martin Luther King Day?
«In recent years, federal legislation has encouraged Americans to give some of their time on this day as volunteers in
citizen action groups.»
B) «I have a dream»
1. Who marched to Washington DC along with Martin Luther King Jr.? How many people do you think were present?
Were there only black people?
2. What was the purpose of this march? What did these protesters demand?
«The march was organized by a group of civil rights, labor, and religious organizations, under the theme «jobs and freedom». Estimates of the number of participants varied from 200,000 to
300,000; it is widely accepted that approximately 250,000 people participated in the march. Observers estimated that 75–80% of the marchers were black.»
Taken from Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_on_Washington_for_Jobs_and_Freedom
3. Where did Martin Luther King Jr. deliver his speech? Why is this particular place symbolic?
Under the statue of Lincoln, the very president who abolished slavery in 1864, one century earlier. It is symbolic because according to the Civil Rights Movement few things have changed for
«the negro» ever since, and they demand that this injustice be repaired.
4. How does the crowd react to Martin Luther King’s speech? What does this interaction remind you of? What do you think makes Martin Luther King such a
powerful public speaker?
King was a reverend, used to preach sermons every Sunday in church. His speech shows that he perfectly mastered biblical references and metaphors. His speech sounds like the gospel as it
is preached in African American churches: the priest speaks louder and louder, encouraging the crowd to react and interact («amen»). The assembly is galvanized by King’s powerful voice and
careful rhythm (note the ternary repetitions) as much as by his well-chosen, convincing words. He resorts to concepts such as liberty, equality and justice because they are «deeply rooted in the
American Dream», just like his own dream of seeing black citizens being considered just like any other Americans.
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ACTIVITÉ 4
Martin Luther King‘s legacy
CORRIGÉ
des activités
5. Read these excerpts from the text. What do you think they refer to?
Quotes from the speech:
References:
«a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the «unalienable Rights» of «Life, Liberty and the
pursuit of Happiness.»
The Constitution of the USA
«We can never be satisfied as long as our children are (...) robbed of their dignity by signs stating: «For Whites Only.»
Racial segregation in the South
«I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to
sit down together at the table of brotherhood.»
Slavery
«the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression»
«down in Alabama, with its vicious racists»
Racism and the KKK in Southern states of the USA
«My country ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!»
«Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!»
Slave songs (Free at last and Let freedom Ring)
«and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.»
The Bible
P . 44

selma - Zéro de conduite

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Biographie de Martin Luther King par la classe de 6e3 " Une grande

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Martin Luther King

Martin Luther King contre sa légende

le bazar des mauvais rêves

Je fais un rêve. - Martin Luther King

KING SIZE Wake up ! (Scalen Distribution) Maturité! C`est le premier