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15
Proto-industrialization, economic
development and social change in early
modern Europe
Sheilagh C. Ogilz;ieand Markus Cerman
Proto-industries arose in almost every part of Europe in the two or three
centuries before industrialization, and research on them encompasses
almost every aspect of early modern European life. The chapters in this
book discuss proto-industries from the Mediterr€rne:rn to the North Sea
and the Baltic, and from the Adantic Ocean to the Oder and the
Danube. They also reveal a multiplicity of perspectives on protoindusry. Some chapters, such as those on France, Sweden and
Flanders, orient themselves around the hypotheses of Franklin Mendels;
others, such as those on Bohemia, Austria, Swizerland, Germany and
England, focus on the theories of Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm;
while those on Ireland, Spain and Italy have simply chosen to discuss
'proto-industries' in these countries without systematic confrontation
with one or another of the explanatory frameworks originally advanced
along with the term 'proto-industrialization' in the 1970s.
Even under the rubric 'proto-industry', the various chapters encompass a number of different kinds of industrial production, reflecting the
continuing debate about defining and circumscribing proto-industry
(see Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1993: 217fl. Clarkson's
chapter on Ireland criticizes the growing tendency to categorize all
possible forms of pre-industrial manufacturing as proto-industries, and
urges that a distinction be drawn between export-oriented protoindustries and locally oriented crafts. However, Magnusson's chapter on
Sweden and Belfanti's chapter on northem Italy view rural location and
freedom from guilds as more important than strict expoft orientation in
defining a proto-industry. Thomson's chapter on Spain and Cerman's
chapter on Austria, by contast, also consider those industries which
were urban, guild-dominated or centralized into manufactories - as long
as they were export oriented. The various textile branches occupy
centre-stage in the chapters on most countries, which reflects their
overwhelming importance in early modem European industry, but the
different technical demands of different branches of textiles, metal
production and mining emerge from most contributions, and the
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SheilaghC. OgilnieandMarkus Cerman
Proto-industrializationin earlymodern Europe
229
of production, and certain institutional contexts. Moreover, birth and
marriage rates declined with falling relative prices iust as strongly as they
expanded with rising ones - Pfister ascribes Mendels' ratchet mechanism to faults in his statistical analysis (Pfister 1989a). French and
German research, too, shows proto-industrial producers adjusting
nuptiality and fertility to economic fluctuations. Swiss research suggests
that rapid population growth in many proto-industrial regions was due
to better nutrition and falling mortality, rather than rising nuptiality and
fertility. Indeed, Pfister identifies three distinct models of protoindustrial demographic behaviour, all observed in early modern Switzerland; he argues that the relative marginal productivity of domestic labour
and household capital are the main explanatory variables behind these
differences (Pfister L992b: 222 and passim). German findings suggest an
even greater variety of demographic patterns, because demographic
behaviour was affected by ttre ways in which social institutions
constrained economic and social decisions in the specific region, as well
as by the technological and organizational demands of the specific protoindustry. Similarly, the evidence from both England and Germany
suggests that the position of women was not consistendy affected by
proto-industrial occupation, but rather depended on the organization of
sociery and the economy in the particular proto-industrial region.
Originally it was argued that proto-industrialization led to impoverishment for its panicipants. However, the chapters in this book show that
although some proto-industries saw falling living standards, others saw
rising ones. Uving standards appear to have been dependent upon the
features of the particular proto-industry in question, and the fluctuations
it went through, rather than *re fact that it was a proto-industry. In the
Po valley, proto-industry shielded peasants from falling incomes, and in
Tuscany it protected them for a long time from the consequences of
worsening shareholding contracts. Proto-industrialization unambiguously led to prosperity for rural producers in eighteenth-century
Flanders, northem France and Catalonia. Most Swiss proto-industrial
regions had lower mortality than average because of better and more
varied nutrition. Where proto-industrial workers did see falling incomes,
it was often because of a general downtum of the whole economy, as in
nineteenth-century Flanders and northem France after 1789.
As Deyon concludes, 'the impoverishment of households has not been
proved for all the very diverse models and all the successive phases of
proto-industrialization'. Indeed, if we assume - as contemporary records
suggest - that to marry and form a family was viewed as more desirable
than lifelong celibacy by most people in early modern Europe, rhen
wherever proto-industry was associated with earlier or more universal
mining and metal trades are discussed in detail in the chapters on
Bohemia and Austria.
A wide variety of aspects of the original proto-industrialization
theories are emphasized by the different chapters. Schlumbohm's
conceptual chapter discusses the methodological and chronological
dimensions of the theory, while Ogilvie's explores the neglected framework of social institutions. In the chapters on Italy, Ireland, France,
Sweden and Spain, questions of economic development, and in
particular the ransition to factory industrialization, are at centre-stage.
The chapter on Flanders concentrates on demographic change and
standards of living. The chapters on England, Austria, Bohemia,
Switzerland and Germany widen the focus not only to demography and
agriculture, but also to questions of social history such as changes in
gender roles, consumption behaviour, everyday life, social structure, the
family economy, and family strucrures.
Research on European proto-industrialization thus covers an enormous geographical and thematic ranger and its findings have become
central to understanding many aspects of economy and society in early
modem Europe. \What general conclusions emerge from the array of
case-snrdies suweyed in the present volume?
It is acknowledged by the original theorists that the demographic
predictions of the original theory are not generally borne out by empirical
findings (Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1993: 2L9n. The counory
studies in the present volume confirm the variety, rather than the
uniformity, of demographic responses to proto-industrialization. The
predicted fall in age at marriage, rise in fertility, and rapid population
growth are confirmed only for Catalonia and Bohemia, and for
scattered regions of Austria, Switzerland, Germany and Italy. Fertiliry,
nuptiality and population growth actually decreased in Flanders as
proto-industrialization progressed. A very wide variety of demographic
responses to proto-industries can be observed across England, Sweden,
Austria, Italy, Switzerland and Germany.
Even where demographic behaviour changed, the cause could be
agricultural expansion rather than proto-industry, as in parts of England,
Ireland and Germany. Proto-industrial population growttr was also
capable of 'going into reverse', as Hudson points out for England.
Mendels''ratchet mechanism' - whereby proto-industrial nuptiality and
fenility increased in good years and did not decrease in bad years - has
proved difficult to replicate. In *re only duplication hitherto of Mendels'
statistical model, Pfister, working on the Ziirich highland, found that a
shift in relative prices in favour of the proto-industrial sector increased
birth and marriage rates, but only in certain time-periods, certain stages
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SheilaghC. Ogiluieand Markus Cerman
marriage, we may speculate that it increased human well being, even
where it did not increase standards of material consumption.
Initially, it was argued *rat proto-industries were carried out by landpoor or landless groups, and that they furthered the process of rural
'proletarianization',
the growth in the number of families dependent
wholly on wages for survival. Flowever, the chapters in this book show a
much more variegated picture. In Italy, Germany, Austria, England and
Sweden, research has shown that the families involved in domestic
industry belonged to various social groups - small landowners, tenant
farmers, cottagers, farm labourers and rural craftsmen - depending on
the technical demands of the proto-industry, the nature of regional
landholding and the institutional organization of both agriculture and
indusry. German, Swiss and Austrian research shows that the practice
of some metal and textile proto-industries required expensive workshops
and equipment, which could not be afforded by the poorest or landless
groups in the rural population; instead, these proto-industries were
practised by peasants. In some German regions, both peasants and
cottagers practised proto-industry, with the peasants actually producing
larger volumes of oulput.
Proletarianization in proto-industrial regions was often affected by
agriculture more than by proto-industry. In the silk regions of
I-ombardy, for example, a progressive proletarianization of the rural
classes took place because the landlords redefined the terms of sharecropping contracts. Resilient agrarian institutions maintained landownership by proto-industrial producers in a number of English,
Austrian and German regions. In some Swiss, French and Flemish
proto-indusries, producers accumulated proto-industrial earnings in
order to invest in buying land and setting up business as a farmer. On
the whole, the pre-industrial social system proved flexible enough in the
majority of investigated cases to absorb any changes in social strucrure
which proto-industrialization might cause, rather than breaking down or
preparing the way for a social upheaval.
Throughout Europe, *re rise during the eady modern period of a
rural sub-stratum which could not live wholly from its own land is
widely observed. According to the theories, proto-industrialization
required a ceftain degree of such social polarization as a precondition,
and there is evidence confirming this for a number of proto-industrial
regions. However, very few case-studies provide a systematic examination ofsocial structure before and after the appearance ofproto-industry,
and this is a fruitful and important area for future research. In a number
of proto-industrial regions, social differentiation undeniably increased
during the course of proto-industrialization, and by the end of the
Proto-industrialization in early modem Europe
231
eighteenth century was higher than in many agrarian regions. This is not
surprising, since availability of non-agricultural (or non-land-intensive)
livelihoods made it possible - although not inevitable - for people to live
with little or no land, and thus to swell the size of the rural sub-stratum.
But labouring, small trading, peddling, rural crafts for local needs, and
even certain forms of intensive agriculture such as vine growing, olive
growing or market gardening which required very small plots of highly
productive land, were also compatible with the rapid expansion of landpoor or landless rural groups. Thus proto-industry was only one sort of
rural economic activity which enabled survival without much or any
land, even if in many regions it was quantitatively the most important.
Moreover, although proto-industry created *te potential for the rise
and survival of large landless or land-poor rural groups, whether this
potential was realized depended on social institutions. In many
European proto-industrial regions, the unlimited growth in tfie number
of households of the rural sub-stratum was restricted by the existing
social system. Rather than obtaining their own cottages on the village
commons, the proto-industrial producers became inmates in peasant
households and remained part of the agrarian social system as well as
of the agrarian economy, for instance as seasonal wage labourers for
peasants (Berkner 1973; Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1993:
226-32; Schlumbohm 1994). Even in regions where there was a
dramatic growth in the rural sub-stratum because of the availabiliry of
proto-industrial work, the social hierarchies within villages and the
strong position of the landholding peasants were often maintained or
even increased.
Proto-industrialization is supposed to have been associated with the
commercialization of agriculture in neighbouring regions and subsistence
by-employed farming in the proto-industrial region itself (Mendels 1972;
Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1981). However, as Schlumbohm
acknowledges in his chapter in this book, the bifurcation into regions of
'merely a special case
commercial agriculture and of proto-industry was
of a considerably more complex situation'. In Catalonia, proto-industry
did not stimulate agricultural commercialization, but rather the survival
of small-scale subsistence farming. In Swizerland, the system of
complementary regions of commercial agriculture and proto-industry
was more complex and segmented than the ideal-typical model, and
Pfister identifies at least three sub-patterns. In Italy and in Germany,
proto-industry arose alongside a wide variety of forms of farming,
including feudal agriculture, cottager systems, peasant smallholdings and
large commercial farms. In most parts of Europe, there were some protoindustries with littte or no integration between agricultural activity and
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SheilaghC. Ogilaieand Markus Cerman
indusuial work, while in others by-employment in agriculture, whether
as labourer, cottager or small landowner, remained the norm. Food and
raw material supplies came sometimes from neighbouring regions,
sometimes from the proto-industrial region itself and sometimes from
even further afield.
Nor was proto-industrialization always associated with the breakdown
of feudalism, as was originally postulated (Kriedte, Medick and
Schlumbohm 1981). Spanish historians argue that proto-industry
sustained low-productiviry agriculture, thereby serving 'as a prop to the
survival of feudalism'. As Myika and Ogilvie point out, in Bohemia,
Moravia and Silesia importanr proto-industries developed and lasted for
centuries, despite the so-called 'second serfdom' and increasing involvement of the feudal nobility in non-agrarian economic activities. Myika
shows the many ways in which feudal lords affected proto-industry
direcdy, precisely through exploiting their monopoly rights over their
peasants'labour. Feudalism was abolished only in the later eighteenth or
early nineteenth century, and then because of state initiatives, not protoindustrialization. Feudalism was thus completely consistent with protoindustrialization, and was nor broken down by it.
A central theme in almost all the country studies in this book is
industrial organization: the form of production (craft, domestic industry,
'proto-factory'); the
system of marketing (Kaufsystem, Verlagssyvem,
manufactory); and the division of labour (within or between households,
by sex and age within the household, between full-time and by-employed
producers). The dominance of the putting-out system in the original
theories - even though consciously adopted as a correction to earlier
studies - can hardly be justified, judging from the multiplicity of forms
portrayed in the chapters of this book. The multiplicity of production
forms arose partly from the variety of different branches of protoindustry, and partly from *re variety of social and institutional contexts,
which placed different technical and organizational constraints on
producers. In some circumstances, different production forms could coexist in one and the same industrial region. Similarly, the dominance of
the 'family economy' in the original theories has been complicated by
the emergence of various kinds of division of labour between households, sexes, age groups, and full-time industrial producers and those
who worked part time in agriculture, labouring, peddling, trading in raw
materials or other rural by-employments. Although the family was
generally the unit of proto-industrial production, this was by no means
always the case; and the organization of work within proto-industrial
families varied widely.
The importance of other forms of production than the puning-out
Proto-industrialization in early modem Europe
233
systemr to some extent as supplements to it, emerges from most of the
country studies in the book. For proto-industrial textile production in
Bohemia and Austria, for silk processing in Italy and for cotton
production in Catalonia, manufactories played an important role. That
guilded industrial production is not necessarily incompatible with
expoft-oriented rural domestic industry is shown by the textile industries
in Castile, the linen and scythe-making industries in Austria, many
textile and metal proto-industries in German territories and various
forms of 'guild purchase' in Germany, Austria and Bohemia. Through
merchants, guilded industrial producers could become just as integrated
into the putting-out system as rural domestic workers were. \il7here this
was the case, there no longer seems to be a clear demarcation between
different groups of producers, and upon occasion - as is shown in the
chapters on France, Spain and Germany - there could be co-operation
between rural domestic industries and guild-organized finishing industries in towns. The widespread survival and new formation of guilds in
rural proto-industries blurs the distinction between these and guilded
export industries in the late medieval period. However, this does not
necessarily mean that industrial production for local needs should be
integrated into the concepts of proto-industrialization (Kriedte, Medick
and Schlumbohm 1993: 226n.
Even *re Kaufsystem (artisanal system) and Wrlagssysrern(putting-out
system) which are the main focus of the original theories turn out to
have varied a great deal, and did not always show a progtession from one
to the other. In most proto-industrial regions of Sweden, for example,
producers were able to retain control over the production process and
the market by maintaining the artisanal system. The same is true for
France, where case-studies have sought to clarifu the transition mechanisms between arrisanal and putting-out system. Similarly, in Catalonia,
despite the involvement of merchant capital, merchants did not become
more closely involved in the production process. For the wool industry
in the West Riding of Yorkshire, Hudson explains the expansion of the
putting-out system in the production of worsteds and the maintenance
of an arcisanal system operated by rural craftsmen in *re production of
woollens, in terms of differences in landownership and social smrcture.
In the Black Forest of u7iirttemberg, both anisanal system and puttingout system survived side by side among rural worsted weavers in the
same communities over more than two centuries, sustained by the fine
balance of institutional privileges between rural guilds and merchant
company.
Finally, almost all contributions show that the division of labour
within proto-industrial households depended on the sort of industry it
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SheilaghC. Ogibie and Markus Csrman
was, *re social groups which participated in production (whether they
were peas€urtsor sub-peasants), the structure of full-time industrial work
and by-employments, and social and institutional factors (cf. Kriedte,
Medick and Schlumbohm 1993). As Pfister points out on the basis of
Swiss evidence, the family was not always the unit of proto-industrial
production, but rather different family members carried out different
forms of wage work as individuals; this had far-reaching effects on
demographic behaviour and family strucnrre.
The original theories assumed *rat proto-industrialization both
required, and furthered, the replacement of 'traditional' social institutions with markets. However, the contribution by Ogilvie points out that
urban privileges, guilds, merchant companies, village communities and
seigneurial institutions remained important in many cases of European
proto-industrialization, and this is amply borne out by the country
studies in this volume.
Towns retained a variety of legal privileges to regulate proto-industries
to a late date, except in England, Ireland and Flanders. In Italy, protoindustries could arise only in 'institutional enclaves' where urban
privileges were neutralized. In o*rer cases, urban privileges did not
prevent the rise of proto-industries, but did shape their growth: in
Castile and Catalonia throughout the eighteenth cenrury, in Saxony,
ITestphalia, \Ttirttemberg and many other German regions until after
1800, and in Sweden until about 1820. Even in Switzerland, where
urban powers declined during the seventeenth century, towns retained
inspection rights and ensured customs privileges and monopolies for
merchants; Zld;ich actually increased its controls over rural entrepreneurs after 1670, and these constraints contributed to delaying mechanization in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Panly because of the survival of urban privileges, but pardy too
because they obtained suppon from the growing early modem state,
merchant groups enjoyed legal privileges in many proto-industries: the
'special corporative organizations' formed
by merchants in many Swiss
proto-industries; the 'franquicias' necessary to operate in the Catalan
cotton proto-industry; the privileged manufactories characteristic of
Austrian proto-industries; *re urban inspection offices in the $Testphalian linen proto-industries; the obligation to sell through urban merchant
guilds in Saxon proto-industries; the monopoly and monopsony
privileges of proto-industrial merchant companies in the Rhineland and
$Ttirttemberg; and even the powers of the 'Blackwell Hall factors'in the
southem English textile proto-industries.
Guilds, too, were widespread in European proto-industries until the
end of the eighteenth century, except in England, Ireland and Flanders.
Proto-industrializationin earlymodem Europe
235
Guilds retained important economic influence over rural proto-industries in Switzerland until the early seventeenth century, in France and
l7estphalia until the late seventeenth century, in Bohemia and Saxony
until the eady eighteenth century, in Austria, Catalonia and parts of the
Rhineland until *re later eighteenth century, and in Sweden and
\Trirnemberg into the nineteenth century. In Castile and many parts of
northem Italy, guilds excluded proto-industry altogether - even from
the countryside. [.ong political struggles were required before the guilds
could be weakened in proto-industries in Catalonia and many parts of
Germany. In Austria, many parts of Germany and some parts of
Bohemia, 'regional' guilds were formed which included rural as well as
urban producersl exclusively rural proto-industrial guilds were formed
in Germany and Italy. Many proto-industrial guilds were not simply
survivals from the medieval period, but were specially formed in
response to the challenges and pressures of proto-industrialization,
including the desire on the part of producers to defend themselves
against privileged merchants, and the desire on the part of the glowing
early modern state to tax and regulate the emerging proto-indusrial
sector.
Peasant communities and seigneurial institutions also helped to shape
many proto-industries. In Austria and many parts of sou*tern Germany,
*rey regulated settlement and marriage until the later eighteenth
century, preventing proto-industrial population explosion or proletarianization. In Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, the strengrhening of feudal
institutions after c. 1650 influenced almost every aspect of protoindustrialization. Sharecropping institutions shaped several Italian
proto-industries, and in I-ombardy the powers of sharecropping landlords became greater, rather than weakening, as the silk proto-industry
'both the location and longevity of protoexpanded. Even in England,
'ruralization' of
industry' was influenced by agrarian institutions. The
export industries in early modem Europe did not necessarily mean their
emancipation from institutional regulation and the growth of markets; it
often simply meant exchanging one set of non-market regulatory
institutions for another.
It is often argued that proto-industrialization led to changes in popular
culture and mentalities, but there is wide debate about what these
changes were. The original theories argued that although protoindustrial producers gxadually adopted cultural practices no longer
rooted in the agrarian society, at the same time they maintained some
basic economic acitudes - subsistence orientation and willingness to
engage in 'self-exploitation' - which are believed by some to be
characteristic of'peasant' and 'traditional' cultures. By contrast, the
236
SheilaghC. Ogilaieand Markus Cennan
proto-industrial merchants and putters-out are supposed to have
adopted a profit-oriented and capitalistic 'market' mentality. The
interaction between 'self-exploitation' on the pan of the producers and
profit maximization on the part of the merchants was a central element
in the growth process which the proto-industrial system was supposed
to have unleashed in early modem Europe (Kriedte, Medick and
Schlumbohm 1981: 50-4).
The contributions in this volume, however, show a wide variety of
cultural practices and attitudes among both rural producers and
merchants. Rural proto-industrial producers manifested both'traditional' and 'market-oriented' attitudes. Thus, Hudson argues that the
'industrious revolution'
in England involved new market-oriented
mentalities among the proto-industrial producers. Flowever, sometimes
'market-oriented' mentalities were
clearly already in existence, as in
parts of England where proto-industry was 'a vigorous response to
additional opportunities for profit'. In other cases, proto-industrial
workers retained a suong orientation toward the land: in the Po valley of
Italy, in Flanders, in northern France and in parts of Germany, Austria
and Switzerland. Finally, proto-industrial workers as far afield as
England, Germany and Italy resisted new techniques and factory
industrialization.
However, orientation to landholding or resistance to new techniques
need not be seen as characteristic of 'traditional' rather than 'market'
mentalities. I-ombard peasants became involved in the silk protoindustry in order to diversifii production and market risks, which is quite
consistent with'capitalist' economic rarionality. Proto-industrial producers did not resist innovations because of inherent conservatism, but
because these threatened their livelihoods: as the rural ribbon makers of
Lusatia show, proto-industrial producers were ready enough to adopt
new techniques which would benefit them. Similarly, the 'traditional
mentalities' which are supposed to have lain behind Mendels' demographic 'ratchet mechanism', whereby proto-industrial workers increased their marriage rate in good years and did not decrease it in bad
years, have failed to materialize for other regions; increasingly it appears
that proto-industrial producers adjusted their demographic behaviour to
livelihood expectations.
Nor was it always the case that the proto-industrial merchants were
oriented toward commerce and capitalist profits (as, indeed, had already
been pardy acknowledged in Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1981:
107tr, l4ltr). In parts of France, for instance, proto-industrial merchants were oriented toward landownership and noble status; in
Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, many proto-industrial'entrepreneurs'
Proto-industrializationin earlymodern Europe
237
were feudal nobles; and in many parts of Europe, the merchants
themselves were organized into guild-like companies which resisted
innovations and opposed entrepreneurial profit seeking. Even where
proto-industry may have been associated with the growth of new
economic and social attitudes, it did not always contribute to the
diffi,rsion of new mentalities to the society more generally, as is shown by
the failure of 'the social values associated with the rise and development
of modern capitalism' to diffirse from Catalonia to other parts of Spain.
A last question, common to all the contributions in this volume,
concerns the transition from proto-industrialization to industrialization
or de-industrialization. The studies in this volume show that *ris
development was highly dependent on factors specific to the panicular
region. Moreover - and this is a finding not dealt with thoroughly in the
debate hitherto - proto-industrial production forms often survived for a
long time in co-existence with the factory system, both supplementing
and resisting it.
As Jrirgen Schlumbohm rightly points out, a maior service performed
by the theories of proto-industrialization was to have conceived the
industrial revolution as a regional phenomenon, and to have explored
the ways in which earlier proto-industrialization may have contributed to
the regional sources of industrialization, whether direcdy through
creating a regional industrial 'tradition' or 'path-dependency', or
indirecdy through its social and demographic consequences. However,
as Deyon points out, subsequent research has now shown conclusively
that proto-industrialization was only one of the possible paths toward the
industrial revolution.
Even research on 'failed' transitions to industrialization in protoindustrial regions, however, has proved very illuminating, for it has
generated a much more detailed analysis of *re factors lying behind
industrial continuity and discontinuity, and behind economic expansion and stagnation more widely. Deyon, Hudson and Ogilvie all trace
industrial discontinuities - i.e. de-industrialization - back to social and
institutional factors. These include both the institutional legary of
proto-industrialization, which could constitute a structural obstacle to
industrialization, and direct resistance by proto-indirstrial producers to
new techniques, new work practices or factory employment. For
Hudson and Magnusson, geographical factors (such as transport
connections or raw material supplies) which helped determine the
location of proto-industry, constituted a fur*rer bundle of causes for
industrialization or de-industrialization. According to Magnusson and
Cerman, state liberalization of trade, industry and agriculture could
also be decisive. But it must also be pointed out that discontinuities
Sheilagh C. Ogiloie and Markus Cerman
between proto-industrialization and later industrialization depended a
great deal on the pafticular industry and its position relative to rival
producers and competing sectors. Moreover, mechanization and concentration of production in an industry in one region could lead to the
de-industrialization of other regions.
The role of intemational economic uends in this transition process is
still not fully illuminated, although it is referred to in passing in most
studies of continental Europe. The repeal of the Continental Blockade
in l8l5 and the influx of higher-quality English yam threw early
attempts at mechanized spinning in many parts of Europe into a severe
crisis, or led to the final disappearance of proto-industrial domestic
spinning, insofar as this had not already taken place. But even temporary
discontinuities between proto-industrial and industrial textile production in Austria, Bohemia, France and many German territories can be
traced back to this source (cf. Crouzet L964: 572tr).
Several of the chapters in this volume point out the survival of protoindustrial production as a supplement or an altemative to factories, long
into the nineteenth or even the t'wentieth century. The conditions for
this survival were created by the very gradual rate of mechanization of
particular branches of production. The sources of this gradualism in
mechanization resided pardy in technical difficulties in mechanization
using particular raw materials, pardy in *re fact that proto-industry often
still remained competitive in terms of costs, and pardy in the only very
gradual dissolution of various political, social and institutional obstacles
to adopting new production practices. The fact that weaving was often
mechanized decades or generations later than spinning - even though
the technology was available in both processes- is well known. I-rss well
known, by contrast, is the intentional maintenance of putting-out
production alongside centralized factory production as a cushion for
fluctuations in demand. Based on such obsenrations, Pierre Deyon
concludes that the industrial revolution did not displace the protoindustrial system in France, but rather 'encompassed, integrated, and
further developed it'.
Theories of proto-industrialization have therefore not only brought
about a re-evaluation of pre-factory industrial production in its own
right, ra*rer than as simply a precursor to the factory system (Mosser
l98l: 382ff). They have also shed new light on the causesof the gradual
and variegated nature of factory industrialization itself. The original
theories of proto-industrialization stressed that the origins of capitalism
and industrialization were to be found in the eady modern period.
Subsequent research on proto-industry, however, has also found that
many features of early modern European societies and economies
Proto-industrialization in earlv modern Europe
survived long into capitalism and industrialization. Indeed, this may be
seen as the central conclusion of a change in historical perspectives
which has been under way for some time. This new perspective
emphasizes long-term continuities in the economic and social development of Europe between the medieval period and the nineteenth
century, and in so doing opens up promising new avenues of approach
to both proto-industrialization and industrialization.
References
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