Ecotourism in BuyukKonuk

Transcription

M. Kiessel, M. Weidner, GAU J. Soc. & Appl. Sci., 5(9), 35-51, 2009
Defining Roman, Celtic and Germanic Ethnicity
through Archaeological Monuments. Examples
from Roman Provinces in North-western Europe 1.
Marko Kiessel 2, Monika Weidner 3
2
Faculty of Architecture, Design & Art, Girne American University, TRNC;
3
Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier, Trier, Germany
Abstract
It is in many cases impossible to provide a sound definition of the ethnicity behind
cultural objects of the Roman North-West. Often even the cultural signs of those
objects, regarding for example the origin of rural- or temple-architecture, have
been misinterpreted in the past. Nevertheless, those signs are the most obvious
evidence which scholars are able to comprehend and analyse. The ethnicity and
implications of the cultural objects, however, remain mostly in the dark, as the
northern Roman provinces rather consisted of a melting pot of various ethnicities.
Key words: Romans, Celts, Germanics, culture, ethnicity, semiotics
Introduction
After the Roman conquest Celtic Europe developed into a highly romanized area
(figure 1). Romanization, however, did not lead to a uniform provincial culture:
architecture as well as works of art in the provinces often reveal a mix of Roman,
Celtic and other nations’ attributes. These become evident, e.g., in the
representation of deities and human beings, in temple- and villa-buildings, and
even in the decoration of pottery. The continuous invasion of Germanic tribes
during Late-Antiquity, eventually leading to long-term settlements on Roman
territory, introduced a new cultural-ethnic element into the Gallo-Roman world.
Who were the people behind archaeological monuments in the multi-cultural
Roman North-West? How did they perceive themselves, considering that the terms
”Celtic” and ”Germanic” are generally understood as ethnic definitions whilst
”Roman” is a non-ethnic legal term: as Romans, (romanized) Celts, (romanized)
Germanics?
1
Paper presented at the International Semiotic Congress ”Living in Between – Being in
Between”, Girne American University, Girne (TRNC), April 25-27, 2008.
2
[email protected]
3
[email protected]
35
Ethnicity and Archaeological Monuments
Fig. 1: Map of north-western Roman provinces, app. 1st-3rd cenury AC. (after
Bernhard, 1990: 75)
36
The intense and long-standing research on Romanization has shown the complexity
of this process. In the late 19th and early 20th cent., Th. Mommsen and F.
Haverfield were the first to discuss the adoption of Roman culture in the conquered
provinces. Up to the present day numerous models have been developed to
examine the pattern of those cultural changes (e.g., Metzler et al. 1995, Jones 1997,
Woolf 1998, Webster 2001, Noelke 2003, Mattingly 2004, Schörner 2005) and the
issue of Romanization still attracts the attention of archaeological studies (Krause
2007, Schucany 2007). Currently, the EU project ”Transformation” is dealing with
this topic (Pferdehirt 2007).
While researching the Romanization process attention should be paid to the fact,
that the Roman culture melting with those of the provinces itself did not represent a
pure form. Due to the model character of Greek culture for the Romans Greek
influence can be recognized in the romanized provincial culture.
This article focuses, from a semiotic point of view, on the difficulties that arise
when trying to link cultural signs observed on archaeological monuments to the
ethnicity behind. Specific examples from the Roman North West are discussed to
illustrate how these signs, whether viewed isolated or in its respective cultural
context, can result in misleading interpretations.
In between Celtic and Roman architecture: villae rusticae
The countryside of the provinces Gallia Belgica (Gaul) and Germania superior and
inferior (figure 1) - in Late Antiquity reduced in size and named Belgica I and
Germania prima and secunda - was densely covered by different-sized rural
estates, the so called villae rusticae, which supplied the necessary agricultural
goods for vici (villages), towns and the frontier-military (Agache 1990, Smith
1997, Lenz 1998). Besides other types many of those estates are planned along a
longitudinal axis and situated on a slightly slopy area with a main residential
building at the upper small side of their enclosure.
Huge rural estates of this axial type can be found in northern France, western
Germany, Switzerland and Belgium (figure 2) (Demarez 1987: 19, von Berg 1994:
101, fig. 76, Lenz 1998: 50-51, fig. 6, 8). Smaller villa-complexes of the same type
have been recorded by aerial survey and by excavation, for example in the German
Middle-Rhine/Mosel region (figure 3) (von Berg 1994: 96, fig. 72, Grunwald 2005:
44-46, fig. 4, Kiessel 2005).
It had been assumed for a long time that the origin of those villae-types is to be
found in Italy. But archaeologically an equivalent had not been recorded in the
Mediterranean area, neither in Italy nor in the province Gallia Narbonensis
(southern France). In Italy the rural estates show a compact system of rooms and
functions, tightly connected to each other (figure 4) (Lenz 1998: 50, 55-61, esp.
68, fig. 14-15). More recent archaeological research has proved the pre-
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Roman/Celtic origin of the axial type: Axial rural estates, the single buildings of
which consisted of wooden material, had been developed already in the Late-La
Tène period in northern Gaul (France), where wooden structures date app. from
50/30 BC to the early Augustean period (Lenz 1998: 64, fig. 26). This rural estatetype existed apparently already as preliminary stage in parts of pre-Roman Gaul
and in the area of the later Roman province Germania superior, whilst it was
probably imported from there to the Roman provinces Germania inferior and
Raetia (Bayard 1996: 180, Collart 1996: 152-153, Lenz 1998: 69). The conversion
to stone architecture can be observed at Verneuil-en-Halatte (Picardie), where the
Celtic wooden buildings, dating to the end of the 1st cent. BC, had been replaced at
the end of the 1st cent. AC by buildings erected in Roman stone constructiontechnique. Generally it can be observed that stone as construction material came
into use around the middle of the 1st cent. AC in rural areas (Collart 1996, Lenz
1998: 54-55, fig. 28).
Fig 2: Fliessem-Otrang (Germany), villa rustica, ground-plan of residential
building A and additional buildings B-K. (after Jütting, 2000: 111, fig. 86)
The axial type of rural estates was thought to be of Italic-Roman origin due to
some of its construction techniques (e.g. usage of stone material) and architectural
forms. So does the main residential building of the villae rusticae in the Gallic and
Germanic provinces of the Roman Empire often represent a type called
”Portikusvilla mit Eckrisaliten” (Swoboda 1919: 86-87), which is a building
equipped with a front-portico and framed by a protruding corner on each side. As
the architectural language of this building type follows definitely Graeco-Roman
examples (figure 5 & 6) (Oelmann, 1921:. 71 footnote 12, Mielsch 1997: 53, 5758, fig. 26, Mielsch 2001: 183-185, fig. 217), it seemed to be obvious to assume an
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Italic-Roman origin. But the axial type represents, as discussed above, a mixture of
Celtic and Roman elements – a mixture which can be observed similarly on the
type of residential buildings with portico and corner-risalits as well.
Fig. 3: Pillig (Germany), aerial survey image of a villa rustica, residential building
on the left. (after von Berg, 1994: 96, fig. 72)
Older studies had already shown that – besides buildings which had been erected in
a single construction-phase – also buildings existed which had been equipped with
a portico and protruding corners in a second or even later construction-phase. In
those cases apparently the older rectangular house-plan which existed of course
already in Celtic architecture had been converted according to the ”modern”
Roman style. This happened to a villa rustica near Mayen (Germany) and to a villa
near Vodelée (Belgium) (figures 7) (Mylius, 1928: 148, Rober 1987: 163, fig. 12,
Lenz 1998: 51-52,). According to datable examples the conversion of existing
residential buildings or the erection of new buildings in ”modern style” took place
mostly during the 2nd cent. AC (Agache 1990: 296, Kiessel 2005).
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The analyzed architectural forms which have been partially misunderstood or
misinterpreted in the past are first of all cultural signs and demonstrate their Celtic
or Italic-Roman origin. A future generation of scholars might judge our
interpretation of those architectural/cultural signs in a similar manner as wrong or
misleading. These cultural signs, however, do not allow us to define clearly the
ethnic affiliation of the users or owners of those villae rusticae: Surely some of
them had been ethnically indigenous but culturally romanized Celts. Others surely
had been retired veterans of the Roman frontier-army who were usually rewarded
with land after their military-duty and who came from a very diverse ethnic
background (Jütting 2000: 114, Schmidts 2000: 220).
Fig. 4: Boscoreale (Campania, Italy), villa rustica ”della Pisanella”, ground-plan
and reconstruction. (after Lenz, 1998: 57, fig. 12)
In between Celtic and Roman architecture: The temple with ambulatory
The so-called Gallo-Roman temple (Derks 1998: 146-149, Cabuy 1991, Fauduet
1993) is one of the most characteristic architectural remains of religious practice in
the north-western provinces. It differs clearly from the classical Italic-Roman
podium temple, which served as a place of worship of Roman gods installed by the
emperor and which was generally placed in rather central parts of the city. GalloRoman temples on the other hand were erected in the sacral parts on the fringes of
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the cities or even in the countryside. Usually they are combined with other temples
in a confined temple district.
Fig. 5: Köln-Müngersdorf (Germany), villa rustica, reconstruction of residential
building (”Portikusvilla mit Eckrisaliten”), different construction-phases
and views (after Kuhnen&Riemer, 1994: 63, fig. 69).
Fig. 6: Ancient miniature-model of
a residential building of a villa
rustica, from Titelberg, Luxembourg, limestone, H: 20,5 cm.
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Ancient miniature-model of a
residential building of a villa
rustica,
from
Titelberg,
Luxem-bourg, limestone, H:
20.5 cm. (after Kuhnen &
Riemer, 1994: 65, fig. 71)
Typical for the Gallo-Roman
temple (figure 8) is a central,
elevated cella surrounded by a
roofed ambulatory, whereby
the ambulatory often is
constructed with an outer
colonnade. The ground plan of
the temple typically diplays
concentric squares. Of crucial
importance for the reconstruction of the Gallo-Roman
temples are the temple ruins
from Autun, Dép. Saône-etLoire, Périgeux and Villetoureix, Dép. Dordogne, which
are preserved almost in their
original heights (Cabuy 1991:
127-144, Fauduet 1993: 70-75,
Parlasca 1998).
With
the
above
listed
characteristics the GalloRoman
temple
clearly
distinguishes itself from the
classical Italic-Roman podium
temple, which owes its name
to the prominent podium. The
facade is accentuated by a
staircase and a columned hall
in front of the cella.
Fig 7: Vodelée (Belgium), villa rustica,
ground-plan of different construction-phases of the residential
building (after Rober, 1987: 163,
fig. 12).
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It was rather expected to find the predecessor for the Gallo-Roman temple among
the group of older Celtic buildings (Altjohann 1995, Derks 1998: 177-183). This
approach appears to be justified, as many Gallo-Roman temples were erected on
previous Celtic cult places and very often even build over pre-Roman cult
buildings. These older wooden structures, however, were of a simple squared
shape.
Fig. 8: Gallo-Roman temple, reconstruction:
Landesmuseum Trier (Slide 1988, 183)
Th.
Zühmer,
Rheinisches
Lately, Altjohann (1995: 184-185, 201-202) contributed a valid interpretation,
concluding that typological continuity can be ruled out due to the enormous spread
of Gallo-Roman temples which set in delayed in the ongoing 1st century AC.
Up to this point the general discussion about the origin of the Gallo-Roman temple
based on Celtic architecture was leading into a wrong direction. It is more intuitive
to look for an answer in the process of the cultures merging together. The GalloRoman temple obviously is a new creation combining Italic-Roman as well as
Celtic elements. Neither within Italic-Roman nor Celtic tradition do we find a
building, which could be interpreted as its predecessor. The Gallo-Roman temple
in that respect is the result of an architectural development influenced by both
35
cultures. Therefore, a similar development to the origin of the Gallo-Roman villae
rusticae reveals itself.
In between Celtic and Roman religion: the representation and iconography of
deities
Religious practice in the Gallo-Roman temple
With regards to the specific function of temples the question arises, to which god
each temple was dedicated. We understand from podium temples, that they served
for the worship of Italic-Roman gods. Due to the nature of the Gallo-Roman
architecture, the reverse conclusion would be to expect the presence of indigenous
cults, to which locals would direct their religious activities. This assumption is
furthermore justified as Gallo-Roman temples usually were donations from
members of the local elite (Lobüscher 2002: 133).
In order to support this thesis, we will exemplarily analyse the temple district of
Tawern near Trier, located in the Gallia Belgica (Faust 2002: 545-546). Within the
trapezoid surrounding wall the existence of seven temples can be established. The
foundation of the sanctuary can be dated into the early 1st century AC and its
destruction in the late 4th century AD. The two youngest buildings represent GalloRoman temples. It is noticed that the gallery on the front is dispensed with. This
modification, which evokes an unusual front view, is an approximation to the
Italic-Roman podium temple (Horne 1986, Trunk 1991: 80-84). The two other
buildings are simple single-celled temples. Generally the architecture can be
classified as being of Gallo-Roman nature.
To establish to which god the temple area was dedicated, the archaeological
material has to be called upon. Simply put, the gods worshipped in the northwestern provinces can be classified in three categories: (1) Italic-Roman gods
which were introduced by Roman settlers or were intentionally implemented as
gods installed by the emperor of the Roman Empire, (2) indigenous gods, which
were of strictly local cult, and finally (3) gods which are the result of a cultural
merger process (Cancik & Rüpke 1997).
Mercury
Among the objects found in the temple district of Tawern the oversize head of a
cult statue stands out (figure 9) (Hupe, 1997: 125, 188-189, Faust 2002: 546-547).
On account of the characteristic curly hairstyle together with the flat hat it is clearly
to be identified as the head of Mercury, the Roman god of travellers and tradesmen.
The style of the head corresponds to the Graeco-Roman tradition of sculptures
representing Mercury (Siebert 1990: 364-365). Traces of influence from the local
ethnicity cannot be detected in the iconography. In our context no comparable
sculptures are observed prior to Romanization.
36
Fig. 9: Head of Mercury from Tawern: Th. Zühmer, Rheinisches Landesmuseum
Trier (Slide 1986, 843)
37
Fragments of inscriptions dedicated to Mercury are also passed on to us (Faust
2002: 546-47, 549-550). With regards to those inscriptions, so far, only the Latin
name of Mercury, given by the Romans, can be deducted. Despite the GraecoRoman iconography of the cult statue a Gallo-Roman hyphenated name, would be
possible. Numerous examples show, that the Celtic influence and possible
modification of its content can solely be proven with the help of the name: The
Gallo-Roman god of healing, Apollo Grannus, for instance, was depicted in the
Graeco-Roman tradition of Apollo as a young man equipped with the lyra
(Polaschek 1975). For Mercury, who was very popular in the north-western
provinces, 35 Celtic supplementary names can be accounted for (Hupe 1997: 6). It
is also noteworthy, that the inscriptions from Tawern dedicated to Mercury show
no connection to local ethnicity. So far, all the evidences relating to Mercury
follow the tradition of the Roman conquerors.
Epona
The temple district dedicated to Mercury was very popular with travellers and
merchants. It is therefore not surprising, that Epona, the goddess of horses (Euskirchen
1993) was worshipped there, too. A relief
shows Epona clothed in a long gown,
enthroned on a horse (figure 10) (Euskirchen
1993: 632, 702, 752-753, Faust 2002: 547548).
The dispersion of the archaeological objects
shows that the goddess of horses was mainly
honoured in the middle and the north of Gaul,
as well as in the Roman province Germania
Inferior. The analysis of the epigraphic
evidence reveals only the name Epona, which
is of Celtic origin. A connection with Roman
epithets or even a Latin renaming is not
present. The conclusion at this stage is that
Epona clearly can be interpreted as a Celtic
goddess. Yet, there is controversial discussion
among researchers as to her origin on account
of the iconography (Hanoteau 1980: 14,
Euskirchen 1993: 614-618, Wieland 1999: 3841).
Fig. 10: Relief of Epona from
Tawern:
Th.
Zühmer,
Rheinisches Landesmuseum
Trier (Slide 1987, 117)
38
In Celtic art, anthropomorphic depictions of Epona similar to the relief from
Tawern are not known. Obviously the reflection of the goddess, originally
worshipped only by Celtic and Germanic people, has undergone a transformation
into a romanized iconography. Instead of merging her with an Italic-Roman
partner, which was the case with most other indigenous gods, a new individual
original representation was created maintaining her independence.
Ancient literary references reveal that Italic-Romans perceived Celts and Germans
as barbarians. It is therefore all the more remarkable, that not only the barbarians
turned to Roman gods, but also Italic-Romans, sometimes even of the highest rank,
adopted the barbaric gods (Klein 2003: 90). Very soon the cult of Epona became
popular with the Romans in Italy. The question remains, whether the Celtic cult got
preserved in its original form, or (which is more likely) has been influenced in
some way as regards to its content. At this point archaeological research reaches its
limits, as modifications as to the content are not necessarily reflected in
archaeological objects found.
After the Roman conquest other Celtic gods were honoured alongside the cult
around Epona. This generally gives raise to the question, whether the adherence to
local tradition is to be understood as an act of conscious resistance towards the
Roman culture. Was it an active opposition of the locals against the Roman
conquerors and their value system? (Aldhouse Green 2003).
Isis and Serapis
A third and final example from Tawern to be discussed is the relief of the
Hellenistic-Egyptian gods Isis and Serapis (figure 11) (Faust 2002: 548-549), dated
into the middle of the second century AC. Oriental cults became popular in Rome
as well as in the north-western provinces. Cults like the one of Jupiter Dolichenus
from Syria or Mithras from Persia quickly became part of the polytheistic variety
of gods in the West. The spread of the cult was supported by stationary troops of
the Romans containing oriental recruits and the exchange that took place with the
population. Vice versa, there is also proof that Orientals worshipped Celtic deities
(Gschlössl 2006: 25).
The relief of Isis and Serapis, which is of quite high quality, imitates sculptures
from the Mediterranean. Neither was the pair itself known (Takács 1995), nor did
the specific form of the votive relief exist in the Celtic and German areas prior to
the Roman conquest. Isis is depicted in the Graeco-Roman tradition (Tran Tam
Tinh 1990: 764-771), with the typical Greek dress (chiton), complemented on top
by the diagonally draped cloak, corkscrew curls, referred to as ‘Libyan locks’, and
her typical attributes being the rattle (sistrum) and the jug to contain the Niles holy
water.
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Fig. 11: Relief of Isis and Serapis from Tawern: Th. Zühmer, Rheinisches
Landesmuseum Trier (Slide 1988, 162)
40
At first glance Serapis is shown in his typical Graeco-Roman manner (Clerc &
Leclant 1994: 670-674, 679-681) with full beard, long thick twisted hair and the
characteristic cylindrical hat in form of a grain measure (modius). Looking closer
at the costume, Faust (2002: 548) noticed, that there is no resemblance with
original Serapis representations. It appears that his costume is rather in line with
Gallo-Roman examples. Sucellus, the Celtic god with a long-handled hammer, is
dressed in a similar way, showing differences only in the way his cloak is arranged.
It is difficult to establish the originator and the specific reason of the modification.
Did the customer demand the changes? Were the changes results of a faulty
knowledge of iconographical details? Or were they rather a deliberate act from the
artist, and if so, were they initiated for the sake of aesthetic or more contentoriented reason? Was the relief donated by someone of Celtic or Oriental ethnicity?
An inscription which is unfortunately not preserved could have answered many of
these questions.
The relief of Isis and Serapis is a prime example for the fact that a process of
different cultures merging together took place. The iconography clearly shows that
Egyptian-Hellenistic, Graeco-Roman as well as Celtic elements were combined.
Religious practice: the “unclear” signs of sculptural works of art
The temple district of Tawern effectively demonstrates the presence of the
multiethnically developed population. The objects discussed above - Mercury,
Epona as well as the pair of Isis and Serapis - represent cults of Italic-Roman,
Celtic and Oriental origin respectively showing the multiplicity of worshipped
gods. An interesting point is that those sculptures were produced from the same
material, local sandstone (Faust 2002: 550), thus, the conclusion can be drawn that
they were made in local manufactures and not imported.
In addition, the examples not only reveal the co-existence of various cultures. With
the reliefs of Epona and of Isis and Serapis, it becomes evident that a melting of
cultures had already taken place. Obviously, due to the progressed acculturation, a
multiethnic awareness has developed manifesting itself as a synthesis of various
cultural symbols on the monuments.
Regarding the temple district of Tawern, it is difficult to assign the gods to the
respective temples. Undoubtedly one of the two Gallo-Roman temples was
dedicated to the main god Mercury. The result of the previous discussion is, that
the Gallo-Roman temple district was open to a variety of gods, irrespective of the
ethnic origin of the cult.
The purpose of Romanization research is to analyse the representation of gods with
regards to their cultural background, whether they are of local, Italic-Roman or
Oriental origin. It becomes evident that archaeological study reaches its limit at the
41
point, where respective ideas and values are not accordingly reflected in the
archaeological finds.
It also has to be considered that in Roman times the boundaries between single
deities were not drawn as strictly. Although each god was attributed a number of
certain characteristics it was not uncommon that some did overlap. Individuals
could address their concerns to various gods - which themselves did not claim
exclusiveness in their respective area. The boundaries between religious believes
were not clearly defined.
It is plausible that assimilating deities from different cultures with local gods
developed as a gradual, unconscious, rather casual process, contrary to the notion
of a clear distinction between gods which the Romanization research sometimes
attempts to read into it.
Furthermore, attempting to define the ethnicity of the worshipper behind those
sculptures usually gives no reliable result – as is the case with the studies in
Tawern. As long as there exists not a certain clue, like epigraphic evidence, there is
too much room for interpretation.
In between Germanics and Gallo-Romans: settlement on Roman territory in Late
Antiquity
Since the 3rd cent. AC the western Roman territory was especially endangered by
the repeated attacks of neighbouring Germanic tribes and in the 4th and 5th cent. AC
by the general movement of Germanic tribes towards west on their search for new
settlement areas (Bernhard 1990: 117-122, 132-133, 140-147, 155-159).
Devastating invasions between 260 and 276 AC and around 350 AC resulted in a
reduced Gallo-Roman population. This had to be answered by resettling of
Germanic farmers since appr. 300 AC and by the recruitment of Germanic soldiers
for the Roman army (Gilles 1984, Schmidts 2000, Lenz 2005, Kapesser 2006: 9698). How strong the Germanic element must have been during the 4th cent. AC is
deducable from a Roman law of the year 370 AC (Heinen 1986: 323) which
forbade the connubium (marriage) between members of the Gallo-Roman
provincial population and Germanics who served as farmers or soldiers without
holding the Roman citizenship. With regards to several Germanics who had been
born into aristocratic families ancient sources report of an army career and a rise to
highest positions in the Roman state administration. This proves that at least a basic
identification of those persons with the Roman state and its culture and values
existed. So Ammianus Marcellinus reports of a Germanic called Agenarich whose
father renamed him Serapio after the father had come in contact with the Roman
Serapis-cult as a hostage (Schmidts 2000: 220-222, Kapesser 2006: 98).
Archaeologically the presence of Germanics can be deduced by weapons which
had been deposited in male burials close to frontier-forts or military posts of the
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hinterland. The deposition
of such burial goods was a
typical Germanic habit and
not known in Roman
culture. Concerning female
burials, combs as elements
of the Germanic attire may
theoretically give clues
about the ethnic affiliation
of the buried person (figure
12) (Gilles 1984: 338, 345,
fig. 179i-l). The attribution
of findings to certain ethnic
tribes is of course difficult
or even often impossible
unless there is written
evidence as in the case of
the non-Germanic Sarmats
who
–
according
to
Ausonius - had been settled
in the area between Trier
and
Bingen
(WestGermany) (Gilles 1984:
335-338, Bernhard 1990:
136-136).
Fig. 12: Trier, Germany and Rosport, Luxembourg;
Germanic combs, end of 4th-first half of 5th
century AC, width of upper comb: 10 cm.
(after Gilles, 1984: 345, fig. 179i-l)
A difficult case is the one of the so called Burgundians, an eastern-Germanic tribe
which – being on its way westwards - had been settled west of and close to the
river Rhine by the Roman authorities. Where exactly, however, is an ongoing
discussion due to the unprecise information of the written sources. On the basis of
medieval poetry, the so called ”Nibelungenlied” (compare Richard Wagner’s
”Siegfried”) (Grünewald 2006: 168), which may be a medieval reflection of a part
of Burgundian history, many scholars tend to locate the Burgundian settlement in
the province Germania prima (the former but reduced Germania superior) around
the area of Worms (figure 13, Nr. 40) (Bernhard 1990: 156-159, Fischer 2000: 208-
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210). But no material culture exists in the frontier region - where the Burgundians
had been settled according to the ancient evidence - which could be identified as
”Burgundian” – apart from one grave stone at Trier (Germany) (Grünewald 2006:
169, Kapesser 2006: 98-100). The latter was set up for Hariulfus, a Burgundian
prince in Roman service, which proves by inscription at least the existence of a
Burgundian family – but far away from the Rhine and the border (Schwinden 1984:
fig. 186, Grünewald 2006: 169).
Fig. 13: Map of Roman provinces in the area of Belgium, France, Germany,
Netherlands, Switzerland; 4th-5th century AC; blue squares: castles/forts;
province-capitals: no. 17: Köln; no. 33: Trier; no. 39: Mainz; no. 67:
Besancon; no. 93: Chur; no. 102: Augsburg. (after Fischer, 2000: 209, fig.
173)
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Two basic questions can be raised here: Which typical, ethnically definable
material goods can be expected in the luggage of an eastern-Germanic group of
persons who had been moving westwards for many years (Grünewald 2006: 169)?
And: Would an object which archaeologists are able to define as ”Burgundian” be
a clear sign or prove that its user had been a Burgundian? Remarkable is indeed
that in the meanwhile several ”Gothic” fibulae (brooches) have been found in sites
which have not been known as ”Gothic” areas. It has to be considered that those
objects cold eventually been widely spread as part of looted goods or as diplomatic
gifts (Grünewald 2006: 170, Kapesser 2006: 99). Finally it has to be doubted
seriously if those instable Germanic tribes or groups (Schmidts 2000: 222) were
equipped ”ethnically correctly” (Kapesser 2006: 99-100): According to pit-house
types a Germanic garrison was stationed in the late-Roman fort at Alzey
(Germany) in the first quarter of the 5th cent. AC (Gupte & Haupt 2006: 152). The
findings, especially the pottery, however, are mostly Roman products – as are
generally many grave goods, found in graves which have been identified as
”Germanic” – identified as ”Germanic”, often just due to the presence of arms
amongst them.
Vice versa it has to be questioned if the Gallo-Roman population was always
”ethnically correctly” equipped (Kapesser 2006: 99-100). Especially the Germanic
combs were surely worn by female Gallo-Romans too (Gilles 1984: 338).
Therefore, a single female burial which contains Roman pottery and glass products
and additionally Germanic combs does not necessarily indicate a Germanic group
of settlers. Once more vice versa it should be doubted if burials which contain only
late-Roman products are attributable to Gallo-Romans only – considering 1) the
fact that Germanics had been settled in rural areas as farmers and that farmers‘
burials do not necessarily contain arms and 2) that Germanics with a Roman name
like Serapio might have identified themselves so thoroughly as Romans that they
(or their relatives) did not put too much importance to weapons or other Germanic
objects as grave goods.
Related to the interpretation of grave goods are the specially fitted late-Roman
army belts which date from app. the second half of the 4th cent. to the first half of
the 5th cent. AC and of which naturally only the bronze fittings remain (figure 14).
They have been found often in graves identifiable as Germanic due to the presence
of arms amongst the grave goods. To Germanics they might have been especially
appealing because of their elaborate ornamentation. Their production in GalloRoman workshops which to our knowledge are not exactly located yet, is regarded
as proven. Older studies tend to attribute those belts generally to Germanic users
only – users who were serving in the Roman army (Böhme 1981: 201-202). As a
standardized army-uniform does not exist in late-Roman period this is theoretically
possible, yet in recent studies this theory is not repeated anymore (Pösche 2006).
The case of the army belts which are attributable to Roman production and which according to grave-findings – were appreciated especially by Germanics, shows
45
that it is not only problematic to deduce from a cultural object to the ethnos of the
user/owner, but that it may be generally problematic to try to define a cultural
object ethnically. Because it cannot be ruled out that these belts had been indeed
produced on Roman territory and with Roman know-how, but by romanized
Germanics who oriented their production according to the general, not romanized
Germanic taste.
Fig. 14: Kemathen (Germany), fittings of an army belt from a grave of a Germanic
soldier, app. 425-450 AC, bronze, width: 10 cm. (after Schmidts, 2000:
225, fig. 189)
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