A sociolinguistic survey of the Gbe language

Transcription

DigitalResources
Electronic Survey Report 2011-022
®
A sociolinguistic survey of the
Gbe language communities of
Benin and Togo
Volume 10
Gbesi language area
Gabi Schoch
A sociolinguistic survey of the
Gbe language communities of
Benin and Togo
Volume 10
Gbesi language area
Gabi Schoch
SIL International®
2011
SIL Electronic Survey Report 2011-022, March 2011
Copyright © 2011 Gabi Schoch and SIL International®
All rights reserved
A SOCIOLINGUISTIC SURVEY OF THE GBE LANGUAGE COMMUNITIES
OF
BENIN AND TOGO
Series editor: Angela Kluge
Gbe language family overview (by Angela Kluge)
Volume 1:
Kpési language area (by Evelin I. K. Durieux-Boon, Jude A. Durieux, Deborah H.
Hatfield, and Bonnie J. Henson)
Volume 2:
Ayizo language area (by Deborah H. Hatfield and Michael M. McHenry)
Volume 3:
Kotafon language area (by Deborah H. Hatfield, Bonnie J. Henson, and Michael M.
McHenry)
Volume 4:
Xwela language area (by Bonnie J. Henson, Eric C. Johnson, Angela Kluge)
Volume 5:
Xwla language area (by Bonnie J. Henson and Angela Kluge)
Volume 6:
Ci language area (by Bonnie J. Henson)
Volume 7:
Defi language area (by Eric C. Johnson)
Volume 8:
Saxwe, Daxe and Se language area (by Eric C. Johnson)
Volume 9:
Tofin language area (by Gabi Schoch)
Volume 10: Gbesi language area (by Gabi Schoch)
ii
Contents
Abstract
1.
Introduction
2.
Background
2.1. Language name and classification
2.2. Language area
2.3. Population
2.4. History of migration
2.5. Presence of other ethnic groups
2.6. Regional language use
2.7. Non-formal education
2.8. Religious situation
3.
Previous linguistic research
4.
Research questions
5.
Methodology
5.1. Assessment techniques
5.2. Implementation
5.3. Terminology and presentation
6.
Results
6.1. Gbesi dialect situation
6.2. Gbesi and related Gbe varieties
6.3. Tested comprehension of Fon, Gen and Gun
6.4. Language vitality
6.5. Literacy situation
6.6. Religious situation
7.
Summary and conclusions
7.1. Comprehension and attitudes with regard to Fon, Gen and Gun
7.2. Gbesi language vitality
7.3. Attitudes towards Gbesi language development
7.4. Gbesi language situation
7.5. Gbesi and other related Gbe varieties
7.6. Conclusions
Appendices
Appendix A. Map of the Gbesi language area
Appendix B. Population
Appendix C. Lexical similarity
Appendix D. Community questionnaire
Appendix E. Non-formal education questionnaire
Appendix F. Church questionnaire
Appendix G. RA-RTT narratives
Appendix H. RA-RTT results
References
iii
Introduction
1
Abstract
This paper presents a sociolinguistic survey conducted in the Gbesi language communities (Kwa
language family) of Benin. The Gbe languages continuum is situated in the southeastern part of
West Africa. Expanding westwards from southwestern Nigeria, the Gbe communities occupy large
areas in southern Benin, Togo, and southeastern Ghana. To date in Benin, as far as Gbe varieties
are concerned, Aja, Fon, Gen, and Gun have undergone language development on a larger scale. A
survey of the Gbesi communities was conducted to assess whether and to what extent existing
literature and literacy efforts in Fon, Gen, and Gun could extend to the Gbesi communities and to
determine the nature and extent of SIL’s possible involvement among these communities.
After a general overview of the taxonomic and geographic language situation, test results are
reported. Survey interview and group test results are presented on comprehension of Fon, Gen,
and Gun. Results are given on language attitudes toward both written and oral forms of Fon, Gen,
and Gun and toward the development of Gbesi. In addition, the following topics were
investigated: language vitality and the relationship of Gbesi to related Gbe varieties in terms of
comprehension and language attitudes. Also, information by local leaders on the literacy and
religious situations and on migration history is given.
The group comprehension test results show, at least preliminarily, that the Gbesi have good
comprehension of Fon and either Gun or Gen, depending on the region. Though the preference
everywhere is for literacy in Gbesi, literacy programs in either Fon or Gun are acceptable to most
people. Therefore, Fon or Gun literacy appears to be a workable solution for literacy needs in the
Gbesi speech communities provided that there is adequate institutional support. As regards Gbesi
language vitality, there are no indications of language shift.
1.
Introduction
This paper1 reports on a sociolinguistic survey conducted in the Gbesi speech communities of Benin.
The Gbesi speech variety belongs to the Gbe language continuum (Kwa language group) which is
situated in the southeastern part of West Africa. Expanding westwards from southwestern Nigeria, the
Gbe communities occupy large areas in southern Benin, Togo, and southeastern Ghana.
Among the Gbe varieties, five have thus far undergone language development on a larger scale: Fon, Gen,
and Gun in Benin, and Ewe in Togo. To assess whether and to what extent existing literature and literacy
efforts in these Gbe speech varieties could extend to the remaining Gbe communities, or whether additional
language-based development programs in some of the remaining communities would be beneficial and to
determine the nature and extent of SIL’s possible involvement among these communities, a sociolinguistic
study of the Gbe communities of Benin and Togo was launched in the late 1980s.
The sociolinguistics survey reported here is part of this larger study and was carried out in July 1999 by
E.C. Johnson and G.Schoch, researchers of SIL. The survey data reported here result from community
interviews administered in the villages of Amoukonou in the sous-préfecture of Kpomasse (Atlantique
département) and Ouokomé (Possotomé) in the sous-préfecture of Bopa (Mono département), as well
as Rapid Appraisal Recorded Text Tests (RA-RTTs) conducted in Fon and Gen in Amoukonou, and in
Fon and Gun in Ouokomé.
1
The author wishes to thank S. Friesen, D. Hatfield and T. Marmor for their assistance with this report.
2
A sociolinguistic survey of the Gbesi language area
In Section 2, pertinent background information on the Gbesi speech variety is presented. Some of these
data were gathered during the field interviews with members of the Gbesi language community. This
section is followed by information on previous linguistic research (Section 3), a presentation of the
research questions (Section 4) and a description of the methodology as applied during this survey
(Section 5). In Section 6, the findings are discussed, followed by a set of conclusions (Section 7). The
report closes with a set of appendices and a list of references.
2.
2.1.
Background
Language name and classification
In Renaissance du gbe Capo (1986:13, Carte 1b) lists Gbesi2 as a Gbe variety and classifies it as a
variety of the Phla-Phera group which, based on phonological and morpho-phonological
characteristics, is one of five clusters of Gbe varieties, i.e. Aja, Ewe, Fon, Gen and Phla-Phera. The
Phla-Phera group also includes Alada,3 Ayizo, Kotafon,4 Saxwe, Se, Tofin, Toli, Xwela and Xwla (see
Capo 1986:101).
Alternative spellings are:
− Gbesi, Gbessi (Capo 1986:13)
− Gbési (Capo 1986: Cartes 1a,b)
− Gbèsì (Pazzi 1979:124)
Neither the language map of Benin by CENALA (1990), the Atlas Sociolinguistique du Bénin (CNL du
Bénin 1983) nor the Ethnologue (Grimes 1996) mention Gbesi. However, following Capo (1986) and
the Ethnologue’s classification of other Gbe varieties, Gbesi5 can be classified as follows:
− Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Kwa, Left Bank, Gbe
2.2.
Language area
The Gbesi language area is located in south-central Benin, in the Atlantique and Mono départements,6
specifically in the sous-préfectures of Allada, Kpomassè and Tori-Bossito (Atlantique département)
and in the sous-préfecture of Bopa (Mono département).7 (See Appendix A for a map of the area.)
2
As Gbesi is not listed by CENALA (1990), the primary spelling proposed by Capo in his “Inventory of Gbe dialects”
(1986:13), “Gbesi,” will be used in this report.
3
Not listed by CENALA (1990).
4
CENALA (1990) lists Kotafon as Ko. However, during a survey of this speech community it was established that the
speakers of this variety refer to their own language as “Kotafon.” (See Volume:3.)
5
[Editor: The current version of the Ethnologue (Lewis 2009) includes an entry and an ISO code (gbs) for Gbesi.]
6
Benin is divided into twelve governmental provinces called “départements,” each of which is composed of a varying
number of “sous-préfectures” which encompass various rural communes and urban circumscriptions. All town names are
spelled according to the general map of Benin (IGN France and IGN Bénin 1992) or the sous-préfecture maps of the 1992
Benin census data (Ministère du Plan 1994b).
7
In addition, one village (Bèdjèwa) is located in the northwest of the sous-préfecture of Come, across the border of the souspréfecture of Bopa (near Ouocomé).
Background
3
According to information obtained during the survey, the Gbesi language area, including villages
which are only partially Gbesi-speaking, is bordered:
−
−
−
−
−
To the west by the western shore of Lake Ahémè8
To the north by the northern borders of the Bopa and Allada sous-préfectures
To the north-east by the Cotonou-Parakou railroad line (in the Tori-Bossito sous-préfecture)
to the east by the RN 1 from Tori-Bossito to Allada
The village the furthest south is Houndogba, east of Lake Ahémé, in the sous-préfecture of
Kpomasse.
There are some discrepancies in information obtained during the survey versus that of previously
published sociolinguistic research:
− Pazzi cites Dékanmè (in the sous-préfecture of Kpomasse) as the focus point of Gbesi
settlement. (1979:124). However, this information was not confirmed during the survey.9
− According to a sociolinguistic survey of the Ayizo language area (Volume 2), the rural
communities of Lon-Agamey, Tokpa-Dome, Ayou and Avakpa (in the sous-préfecture of
Allada) are Ayizo-Ko villages.10 However, these were claimed to be Gbesi villages by the
interviewed Gbesi communities.
− Furthermore, for the sous-préfecture of Bopa, it was stated during the Ayizo survey (Volume
2), that Agbodji is a Kotafon village whereas it was listed as a Gbesi village (mixed with
Saxwe) by both interviewed Gbesi communities.11
− For the sous-préfecture of Tori-Bossito, all villages were stated to be Ayizo during the Ayizo
survey. However, the interviewed Gbesi communities Amoukonou and Ouokomè,
respectively, listed Satre and Azongo as Gbesi villages.12
− During a survey of the Kotafon language area, respondents reported that Possotomé and
Ouokomé were Kotafon speech communities (Volume 3). However, the interviewees in
Ouokomé were quite emphatic that their language is Gbesi. In Amoukonou also, Ouokomé
was listed as a Gbesi village. Possotomé was also claimed to be a Gbesi community, mixed
with a minority of Saxwe speakers.
− The surveyors also interviewed a few neighboring villages which were said to be Gbesispeaking, according to the information of the interviewed Gbesi communities. These are
Adjadji-Cossoé, Avakpa and Ayou in the Allada sous-préfecture and Dékanme and Kouffonou
in the Kpomasse sous-préfecture (see Footnote 9). Contrary to the statement of the two
8
The westernmost Gbesi villages are right on the western shore of Lake Ahémè.
During this survey the village of Dekanmè was visited on the basis of the statement of Pazzi (see Section 2.4 ‘History of
migration’) and the statements of Xwela villages (Henson et al. 1999) who located the center of the Gbesi culture
somewhere north of Dekanmè. However, the village chief of Dekanmè did not know of the existence of Gbesi speakers in
his area. The information obtained during a survey of the Ayizo language area, that is, that Dekanmé is an Ayizo speech
community (Volume 2), was confirmed by the village chief who stated that their variety is almost the same as Ayizo and
Kotafon. He explained that it is like the Ayizo of Toffo and Allada and the Kotafon of Lokossa.
10
Volume 2 reports that there are at least three Ayizo dialects: Ayizo-Ko, Ayizo-Seto and Ayizo-Toli.
11
In Ouokomé it was stated that the people in Agbodji may call themselves Kotafon but that some of them speak exactly the
same variety as the people in Ouokomé.
12
Volume 2 lists Satre as an Ayizo-Ko village and Azonhoué-Cada as an Ayizo-Tori village.
9
4
interviewed Gbesi communities, in Ayou and Adjadji-Cossoé the village chiefs stated that the
variety they speak is Ayizo.13 The population of Avakpa and the delegate of Kouffonou stated
that their varieties are named Ayizo and Kotafon, respectively. In Dekanmè, according to the
mayor, the variety “Dekanmegbe” spoken there is very similar to Ayizo and Kotafon. (He
explained that it resembles the Ayizo of Toffo and Allada and the Kotafon of Lokossa.)14
2.3.
Population
Using the population figures of the 1992 Benin Census (Ministère du Plan 1994b,c) and the list of
communities reported (by at least one of the interviewed villages) to be mostly populated by Gbesi
speakers, the combined population of Gbesi-speaking villages is 48,381. This total includes speakers of
other languages from villages where Gbesi is not the only language. However, it does not include
speakers in villages that were not mentioned by any informants, or that could not be traced in the
Census reports. (See also Appendix B for detailed population figures for the Gbesi communities as well
as Appendix A for a map of the area.) Thus, it can be concluded that the total Gbesi population is
potentially less than the 48,000 figure.
2.4.
History of migration
Pazzi (1979:124) makes the following mention of the Gbesi:
Another Ayizɔ group is that of the Tɔ̀fɔ̀ and further south, that of the Ayú, who seem to have
been formerly the seat of an indigenous “master of the earth” (Ayínɔ̀), who had welcomed the
Ayizɔ coming from Tado and had given them his lands. Later, when the Fɔn invaded this region,
the people of Ayú emigrated toward Lake Ahémé, to seek refuge in the area of Dékanmè, where
they are called Gbèsì.
2.5.
Presence of other ethnic groups
In the wider Gbesi language area, Gbesi villages are bordered by Ayizo, Fon, Kotafon, Saxwe and
Xwela villages. There is a strong local presence of Ayizo to the north and west, Saxwe and Xwela to
the west and Fon to the south and east. There are also some Kotafon villages located on the western
border of the language area. None of the Gbesi villages visited are isolated from contact with other
ethnic groups. Several Gbesi communities were reported to have a mixed population of Gbesi speakers
and first language (L1) speakers of one or more of the following language varieties: Ayizo, Fon, Gen,
Kotafon, Saxwe, Tori, Waci, Xwela and Yoruba.
In both surveyed villages, it was reported that most Gbesi men marry Gbesi women. However, mixed
marriages are also common without any apparent restrictions as to ethnic groups. Most intermarriages
occur with the Saxwe, but marriages with the Gen, Gun, Tori, Xwela and Yoruba were also reported.
13
14
The chief in Ayou mentioned that in Avakpa the same variety is spoken as in Ayou.
According to the Ayizo sociolinguistic survey (Volume 2), in Dekanmè the Ayizo variety Ayizo-Ko is spoken.
Background
2.6.
5
Regional language use
In Amoukonou, Gbesi is used for every language domain and no other language is used in the village.
In Ouokomé, besides Gbesi, Saxwe is also used. In regional meetings everybody usually speaks his
variety and is understood by all. The language most widely used in the region is reportedly Fon.
French is the language of the Beninese educational system. However, in regard to non-formal
education, literacy classes are organized in Fon for the sous-préfectures of Allada, Kpomasse and ToriBossito and in Saxwe for the sous-préfecture of Bopa. Churches in the Gbesi area predominantly use
Fon in most domains, but French, Gen, Gun and Yoruba are also used.
2.7.
Non-formal education
Non-formal education in the language area is conducted in Fon and Saxwe. In the sous-préfecture of
Bopa, literacy classes are held in Saxwe using the national literacy primer series. For the Fon literacy
classes (in the sous-préfectures of Allada, Kpomasse and Tori-Bossito) the national literacy primer
series are used.
2.8.
Religious situation
The Gbesi people are traditionally Animists, though there is also a Christian presence in the area.
Regarding the surveyed villages, the Catholic church is the biggest church and there are several other
churches.
3.
Previous linguistic research
The Gbe language continuum has been the subject of much research, especially over the last 20 years.
Capo began an extensive comparative study of the Gbe language continuum in 1971. His phonological
and morpho-phonological comparisons were the basis for his doctoral dissertation and were later
published under the title Renaissance du gbe (Capo 1986) and A comparative phonology of Gbe (Capo
1991). Focusing on phonological and morpho-phonological characteristics, Capo (1986:99ff.,
1999:11ff., personal communication) arrives at five basic Gbe clusters: Aja, Ewe, Fon, Gen and PhlaPhera.15 Gbesi groups within the Phla-Phera cluster together with Alada, Ayizo, Kotafon, Saxwe, Se,
Tofin, Toli, Xwela and Xwla. Capo (1986:100) notes, though, that the varieties of this cluster differ
substantially as far as their vocabulary is concerned.
Based on Capo’s (1986) study and information provided by the language map of Benin (CENALA
1990), SIL chose 50 varieties of the Gbe continuum for the elicitation of word and phrase lists.16 These
elicitations, done between 1988 and 1992, constituted phase one of the larger study of the Gbe
15
16
Capo (1986:99ff.) refers to Ewe as Vhe, to Aja as Ajá, and to Phla-Phera as Phla-Pherá.
The National Linguistic Commission has also collected word lists for selected Gbe varieties (CNL du Bénin, n.d.).
6
language continuum. The elicited word lists were analyzed according to prescribed methodology17 in
order to determine the degree of lexical similarity between these varieties.18 (See Kluge 1997.)
The resulting computations for the Phla-Phera cluster are shown in Table 1. In addition, a number of
Gbe varieties, which are not classified by Capo (1986) in any of his proposed Gbe clusters, have been
added to the computation due to their high lexical similarities to the varieties of the Phla-Phera cluster:
Daxe and Gbokpa. Furthermore, given the focus of the current study, i.e. levels of comprehension of
Fon, Gen and Gun among the Gbesi communities, these varieties have also been added to the table.
Arohun which is classified by Capo within the Fon cluster has also been added, again due to its high
lexical similarity with Gbesi.
The following table shows the percentage matrix19 which reports the number of lexically similar items
as a percentage of the basic vocabulary. (Wimbish 1989:59; for the variance matrix showing the range
of error for each count see Table 3, Appendix C.
Table 1: Percent matrix
Gen
68
66
68
72
72
72
72
72
75
71
77
70
71
73
77
68
70
Toli
88
85
90
86
88
85
87
85
83
87
81
85
83
77
78
79
Tofin
82 Xwla (Djeffa)
88 90 Gun
90 84 96 Alada
87 81 94 95 Arohun
87 83 94 96 97 Gbekon
87 82 92 97 93 97 Fon
81 84 93 94 91 94 92
74 79 84 85 85 87 85
84 82 91 94 89 93 92
78 77 85 85 85 88 85
85 80 84 85 81 85 85
84 80 86 87 83 84 84
77 73 85 85 84 85 86
75 72 81 81 83 85 85
77 74 81 82 84 86 87
Kotafon
88 Ayizo
98 85 Gbokpa
91 79 96 Gbesi
85 75 90 85 Xwela
85 77 91 84 90 Xwla (Adamé)
86 78 92 84 82 88 Saxwe
82 77 84 81 81 85 84 Se
83 78 84 82 84 86 85 100 Daxe
The results of the word list analysis show an overall degree of lexical similarity of >80% at the upper
confidence limit of the calculations between Gbesi and most of the Phla-Phera varieties listed by Capo
(1986), as well as between Gbesi and the listed Fon varieties with the exception being Ayizo (79%) and
Toli (78%). For two of these varieties, the degree of lexical similarity to Gbesi is even >90% at the
upper confidence limit of the calculations: Gbokpa (96%) and Kotafon (91%)
Between Gbesi and Gen the degree of lexical similarity appears to be rather low with 70.6 (62±8.6%).
17
For details see Appendix C.
No results from phrase list analysis are included in this report.
19
For this computation, morphemes that are apparently affixed to the form used in another variety are ignored if they occur
always in the same position. Including all morphemes in the analysis results in an overall lower degree of lexical similarity,
as shown in Table 5 and Table 6, Appendix C.
18
Research questions
4.
7
Research questions
The purpose of this survey is twofold: (1) to assess whether and to what extent existing literature and
literacy efforts in Fon, Gen and Gun could extend to the Gbesi communities, or whether an additional
language-based development program in Gbesi would be beneficial, and (2) to gather data that would
help determine the nature and extent of SIL’s possible involvement among these communities.
For the current study, the evaluation of need for separate literature is based on criteria established by
Marmor (1997). More specifically, the evaluation of literature development needs is based on the
factors of dialect intercomprehension, language vitality and language attitudes. Pertinent to the issue of
a potential reference dialect for the Phla-Phera cluster, information regarding the Gbesi language
situation and the relationship of Gbesi to other Gbe varieties (dealt with under dialect
intercomprehension and language attitudes) was collected.
1.
Dialect intercomprehension
− What are the Fon, Gen and Gun comprehension levels throughout the Gbesi communities and
might these levels be adequate for the use of Fon, Gen or Gun written materials?
− Are there any other developed Gbe varieties that are understood at high levels throughout the
Gbesi community and which Gbe varieties would the Gbesi communities choose to group
themselves with in terms of comprehension?
2.
Language vitality
− Are there indications of occurring or impending language shift?
3.
Language attitudes
− What are the Gbesi community’s attitudes toward the oral and written forms of Fon, Gen and
Gun?
− What are the Gbesi community’s attitudes toward other related Gbe varieties?
− What are community attitudes toward the development of Gbesi?
4.
Gbesi language situation
− What are the geographical boundaries of the Gbesi speech variety; which dialects of Gbesi, if
any, exist?
− Do the Gbesi of the Atlantique département and the Kotafon of the Mono département speak
the same language?
− Is Gbesi a dialect of Ayizo?
− What is the ethnic identity of Gbesi speakers? Do they consider themselves Kotafon or Ayizo?
There are some additional questions, most of which are directly related to the priority and strategy
criteria as outlined and which provide updated information for the area. These questions are:
− What is the size of the Gbesi population?
− Are there already literacy classes in the Gbesi area? If so, in which language(s)?
− What is the religious make-up of the Gbesi communities and which languages are used in the
religious domain?
8
5.
5.1.
Methodology
Assessment techniques
The survey approach was based on Stalder’s description of Rapid Appraisal Survey (Stalder 1996a).
The main research techniques used were the community interview and Rapid Appraisal Recorded Text
Tests (RA-RTTs)
Community questionnaires were used to explore the following topics: dialect intercomprehension,
language vitality, language attitudes, ethnic identity, literacy situation and religious make-up. RARTTs were administered to investigate Fon, Gen and Gun comprehension. (See Appendix D for an
example of the questionnaire and Appendix G for the RA-RTT texts.)
RA-RTTs allow for a general indication of comprehension, either good, partial or no comprehension.
These levels are defined by Stalder (1996b:26) as follows:
Level 3
Level 2
Level 1
Good comprehension: The story is retold accurately and the people are able to give
details.
Partial comprehension: When retelling the different sections, people invent and add to
the story. If asked, they are not able to answer details.20
No Comprehension: The group is not able to respond even to the general story lines.
The Gen text was developed in 1997 by an L1 speaker of Gen, a national linguist. The Fon and Gun
texts were elicited in 1998 from L1 speakers of Fon and Gun, respectively, both working as translators
for the United Bible Society of Benin (Alliance Biblique au Bénin).
Baseline calibration was performed by administering the tests to five native speakers of Fon and Gun
and three native speakers of Gen, respectively, playing two or three sentences at a time, and asking the
L1 speakers to report what they had heard. Only those items which were retold accurately were
retained on the tally list for that particular test. During the calibration of the three texts, the researchers
were assisted by the three L1 speakers from whom the texts had been elicited.
This survey’s modifications to Stalder’s (1996b) method are the baseline calibration and shorter replay
sections.
In addition to the community interviews and RA-RTTs, informal interviews were held with literacy
workers and church leaders. (See Appendix E and Appendix F for examples of the questionnaires.)
5.2.
Implementation
The research was conducted in two villages. An effort was made to take a geographically balanced
sample (north, south, east and west, Mono and Atlantique départements). Smaller villages off the main
roads were chosen with the strategy of testing those Gbesi speakers with less exposure to neighboring
and trade languages. During informal preparatory interviews held with the chief or mayor of each
community, it was confirmed that both villages were Gbesi-speaking villages. The following Gbesi
villages were selected:
20
Stalder (1996b:26) adds that it “is interesting to observe attitudes and to compare what the same people expressed about
intercomprehension in the context of the enquiries based on questionnaires.”
Methodology
9
For the Atlantique département,
1.
Amoukonou
− Located in the sous-préfecture of Kpomasse in the rural commune of Tokpa-Domè
− Chosen based on information obtained during preliminary interviews that Amoukonou is
one of the few 100% Gbesi villages
For the Mono département,
2.
Ouokomé
− Located in the sous-préfecture of Bopa in the rural commune of Possotomé
− Chosen based on information obtained during preliminary interviews that this is the
center of Gbesi culture
Community interviews were conducted in both villages, as well as Fon and Gen RA-RTTs in
Amoukonou and Fon and Gun RA-RTTs in Ouokomé. The community questionnaire was completed
first, after which the two RA-RTTs were administered, alternating the order of the RA-RTTs from
village to village.
Prior to the survey, the team visited the villages of Amoukonou and Ouokomé to inform the chiefs of
the upcoming survey and to ask them to provide at least five Gbesi speakers from each of the following
social groups:
−
−
−
−
Men of about 20 years of age (“younger men”)
Men of about 40 years of age (“older men”)
Women of about 20 years of age (“younger women”)
Women of about 40 years of age (“older women”)
For the community interviews and RA-RTTs, the chief or délégué and his elders were present as well
as at least five people from each “social group,” if not many more.
When the team administered the RA-RTT, the first step was to play the whole narrative to the four
social groups together. Next, the text was replayed in short sections of two or three sentences pausing
after each section. During these pauses one social group retold the section in Gbesi. The sections were
evenly divided between the social groups, rather than having all groups retell all sections. The
researchers tried to include the whole social group in the process, asking a different person from the
targeted social group to retell the narrative section each time.21 If necessary and feasible, the social
group was asked to furnish more details. If requested by the interviewees, the researchers replayed a
section. The correct items in each section were tallied according to baseline calibration.22
During the field research, the researchers were accompanied by an official of the N.G.O. GRADEIBénin (Groupe de Réflexion et d’Action pour un Développement Endogène Intégré) who served the
researchers as interpreter.
21
22
In Amoukonou, the younger women only retold one section of the Gen story.
In order not to fatigue the interviewees, only 12 out of the 17 sections of the Fon story were replayed.
10
5.3.
Terminology and presentation
In discussions of the questionnaire results, “the interviewees” means all interviewed persons, i.e. the
communities of Amoukonou and Ouokomé, in as far as the question under consideration was posed to
them. If no specific informants are mentioned, all interviewees from both villages are implied.
In the questionnaire results, it is understood that all data are reported, even if not explicitly stated as
such.
6.
Results
In the following sections, data gathered from community interviews and informal interviews with
regional literacy coordinators, village literacy workers and church leaders, as well as the results from
the RA-RTTs, will be presented according to the following topics: Gbesi dialect situation (Section 6.1),
Gbesi and related Gbe varieties (Section 6.2), tested comprehension of Fon, Gen and Gun (Section 6.3),
language vitality (Section 6.4), literacy situation (Section 6.5) and religious situation (Section 6.6).
6.1.
Gbesi dialect situation
It was unanimously agreed that there are no dialects of Gbesi, even though minor differences in tone
and the influence of neighboring languages were acknowledged in both interviewed villages. Both
interviewed communities mentioned a strong influence of Fon on neighboring Gbesi communities in
the sous-préfecture of Tori-Bossito.23
As regards the question of where Gbesi is spoken best, the community of Amoukonou volunteered
Long Agomey. This is not surprising as Long Agomey appears to have been an important site in the
Gbesi migration (see Section 2.4 ‘History of migration’). Informants in Ouokomé listed the following:
Ouokomé, Possotomé and Sèhomi (rural community of Possotomé), followed by Amoukonou,
Houndogba and Long Agomey.
When asked about the origin of the Gbesi people, all interviewees agreed that all Gbesi share the same
origins and that they consider each other as brothers.
6.2.
Gbesi and related Gbe varieties
With the goal of identifying with which other Gbe varieties the Gbesi would choose to group
themselves and with the goal of finding a potential reference variety for the Phla-Phera cluster,
information regarding the relationship of Gbesi to other Gbe varieties was collected, specifically about
intercomprehension and usage of languages for communication. The surveyed villages were asked to
volunteer related Gbe varieties which “resembled” their language. They were also asked what they
would speak when faced with a need to communicate with a speaker of each of a number of other Gbe
23
It was stated in Ouokomé, that the variety spoken in the rural communities of Adjadji can scarcely be called Gbesi since
the influence of Fon is so strong, to the point that it is called Kotafon. However, the informants in Amoukonou listed the
rural communities of Adjadji as Gbesi villages. The interviewees in Amoukonou stated that the variety spoken in the ToriBossito sous-préfecture, west of the railroad line, is so much influenced by Fon that it is not Gbesi anymore (“ce n'est plus
le gbesi”). However, all these communities were listed as Gbesi villages.
Results
11
varieties, as well as which of the four languages of wider communication (LWCs) of southwest Benin
(Aja, Fon, Gen or Gun) they find the easiest and which are the most difficult to understand. The listed
languages were: Aja-Dogbo, Aja-Hwe, Aja-Sikpi, Arohun, Ayizo, Ci, Daxe, Fon, Gbekon, Gbokpa,
Gen, Gun, Kotafon, Saxwe, Se, Xwela and Xwla.
The following results are presented, starting with the languages reported as being most similar to
Gbesi.
6.2.1.
Arohun
All interviewees reported that Arohun resembles Gbesi. When communicating with Arohun speakers,
each speak their respective language.
6.2.2.
Kotafon
Kotafon was mentioned to be “close” to Gbesi in both interviewed communities. The interviewees in
Ouokomé specified that it is the Kotafon of Lokossa that most resembles Gbesi. In communication with
Kotafon speakers, the Gbesi speak their language with the Kotafon who respond in Kotafon. Some
comments were made as to Kotafon being the same as Gbesi (“gbesi est la même langue que le
kotafon”). The village Agbodji in the Bopa sous-préfecture was mentioned as a Gbesi village, stating,
though, that the people of Agbodji may consider themselves as Kotafon.
6.2.3.
Ayizo
At first, none of the villages mentioned Ayizo as being “close” to Gbesi. Only when the researchers
listed the different Ayizo varieties10 was Ayizo-Ko claimed to resemble Gbesi by the interviewees in
Amoukonou, the community geographically closer to the Ayizo language area. When communicating
with Ayzio-Ko speakers, both use their respective language. In Ouokomé, it was claimed that in
communication with Ayizo-Tori speakers, each use their own variety. However, with Ayizo speakers
from Abomey-Calavi,24 each speaks Fon. The Ayizo are nevertheless considered as brothers by the
Gbesi25 and they have reportedly the same ancestors (see Pazzi 1979).
6.2.4.
Fon
None of the interviewees made a definite statement as to the resemblance of Fon with Gbesi. Some said
that it was “close” but it was left unclear whether they felt it was close because of the frequent use of
the Fon language in the area or because of the similarity of the two languages. In general, when
communicating with the Fon, each speak their respective language, but sometimes the Gbesi use Fon.
24
25
In Abomey-Calavi, according to the Ayizo survey (Volume 2), the Ayizo-Seto variety is spoken.
In fact, the Gbesi mostly call themselves “Ayizo” when talking with outsiders.
12
6.2.5.
Dangbo, Weme
In Amoukonou, in addition to the varieties listed by the researchers, the interviewees volunteered
Dangbo and Weme as being similar to Gbesi. With both, the Gbesi communicate in their own variety,
with the Dangbo and Weme responding in theirs.
6.2.6.
Ci, Daxe, Gbokpa, Saxwe
All informants agreed that with Ci, Daxe, Gbokpa and Saxwe speakers, each can speak their respective
variety and be well understood. However, none of these was considered to resemble Gbesi.
6.2.7.
Xwela
All interviewees reported that Xwela does not resemble Gbesi. While the Gbesi can mostly use their
own variety in communication with the Xwela, they are sometimes forced to speak Xwela if the Xwela
speaker does not understand Gbesi. The Xwela can reportedly use their own variety and are reportedly
well understood by all Gbesi with the interviewees in Amoukonou stating that communication is easy
due to their geographical proximity. That is, some Gbesi villages are mixed with Xwela speakers, e.g.
Tokpa-Dome in the Kpomasse sous-préfecture.
6.2.8.
Xwla
All interviewees stated that Xwla is different from Gbesi. In communication with Xwla speakers, the
informants in Amoukonou claimed to speak either Xwla or Gen and that the Xwla respond either in
Xwla or in Gen, respectively. In Ouokomé, it was agreed that Gen is normally used by both parties,
though sometimes the Xwla speak in their own variety.
6.2.9.
Gen
It was unanimously agreed that Gen does not resemble Gbesi. In conversation with Gen the Gbesi
normally speak Gen with the Gen responding in their variety. However, sometimes the Gbesi can use
their own variety in communication with Gen speakers.
6.2.10. Gun
Contact with Gun speakers was only reported in Ouokomé, stating that in communication with Gun
speakers the Gbesi use Fon and the Gun respond in their own language.
Results
13
6.2.11. Aja
None of the informants in Amoukonou professed to have contact with Aja speakers. In Ouokomé, it
was claimed that in communication with Aja-Hwe speakers both use Gen or sometimes the Aja
respond in Fon. No contact with Aja-Sikpi or Aja-Dogbo speakers was reported.
6.2.12. Se
In Amouonou, the interviewees claimed to have no contact with Se speakers. However, Gbesi speakers
in Ouokomé agreed that although Se does not resemble Gbesi, in communication with Se speakers each
use their respective variety.26
6.3.
Tested comprehension of Fon, Gen and Gun
RA-RTT testing was conducted in three Gbe varieties: Fon, Gen and Gun. Fon and Gen comprehension
was tested in Amoukonou and Fon and Gun comprehension was tested in Ouokomé. As explained in
‘Assessment techniques’ (Section 5.1), RA-RTTs result in an assessment of comprehension on a threelevel scale as defined by Stalder (1996b): good, partial or no comprehension. Because of considerable
differences in tape quality, story structure and content, it is not possible to compare exactly the relative
understanding of Fon, Gen and Gun from the tally results. (See also Appendix H, Table 7 showing the
comprehension levels of Fon, Gen and Gun for the tested communities.)
6.3.1.
Fon and Gun comprehension
Overall, the RA-RTT results indicate “good” comprehension of Fon (in Amounounou and Ouokomé)
and Gun (in Ouokomé). Throughout the testing, a few items were missed and some changed, but there
were no major semantic differences in either Fon or in Gun between expected and reported items for
most of the social groups. Some changes could possibly be attributed to the difficulties inherent in a
multilingual testing situation; that is, the people were hearing the stories in Fon or Gun, retelling them
in Gbesi, and their answers were then being translated for the researchers into French.
However, even though the overall comprehension of both Fon and Gun is “good,” some groups showed
lower comprehension than others. Regarding comprehension of Fon, three out of the eight groups
tested (the older women of Amoukonou and the older men and women in Ouokomé) demonstrated
lower comprehension in Fon than the rest of their communities. Though the performance of these three
social groups was not sufficiently low to label their comprehension as “partial”, it was probably on the
line between “good” and “partial.”
6.3.2.
Gen comprehension
Regarding comprehension of Gen in Amoukonou, the overall comprehension score was slightly lower
than that of Fon, but probably not significantly different. Three of the four social groups showed
“good” comprehension of Gen. One group, however (the younger women), showed markedly lower
26
This information corresponds with the statement given by Se speakers during a sociolinguistic survey of the Saxwe, Daxe
and Se language area (Volume 8).
14
comprehension than the rest, in the “partial” range. Unfortunately, the younger women only retold one
of the nine sections of the Gen story. Therefore, the result obtained is not likely to be representative for
the young women’s Gen comprehension.
6.4.
Language vitality
Gbesi is the preferred language of the Gbesi people with Gbesi being used in all domains. The only
exceptions are where external pressure (the use of French in the education system) or necessity
(communicating with those who do not understand Gbesi) are present.
6.5.
Literacy situation
Non-formal education in the language area is conducted in Fon and Saxwe. The national primer series
is used for Fon literacy classes in the sous-préfectures of Allada, Kpomasse and Tori-Bossito, and for
Saxwe literacy classes in the sous-préfecture of Bopa, where non-formal education is only conducted in
Saxwe.
6.5.1.
Fon
Fon is the main language of non-formal education in the Atlantique département; and the only language
used for literacy by the sous-préfecture of Kpomassè. This sous-préfecture currently has 12 literacy
centers. However, it was reported in Amoukonou that literacy classes that had been held had to be
stopped because of lack of interest (since Fon is not their language – “parce que c’est une langue
étrangère”) and because of the problem of funding (“manque de moyens”). When asked, the informants
stated that they would prefer Fon literacy classes to Gen. However, it was reported that with Fon
literacy some would still have problems (“ça donne quand même des problèmes”) which was probably
referring to the overall Fon comprehension.
6.5.2.
Saxwe
Literacy in Saxwe was first started by the current Houéyogbé literacy coordinator in 1977 in the souspréfecture of Bopa, which has since been divided into the two sous-préfectures of Bopa and
Houéyogbé. Saxwe is the only language currently used for non-formal education by these two souspréfectures. A three-volume Saxwe primer series, published by the Direction Nationale de
l’Alphabétisation (DNA n.d., a, b), is used.27
The informants in Ouokomé claimed that the literacy classes that had been held by Saxwe speakers five
years ago had to be stopped because of the lack of literacy workers.
27
For more information about Saxwe literacy, see Volume 8.
Results
6.5.3.
15
Ayizo
In Ouokomé, the desire was expressed to have literacy classes in Ayizo rather than in Fon. However, it
is unknown to the researchers how many Ayizo literacy classes are organized in the Gbesi language
area.
6.6.
Religious situation
Among the Gbesi speakers, the traditional religion (oriented around fetishes) is the primary religion,
although there is also a Christian presence in the area. Regarding Islam, there are no mosques in the
interviewed villages.
The biggest church in Amoukonou is the Catholic Church, and there are also Assemblée de Dieu
(Assembly of God), Christianisme Céleste, Parole de Christ au Monde, Pentecôte (Pentecostal Church),
Eglise Neo-Apostolique (Apostolic Church), Eglise de la Foi, Union de la Renaissance d’Hommes en
Christ (URHC), Eglise biblique de la vie profonde and Eglise des Temoins Evangéliques du Christ
(ETEC).
In Ouokomé, the animists are also predominant. In regard to the churches, the Roman Catholic Church
is the biggest church, but others include URHC, Christianisme Céleste and Message.
Gen is the primary language in all the churches in Ouokomé, but sometimes Fon, Gbesi and Saxwe are
used for prayers and for women’s and youth group meetings.
As for Amoukonou, the language predominantly used in all churches is Fon. In the Catholic Church,
Fon is used in every domain; however, the Scriptures are also read in French. Songs are in Gbesi, Gen,
Fon and French. In the URHC church, Fon is used in every domain together with French. In addition,
Scripture reading is sometimes done in Gen, Gun, French or Yoruba, and women’s meetings, youth
group and Bible studies are also held in Gen, Gun and Yoruba. In the ETEC, in addition to Fon, Gun
and Yoruba are used for preaching, Scripture reading, prayers and songs. Announcements are only
given in Fon. In women’s meetings, youth group, and for testimonies, Fon is used exclusively. Bible
studies are held in French and Yoruba.
In the Eglise Biblique de la Vie Profonde, the Fon, French and Yoruba Bibles are used. Fon and French
are used in every domain, including women’s meetings, youth group and Bible studies. In addition,
Scripture reading is in Gen, Gun and Yoruba, prayers in Gbesi and Gen and songs in Yoruba. Yoruba is
also used in women’s meetings and for testimonies. Gbesi is also used in women’s meetings.
No translation into Gbesi is given in any of the interviewed churches. No difficulties concerning the
understanding of the Scripture reading were reported. However, the attitudes towards the use of Gbesi
in the church context were positive; only for the Catholic Church were doubts expressed as to whether
the use of Gbesi would be encouraged by the church leaders.
7.
The purpose of this survey was to assess whether and to what extent existing literature and literacy
efforts in Fon, Gen, and Gun could extend to the Gbesi communities, or whether an additional
16
language-based development program in Gbesi would be beneficial, and to gather data that would help
determine the nature and extent of SIL’s possible involvement among these communities. The
following areas were investigated:
1.
2.
3.
Comprehension and language attitudes with regard to Fon, Gen and Gun
Language vitality of Gbesi
Language attitudes towards Gbesi language development
Pertinent to the issue of a potential reference dialect for the Phla-Phera cluster was the Gbesi language
situation and the relationship of Gbesi to other Gbe varieties (comprehension, language attitudes and
use as regards related Gbe varieties). In the following, these issues will be summarized under ‘Gbesi
language situation’ (Section 7.4) and ‘Gbesi and other related Gbe varieties’ (Section 7.5).
7.1.
Comprehension and attitudes with regard to Fon, Gen and Gun
The results for Fon will be summarized first, followed by those for Gen and Gun.
7.1.1.
Fon
Regarding comprehension of Fon, the RA-RTT results indicate overall “good” comprehension, even
though three of the eight tested social groups, namely the older women of both communities and the
older men of Ouokomé, demonstrated lower comprehension than the rest, with the women being on the
borderline between “good” and “partial.”
In addition, all interviewees reported the ability to understand Fon. Both communities agreed that a
child at the age of five to six years is already able to understand Fon. However, Fon proficiency
appears to be influenced by language contact rather than by linguistic relatedness. None of the surveyed
communities mentioned Fon as being close to Gbesi, yet at the same time, all showed “good”
comprehension.
7.1.2.
Gen
With regard to comprehension of Gen in the village of Amoukonou, the RA-RTT results indicate
“good” comprehension for three of the four social groups. Only the younger women (in the “partial”
range) showed markedly lower comprehension than the rest. It is to be questioned, though, whether this
result is representative since the younger women only retold one of the nine sections of the Gen story.
Gen proficiency seems to be related to language contact and not so much to the degree of linguistic
similarity between the two varieties. Gen was unanimously denied to be close to Gbesi and it was
claimed that the Gbesi are forced to use Gen with Gen speakers if the latter do not understand Gbesi.
However, Gen language contact appears to vary throughout the Gbesi area, with the greater contact
being in the Mono département. Here Gen, along with Waci, is the LWC and, together with Waci, is
the Gbe variety chosen for non-formal education. In addition, Gen is the variety apparently most
widely used in the churches.
17
Although the interviewees in Ouokomé and Amoukonou did not display overtly negative attitudes
towards Gen, it was unanimously stated that Gen would be their third choice for literacy programs after
Fon and Gun.
7.1.3.
Gun
The result for the Gun comprehension testing in Ouokomé shows “good” comprehension for all four
tested social groups. Gun comprehension scores were higher than those for Fon, exept for the younger
female group. However, when asked about the preferred variety for literacy, the interviewees in
Ouokomé mentioned Fon first and Gun as second choice.
7.2.
Gbesi language vitality
Gbesi is the preferred language for L1 Gbesi speakers and is used in all domains where it is practical
and permitted. Thus, there are presently no indications for occurring or impending language shift in
either of the two communities. Domains where it is occasionally not practical or permitted are those
where use of French, Fon, Gen, Gun or Saxwe is mandated by external institutions (i.e. the Beninese
public school system, government offices, Catholic dioceses) or communicative necessity (i.e. regional
markets).
7.3.
Attitudes towards Gbesi language development
Overall, the Gbesi people expressed positive attitudes towards Gbesi language development.
7.4.
Gbesi language situation
There are reportedly no dialects of the Gbesi language. However, some differences due to the influence
of neighboring varieties, especially those of Fon and Kotafon, were mentioned.
Two of the research questions were whether the Kotafon spoken in the Mono département and Gbesi
are the same language, and whether Gbesi is a dialect of Ayizo. When asking the Gbesi communities
about the relatedness of Gbesi with Kotafon and Ayizo, some stated that the three are all the same
language. Accordingly, some of the interviewed neighboring villages28 referred to Gbesi villages as
Kotafon or Ayizo communities.
In Ouokomé, which is close to Agbodji, it was claimed that the variety spoken in the Agbodji
community is exactly the same as that of Ouokomé although they may call themselves Kotafon (which
was confirmed during the Kotafon survey, see Volume 3).
It is surprising, however, that in spite of its geographical and ethnological closeness, none of the
villages initially mentioned Ayizo as being close to Gbesi. It was only when listing the different Ayizo
varieties (see Footnote 10) that Ayizo-Ko and Ayizo-Tori were claimed to be close to Gbesi by the
28
These villages are: Adjadji-Kossoé, Avakpa, Ayou, Dekanmè and Kouffonou . (See also Section 2.2 ‘Language area.’)
18
interviewees in Amoukonou and Ouokomé , respectively (these are the Ayizo varieties which are
geographically closest to the respective interviewed villages). When communicating with speakers of
these varieties, each speak their own variety, while with Ayizo speakers from Abomey-Calavi,29 each
speaks Fon. Being culturally and ethnologically reportedly close, however, and having the same
ancestors, the Ayizo are considered as being brothers by the Gbesi.30
Therefore, given that, for the most part, the neighboring speech communities are not aware of the
existence of the Gbesi language, it is likely that “Gbesi” refers to the Gbesi’s ethnical identity and
origin rather than to their language variety. This also concurs with the statement made by Pazzi that the
Gbesi are a group of Ayizo who had immigrated from Ayou and are now called Gbesi (see Section 2.4
‘History of migration’).
7.5.
Gbesi and other related Gbe varieties
Concerning its relationship with other Gbe lects, Gbesi speakers interviewed in both Amoukonou and
Ouokomé agreed that Arohun resembles Gbesi with interviewees in Amoukonou also mentioning
Dangbo and Weme as being similar to Gbesi. When communicating with Arohun speakers and, for
Amoukonou, with Dangbo and Weme speakers, each speak their respective language.
Likewise, Gbesi speakers interviewed in both Amoukonou and Ouokomé stated that they can
communicate with Ci, Daxe, Gbokpa and Saxwe speakers in their own variety, with interviewees from
Ouokomé adding Se to this listing. None of these varieties, however, were considered to resemble
Gbesi. All interviewees reported that Xwela and Xwla are different from Gbesi. When communicating
with Xwela speakers, however, both sides can, for the most part, use their own varieties, whereas with
Xwla speakers, the Gbesi speak either Xwla or Gen with the Xwla responding in Xwla or Gen,
respectively.
With regard to Aja, interviewees in Amoukonou maintained that they do not have any contact with Aja
speakers, while interviewees in Ouokomé reported limited contact, mainly with Aja-Hwe speakers.
When communicating with each other, both tend to use Gen or sometimes the Aja respond in Fon.
When Fon, Gen and Gun were listed, the interviewees in both villages volunteered Fon as the variety
easiest to understand followed by Gun and Gen. The interviewees further stated that one has to reach
adult age to be able to understand Gen whereas a five or six year old can already understand Fon. Both
communities felt that their children have to reach the age of eight to ten years before they can
understand Gun.
7.6.
Conclusions
The comprehension test results for Fon, Gen, and Gun demonstrate “good comprehension” in the
limited contexts in which they were examined for this survey. The Fon comprehension scores show,
generally, better scores for the younger women and men than for the older age groups. However, all
interviewees reported the ability to understand at least two of the three speech varieties. Therefore, it
appears likely that written materials in Fon, Gen, and Gun would be adequately understood throughout
29
30
In Abomey-Calavi, according to the Ayizo survey (Volume 2), the Ayizo-Seto variety is spoken.
This concurs with the fact that when asked by outsiders they would call themselves Ayizo.
19
the Gbesi community. These findings suggest that Fon, Gen, and/or Gun literacy might be a workable
solution for the literacy needs of the Gbesi-speaking region provided there is adequate institutional
support.
In fact, literacy programs in Fon and Gen, and also in Ayizo and Saxwe are already in place in the
Gbesi language area. Even though the surveyed communities would prefer literacy in Gbesi, the
respondents also expressed positive attitudes towards literacy in Ayizo (for Ouokomé), Fon, and Gun.
The interviewees were not, however, as interested in learning to read and write Gen, albeit they did not
display overtly negative attitudes towards this Gbe variety.
As stated above, the SIL strategy is to encourage the use of already developed language materials as
widely as possible. In light of this, it appears that there is currently no need for SIL-related Gbesi
language development.
20
Appendices
Appendix A.
Figure 1:
a
Map of the Gbesi language area
Map of the Gbesi language area (based on Microsoft Corporation 2002)a
The data contained in this map represent the perceptions of the Gbesi informants and have not been otherwise confirmed
(see also Appendix B ‘Population’).
Appendix B: Population
Appendix B.
21
Population
Table 2: Population figures for the Gbesi communitiesa
Total Gbesi population
48,381
Atlantique département
39,553
Allada s.-p.b
Agbanou r.c.*
Avakpa r.c.*
Ayou r.c.*
Lissegazoun r.c.*c
Lon-Agamey r.c.
Tokpa r.c.*
8,140
3,449
5,427
10,307
3,455
2,466
Kpomassè s.-p.
Dédomè r.c.
Kouffonou
Tokpa-Dome r.c.
Tokpa-Dome I+II*
Amoukonou
Houngbogba
Tori-Bossito s.-p.
Azonhoué-Cada r.c.
Azongo*
Azonhoué-Cada I+II*
Satre*
Mono département
Bopa s.-p.
Agbodji r.c.*
Possotomè r.c.
Possotomè*
Ouocome
Comè s.-p.
Ouèdèmè r.c.
Bèdjèwa
a
929
1738
587
615
763
1,677
– not listed –
8,828
6,802
1,138
888
– not listed –
The following population totals are taken from the 1992 Benin Census data (Ministère du Plan 1994b). (See also
Section 2.2 ‘Language area.’)
b
s.-p. = ‘sous-préfecture’, r.c. = rural commune, u.c. = urban circumscription, (*): a location only partially Gbesispeaking, according to at least some of the informants.
c
One of the villages of the rural commune, Azohoué Houngbo, was stated to be mixed with Saxwe speakers by the
informants in Ouocomé whereas in Amoukonou it was not listed as a Gbesi village.
22
Appendix C.
Lexical similarity
The following percentage and variance matrixes for lexical similarity were computed by the computer
program WORDSURV (Version 2.4 – Wimbish 1989). The program performs a count of shared
vocabulary between lists based on similarity groupings, as determined by the researcher. Thus, it does
not apply a linguistic comparative method to the data and therefore, does not determine cognates based
on historical analysis.
The Gbe word lists were analyzed according to two different sets of criteria with both computations
following the principles described by Blair (1990:30–33), allowing for a few modifications though as
outlined by Kluge (1997). For the first computation, morphemes that are apparently affixed to the form
used in another variety are ignored if they occur always in the same position. For the second
computation a stricter set of criteria is applied with morphemes apparently affixed to the form used in
another variety being included in the analysis.31
31
See Kluge 1997 for further details as regards a preliminary evaluation of the analysis of word and phrase lists elicited for
the current study.
Appendix C: Lexical similarity
1.
23
Computation: Affixed morphemes are ignored
For this computation, morphemes that are apparently affixed to the form used in another variety are
ignored if they always occur in the same position.
Table 3: Percentage matrix
Toli
82
78
85
80
82
78
81
79
76
81
74
79
76
69
70
72
Tofin
75 Xwla (Djeffa)
82 84 Gun
84 77 92 Alada
81 74 89 91 Arohun
81 76 90 92 93 Gbekon
81 75 87 93 88 93 Fon
74 77 88 89 85 89 87
66 71 77 79 78 81 79
77 75 86 89 83 88 87
70 69 79 78 78 82 79
78 73 77 79 74 78 78
77 73 80 81 76 77 77
69 65 78 79 77 78 80
67 64 74 74 76 79 79
69 66 74 75 77 80 81
Kotafon
82 Ayizo
94 78 Gbokpa
85 72 92 Gbesi
78 67 85 79 Xwela
78 69 86 77 85 Xwla (Adamé)
80 70 87 77 75 82 Saxwe
75 69 77 74 74 79 77 Se
76 70 77 75 77 80 78 98 Daxe
Table 4: Variance matrix
Toli
6.0
6.5
5.4
6.2
5.9
6.5
6.0
6.4
6.8
6.0
7.1
6.4
6.8
7.8
7.6
7.3
Tofin
7.0 Xwla (Djeffa)
6.0 5.6 Gun
5.6 6.6 3.9 Alada
6.1 7.1 4.6 4.2 Arohun
6.1 6.8 4.4 3.9 3.7 Gbekon
6.1 6.9 5.0 3.7 4.8 3.7 Fon
7.3 6.7 4.9 4.7 5.5 4.7 5.1
8.2 7.5 6.7 6.4 6.5 6.0 6.4
6.7 6.9 5.2 4.6 5.7 4.8 5.0
7.7 7.8 6.4 6.5 6.5 5.9 6.4
6.6 7.3 6.7 6.4 7.1 6.5 6.5
6.8 7.3 6.3 6.1 6.8 6.7 6.7
7.9 8.3 6.6 6.4 6.7 6.6 6.3
8.1 8.3 7.1 7.1 6.8 6.4 6.4
7.8 8.1 7.1 6.9 6.6 6.2 6.0
Kotafon
6.0 Ayizo
3.5 6.5 Gbokpa
5.5 7.4 3.9 Gbesi
6.6 8.0 5.4 6.4 Xwela
6.6 7.8 5.2 6.7 5.4 Xwla (Adamé)
6.3 7.6 5.1 6.7 7.0 6.0 Saxwe
7.0 7.7 6.6 7.1 7.1 6.4 6.7 Se
6.9 7.6 6.6 7.0 6.7 6.2 6.6 2.0 Daxe
24
2.
Computation: Affixed morphemes are included
For this computation, morphemes that are apparently affixed to the form used in another variety are
included in the analysis.
Table 5: Percentage matrix
Toli
76
69
75
70
69
65
71
67
65
72
61
65
66
53
52
54
Tofin
68 Xwla (Djeffa)
72 76 Gun
67 70 73 Alada
70 65 76 79 Arohun
64 69 69 75 77 Gbekon
73 68 71 75 71 76 Fon
66 69 74 68 70 66 74
61 66 64 63 65 62 72
70 72 75 78 74 75 77
61 65 67 61 63 62 67
72 68 66 63 62 64 70
61 62 65 63 61 63 65
58 53 59 56 57 54 59
52 53 58 52 55 57 59
51 56 59 54 55 61 61
Kotafon
75 Ayizo
86 75 Gbokpa
73 61 79 Gbesi
73 64 81 68 Xwela
70 62 76 67 72 Xwla (Adamé)
69 60 72 63 65 71 Saxwe
61 56 67 59 60 67 66 Se
61 57 67 60 62 67 64 91 Daxe
Table 6: Variance matrix
Toli
6.9
7.7
7.0
7.6
7.7
8.2
7.5
8.1
8.2
7.3
8.7
8.3
8.1
9.6
9.6
9.4
Tofin
8.0 Xwla (Djeffa)
7.4 6.8 Gun
8.1 7.6 7.3 Alada
7.7 8.2 6.8 6.4 Arohun
8.4 7.7 7.8 6.9 6.6 Gbekon
7.3 7.8 7.5 6.9 7.5 6.8 Fon
8.3 7.8 7.2 8.0 7.7 8.2 7.2
8.8 8.1 8.4 8.4 8.2 8.5 7.3
7.7 7.3 7.0 6.5 7.1 6.9 6.6
8.8 8.3 8.0 8.7 8.5 8.6 8.0
7.5 7.9 8.1 8.5 8.6 8.4 7.6
8.8 8.6 8.3 8.5 8.7 8.5 8.3
9.2 9.6 9.0 9.3 9.2 9.5 9.0
9.8 9.5 9.1 9.6 9.3 9.1 8.9
9.9 9.2 9.0 9.4 9.3 8.7 8.7
Kotafon
7.0 Ayizo
5.3 6.9 Gbokpa
7.4 8.7 6.4 Gbesi
7.4 8.4 6.1 7.9 Xwela
7.8 8.6 6.8 8.0 7.4 Xwla (Adamé)
7.9 8.8 7.4 8.6 8.3 7.6 Saxwe
8.8 9.2 8.0 9.0 8.8 8.0 8.1 Se
8.8 9.1 8.0 8.8 8.6 8.0 8.4 4.2 Daxe
Appendix D: Community questionnaire
Appendix D.
25
Community questionnaire
(rév 06/99, SIL Togo/Benin)
Effectué le _____________ à ____________________ par ______________________
Identité ethnique du chef: _______________; des vieux: ________________________
Abréviations:
Gs = gbesi, AD = aja-dogbo, AH = aja-hwe, Ar = arohún, AS = aja-sikpi, Ay = ayizo, Ci = ci,
Da = daxe, F = fon, Fr = français, Gé = gbékon, Gk = gbokpa, Ge = gen, Ko = kotafon, Sx =
saxwe, Se = se, Xe = xwela, Xw = xwla, O = oui, N = non.
1.
LA LANGUE DE L’ENQUETE ET LES LANGUES VOISINES
1.1. Comment vous appelez votre propre langue?
1.2. Quelle est l’origine du peuple de ce village?
(Afin de trouver l’étendue de la variante, montrez une carte de la région, et posez les questions
suivantes.)
1.3. Dans quels villages est votre langue (gbesi) parlée?
(Demandez après chaque village; encerclez ces villages)
1.4. Est-ce qu’il y a des villages où plusieurs langues sont parlées?
(Encadrez les villages où se trouvent des locuteurs de plusieurs langues différentes.)
1.5. Dans quels villages parle-t-on une langue différente que la vôtre? Quel est le nom de cette
langue?
(Soulignez les villages où il est certain qu’on parle une langue différente que celle en
question, et écrivez le nom de celle-ci à côté du village - ceci pour déterminer les frontières de
la langue étudiée.)
2.
DIALECTES DE LA LANGUE ENQUETEE ET INTERCOMPREHENSION ENTRE LES
VARIANTES
2.1. Parmi les villages où votre langue (gbesi) est parlée, où est-ce qu’ils parlent exactement
comme vous?
2.2. Dans quels villages est-ce qu’ils parlent un peu différemment, mais vous les comprenez quand
même?
2.3. Dans quels villages est-ce qu’ils parlent très différemment?
2.4. Est-ce qu’il y a des dialectes de gbesi?
(Selon les renseignements fournis par l’enquêté, l’enquêteuse(eur) devrait
− mettre la lettre A à côté des villages qui parlent la langue de l’enquête, B à côté des
villages d’un autre groupe, C, et ainsi de suite.)
O N
26
2.5. Comment appelle-t-on les gens qui parlent:
A? ________________________
B? ________________________
C? ________________________
D? ________________________
2.6. Quelles sortes de différences existent entre votre variété et les autres (prononciation,
vocabulaire emprunté)?
Variety A – B: _________________________________________________________
Variety A – C: _________________________________________________________
Variety A – D: _________________________________________________________
Variety A – E: _________________________________________________________
2.7. Quelle variété avez-vous le plus de difficulté à comprendre? ___________________________
2.8. Laquelle comprenez-vous la plus facilement? _______________________________________
2.9. Est-ce que tous les enfants ici au village comprennent bien les locuteurs ...?
A
B
C
D
O N
O N
O N
O N
2.10. Est-ce que vous avez tous les mêmes origines?
2.11. Est-ce qu’ils sont comme des étrangers ou comme vos frères?
2.12. Où parle-t-on votre langue le mieux?
3.
LES RAPPORTS AVEC D’AUTRES LANGUES
3.1. Quelles autres langues se ressemblent à votre langue? (Sondez les autres possibilités;
demandez-leur “L’ayizo de quelle région/ville/village? L’aja de quelle région/ville/village?”.)
AD AH Ar AS Ay Ci Da F Gé Gk Ge Ko Se Sx Xe Xw Autres _________
3.2. Est-ce vous avez jamais parlé avec quelqu’un de:
AH
O N
a)
Vous parlez quelle
langue avec eux?
b) Ils vous répondent
en quelle langue?
Ar
O N
Ay
O N
Ci
O N
Da
O N
F
O N
Gé
O N
Gk
O N
Ge
O N
Appendix D: Community questionnaire
27
Ko
O N
Se
O N
Sx
O N
Xe
O N
Xw _____ _____ _____
O N O N O N O N
c)
Vous parlez quelle
langue avec eux?
d) Ils vous répondent
en quelle langue?
3.3. Quelle langue est-ce que vous comprenez le mieux?
Aj F Ge
3.4. Quelle langue est-ce que vous comprenez le pire?
Aj F Ge
3.5. Un enfant de ce village (nommez le nom du village) peut comprendre
l’aja à partir de quel âge?
__________________
le fon à partir de quel âge?
__________________
le gen à partir de quel âge?
__________________
4.
L’USAGE DE LA LANGUE/VARIANTE
4.1. La majorité de la population ici sont de quelle langue? ____________
4.2. Est-ce qu’il y a des mariages mixtes?
Les minorités? _____
O N Si oui, avec qui? __________________
La plupart des mariages mixtes sont avec des locuteurs de quelle langue?
_______________
4.3. Quelle langue est-ce que vous utilisez pour:
Annonces dans le village
Rites de coutumes
Jugements dans la famille
Jugements au village
Conseils d’anciens (au village)
Réunions du conseil traditionnel (régionales)
Gs
Gs
Gs
Gs
Gs
Gs
Aj
Aj
Aj
Aj
Aj
Aj
F
F
F
F
F
F
Ge
Ge
Ge
Ge
Ge
Ge
___
___
___
___
___
___
4.4. A part votre langue, quelle langue est utilisée le plus souvent ici dans votre village? ________
et dans la région?
5.
___________________________________________________________
ALPHABETISATION
5.1. Est-ce qu’il y a des classes d’alphabétisation au village?
En quelle(s) langue(s)?
O N
_______________________________________________________
Ça se passe tous les combien?
_________________________________________________
Est-ce qu’il y a des classes d’alphabétisation dans la région?
O N
28
En quelle(s) langue(s)?
______________________________________________________
Ça se passe tous les combien?
_________________________________________________
5.2. Est-ce que vous avez jamais vu quelque chose écrit en gbesi?
5.3. Est-ce que vous connaissez quelqu’un qui écrit en gbesi?
O N _________________
O N _____________________
5.4. Si on commencait une classe d’alphabétisation est-ce que les gens d’ici s’y intéresseraient et
s’y ‘inscriraient
si c’était en fon?
O N _________________________________________________
et si c’était en gen?
O N _________________________________________________
et si c’était en aja?
O N _________________________________________________
et si c’était en gbesi?
O N _________________________________________________
6.
INFORMATION GENERALE SUR LA COMMUNAUTE
6.1. Est-ce qu’il y a des églises ici?
O N _______________________________________
Si oui, quelle langue est utilisée pour:
la prédication/l’homélie?
pour les chants?
les prières?
les annonces?
les réunions de prière ou d’autres rendez-vous?
6.2. Est-ce qu’il y a des mosquées ici?
Si oui, quelle langue est utilisée pour:
la prédication/l’enseignement?
interpréter la lecture du Coran?
Gs
Gs
Gs
Gs
Gs
Aj
Aj
Aj
Aj
Aj
F
F
F
F
F
Ge
Ge
Ge
Ge
Ge
___
___
___
___
___
O N _____________________________________
Gs Aj F Ge ___
Gs Aj F Ge ___
Appendix E: Non-formal education questionnaire
Appendix E.
29
Non-formal education questionnaire
(rév. 6/99, SIL Togo/Benin)
Effectué le _____________ à ____________________ par _____________
1.
PRESENTATION DE L’ENQUETE
1.1. Nom et fonction:
1.2. Langue maternelle:
1.3. Parlez-vous le gbesi?
2.
INFORMATIONS DÉMOGRAPHIQUES
A.
ALPHABETISATION
O N
2.1. Des classes d’alphabétisation dans la région gbesi sont organisées dans quelles langues?
Distribution des langues par région
2.2. Existe-t-il des classes d’alphabétisation en langue gbesi?
O N
Depuis quand?
2.3. Nombre des classes et le totale des étudiants par sous-préfecture
a)
b)
c)
d)
2.4. Lesquels sont vos projets pour l’avenir en ce qui concerne l’utilisation de gbesi pour
l’alphabétisation?
B.
POST-ALPHABETISATION
2.5. Existe-t-il des classes de post-alphabétisation en langue gbesi?
Depuis quand?
Elles existent en quelle(s) autre(s) langue(s) dans la région gbesi?
2.6. Nombre des classes et le totale des étudiants par sous-préfecture
a)
b)
c)
d)
O N
30
2.7. Quelle sorte de programme?
3.
LA LANGUE UTILISEE POUR L’ALPHABETISATION
3.1. Quels syllabaires sont utilisés pour les classes?
Développés par qui?
3.2. Quelle variante est utilisée pour les classes d’alphabétisation?
Véhicule d’instruction:
Langue écrite:
3.3. Existe-t-il des problèmes de compréhension de cette variante parmi les étudiants?
Lesquels?
O N
_________________________________________________________________
3.4. Selon vous, est-ce que le choix de cette variante est capable de servir les locuteurs gbesi le
meilleur?
O N
Si non, quelle variante devrait être choisie pour l’alphabétisation?
Appendix F: Church questionnaire
Appendix F.
31
Church questionnaire
(rév 06/99, SIL Togo/Benin)
Effectué le _____________ à ____________________ par _____________
Dénomination: ________________________________________________
Abréviations:
Gs = gbesi, AD = aja-dogbo, AH = aja-hwe, Ar = arohún, AS = aja-sikpi, Ay = ayizo, Ci = ci, Da
= daxe, F = fon, Fr = français, Gé = gbékon, Gk = gbokpa, Ge = gen, Ko = kotafon, Sx = saxwe,
Se = se, Xe = xwela, Xw = xwla, O = oui, N = non.
1.
PRESENTATION DE L’ENQUETE
1.1. Nom, fonction dans l’église, langue maternelle: Est-ce que vous parlez gbesi?
nom et fonction
2.
langue maternelle
parle la langue locale?
_____________________
_____________________
non un peu bien couramment
_____________________
_____________________
_____________________
_____________________
_____________________
_____________________
_____________________
_____________________
_____________________
_____________________
INFORMATION GENERALE
2.1. La majorité au village est de quelle religion?
Musulman
Chrétien
Animiste
autre____________
2.2. Il y a quelles églises au village? _________________________________________________
2.3. Quelles églises sont les plus grandes? _____________________________________________
32
3.
L’USAGE DE LA LANGUE A L’EGLISE
3.1. Quelles langues sont-elles utilisées pendant le culte/la messe pour:
Gs Aj F Fr Ge __ − prières (des Gs Aj
− prêcher
dirigeants)
Gs Aj F Fr Ge __ − prières (des Gs Aj
− les annonces
paroissiens)
Gs Aj F Fr Ge __ − les chants/la Gs Aj
− lire les
écritures
louange
Gs Aj
− l’eucharistie/la Gs Aj F Fr Ge __
sainte cène
3.2. (chez les catholiques) Qui lit le lectionnaire pendant la messe?
Dans quelle(s) langue(s)?
Est-ce qu’il y a parfois des problèmes à la lire?
Est-ce que la lecture est bien comprise par tout le monde?
3.3. Quelle(s) langue(s) est(sont) utilisée(s) pour:
− la réunion des femmes
− le groupe de jeunesse
− les témoignages
− les prières pendant les études bibliques
− l’école dominicale
F Fr Ge __
F Fr Ge __
F Fr Ge __
Gs Aj F Fr Ge ___
Gs
Gs
Gs
Gs
Gs
3.4. Quelle Bible est utilisée à l’église?
3.5. Dans votre congrégation combien de personnes
possèdent leurs propres Bibles?
F Fr Ge __
Aj
Aj
Aj
Aj
Aj
F
F
F
F
F
Fr
Fr
Fr
Fr
Fr
Ge
Ge
Ge
Ge
Ge
___
___
___
___
___
Aj Ewe F Fr Ge ______
très peu | plusieurs | moitié | majorité
3.6. Est-ce qu’il existe du matériel religieux en gbesi?
O N
Lesquelles? ________________________________________________________________
3.7. Est-ce qu’il y a des responsables gbesi dans cette église?
Ils prêchent dans quelle langue?
O N
Tf E F Fr Gu ___
3.8. Donnez-vous parfois une traduction préparée ou spontanée en gbesi:
O N
Pourquoi? _________________________________________________________________
4.
ENGAGEMENT POTENTIEL DE L’EGLISE
4.1. Est-ce que l’utilisation de gbesi est encouragée par les responsables de cette église:
pour le culte/la messe?
O N
pour les réunions différentes?
O N Lesquelles? _______________________________
4.2. Est-ce que vous croyez que l’utilisation de gbesi serait impropre pour le culte/la messe? O N
Si oui, pour quelle raison?
___________________________________
Appendix F: Church questionnaire
33
4.3. Est-ce que les membres de votre église ont exprimé leur intérêt
− de lire et écrire en gbesi?
− d’avoir du matériel religieux en gbesi?
O N
O N
4.4. Est-ce qu’il y a quelqu’un qui aide actuellement les gens qui
sont engagés à un projet ou un programme de développement, etc.?
O N
34
Appendix G.
1.
RA-RTT narratives
Fon RA-RTT
The following lines are in Fon, interlinear French and standard French.
1.
hwenu e un do kpɛ ví ɔ́, un nɔ kplá tɔ́ ce yi gle ta.
Moment que je être petit je accompagne père mon aller champ sur.
Quand j’étais petit j’accompange mon père au champ.
un nɔ yi xwa gbě xɑ́ ɛ.
Je vais sarcler herbe avec lui.
Je vais sarcler herbe avec lui.
2.
enǰ mǐ xwa gbě fó ɔ́, é jɛ hwelɛkó ɔ́, cóbónú mǐ nɑ̌ lɛkɔ yi
Si nous sarcler herbe terminer, il arriver après-midi avant que nous futur retourner
Quand nous finissons le sarclage, dans l’après-midi avant de rentrer
xwé gbe ɔ́, mǐ mɛ yɔkpɔ́vú lɛɛ, mǐ ɖǒ fέcɑ kpɛví kpɛví ɖé lɛɛ bó nɔ ɖó,
aller maison dans, nous petit plur., nous tendre piège petit petit plur.
à la maison, nous les enfants,
bó nɔ dó wlí afin, ogběja nɑ́ ɖo gle mɛ.
et tendre et pour attraper souris rat avec être champs dans.
nous tendons de petits pièges pour attraper des souris, des rats.
ényí ɖɔ ǰ lé mǐ ɖǒ ɔ́, mǐ wɑ̌ gle ta zɑ̌nzɑ̌n ɔ́, mǐ nɔ yi kpɔ́n.
Si nous tendre, nous venir champ sur matin, nous aller voir.
Si nous tendons les pièges, le matin quand nous revenons au champ, nous les
contrôlons.
3.
é wɑ́ jɛ gbe ɖokpó bɔ un ɖó fέcɑ ce.
Il arriver tomber jour un et je tendre piège mon.
Un jour, j’ai tenu mon piège.
un mɔ ɖɔ afin wɑ́ ɖu finlínnyɛ ɖo fí ɖe, bó ɖó fέcɑ ɔ́ ɖó fínέ
Je vu que souris venir manger manioc être endroit et tendre piège le là endroit
J’ai constaté que les souris ont mangé le manioc sans un endroit et j’ai tendu là mon
piège
Appendix G: RA-RTT narratives
35
bó blɑ́ finlínnyɛ kpɛví ɖé d’éǰ; hǔn afin wɛ un ɖó fέcɑ ɔ́ nɑ́.
et attacher manioc petit un sur donc souris c’ést je tendre piège le pour
et attaché un petit morceau de manioc là-dessus;
4.
gbe énέ gbe ɔ́, síbigbe wɛ, gbadanu, bɔ ēé un ɖó fέcɑ ɔ́, mǐ wɑ̌ yi xwé,
Jour ce jour samedi c’ést, soir et lorsque je tendre piège le, nous venir aller maison
C’était un samedi soir, quand j’ai tendu le piège nous sommes retournés à la maison
bɛ jɛ aklunɔzɑ́ngbe zɑ̌nzɑ̌n bɔ nyi ɖokpónɔ sɔ́ nǔ bó wɑ́
et il tomber seigneur jour matin et moi seul apprêter
et le dimanche matin, je suis parti seul (dans le champ)
xwe yi gbe fέcɑ ce kpɔ́n gbé. aklunɔzɑ́ngbe ɔ́, mɛɖébǔ leɔn nɔ́ wɑ́ gleta ɑ̌.
et venir aller aller piège mon regarder. Seigneur jour personne ne venir champ sur
pour aller regarder le piège. Le dimanche personne ne va au champ.
5.
hǔn nyi ɖokpónɔ géé wɛ sɔ́ nǔ bó yi gle ɔ́ ta, bó nɑ́ yi kpɔ́n fέcɑ ce bó nɑ́ wɑ́ yi.
Donc moi seul c’ést apprêter et aller champ le sur, pour aller regarder piège mon
Donc je suis allé seul au champ pour aller regarder le piège pour revenir
xwé nǔ e gbé un tɔ́n kpowun é jēn né,
maison. Chose que je sortir seulement – ça
à la maison. Voilà le seul but que j’ai visé.
6.
bɔ ēé un yi gle ɔ́ tɑ ɔ́, un mlέ odogbó
et lorsque je aller champ le sur, je suivre frontière
Arrivée dans le champ, j’ai pris par la frontière sur
e ǰ un ɖó fέcɑ ɔ́ ɖó ɔ́, bó ɖo jiji wɛ. ée un sɛkpɔ́ fέcɑ
rel sur je tendre piège le – et être aller c’est. Lorsque je approcher piège
laquelle j’ai tendu le piège. Lorsque je m’approche du piège
ɔ́ lě ɔ́, bó kpɔ́n sέdó lě kpowun ɔ́, ɑzěxɛ jέn un ko mɔ ɖo
le aussitôt, et regarder de loin aussitôt seulement, sorcellerie-oiseau je déjà vu être
je l’ai regardé de loin, à une grande surprise, j’ai vu un hibou
36
fέcɑ ce ǰ nukún klolo duu,
piège mon sur oeil “klolo duu”
sur mon piège, avec des yeux gros, arrondis (assortis),
7.
bo xɛsi ɖi mì bɔ un hɔn ɖó un kpo ɖo vǔ; nukún tɔn ɔ́, é kló dín,
et peur ressembler moi et je fuir, car je encore être petit; oeil son – il gros trop
j’ai pris peur et j’ai pris la fuite parce que je suis encore petit, ses yeux sont trop gros,
un nɔ se ɑzěxɛ xó, ɑmɔ̌ un mɔ eéɖécéɖé mɔ̌ kpɔ́n gbeɖé ɑ̌;
je entendre sorcellerie-oiseau parole mais je voir clairement ainsi jamais négatif;
j’entends parler d’hibou mais je ne l’ai jamais vu correctement,
8.
nukɔn nukɔntɔn ɔ́ nɛ un mɔ nέ, bɔ nukún tɔu ɖo duu ɖo fέcɑ ɔ́ ǰ.
premièrement cela, je voir là, et oeil son être “duu” être piège le sur
c’est pour ma première fois et ses yeux sont assortis sur le piège.
é bέ ɑfɔ tɔn we lɛɑ dó fέcɑ ɔ́ mɛ, bó ɖo fέcɑ ɔ́ ǰ ɖo te lē;
Il ramasser patte son deux piège le dans et être piège le sur être debout
Il a mis ses deux pattes dans le piège, et il est debout sur le piège,
ēé un mɔ mɔ̌ɔ,̄ un hɔn, bo jɛ sésɔ́sœîsɔ́ ǰ;
lorsque je voir ainsi je fuir et commencer trembler –
lorsque je vois ça j’ai pris la fuite et je commence à trembler
9.
bɔ un ɖɔ xɛ élɔ́ɔ,́ jǒ un kɑ́ nɑ́ jō dō ɑ? un ɖō nɑ́ hu i jɛn wɛ hǔn.
et je dire oiseau ce laisser je laisser ques je devoir fut tuer le obliger
et j’ai dit cet oiseau, faut-il le laisser? Mais je does quand même le tuer.
Nε̌ un nɑ́ wɑ́ gbɔu? nyɛ ɖokpónɔ gēé wɛ ɖo gle ɔ́ tɑ fí.
c’est donc comment je? faire Moi seule c’est être champ le sur ici
Qu’est-ce que je vais faire? Je suis seul ici dans le champ.
10. énɛ ɔ̄, un wɑ́ yi gbo kpo, kpo gɑgɑ ɖé bɔ un sixú kpɔ́n nukún tɔn mɛ ɑ̌.
Alors je venir aller couper bâton bâton long un et je pouvoir regarder oeil son dans neg
Alors je suis parti chercher un long bâton, et je ne peux pas regarder son visage.
37
é kɑ ɖo te ɖo fέcɑ ɔ́ ǰ bó nɔ kpɔ́n nǔ lě, nukún duu,
Il être debout être piège le sur et regarder chose oeil “duu”
Mais il est debout sur le piège et il regarde avec des yeux assortis,
11. bɔ́nέ ɔ̄, nyi lɔɔ́ un ɖó kɔ zɔ; un ɖó kɔ ce zɔ bó ɖo fέcɑ ɔ́ kɔn
et ainsi moi aussi je tourner cou loin je tourner cou mon loin et être piège le près de
alors moi aussi j’ai tourné mon regard ailleurs et je m’approche du piège
yi wɛ dε̌dε̌, dε̌dε̌, bɔ un nɔ fini kpɔ́n bléwun, un nɔ fin kpɔ́n bɔ
aller c’est doucement doucement et je voler le regarder vite je voler le regarder et
très très doucement, jéssaie de l’épiller (je ne le fixe pas), lorsque je suis
ɖée un sɛkpɔ́ ɛ gɑ́ngí kpowun ɔ́, un bɔ kpo ɔ́ ɖó n í;
lorsque je approcher lui bien seulement je rouer bâton lui
bien proche de lui, je lui donne des coups,
12. un dó kpo ɔ́ ɛ. kɑ́kɑ́ nú un nɑ́ dó we, ɑtɔn kpowun ɔ́, é nyí kɔyɔɔ, bɔ nukún,
je taper bâton le lui avant que je taper deux, trois seulement, il être écrouler et oeil
je lui ai donné des coups. À peine il a reçu un ou deux coups, ils’est écroulé, et ses yeux
ɔ́ bú bɔ un ɖɔ éé nέ, un hu lɑn égbe.
le disparaître et je dire voilà je tuer viande aujourd’hui
sont fermés et j’ai dit voilá “très bien” j’ai tué un gibier aujoud’hui.
13. ée é kú nɔ̌ ɔ́ nukún ɔ́ bɔdó, bɔ un wɑ́ yi fέcɑ ɔ́ kɔn bó kɛ bó
lorsque il mourir ainsi oeil le fermer et je venir aller piège le près de et ouvrir et
Quand il est mort comme ça ses yeux se ferment (reserrer), je m’approche du piège, je
l’ouvre,
ɖe e sín mɛ bó jó fέcɑ ɔ́ myi do ɔ́ nu fínέ, bó zé wɑ́ yi xwé;
enlever le dedans et laisser piège le être trou le bord là et prendre venir aller maison
je le sors et j’ai abandonné le piège à la place et j’emporte mon gibier à la maison
un zé wa yi
je prendre aller venir
j’emporte mon gibier à la maison
38
14. xwé ɔ́ un wɑ́ yi mɔ nɔví ce lɛɛ bɔ mǐ sun, mǐ sun bǐ bó bó,
maison, je venir aller voir frère mon pl et nous déplumer, nous déplumer tout et et
Quand je l’amène à la maison, j’ai vu mes frères et nous l’avons déplumé, nous l’avons
complètement déplumer.
ɖɑ ɖu bɔ lɑn tɔn víví ɖésú.
preparer manger et viande son doux beaucoup
Nous l’avons preparé, et sa viande est très douce.
amɔ̌ nyɑ ɖé yí ta ɔ́ bó ɖɔ lé tɑ ɔ émí nɑ́ dó wɑ nǔ nɑ́.
Mais homme un recevoir tête et dire que tête le lui avec faire chose avec.
Mais un homme a pris sa tête, il a dit qu’il va faire gris-gris avec la tête.
15. mǐ dɛɛ lɛɑ ɖu tɑ ɔ́ ɑ̌; ɑmɔ̌ nǔ e kpo ɖo wǔtu tɔn bó kpo lɛɑ bǔ ɔ́,
Nous autres manger tête non; mais chose qui reste corps son et rester plu tout,
Nous n’avons pas mangé la tête, mais nous avons mangé tout le reste;
mǐ ɖu;é víví sin gɑnǰ.
nous manger; il doux eau bien
Il est très succulent.
16. lěe un hu ɑzěxɛ gbɔn ɔ́, ēé nέ, bɔ un flín lě ɔ́,
comment je touer sorcellerie-oiseau ainsi, voilà, et je rappeler aussitôt,
Voilà comment j’ai tué un hibou. Chaque fois je me rappele cette historie,
é nɔ hwέn nú mì kɑ́kɑ́ bɔ un nɔ ko, ɖó éé un mɔ ɛ ɔ́, xɛsi e ɖi mì é
il rire pour moi tellement et je rire, car lorsque je voir lui, peur qui ressembler moi,
ça me parait ridicule et je ris (même) parce que quand je l’ai vu j’ai pris peur
syέn bɔ un nɔ sœsɔ́ ɖó te, bɔ un ka ɖɔ dɑndɑn mɛ ɔ́, un kɑ nɑ́ hu.
il est et je trembler debout, et je dire obligatoirement, je fut tuer
et j’ai tremblé. Mais j’ai dit que je dois forcément le tuer.
17. hǔn sɑ́nnu ɔ́, súnnu jέn nyí.
Donc garçon le, garçon effectif être
Donc il n’y a pas un homme petit; l’homme est l’homme.
39
é nɑ́ nyí súnnu gɑ́n wɛ un dó ɑ̌ ɔ́, un nɑ́ jó xɛ ɔ́ dó nyi fέcɑ ɔ́ mέ
Il non être garçon force c’est je taper je laisser oiseau le être piège le dans
Si je ne mets pas en jeu la force d’un homme (si je n’agit en tant qu’homme), je vais
laisser l’oiseau dans le piège
bɔ é sixú wɑ́ zɔn yi
et il pouvoir avenir voler aller
et il peut s’envoler.
hǔn lě un hu azěxɛ gbɔn ɔ́ nέ.
donc ainsi je tuer sorcellerie-oiseau ainsi
Donc voilà comment j’ai tué un hibou.
40
2.
Gen RA-RTT
The following lines are in Gen, interlinear French and standard French.
Akpeje be funkpekpe wo
Akpeje de souffrances les
Les souffrances d’Akpeje
1.
Nyɔnuvi ɖe tɔ̀na Akpeje. E lè axwe kudo etɔ a ènɔ a
fille une appelée Akpeje. EIle est maison avec père son mère sa
Une jeune fille s’appelait akpeje. Elle était à la maison avec son père, sa mère,
2.
gbakudo nɔvia nyɔnu wo. Epè nyi kpo ye be ɖo.
avec soeurs ses les Ans huit seulement c’est elle a
et ses soeurs. Elle n’avait que huit ans.
Akpeje be amɛ woa wamɛnɔ ye wo nyi
Akpeje de parents les pauvres que ils sont.
Les parents d’Akpeje sont des gens pauvres.
3.
Gbè ɖekaa, nyɔnu jè tugbe ɖe so Lome, va pònupo na ebe amɛ wo
jour un femme belle une quitte Lome venir parler à ses gens Pl.
Un jour, une dame est venue de Lomé parler à ses parents
gblɔn na wo be: “Mù kpɔ be ɖevi wo be hɛnhɛn le ɖefùnna mì
dire à eux que “Je voir que enfants les leur garde – gêne vous.
en leur disant: “Je vois que vous avez des difficultés à garder vos enfants.
4.
E wɔna mù be Akpeje bi nywɛɖe. Ehlɔn nyɛ ɖeka ke alɔnu nyɔna
Il semble moi que Akpeje habile bien Amie moi un que main bonne
Il me semble que Akpeje est très éveillée. Une de mes amies qui est riche,
a teŋu xɔ ὲ la kpɔ ɛ ku mi. Nɛnɛa agbàn la ɖekpɔtɔ na mi
à peut prendre elle va veiller sur avec vous. Ainsi charge va diminuer pour vous
peut la garder et prendre soin d’elle avec vous. Ainsi vous aurez moins de charge
41
eye miabe vi la gba xɔ kpakpla nywɛɖe le funu.
et votre enfant va encore prendre éducation bon là-bas
et votre enfant recevra en plus une bonne éducation là-bas.
Akpeje be amɛ wo xɔgbe eye nyɔnu a kplɔ ɛ yi Lome.
Akpeje les gens Pl accepter et femme la amener la aller Lome.
Les parents d’Akpeje ont accepté et la femme l’a emmenée à Lomé.
Lè ébé axwe yeyea mɛa, Akpeje wɔna dɔ so ŋudekɛn mɛ kaka
Dans sa maison nvele dans, Akpeje fait travail depuis matin dans jusqu’à
Dans sa nouvelle maison, Akpeje travaille du matin jusque
yi zan mɛ. E wɔna enu kewo kpata wo dɔnna ɛ a nywɛɖe;
aller nuit dans Elle fait chose que tout on demande à elle bien;
dans la nuit. Elle fait bien tout ce qu’on lui demande de faire.
5.
vɔa ebe nuwɔwɔ ɖekpekpe mu jena amɛ kewo gbɔ be lea tɔ ji ò.
mais ses actes aucun ne plait aux gens qui chez elle est eux sur Neg.
Mais, rien de ce qu’elle fait ne plait à ceux chez qui elle se trouve.
Wo zunna ɛ gasyagamɛ; gbà pona ɛ.
Ils insultent elle tout le temps; aussi frappe elle.
Ils l’insultent tout le temps et la frappe aussi.
6.
Gbè ɖekaa, é hwe bienɛ le aɖi ke Akpeje sanaa be
jour un il manque vingt francs dans savon que Akpeje vend
Un jour, il a manqué vingt francs du prix de vente des savons qu’elle vend
gà mɛ. Wo po e ku ataŋu bla ɛ kudo kulanka na eŋukeke ɖeka
argent dans. Ils frappé elle avec cravache attaché l’ avec fil de fer pour journée une.
Ses tuteurs l’ont battue avec une cravache. Ils l’ont attachée avec du fil de fer pendant
un jour
Akpeje sè veve lè lan mɛ, gba sè veve lè ji mɛ.
Akpeje senti douleur -- corps dans encore senti douleur -- coeur dans
Akpeje a souffert dans son corps et dans son âme.
42
7.
E kpɔ ebe kɔpe mɛ be amɛ ŋusu ɖeka le afi ke be lea gbe ɖeka
Elle vit son village dans de personne garc‰on une est là où elle était jour un.
Elle vit un jour, un homme de son village dans le quartier où elle se trouvait.
E sɔ axwe ke mɛ be nɔnaa sɔ fyɔ ɛ byɔ veveɖe
Elle prit maison lequel dans elle restait -- montrer lui demandant instamment
Elle lui a montré, la maison dans laquelle elle vivait et l’a vivement supplié
be yebe amɛ wo nɛ va kplɔ ye.
que ses gens les que viennent chercher la.
d’avertir ses parents pour qu’ils viennent la chercher.
8.
E nɔ zaan, Akpeje be etɔ va. E gblɔn kpowun
Peu de temps après Akpeje son père venu. Il dit seulement
Peu de temps après, le père d’Akpeje est venu. Il a simplement dit
be Akpeje ɖo la trɔ yi axwe eye wo la wɔ nuɖe wo na ɛ.
que Akpeje doit retourner maison. et on va faire choses certaines à elle.
qu’elle doit retourner au village pour qu’on lui fasse quelques cérémonies.
9.
So gaŋuamɛa, le axwea, Akpeje be amɛ wo gblɔnna na amɛ ɖeawo
Depuis ce temps, au village, Akpeje ses parents Pl. disent aux gens autres
Depuis ce temps, dans le village, les parents d’Akpeje exhortent tous les autres
kpata be: “Miabe vi wo nɛ nɔ mìa gbɔ. Wo mu kplana wo nywɛɖe
tous que: “Vos enfants Pl. que restent vous chez. On ne éduque les bien
autres en leur disant: “Gardez vos enfants chez vous. On ne les éduque pas bien
le du gan wo mɛ ò.”
villes grandes les dans Neg.”
dans les grandes villes.”
3.
43
Gun RA-RTT
The following lines are in Gun, interlinear French and standard French.
1.
có ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo, avǔn hɛnaɖǔ we, amɔ̌ a ná ɡán.
hélas ! ‘homme appui,’ chien mordu toi, mais tu seras sauvé.
Hélas ! Gbεttɔ́go, le chien t’a mordu, mais tu seras sauvé.
to ɡletoxo tokpókonǔ tɔn mɛ, ovǐsúnnu ɖé tíin bo nɔ nyí ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo. é ɖó oxwe cyanwe.
dans village tout pays rit dans, garçon un il y a et s'appelle Gbɛtɔ́go. il a ans sept.
Dans le village de Tokpókonǔ, il y avait un garçon qui s’appelait Gbεtɔ́go. Il a sept ans.
2.
otɔ́ étɔn jɛ kpozɔn bo kú, ojlɛ̌ kpɛɖé ɡódo, ye sɔ́ ɖó nǔ ná onɔ étɔn
père son souffert lèpre et mort, temps un peu après, on encore a empoisonné mère sa
Son père a souffert de la lèpre et en est mort. Quelques temps après, on a empoisonné
encore sa mère
bɔ éwɔsú sɔ́ kú ɡá. hwenɛnu, ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo ma sɔ́ ɖó mɛɖé ba.
et elle-même encore décédée. alors, Gbɛtɔ́go n'a encore personne plus.
et elle même est morte. Alors, Gbεtɔ́go n’a plus aucun soutien.
3.
nafɛ́ étɔn sosi wá yí i dó éɖe de. bo nɔ kpénukún é
tante maternelle sa ‘femme du tonnerre’ l'a accueilli auprès d'elle. et prend soin de
Sa tante maternelle Sossi l’a hébergé est prit soin de
ɡo. ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo wá bɛ́ tólivívɛ́ bɔ ényí xo tlɛ ɡɔ́ ɛ, é nɔ to díndán bo nɔ
lui. Gbɛtɔ́go a attrapé désobéissance et si ventre même plein, il se promène et se
lui. Gbεtɔ́go a commencé par désobéir au point que même rassasié, il se
to ɡlemɛ-ɡlemɛ ɡbɔn. hwenɛnu, nafɛ́ étɔn wá ɡbɛ́kɔ é ɡo.
aller champs-champs á travers. alors, tante maternelle sa l'a négligée.
promenait partout dans les champs. En ce temps, sa tante maternelle l’a négligé.
4.
ɡbeɖokpó, nafɛ́ étɔn sosi zɔ́n ɛ ɡali hlán dansi
un jour, tante maternelle sa Sossi commande lui gari vers ‘femme de serpent’
Un jour, sa tante maternelle Sossi lui a commandé du gari dans la maison de Dansi
44
xwé, madɛndó xwé yětɔn ɡbe. é jɛ alixo jí.
maison, non loin maison leur. il se mit en route.
non loin de leur maison. Il se mit en route.
5.
é mɔ aɡǎn ɖé, é ná zé bo nyì. é mɔ atín ɖé, é ná xɛ́.
il trouve caillou un, il le prend et lance. il trouve arbre un, il le grimpe.
Il trouve un caillou (éclat de poterie), il le jette. Il trouve un arbre, il le grimpe.
6.
tlóló, avǔn jɛma ɖé jánwɛ tɔ́nsɔ́n nǔkanmɛ, bo hɛn-aɖǔ
soudain, chien enragé un brusquement sortit brousse de, et mordu
Soudain, un chien enragé sortit brusquement de la brousse, et mordit
ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo sɔ́n afɔ aɖusí.
Gbɛtɔ́go au pied droit.
Gbεtɔ́go au pied droit.
7.
ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo bɛ́ axwá. é hɔnwezun kpɛɖé, é jɛ-ayǐ, é ɖɔ: “có! có !
Gbɛtɔ́go commencer crie. il courut un peu, il tomba, il dit: “hélas! hélas !
Gbεtɔ́go se mit à crier. Il courut un peu et il tombe, il dit: “Hélas! Hélas !
mɛ̌nu wɛ ná hwlɛ̌n mi sɔ́n éxe sí !”
qui va sauver me de ceci !”
Qui va me sauver de ceci !”
8.
é to avǐví, é ma mɔ ɛɖékpókpé. afɔ étɔn lɔ́ jɛ jǐjí jí. tlóló, é ba éɖemɛ kpò.
il pleurait, il ne trouva personne. pied son dit se mit s'enfler. soudain, il s'évanouit.
Il pleurait, il ne trouva personne. Le dit pied se mit à s’enfler. Soudain, il s’évanouit.
9.
mɛɖé jánwɛ tɔ́nsɔ́n nǔkanmɛ bo jɛ é de bo ná ɛ adɔɡbíɡbó bo
une personne brusquement sortit brousse de et arriva il près de et donna lui courage
Une personne sortit brusquement de la brousse et arriva près de lui et lui donna
courage
ɖó alɔ é ɡo bo ɖɔ: “ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo, un tíin to akpá ná we ! a ná ɡán dinvye”.
et le toucha et dit: “Gbεtɔ́go, je suis á côté á toi ! tu seras sauvé maintenant”.
et le toucha et dit: “Gbεtɔ́go, je suis à côté de toi ! Tu seras sauvé maintenant”.
45
10. mɛ lɔ́ jɛklo to akpá nɛ́ɛ bo dó alɔ aɡlo étɔn mɛ bo ɖe
personne cette là se mit à genoux côté lui et mit main sac son dans et sortit
Cette personne s’agenouilla à côté de lui et mit la main dans son sac et sortit
amasin ɖélɛ tɔ́n.
médicaments certains dehors.
des caments.
11. é sá dó akpka lɔ́ mɛ ná ɛ bo ná ɛ éxe nyí atín ɖé sín ɡoto ɖɔ é ní
il l'appliqua dans plaie cette là á lui et donna lui ceci est bois un de écorce et dit lui
Il l’appliqua dans cette plaie à lui et lui donna une écorce d’un arbre lui disant de la
ɖu, bɔ é zé bo ɖu.
manger, et il prit et mangea.
manger, et il la prit et la mangea.
12. ojlɛ̌ kpɛɖé ɡódo, é mɔ éɖe mɛ. tlóló, é nádó hun nukún kpowun, mɛxe
temps un peu après, il se retrouva. soudain, il pour ouvrir yeux simplement, celui
Un peu de temps après, il se retrouva. Soudain, avant qu’il n’ouvre les yeux, celui
wa mɔ̌ nɛ́ɛ lɔ́, é ma sɔ́ mɔ mɛ lɔ́ ba.
qui fait ainsi lui ce, il ne encore vu personne cette plus.
qui l’a sauvé, il ne retrouva plus cette personne.
13. afɔ étɔn xe ko jí ɖáyǐ, afɔ ɡɔjɛ afɔ tɛnmɛ, bɔ ɡbɛtɔ́ɡo fɔ́n.
pied son qui déjá enflé avant, pied retrouva forme initiale, et Gbɛtɔ́go se leva.
Son pied qui s’était enflé se guérit et Gbεtɔ́go se releva.
é ɖɔnǔdó mɛ lɔ́, mɛxe é ma tlɛ sɔ́ mɔ.
il salua personne cette là, celui que il ne l'a même plus vu.
Il remercia cette personne, personne qu’il n’a même pas vu.
énɛɡódo, é wá yi xɔ ɡali lɔ́.
après cela, il enfin alla acheter gari ce.
Après cela, il partit enfin acheter ce gari.
46
14. mɛ ce lɛ, tɔ́cyɔví-nɔcyɔví lɛ, miɔ ná nywɛ ɖɔ ye ma nɔ jó yě dó.
mes amis, orphelin père-mère les, vous savez que on ne les abandonne pas.
Mes amis, les orphelins de père et mère vous devez savoir qu’on ne les abandonne pas.
ényí yě ná bo tlɛ to tólivɛ́, mì ɖóná kpénukún yě ɡo, ɖó otɔ́ yětɔn kpó onɔ
si ils même et désobéissent, vous devrez prendre soin d'eux, car père leur et mère
Même s’ils sont entrain de désobéir, vous devez prendre soin d’eux, car leur père et
mère
yětɔn kpó xe yi okútomɛ, yě ma nɔ jó yě dó. mǐ ɖɔnudó mì.
leur qui sont partis pays morts, ils ne les abandonnent pas. nous saluons vous.
qui s’en sont allés au séjour des morts, ils ne les abandonnent pas. Nous vous saluons.
Appendix H: RA-RTT results
Appendix H.
47
RA-RTT results
Table 7: Comprehension levels for the Fon, Gen, and Gun RA-RTTs across the tested communities
Fon
Gen
Gun
Amoukonou
Ouokomé
good (MO, MY, FY)
good – partial (FO)
good (MO, MY, FY)
good – partial (FO)
good (MO, MY, FO)
partial (FY)
good
MO = older men; MY = younger men; FO = older women; FY = younger women
48
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