Intercultural Dialogue and the European Space

Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies
“Jean Monnet” European Centre of Excellence
University of Oradea
University of Debrecen
Volume 6
Intercultural Dialogue and
the European Space
Edited by
Cristina-Maria DOGOT, Szabó GYULA & Esther GIMENO
UGALDE
References by
Chantal MILLON-DELSOL, Thomas WILSON
Autumn 2008
2
Eurolimes
Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies
“Jean Monnet” European Centre of Excellence
Autumn 2008
Volume 6
Intercultural Dialogue and the European Space
edited by Cristina-Maria DOGOT, Szabó GYULA & Esther GIMENO UGALDE
Honorary Members
Paul Allies (Montpellier), Peter Antes (Hanover), Enrique Banús (Pamplona), Robert Bideleux (Swansea) Michel
Carmona (Paris), Jean Pierre Colin (Reims), George Contogeorgis (Athene), Gerard Delanty (Sussex), Gyorgy
Enyedi (Budapest), Richard Griffiths, Chris G. Quispel (Leiden), Moshe Idel (Jerulalem), Livio Missir di Lusignan
(Brussels), Jaroslaw Kundera (Wroclaw), Ariane Landuyt (Siena), Gheorghe Măhăra (Oradea), Adrian Miroiu,
Şerban Papacostea (Bucureşti), Nicole Pietri (Strasbourg), Vladimir Pessenko (Rostov-on-Don), Frank Pfetsch
(Heidelberg), Vasile Puşcaş, Vasile Vesa (Cluj-Napoca), Mercedes Samaniego Boneau (Salamanca), Rudolf
Rezsohazy (Leuven), Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro (Coimbra), Dusan Sidjanski (Geneve), Goran Therborn
(Uppsalla), Maurice Vaïsse (Paris)
Advisory Committee
Béla Baranyi, Czimre Klára, Kozma Gábor, Szabó Gyula, Teperics Károly, Varnay Ernı (Debrecen), Iordan
Bărbulescu, Gabriela Drăgan, Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu (Bucureşti), Rozalia Biro, Anca Dodescu, Alexandru Ilieş,
Lia Pop, Rodica Petrea, Sorin Şipoş, Barbu Ştefănescu, Ion Zainea (Oradea), Maria Crăciun, Ovidiu Ghitta, Adrian
Ivan, Nicoale Păun, Ioan-Aurel Pop, Radu Preda (Cluj-Napoca), Margarita Chabanna (Kiev), Serge Dufoulon
(Grenoble), Gunilla Edelstam, Thomas Lunden (Stockholm), Didier Francfort (Nancy), Tamara Gella (Orel), Ion
Gumenâi, Alla Roşca (Chişinău), Karoly Kocsis (Miskolc), Iolanda Aixela Cabre (Alicante), Cătălina Iliescu
(Alicante), Anatoly Kruglashov (Chernivtsi), Renaud de La Brosse, Gilles Rouet (Reims), Giuliana Laschi
(Bologna), Stephan Malovic (Zagreb), Maria Marczewska-Rytko (Lublin), Fabienne Maron (Brussels), Silvia
Mihalikova (Bratislava), Misklevetz Ferenc, Csapó Tamás (Szombathely), Ivan Nacev, Margareta Shivergueva
(Sofia), Carlos Eduardo Pacheco do Amaral (Asores), Procopis Papastratis (Athens), Alexandru-Florin Platon
(Iaşi), Mykola Palinchak (Uzhgorod), Daniele Pasquinucci (Siena), Stanislaw Sagan (Rzeszow), Angelo
Santaugustino (Brescia), Grigore Silaşi (Timişoara), Lavinia Stan (Halifax), George Tsurvakas (Tessalonik),
Peter Terem (Banska Bystrica), Esther Gimeno Ugalde (Wien), Jan Wendt (Gdansk), Gianfranco Giraudo
(Venice)
Editorial Committee
Ioana Albu, Ambrus Attila, Mircea Brie, Mariana Buda, Carmen Buran, Vasile Ciocan, Sorin Cuc, Cristina Dogot,
Dorin Dolghi, Antonio Faur (Oradea), Peter Balogh (Uppsala), Andreas Blomquist (Stockholm), Vasile Croitoru,
Adriana Dilan (Kishinev), Csakbereny-Nagy Gergely, Molnar Ernı, Penzes Janos, Radics Zsolt, Tımıri Mihály
(Debrecen), Bohdana Dimitrovova (Belfast), Florin Lupescu, Simona Miculescu, Adrian Niculescu (Bucureşti),
Myroslava Lendel (Uzhgorod), Anca Oltean, Dana Pantea, Adrian Popoviciu, Delia Maria Radu, Alina Stoica,
LuminiŃa Şoproni, Marcu Staşac, Constantin łoca (Oradea), Toma Tănase (Paris), Şerban Turcuş (Roma),
Natasha Trajkova (Prilep)
The full responsibility regarding the content of the papers belongs exclusively to the authors.
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Eurolimes is a half-yearly journal. Articles and book reviews may be sent to the above
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Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies (ISER) is issued by
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Oradea University Press
ISSN: 1841-9259
Cuprins ◊ Contents ◊ Sommaire ◊ Inhalt ◊ Tartalom
Cristina DOGOT, Esther GIMENO-UGALDE, Szabó GYULA, ◄► The
New Democracies and the Intercultural Perspectives - Introduction - …...... ….5
I. Europe: the space and the memory of cultural and human diversity ………………. ...…9
Enrique BANÚS (Barcelona) ◄► Mental religious borders in Europe ……….. ….10
Cristina DOGOT (Oradea) ◄► La culture de l’autrui dans la pensée de Denis
de Rougemont ……………………………………………………………… ….22
Margaryta CHABANNA (Kiev) ◄► The Promotion of Intercultural Dialogue
in the Carpathian Euroregion States (Involvement of Civil Society in the
Implementation of a Cultural Policy) ……………………………………… ….45
Teresa PINHEIRO (Chemnitz) ◄► Emigration, Immigration and
Interculturality: The Meaning of the European Year of Intercultural
Dialogue in Portugal ……………………………………………………….. ….63
II. The Space of the European Union and the Interculturality ………………………... ….75
Suzana ŞAPTEFRAłI (Bucharest) ◄► The First Step towards Intercultural
Dialogue: Acknowledging the “Other” (Non)-stereotypical Representation
of Migrants versus Ethnic Minorities Before and After the 2007 European
Union Enlargement ………………………………………………………… ….76
Martin HOFMANN (Darmstadt, Oradea) ◄► New spatial theories and their
influence on intercultural dialogue Observing relational space in Oradea ...…..92
Joke SWIEBEL (Hague) ◄► Intercultural dialogue and diversity within the
EU ………………………………………………………………………….…101
Kristína MORÁVKOVÁ (Bratislava) ◄► The Roma Population in Slovakia:
The Study Case of the Intercultural Dialogue ………..…………………….…113
III. The Life at the European Borders ……………………………………………..…….....129
Gábor CSÜLLÖG (Budapest) ◄► The Trans Tisza Region within the
Regional Division of the Carpathian Basin until the end of 17th Century ….…130
Gábor MICHALKÓ (Budapest); Sándor ILLÉS (Budapest) ◄► The tourist
niches of Hungary as the scenes of interculturality ……………………...……142
Gergely TAGAI (Budapest); János PÉNZES (Debrecen); Ernı MOLNÁR
(Debrecen) ◄► Methods of the analysis of integration effect on border
areas – the case of Hungary …………………………………….…………..…150
Octavian łÎCU (Kishinew) ◄► Moldova between the Near Abroad Policy of
the Russian Federation and the Neighbourhood Policy of the European
Union ……………………………………………………………………….….160
IV. Focus ………………………………………………………………………………...…….169
Georges CONTOGEORGIS (Athéna) ◄► Culture et civilisation. Images et
représentation des concepts ………………………………………………...….170
Book Reviews ……………………………………………………………………………...….179
Our European Projects …………………………………………………………………...….201
Mariana BUDA, Manuela POPOVICI (Oradea) ◄► The implementation of
the project “European Parliament to campus for intercultural dialogue and
the european neighborhood policy in the carpathian area” ………………...….202
LuminiŃa ŞOPRONI (Oradea) ◄► International Conference Media and
European Diversity, Oradea, 16-17 October 2008 ………………………….….203
3
About the Authors ……………………………………………………………………… ….205
4
5
The New Democracies and the Intercultural Perspectives
- Introduction Cristina DOGOT, Esther GIMENO-UGALDE, Gyula SZABÓ
The so-called dissolution of borders given to technical progress, globalization (or
mondialisation) all are fundaments of the internationalization of the cultures. The specific
literature doesn’t stay too long to appear, and even enumeration of the most important authors
can be enlightening. So, the James S. Frideres’s book Multiculturalism and intergroup relations
(1989); the Charles Taylor’s Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition (1994);
the well-known Will Kymlicka’s Multicultural Citizenship: A liberal theory of minority rights
(1995); Citizenship in Diverse Societies (2001) and Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism,
Multiculturalism, and Citizenship (2001); or the Iris Marion Young Inclusion and Democracy
(2002)) are now often quoted when different authors refer to the problem of multiculturalism /
interculturalism1. The importance accorded in the western democracies to the multicultural
reality determined the study of interculturalism both in different societies and activities
(economy, art, dance etc.). On the other part, we can say that the great significance accorded to
theories about interculturalism has as effect the elaboration of a consistently dictionary of
“Multicultural writers since 1945. An A-To-Z Guide” (edited by Alba Amoia and Bettina L.
Knapp, London, 2003, 610p). Between the quoted writers, the two editors mention the names of
Isaiah Berlin, Pearl S. Buck, Albert Camus, Elias Canetti, Truman Capote, Paul Celan, Arta
Lucescu Boutcher, Marguerite Duras, Lawrence Durell, Mircea Eliade, John Fowles, Gao
Xingjian, Eugène Ionesco, Nikos Kazantzakis, Milan Kundera, Primo Levi, Vladimir Nabokov,
Pablo Neruda, Carl Sagan, Tzvetan Todorov, Elie Wiesel, Alexander Zinoviev etc. Even for the
less initiated reader exist at least a writter who can be recognised in this large enumeration.
As regarding the former communist states, these will know the notions of
multiculturalism / interculturalism only after the collapse of dictatorial regimes. Consequences
was diverse: until the elite adopted the two notions both situate on different positions (see the
note), both only by a conciliatory point of view, the large public, aggressed during the
communist regime and as well after its fall by a vehement nationalist discourse and living in a
immature democracy, regarded suspiciously to the new concepts. Uniformity was longtime the
rule imposed by the dictatorial regime, and also diversity, as reality and concept, provoked the
fear of the large public. Being different and assume or manifest the difference was not yet a
comprehensive way of life and don’t will become thus suddenly and at a large scale.
We may affirm that in the former communist regimes differences are assumed and
accepted mainly by the high educated segment of population, and rejected or ignored by the
large public (but we must don’t forgot that the situation is different for the diverse countries).
For this reason realizing conditions necessary for an intercultural education ought to have a
large priority. Roughly speaking, pupils are different by the point of view of culture, race,
ethnicity, religion or gender, and sometimes teachers are not really prepared to give a good
1
In Romania existed an intellectual debate concerning the two terms, a debate properly analysed by Sandu
Frunză, in his study “Multiculturalism şi interculturalism / Multiculturalism and interculturalism”,
http://www.jsri.ro/old/html%20version/index/no_9/sandufrunza-articol.htm. So, we adopted the synthetical
observation of S. Frunza: the multiculturalism represent the reality and the affirmation of some clear identities,
while interculturalism represents “the affirmation of diversity and the effort to create a space of the dialogue
and of the respect for diversity”. Hence, the multiculturalism was many times considered as more separatist
like interculturalism, but during the (sometimes passional) debates the opponents come almost every time to
the same conclusion: “underlining the necessity to cultivate the cultural diversity and harmonious
companionship with alterity”. We may suppose in this way that multiculturalism include the interculturalism,
consciously or unconsciously.
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account of oneself in difficult or yet unusual situations. More that, it is not exaggerate to affirm
that in the closed societies (like those former communists), only the particular characteristics of
teachers, his / her personal abilities (created by himself or herself or innate) are able to supply
the lack of an intercultural educational strategy. But it is more as evident that these personal
abilities, just by their insularity, are not at all sufficient. Happily for Romanian education, the
problem of multicultural education was already raised both at a pragmatic level (and especially
in the academic domain, in humanities field, where curricula assemble frequently disciplines
like gender studies or European interculturalism) and at theoretical level too. As regarding the
elementary or secondary school, the situation can largely be improved. By the theoretical
perspective is important to mention the early study of Victor Neumann “Intercultural Pedagogy
as an Alternative to a Monoculturally Oriented Education: The Case of Romania”, in Kenneth
Cushner, International Perspectives on Intercultural Education (Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,
1998). The author, who is a very authorised and recognised voice in Romanian academic and
intellectual space, called the public attention on the problem of the lack of a strategy concerning
the intercultural education. So, for the period until 1998 V. Neumann stressed numerous
deficiencies concerning the intercultural education: interculturally oriented education was not
again a subject of public debate; the political decision-makers (enough conservative) doesn’t
encouraged „an open pedagogy sensitive to transnational communication”; the (irregular)
actions of the civil society representatives has not the expected results neither on the cultural
elite nor on the in office politicians. And this situation existed and perpetuated despite the fact
that, according to V. Neumann’s opinion, “extremely varied cultural heritage in different
regions of Romania might well be valued in fundamental human sciences research, then in
intercultural education”. The quoted author has nevertheless an explanation for these
circumstances, an explanation which concern not only the communist period: “a fear of
interculturality has been introduced through the "romantic autopoetic philosophy," whose trend
has been dominated by the Volksgeist concept. This explains why the totalitarian regimes of the
20th century benefited from the political thinking of the nation-states in the 19th century”.
It is not easy to affirm a large changing concerning the intercultural educational
process, but situation begins really to change. Teachers working at all levels of educational
system participated in projects developed by some representatives of civil society and
concerning intercultural education. In this context we can refer to the project developed by
British Council in Romania, Intercultural Education and democratic citizenship in schools. It is
a project dedicated to the teachers who teach civic culture or others connected disciplines and to
schools managers. The project is not singular and is important the more so as in a first stage
teachers who taught civic culture was not specialised and this discipline was considered as not
important one, being sometime practically substituted with others disciplines (not in school
curricula, but by the class teachers).
As regarding with civil society field, one of the most important Romanian
organisations that developed an uninterrupted2 activity concerning interculturalism is the
Ethnocultural Diversity Resource Center, as „one of the successor organizations of the Open
Society Foundation Romania, Cluj Branch” and a member of the Soros Open Network (SON),
Consortium on Minority Resources (COMIR) and Donors’ Forum, Romania (see www.edrc.ro,
possible to consult in romanian, english and magyar). According to the EDRC’s statement, its
declared objective is „to contribute to the construction of democracy in Romania, by improving
the country’s interethnic climate and promoting the principles of ethnocultural peace and
justice”. But more suggestive are the words of Mircea Toma, one of the members of teh
Governing Board of EDRC: „Diversity is no neologism. It is a linguistic fact. The word is used
by each of the ethnic groups in Romania. With a lot of care, I should add, so as not to include
any other ethnic groups in its content. Therefore, at the level of interethnic relations, for the
time being, diversity is indeed a neologism. So as to reduce the space between the word and
reality, the Ethnocultural Diversity Resource Center has taken upon itself the role of the
2
After 2000.
7
interpreter. An interpreter that changes the neologism into normality.” Some words that reflect a
deep reality.
The international advisory board of EDRC are really also impressionant: Will Kymlicka,
Katherine Verdery, Arie Bloed, Janusz Bugajski, George Shopflin. The numerous projects
developed by EDRC concerned the multicultural education; the good-governance in the
multicultural communities; improving the ethnic relation in Romania and in the southeastern Europe;
the barometer of ethnic relations; improving educational possibilities for roma children etc.
Although very important for the NGO’ space, EDRC is not a singular event. We may
also call the association Liga Pro Europa, from Târgu-Mureş (one of the first Romanian NGO
created after 1989); the Romanian Association for Community Development (with two branches,
in Focsani and Craiova); the Research Center for Inter-Ethnic Relations (CCRIT), from ClujNapoca; the Resource Center for Roma Communities, from Cluj-Napoca; Institutul Intercultural
(Intercultural Institute of) Timişoara and more others. As regarding their projects concerning
interculturalism, they are not less. So, Liga Pro Europa (www.proeuropa.ro) established even in
1993 an Intercultural Center and develop a lot of permanent activities, like the Tollerance Week
(each March between 1994-2002); the Intercultural Forum, a space of dialogue and common
debates between the representatives of the unions of national minorities; Academia
Interculturală Transylvania (Transylvania Cultural Academy), a summer school where students
coming from all coins of Romania familiarise, during a course concerning regional civilisation,
with traditions and culture of all ethnic representatives of Transylvania. Not at the end, it is
necessary to mention the review Altera edited by the same organisation, a review assembling in
its articles the newest ideas concerning identity, alterity and interculturality. In Târgu-Mureş
will develop also, in December 2008, the international symposium „Theatre and Multicultural
Dramaturgy”, organised by the University of Theatrical Arts. This effervescence is
comprehensible if we know the multicultural character of this city.
On the other hand, the Research Center for Inter-Ethnic Relations (CCRIT) edited
some very important books on identity, difference or interculturality, until the Romanian
Association for Community Development developed a project concerning the ethnic and cultural
diversity of Romanian rural space.
The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue was perceived as an opportunity to begin
or develop a lot of important projects, both at official, academic and civil society level. So, the
Ministry of Culture and Cults assure the co-financing for the project Puzzle (related largely in
this volume by Margarita Chabanna) and finance the initiatives having as objective to protect
cultural diversity and to promote intercultural dialogue.
Even this short enumeration may suggest the progresses realized by Romanian civil
society and still of the representatives of governments. In this context we have the courage to
affirm that the possibility of a Romanian city (Sibiu) to be one of the cultural capitals of Europe
last year was beneficial in order to improve the Romanian (official or not) cultural relationships,
the Romanian’s European conscience and yet their self-esteem. Living in a dictatorial system
may provoke both individual and collective trauma, and the identity crises is one of them. So,
creating the framework necessary to prove cultural capacities and diversities of one country is
one of the better European ideas and one of the instruments necessary to unite not only states,
but particularly the peoples, like was the Jean Monet’s desideratum.
The beginning of this short forward was dedicated to some works concerning the idea
of interculturalism / multiculturalism. In order to stay in the same register, we finish calling
another work concerning these ideas, namely Democracy, Nationalism and Multiculturalism,
edited by Ramón Máiz and Ferran Requejo and published in 2005 at the Publishing House
Routlege (New York). We don’t analyse the rich content of the volume, but we will stay only at
the level of the title, that is at the same time provocative and has a conciliator and can be
understood as a partial conclusion regarding the situation of Romania (and even for the all
central-eastern European space). So, if immediately after the events of 1989 Romanians
confronted (some ones, namely the overwhelming majority, for the first time in their life) with a
democratic regime, they confronted also with the first time manifested differences and
concomitantly with a more and more aggressive nationalist discourse. In this context, at first
8
democracy was a concept difficult to mean by the large public and nationalist discourse was
able to assemble much adepts. Today this situation is really changed, although we cannot affirm
that a real recognition and acceptance of diversity is already “at work”.
Sometimes criticised interculturalism / multiculturalism as a policy of privileges, but if
we want to preserve our diversities and to create a more peace-loving European society,
privileges are sometime necessary. Our Institute for Euroregional Studies is also interested on
European cultural and ethnic diversity; therefore the topic of this issue of EUROLIMES is not
an incidental or fortuitous one. The apparition of a new work on interculturalism in CentralEastern and Romanian space is not at all the sign of a sufficiency, but the sign of the maturation
of some of the youngest democratic societies.
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I. Europe, the Space of cultural and human diversity
Enrique BANÚS (Barcelona) ◙ Mental religious borders in Europe
Cristina DOGOT (Oradea) ◙ La culture de l’autrui dans la pensée de Denis de
Rougemont
Margaryta CHABANNA (Kiev) ◙ Involvement of Civil Society in the
Implementation of a Cultural Policy
Teresa PINHEIRO (Chemnitz) ◙ Emigration, Immigration and
Interculturality: The Meaning of the European Year of Intercultural
Dialogue in Portugal
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Mental religious borders in Europe
Enrique BANÚS
Abstract: The cultural / multicultural heritage of the Europe has at its fundaments,
among others, or rather has principally at its fundaments the spirituality, the religious ideas
and convictions. Europe is firstly spirituality, and the great leaders of Europe manners’ to
rapport themselves to this spirituality was different in different periods. Actual European
civilisation is an ancient one, funded on a dialogic spirit, and that is evident in all European
acts and actions.
Keywords: Europe, Christianity,
Macedonia and the European mind
spirituality,
culture,
European
civilisation
The European mind is considerably marked by a religious event: the arrival of the
Christian faith in Europe. In the Acts of the Apostles – and, therefore, in the Christian tradition –
it is described as a divine commandment: “During the night Paul had a vision of a man of
Macedonia standing and begging him, ‘Come over to Macedonia and help us.’ After Paul had
seen the vision, we got ready at once to leave for Macedonia, concluding that God had called us
to preach the gospel to them” (Acts 16: 9-10).
The diffusion of the Christian faith in Europe will bring not only religious contents but
also cultural and social messages, creating a mentality in which religious elements are also
incorporated into culture. On this way, the European mind is including also the idea that
“religion” and “culture” are linked together3 – although it has taken in history a long time for
finding in real life the balance between the separation of both fields4 and the recognition that
religion has also a presence in the public sphere5.
Many of the culturally transmitted elements derive from the Bible and its interpretation
(Banús, 2005). But it is in the Bible itself that a tension can be observed which is relevant for
the European understanding of religion, a tension that is expressed for example in one key text
for the European consciousness, a Bible story that has not only contributed to a positive
consideration of travel in the European mind (Banús, 2004), but that contains some notes about
the religious relation which are decisive elements in the vision of religion as seen in the
Christian environment and, therefore, in Europe.
3
4
5
This was – in the debate around the Preamble of the Constitutional Treaty – the argument of nonbelievers in favour of the inclusion of the “Christian roots”. See for example Bernard Guetta’s opinion:
“As an impenitent atheist I declare that I do not agree: It is an insult to the intelligence. Not to mention
the Christian heritage of Europe means to deny historical evidence." (“Pope doesn’t see…”, 2005).
Nowadays, it is recognised also by the Catholic church that “For Catholic moral doctrine, the rightful
autonomy of the political or civil sphere from that of religion and the Church (…) is a value that has
been attained and recognized by the Catholic Church and belongs to inheritance of contemporary
civilization” (Doctrinal Note…, no. 6). It is rooted in Jesus’ word: “Then give to Caesar the things
which are Caesar's, and to God the things which are God's” (Luke 20: 25). But it is easy to find
examples in which this separation has not been respected.
As expressed by Benedict XVI: Religious freedom has to be “understood as the expression of a
dimension that is at once individual and communitarian – a vision that brings out the unity of the person
while clearly distinguishing between the dimension of the citizen and that of the believer. […] It is
inconceivable, then, that believers should have to suppress a part of themselves – their faith – in order to
be active citizens. It should never be necessary to deny God in order to enjoy one’s rights. […] The full
guarantee of religious liberty cannot be limited to the free exercise of worship, but has to give due
consideration to the public dimension of religion” (Meeting, 2008).
11
And Abraham went to a new land
This is the text: “The Lord had said to Abram, ‘Leave your country, your people and your
father's household and go to the land I will show you. I will make you into a great nation and I will
bless you; I will make your name great, and you will be a blessing. I will bless those who bless you,
and whoever curses you I will curse; and all peoples on earth will be blessed through you.’ So
Abram left, as the Lord had told him; and Lot went with him” (Genesis 12: 1-4).
Religion is here described first of all as a personal attitude, the attitude to listen to God and
to obey God. Here is manifest that – from God’s perspective, who according to the text takes the
initiative – religion does mean to establish a personal relation to one human being. This view of
religion as a personal relation6 is confirmed by many other passages of the Bible, so God’s
encounters with Adam7, Moses8, Jacob9 and all the Patriarchs and Prophets. Also punishment – for
example, in the cases of Adam and Cain – is announced in a personal communication. Probably, the
vocation of the Apostles in the Gospel can be seen as a climax of this revelation of religion as
personal relation. Sometimes (see the case of St Peter after some others in the Old Testament), a
consequence of this encounter is a name change.10 Taking into account the relevance of the name in
the Biblical context11, the change becomes a symbol for the relevance of the encounter.
Life here is seen as an answer to a vocation, to a call. God takes the initiative; Abraham reacts, moving from his place, changing his life as a consequence of this call. This scheme appears
very often in the Bible, and has been present in the collective Christian mentality probably during
centuries in Europe12, but it probably has been modified – in one of the most relevant changes of
paradigms in Europe’s cultural history – in modern times, when the idea of the individual’s
autonomy was followed by the ideal of the self-realisation, in which the individual takes the
6
It would coincide with one of the etymological explanations for the Word “religion”, although the
etymology of the word "religion" has been debated for centuries. The English word clearly derives from
the Latin religio. The origins of religio, however, are obscure. One of the proposed etymological
interpretations is: From religare: Latin re + ligare (Ayto, 1990: 438). This interpretation –which is
controversial – was made prominent by St. Augustine, following the interpretation of Lactantius (Divine
Institutes, 1964, 1965: IV, xxviii): “We are tight to God and bound to Him [religati] by the bond of
piety, and it is from this […] that religion has received its name”, wrote Lactantius; and Augustine:
“Religion binds us [religat] to the one Almighty God” (“On the true religion”, I, xiii).
7
“Then the man and his wife heard the sound of the Lord God as he was walking in the garden in the cool
of the day, and they hid from the Lord God among the trees of the garden. But the Lord God called to
the man, ‘Where are you?’" (Genesis 3: 8-9).
8
“When the Lord saw that he had gone over to look, God called to him from within the bush, ‘Moses!
Moses!’ And Moses said, ‘Here I am.’" (Exodus 3: 4).
9
“Then the Lord said to Jacob, ‘Go back to the land of your fathers and to your relatives, and I will be
with you.’" (Genesis 31: 3).
10
“Jesus replied, ‘Blessed are you, Simon son of Jonah, for this was not revealed to you by man, but by
my Father in heaven. And I tell you that you are Peter”. (Matthew 16: 17-18). In the Old Testament see
for example: “Abram fell facedown, and God said to him, ‘As for me, this is my covenant with you:
You will be the father of many nations. No longer will you be called Abram; your name will be
Abraham’” (Genesis 17: 3-5); “The man asked him, ‘What is your name?’ ‘Jacob,’ he answered. Then
the man said, ‘Your name will no longer be Jacob, but Israel’” (Genesis 32: 27-28).
11
The Bible often speaks about a “new name” that will be given by God; for example, referred to Zion:
“The nations will see your righteousness, and all kings your glory; you will be called by a new name
that the mouth of the Lord will bestow” (Isaiah 62: 2). In the Revelation is said about them who are
saved: “To him who overcomes, I will give […] a white stone with a new name written on it, known
only to him who receives it.” (Revelation 2: 17).
12
Also legends on popular saints transmit this idea. For example, for St Francis of Assisi is well–known
the story of his conversion: After a pilgrimage to Rome, he claimed to have had a mystical experience in
the Church of San Damiano just outside of Assisi, in which the Icon of Christ Crucified came alive and
said to him three times, "Francis, Francis, go and repair My house which, as you can see, is falling into
ruins" (Englebert, 1979: 33).
12
initiative, also for finding God. Luther’s sentence: “Wie bekomme ich einen gnädigen God?” can be
considered as a paradigmatic expression of this turn13.
Maybe that it is in the heritage of these two elements (the ancient view of the personal
relation to God and the modern emergence of the individual), which are part of the European
culture, that religious freedom has become a personal right14, and even one of the most
fundamentals15 – after centuries in which also in the culturally Christian world another vision of
religion has prevailed in which freedom has not been respected (International Theological
Commission, 1999)16, and this vision is connected with another element expressed in the quoted
text.
‘A great nation’
This text includes even the idea that religion has to do not only with the individual. In
God’s words to Abram a people is mentioned “I will make you into a great nation”), a people
that is linked to God’s promises and to Abraham’s faith, a people that will share a history and
also stories related to this history, that is, the Bible.
Again and again in the Bible the idea is presented that religion means a link between
God and a chosen people, an alliance which is renewed once and once, creating a special
relation: “Now if you obey me fully and keep my covenant, then out of all nations you will be
my treasured possession”. (Exodus 19: 5)17 This alliance means not only what we could call a
“vertical” relation (from human beings to God),18 but also a “horizontal” one: the constituency
of the people itself is rooted in it. To belong to the people means to accept the alliance – and
vice versa.
Consequently, the foreigners are characterised by “another” religion: otherness and
superstition appear as synonyms. And distance shall be maintained to them. So the Lord speaks:
“Do not make a covenant with them or with their gods. Do not let them live in your land, or
they will cause you to sin against me” (Exodus 23: 31).
Of course, this view causes inclusions and exclusions – borders, which could be
broken by conversion, that Judaism has accepted, as known from example from the New
Testament’s description of Pentecost, when in Jerusalem also “converts to Judaism” were
staying. The same text brings to the fore that the religious link is more decisive than the national
one.19 But there is expressed also a certain geographical linkage between the true religion and
13
This often quoted sentence cannot be found in Luther’s works, but recapitulates a central idea in his
vision.
14
As expressed in article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “Everyone has the right to
freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief,
and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion
or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.”
15
No doubt that the situation of this human right in the world is not convincing. The International
Religious Freedom Report 2007, issued by the US Government informs about problems in many
countries of the world. Under the "Countries of Particular Concern" (Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, North
Korea, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Uzbekistan) no European country can be found. Under countries in which
there are relevant problems Russia is mentioned.
16
The document contents a chapter with the significant title: “The Use of Force in the Service of Truth”.
17
See also Genesis 6: 18 and 9: 9ff (to Noah, related to him and his family); Genesis 15ff (to Abraham: “I
will establish my covenant as an everlasting covenant between me and you and your descendants after
you for the generations to come, to be your God and the God of your descendants after you” –17: 7);
Exodus 2: 24 (“God heard their groaning and he remembered his covenant with Abraham, with Isaac
and with Jacob”); etc. And Jesus will describe his mission as a renewal of this covenant; in the Letter to
the Hebrews, he is called “the mediator of a new covenant” (Hebrews 12: 24).
18
“For you are a people holy to the Lord your God. The Lord your God has chosen you out of all the
peoples on the face of the earth to be his people, his treasured possession” (Deuteronomy 7: 16).
19
“There were staying in Jerusalem God-fearing Jews from every nation under heaven. (…) They asked:
‘Are not all these men who are speaking Galileans? Then how is it that each of us hears them in his own
native language? Parthians, Medes and Elamites; residents of Mesopotamia, Judea and Cappadocia,
Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt and the parts of Libya near Cyrene; visitors from Rome
13
Jerusalem, which is characteristic for the Old Testament: 20 it is not by chance that the Pentecost
meeting of all these different peoples happened in the holy city.
The tension
The Christian mind seems to go a step further in overcoming the idea that religion is
inherent to a nation – the New Testament seems to content a re-interpretation including deterritorialisation of religious life: in fact, Jesus says to the Samaritan woman that believers will
in future adore God in the heart – the inner world became more decisive than the adscription to
a territory21.
Not only that religious and political identity are clear separated – St Paul distinguishes
his Judaism22 from his Roman citizenship23 – the de-nationalisation is understood in a more
profound way, when underlying the essential equality of all believers in Jesus. It is also St Paul
who declares that in the new people of God “there is no Greek or Jew, circumcised or
uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave or free, but Christ is all, and is in all”. (Colossians 3:
11) His approach is universalistic, “catholic” in the most textual sense of the world: a new
collective identity is substituting the previous links: “you have taken off your old self with its
practices and have put on the new self, which is being renewed in knowledge in the image of its
Creator”. (ibidem, 3: 9-10)
This idea is an achievement in the early Church, following a mandate of Jesus24 but
“conquered” after a process, and a process for whose difficulties even in the early Church the
Acts of the Apostles describe some examples:
For instance, for the acceptance of non-Jews in the Church – although announced by
Jesus himself – a direct intervention of God is needed, as related in chapter 10 of the Acts, when
St Peter has the vision to go to the Roman centurion Cornelius’ house who – following also a
vision – wants to be baptised together with his family. (See Acts 10)
But after that, St Peter has to justify his conduct, because he was criticised for what he
had done25; and he uses an argument which for Christians is unquestionable: "As I began to
speak, the Holy Spirit came on them as he had come on us at the beginning. Then I remembered
what the Lord had said: 'John baptized with water, but you will be baptized with the Holy
Spirit.' So if God gave them the same gift as he gave us, who believed in the Lord Jesus Christ,
who was I to think that I could oppose God?" (ibidem, 11: 15-7). The overcoming of the
frontiers is described as God’s will.
Nevertheless, in the early Christian community distinctions according to the origin
remain in collective mentality, as it is reflected in another example told by the Acts of the
Apostles: “In those days when the number of disciples was increasing, the Grecian Jews among
them complained against the Hebraic Jews because their widows were being overlooked in the
daily distribution of food”. (ibidem, 6: 1)
The Apostles try to find solutions for this discrimination. It seems that the maintenance
of these mental borders is considered as a not positive element, an element against God’s will.
(both Jews and converts to Judaism); Cretans and Arabs – we hear them declaring the wonders of God
in our own tongues!’" (Acts 2: 5-11).
20
The nostalgia of Jerusalem when being in the exile in Babylon is expressed in the Psalm 137: “By the
rivers of Babylon we sat and wept when we remembered Zion” (Psalm 137: 1).
21
Jesus declared, "Believe me, woman, a time is coming when you will worship the Father neither on this
mountain nor in Jerusalem. […] Yet a time is coming and has now come when the true worshipers will
worship the Father in spirit and truth […] God is spirit, and his worshipers must worship in spirit and in
truth." (John 4: 21-24).
22
“Then Paul said: ‘I am a Jew’” (Acts, 22: 3).
23
“Paul said to the centurion standing there, ‘Is it legal for you to flog a Roman citizen who hasn't even
been found guilty?’" (Acts, 22: 25).
24
“Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son
and of the Holy Spirit” (Matthew 28: 19).
25
“When Peter went up to Jerusalem, the circumcised believers criticized him and said, ‘You went into the
house of uncircumcised men and ate with them.’" (Acts, 11: 2-3).
14
The complexity of the European mind
So, in religion, which has been historically one of the sources – maybe the most
important one – for the European mind, elements of “supranationality” are given. And from the
first centuries of Christian life and during a long time in Europe many examples of “free
movement” of priests and bishops and even “free movement” of Saints are given. St Martin (4th
century), one of the most popular saints in the Middle Ages, was coming from Pannonia, and
became Bishop in France26; St Anselm (11th century) was born in Italy, became monk in France
and bishop in England (he is known as “Anselm of Canterbury” and was one of the founders of
scholasticism). St Anthony (13th century), known as Anthony of Padua in Italy – again a very
popular saint – was born in Lisbon. And so many other examples could be mentioned.... The
geography was not a limit for the biography.
The Christian preaching and the life of the Church, thus, do content the idea that a
“catholic” religion is able to overcome the frontiers; moreover, the linkage established by the faith
is considered as more relevant than the bound established by sharing a territory or a culture.
As a consequence, in the Middle Ages, the Christian approach will produce
supranational projects like the Universities, in which “nationes” were distinguished but without
disturbing the supranational character of the “universitas magistrorum et scholarium”. (D.
Cortés Vargas) Only in Prague the first “national” University was established after a debate
between the “nations” on the control of the University. (J. le Goff, 1986: 135) Here, an initially
European project will conduct to national attitudes. So, also the Christian communities have
failed in accepting the message of the overcoming power of faith.
And the idea that the Church is the new Chosen People27 can go on with the dichotomy
of openness and closeness, of being together and rejecting the other. So, another project, which
is Christian supranational, shows this Janus-faced interpretation: a mental wall in front of “the
others” accompanies the internal cohesion. Here, abolition of borders and creation of them go
hand in hand. This project is the Crusades – hated by the Enlighten thinkers28, glorified by some
Romantic writers29 – which unified different Christian “nations”, but against others.
So, again mental borders and processes of exclusion and inclusion have been created at
the same time. As so many occasions in History, the “religious other” has served as mechanism
for agglutinating identity, as usual in the dialectic comprehension of collective identity, which
has dominated the Western mentality during centuries.
Moreover, the relation to those who do not belong to the Church will be one decisive
element in Europe’s intellectual history (and in real history too) – the pagans at the beginnings
and also later on.
But then, the ruptures of the unity of the Church, the tragic moments in which the
Christianity has lost the unity, have again caused severe mental borders – first in the rupture
between Western and Eastern Christianity, later on, in between Western Christianity, with the
arising of the rupture in England first and, then, in the continent with Martin Luther. New
“territories” are created, and the “other” Christian is seen as a foreigner, in confrontation, with
prejudices and animadversion. The controversial literature, in which often “the other” is simply
seen as foolish, is a clear testimony of this tendency.
26
To the devotion to St Martin see, among others, Ch. Lelong, 1990.
The whole letter to the Hebrews is marked by the idea that “Christ is the mediator of a new covenant”
(Hebrews, 9: 15). Some early Christian writers have developed this idea. So, Justin Martyr (2nd century)
wrote: "For the true spiritual Israel ... are we who have been led to God through this crucified Christ"
(“Dialogue With Trypho”, 11, in Ante-Nicene Fathers, 1: 200). And Augustine: "For if we hold with a
firm heart the grace of God which hath been given us, we are Israel" (“On the Psalms”, 114.3, in Nicene
and Post-Nicene Fathers, 8: 550).
28
See for example Voltaire’s text on the Crusades, which came out in 1751 and was incorporated (with
some changes) into his Essai sur les moeurs, called the crusaders adventurers and brigands who were
moved by “the thirst for brigandage” (Voltaire, 54, 1877/85, 11: 442).
29
August Wilhelm Schlegel wrote: “Man erinnere sich nur der Kreuzzüge, wie sie phantastisch und
religiös eifernd geführt wurden, wie sie dann für Europa, Sittlicheit erzeugend und Poesie entfaltend,
wirkten” (Schlegel, 1984 (1802): 41).
27
15
And also the denominations used for “the others” are eloquent: The name “Papisten”
was used often in the German “Kulturkampf” against the Catholics;30 the term was coined
during the English Reformation to indicate that a Christian's loyalties were to the Pope, rather
than to the anti-papal Church of England31. The term Uniat or Uniate, is applied to those
Eastern Catholic churches who were previously Eastern Orthodox churches, and to their
members, primarily by Eastern Orthodox, who sometimes give it pejorative overtones. The term
“Protestant” was use also pejoratively by Catholics, whereas the Christians following the
Lutheran reform have preferred other terms. Already the denominations show the mental
borders – and the mixture between religious and political categories, with national attitudes.
That is the case when in Russia the orthodoxy is considering itself as essential part of the
“Russian soul”. (See Religion and identity…, 2005) And some of the borders remain more due
to sensitivities then to substantial differences, like in the mental distances between orthodox and
catholic Christians.32
Cuius regio – eius religio
With the “invention” of the modern State, religious differences will acquire a new
explosiveness. In fact, since the beginnings of the “Nation–State” (this very typical product of
European modernity33) religious “otherness” seems to has been considered as a “danger”: the
modern State seems to be satisfied only when the unification achieved within a territory
includes not only the political dimension (the acceptance of one law and one government), but
also is realised in cultural (and religious) terms. This often has produced not only the alternative
to convert or to leave the country (if not even to die) but also the creation of – Christian –
national churches, a concept that seems incompatible with some of the quoted passage in Saint
Paul’s letters.
Some of these attitudes to link national elements with the religion has had relevant
consequences in European history during centuries. As the Black Death epidemics devastated
Europe in the mid-14th century, annihilating more than half of the populations, Jews were used
as scapegoats. (S. Barry; N. Gualde, 2006: 47) The persecution of the Huguenots in France in
the 16th and 17th century has caused death and emigration. The German “Kulturkampf” under
Bismarck generated anti-Catholic laws. In the former Soviet Union, the Ukrainian Greek
Catholic Church was persecuted just for its religious role in the community. These – and so
many other examples – are well-known and should not be explained here. It is, however,
interesting that these cases are accompanied and supported by stereotypes in the collective
mentality, based often in the idea that “the religious other” is not a patriot, because it doesn’t
share the main religious option, but is serving a “religion from abroad”. Typical were in that
30
See, as one example, Ernst Haeckel’s description of the necessity of the „Kulturkampf“: „In dem neuen
Deutschen Reiche, welches in den Kämpfen von 1866 und 1871 unter schweren Opfern seine
unentbehrliche nationale Einheit errungen hatte, wurden die frechen Attentate des Papismus besonders
schwer empfunden; denn einerseits ist Deutschland die Geburtsstätte der Reformation und der modernen
Geistesbefreiung; andererseits aber besitzt es leider in seinen 18 Millionen Katholiken ein mächtiges
Heer von streitbaren Gläubigen, welches an blindem Gehorsam gegen die Befehle seines Oberhirten von
keinem anderen Kultur-Volke übertroffen wird“ (Haeckel, 1899).
31
So, William Whitaker [1547-1595], Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge in the
reign of Elizabeth I has published a Disputation on Holy Scripture against the papists, especially
Bellarmine and Stapleton, trans. and ed. William Fitzgerald, Cambridge: University Press 1849 (edited
by the Parker Society, that was the London-based Anglican society that printed in fifty-four volumes the
works of the leading English Reformers of the sixteenth century).
32
According to the experts, “the crucial theological problem in relations with the Eastern Churches (…) is
the problem of autocephaly”. (Cardinal W. Kasper, 2003). See also the conclusion of the document
“Ecclesiological and Canonical Consequences of the Sacramental Nature of the Church” (2007), in
which it is acknowledged that this question remains open, whereas there are “common affirmations of
our faith”.
33
About the State as a typical invention of modern Europe see François-Xavier Guerra: “La invención de
la nación y el problema de las comunidades”. (Banús; Llano, 1999: 239-258).
16
sense for example the caricatures of the Catholics in the “Kulturkampf” supposedly attached to
the Pope, a non-German authority.
But some examples are very eloquent for the struggle against this mixture between the
political sphere and the religious convictions: at the beginnings of the Modern Age, for
example, in the conflict between Henry VIII and Thomas More. Whereas Henry VIII considers
that there is an intrinsic link between religion and the State, Thomas More was fighting for the
right to maintain the sphere of the own belief outside of the public control.34
Modern Europe will assume the idea of the social and political relevance of religion in
creating one of the most relevant sentences against human rights in the European history: “cuius
regio, eius religio”.35 Here, not only mental but also physical borders have become decisive for
religion. The religious borders had to coincide with the State borders. It has not to be forgotten
that this has been done in an attempt to establish peace in Europe: It is mentioned in the Peace
of Augsburg treaty, signed in 1555 between the forces of the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V,
and the forces of the Schmalkaldic League. The Peace offered imperial confirmation of the
principle that had been promulgated in the Confession of Augsburg in 1530. And it also has not
to be forgotten that all attempts to establish peace in Europe – till to the creation of the
European Communities – always have been done by establishing or moving frontiers.
Religion, culture and nation
On that way, in fact, the idea (l) could be realised that the State is characterised by the
cohesion not only in political and economic but also in cultural terms. This idea, in a certain
sense, has been paradoxically reinforced later on in the rejection of a homogeneous State.
Indeed, the consideration that “culture” is linked with “identity” has gained growing relevance
with the Romantic approach, which is partially a reaction against Napoleon’s project to unify
Europe under French categories.36 The emerging of diversity as a nuclear mental category in
Europe is directed against the efforts to create one harmonised identity.
“Identity” is seen as linked to “culture”. And at that time, at the end of the 18th century,
after the secularisation, “religion” is seen as part of culture, as one of the many elements
included in this concept. It is paradigmatic to see how Johann Gottfried Herder sees culture as
the addition of different factors: for example, he explains that the “Morgenländischen Gedichte”
can only be understood “aus dem Lande, der Geschichte, den Meinungen, der Religion, dem
Zustande, den Sitten und der Sprache ihrer Nation”. (J. G. Herder, 1967b) According to Herder,
the sense of a culture is perceived only when looking to the roots, to the origins. On that way,
“culture” definitively is considered a distinguishing more than a unifying element: it refers to
the origins of a people and, therefore, to the explanation of its specificity.37 And religion is one
more element of the cultural environment in which a culture grows up.38.
34
In his More biography, Peter Berglar underlines that he is fighting for the „right to remain silent”, what
means, to maintain a private opinion in a question related to religion, avoiding the publicity of his inner
attitude. (Berglar, 1981).
35
It seems that the phrase was created in 1612, by the jurist Joachim Stephani (1544-1623) of the
University of Greifswald. (Ozment, 1980: 259).
36
On the relevance of the reactions against Napoleon for the European culture see (Banús, 2007: 134141).
37
It has to be said, however, that Herder compensates this view with a high appreciation of the concept of
“Humanität”: “zu allen Zeiten war der Mensch derselbe; nur er äusserte sich jedesmal nach der
Verfassung, in der er lebte”. (Herder, 1967c, vol. XVIII: 139). And he also recommends abandoning the
closed mental worlds, which emerge from only a specific geographical space: “Lasset uns also (...) so
viel möglich alle engen Gedankenformen, die aus der Bildung eines Erdstrichs (...) genommen sind,
verläugnen” (Herder, 1967a, vol. V: 89).
38
Also the classical definition of culture by Edward B. Tylor opts for a similar solution when he defines
culture as "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any
other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” (Tylor, 1871: 1).
17
A human right?
On that way, religion has moved from a personal to a social level: it describes not only
the personal relation to God, but also the belonging to a group, for which identity building
structures are applicable like to other groups. One of them is that cohesion around a collective
identity uses a dialectic strategy to consider the other as a term for comparison – or better,
distinction– in order to define the own identity. CITAS Y CITAS.
This can be applied also to religion. Too often in Europe’s history the “religious other”
has been used to confirm “ourselves–ness” (if the neologism is allowed); and too often the
belonging to a determined religious confession has been considered as a part of the idea to
belong to a society, so that conversion can be seen as a treason to the own identity, to the own
culture, to the own people, to the own roots or, at least, as a way of taking distance from them.
In that view, religion is devaluated from a human right to a part of a culture, in which
the individual is born, grows up and receives a determined world-view, a culture which often
supports a nation.
The simple concept of “clash of civilisations” has reinforced at the end of the 20th
century in a fatal manner this view. In Huntington’s publications, ‘civilisation’ often does
coincide with ‘religion’. The division of the world in civilisations offers a new name for the
distribution of the world religions (NOTA: debate). Huntington’s these, although criticised, has
been able to have been assimilated in the collective mentality so that it is widely accepted that
the religion is creating not only borders but also confrontations and unhappy encounters.39 The
model – like all the models – is nothing else than a selection of the reality, in which coexistence
between religions is given as well as problems in this coexistence. As usual, the overcoming of
the frontiers or – better – the transformation of the frontiers into borders depends on the
previous attitude: who wants to find frontiers will find frontiers40, who wants to transform
frontiers into borders will – at the end – transform them. Therefore, messages like Huntington’s
these are not useful for creating the needed confidence into the capacity to transform frontiers
into borders: they reinforce them wanting to believe in the disruptive function of religious
borders and difficult the labour of them trying to overcome the borders.
The fight against exclusion
In the Catholic world, also a tension between both possibilities is given. The early
Church has established the principle: “Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus”, outside the Church is no
salvation.41 Evidently, this creates mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. But it is remarkable
that also in early times the Church has fought against radical interpretations of this sentence,
against too severe borders, which could be found in the first Christian centuries in strong
movements like the Montanism. So, against some opinions within this movement, which
wanted to exclude definitively from the Church some sinners, the Church has maintained the
idea that the conversion and contrition always obtain pardon and, therefore, the re-unification
with the Church, the trespass of the borders.42 The same was decided about the “lapsi”,
Christians who have abandoned the Church during the persecution and later on wanted to be readmitted.43
39
Against this, see Benedict’s XVI words: "There is no clash of civilizations, but small groups of
fanatics." (“Pope doesn’t see…”, 2005).
40
It’s similar to the „circulus vitiosus“ that Gombrich describes: “Was man den hermeneutischen Zirkel
genannt hat, die Suche nach Erhärtung der ursprünglichen Intuition, wird dort, wo nur vermeintliche
Bestätigungen gelten dürfen, zu einem ganz gewöhnlichen Zirkelschluß”. (Gombrich, 1986: 22)
41
The original sentence comes from Cyprian of Carthage: ''Extra ecclesiam salus non est''. (Letter, 73, 21).
42
It was mainly Tertullian who denied the possibility of forgiveness of sins by the Church or, at least, that
that there is no forgiveness for the gravest sins; they are irremissible. (Tertullian, 1870).
43
St Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, defended the reintegration of the lapsi against other authors. (St
Cyprian, 1971) The party opposed to Cyprian at Carthage did not accept the bishop's decision, and
stirred up a schism. The Roman priest Novation set himself up at Rome as the antipope and claimed to
be the upholder of strict discipline, inasmuch as he refused unconditionally to readmit to communion
with the Church any who had fallen away.
18
JUSTINO
In more recent times, again voices were appearing presenting a strong literal
interpretation of the quoted sentence, establishing therefore strong borders. And here again the
Church has corrected fundamentalist ideas for which the border between Christian believers and
“the others” have an absolute character. The famous letter to the Archbishop of Boston can be
mentioned, in which his literal interpretation of the sentence is criticised. No doubt – the
balance remains difficult. And “official efforts” and intellectual developments not always do
correspond with the mentality: here changes always take longer.
At least a common denominator
These reflections lead us to a last idea: there is at least a common point for all
believers: they accept the existence of God. In the case of the most diffused religions in Europe,
this common denominator is broader: the image of God shared by Christians, Jews and Muslims
includes the image of a personal God who has created the world; it implies also that the full
sense of life and history cannot be found without a reference to the transcendental world. In that
sense, the common denominator between believers from different faiths is broader than the
points that can be found in common with those who do not accept any reference outside the
world, with those who think that religion is only a reaction of a weak individual looking for a
solution to the fears and anxieties, with those who think that the human mankind has invented
God - and with those who believe that religion is a dangerous factor in social life and has to be
banned from a civilised society, at most tolerated in the individual space. It is the mentality in
front to every religious manifestation, which expressed, for example, Ernst Haeckel 1899:
„Viele und sehr angesehene Naturforscher und Philosophen der Gegenwart [...] halten die
Religion überhaupt für eine abgethane Sache“. (Haeckel, 1899: 18)
As seen in the debates on the Preamble of the so called European Constitution44, here
mental borders arise which seem difficult to overcome. Maybe in the current situation this
44
It is well-known that the first version of the Preamble, prepared probably by Giscard d’Estaign himself,
has included concrete references to some founding periods of the European history, under exclusion of
the Christian heritage: the Greek and Roman civilisations were mentioned, and then immediately the
philosophical streams of the Enlightenment. The centuries between these two periods were covered only
with a mention to some “spiritual streams”. In the recapitulation by Bronislaw Geremek: “Initially, the
Convention refused to include any mention of Christianity or Europe’s Judeo-Christian heritage
whatsoever, citing only the Enlightenment tradition, alongside the Greeks and Romans” (“The Spiritual
and…”, 2004: 22). In that point, several amendments (Gabriel Cisneros, Gianfranco Fini, Elmar Brook
representing Europe’s People Party, Danuta Hübner – representing the Polish Government – and others)
have proposed to add the Christian or the Judeo-Christian heritage. In the second version, which has
been approved, Olivier Duhamel, Robert Badinter, Pervenche Berès (all of them from France) have
suggested to substitute “religious” by “spiritual”, whereas all the Polish member of the Convention
(Edmund Wittbrodt, Danuta Huebner, Jozef Oleksy, Genowefa Grabowska, Janusz Trzciński, Marta
Fogler) have suggested to use the expression “Judeo-Christian” instead of “religious”. This amendment
has been signed by 37 member of the Convention, coming from different countries. This was on the
level of the Convention. For the Intergovernmental Conference level it is useful to consult the web site
devoted to present the debates about the “Constitution for Europe”, that comments: “When the Italian
Presidency, at the start of the IGC's work, asked all the delegations to present any suggestions on noninstitutional aspects, the inclusion of a reference to Christianity in the preamble was immediately
suggested by seven governments. Other delegations were completely opposed to any reference of that
kind and also called for the reference to dialogue with the churches to be removed. The delegations in
favour of a reference to Judeo-Christian values finally accepted that it would not be included. The two
succeeding Presidencies failed to come up with an alternative wording” (2). The Italian Presidency’s
document says it more concrete: “include a reference to Christian inheritance of Europe (ESP, IRL, MT,
PL, PT, SK, LT; CZ wishes to enlarge even more this proposal to a reference to Ancient Greek
philosophy, Roman law, Jewish and Christian roots and rationalism. T and CY opposed to such a
mention.)” (3). In December 2003, after the Brussels meeting of the European Council, the Italian Presidency
informs: “While some delegations stressed the importance of a reference to Christian values in the preamble,
others felt that the text proposed by the Convention made an even-handed response to the various concerns
that had been raised. They therefore propose that it remain unchanged”, what means: without mention of the
19
mental border is also strong, the understanding between the two fields seems sometimes
impossible.
Recognition of the religious freedom
Mental borders can only be overcome when, in a profound level, the personal element
of religion is recognised. This is maybe not easy in a secularised world, in which the possibility
of a personal relation to God is not accepted. But if culture is considered mainly an element of
culture, and culture an element of identity, in a time in which the identity issue is again very
vivid45, the maintenance or the re-activation of the mental borders is unavoidable.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Literature Publishing Co.
Ayto, John (1990), Dictionary of Word Origins, New York, Arcade.
Banús, Enrique (2004), „Durante todo un año no hizo otra cosa que conducir. El viaje en tiempo de
crisis”, in: Dar razón de la esperanza. Homenaje al Prof. Dr. José Luis Illanes, Pamplona, p.
1105-1133.
Banús, Enrique (2005), „La fuerza de la Biblia en la Literatura”, in: La Sagrada escritura, palabra actual,
Pamplona.
Banús, Enrique (2007), “Images of openness - Images of closeness”, in: Eurolimes. Journal of the Institute
for Euroregional Studies, “Jean Monnet” European Center of Excellence, volume 4: Europe from
Exclusive Borders to Inclusive Frontiers, Autumn 2007.
Banús, Enrique; Llano Alejandro, eds. (1999), Razón práctica y multiculturalismo, Pamplona.
Barry, Stéphane; Norbert Gualde (2006), La plus grande épidémie de l'histoire, in: L'Histoire, n°310, June
2006.
Bartement, Daniel; Catherine Bernier-Boissard (1995), “La région, entre pratique institutionnelle et
production idéologique”, in: Sciences de la société, no. 34.
Berglar, Peter (1981), Die Stunde des Thomas Morus: einer gegen die Macht, Olten etc., Walter.
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (2007), “International Religious Freedom Report 2007”,
http: //www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2007/90080.htm
Conference of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, Document CIG 37/03, Brussels,
24 October 2003, in: http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/03/cg00/cg00037.en03.pdf
Conference of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, Document GIC 60/03, ADD
2, 11 December 2003, in: http: //www.statewatch.org/news/2003/dec/cig60_ADD2_EN03.pdf
Conference of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States Document CIG 80/04, ADD
2, 12 June 2004, in: http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/04/cg00/cg00080.en04.pdf
Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, „Doctrinal Note on some questions regarding the participation
of Catholics in political life”, January 16, 2003, n. 6.
Cortés Vargas, Daniel (2007), “Proceso de constitución de la institucionalidad universitaria: de la
universitas a la posuniversitas”, paper presented to the Conference “El papel de la educación en la
construcción de las sociedades del conocimiento”, Universidad de Nueva León, Mexico, Juni 2007,
http: //www.congresoretosyexpectativas.udg.mx/Congreso%202/Mesa%201/e)%20Valores,cultura%20
academica%20e%20identidad%20institucional/1.e.3..pdf
European roots (4). Some months later, the Irish Presidency concludes: “As regards the Preamble, the
Presidency notes that, despite the strong support of several delegations for the inclusion of a specific reference
to Europe’s Christian or Judeo-Christian heritage, there is no sign of consensus on this matter” (5) (See (1)
http: //european-convention.europa.eu/Docs/Treaty/pdf/1000/Pre%20Wittbrodt-a%20EN.pdf (2) http:
//europa.eu/scadplus/cig2004/debates2_en.htm#PREAMBLE; (3) Document CIG 37/03, 24 October 2003, in
http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/03/cg00/cg00037.en03.pdf; (4) Document GIC 60/03, ADD 2, 11
December 2003, in http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/03/cg00/cg00060-ad02.en03.pdf (5) Document
CIG 80/04, ADD 2, 12 June 2004, in http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/04/cg00/cg00080.en04.pdf).
45
To the renewal of the identity see, among many other, the following affirmations: “during the spread of
globalisation the tendency to return to one’s roots has become stronger” (Kovacev, 2005) and: “le retour
à des valeurs identitaires” has become in Europe “une valeur d’échange” (Bartement; Bernier-Boissard,
1995: 144).
20
St Cyprian (1971), De lapsis and De Ecclesiae Catholicae unitate. Text and translation by Maurice Bévenot,
Oxford, Clarendon Press.
„Dialogue With Trypho 11” (1886), in: Ante-Nicene Fathers, New York, Christian Literature Publishing Co.
Englebert, Omer, St. Francis of Assisi, A Biography (Michigan, Servant Books, 1979).
“French criticize omission of Christianity from Euro text”, in: Zenit, 12.6.2003; http: //www.zenit.org/article7511?l=english
Goff, Jacques Le (1986), Los intelectuales en la Edad Media, Madrid, Gedisa.
Gombrich, Ernst (1986), “Sind eben alles Menschen gewesen. Zum Kulturrelativismus in den
Geisteswissenschaften“, in: Albrecht Schöne (ed.): Akten des VII. Internationalen GermanistenKongresses, Vol. I, Tübingen.
Guerra, François-Xavier (1999), “La invención de la nación y el problema de las comunidades”, in: Enrique
Banús; Alejandro Llano (eds.): Razón práctica y multiculturalismo, Pamplona.
Guetta, Bernard (2003), (“French criticize omission of Christianity from Euro text”, in: Zenit, 12.6.2003; http:
//www.zenit.org/article-7511?l=english
Haeckel, Ernst (1899), Die Weltraethsel, 18. Kapitel, Stuttgart, Alfred Kröner Verlag.
Herder, Johann Gottfried (1967a), „Abhandlung über den Ursprung der Sprache“, in: Herder, Johann Gottfried,
Sämtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan (33 vol.), (Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1877-1913), vol. V,
Hildesheim.
Herder, Johann Gottfried (1967b), „Ueber die neuere Deutsche Litteratur. Eine Beilage zu den Briefen, die
neueste Litteratur betreffend (1766-1767)“, in: Herder, Johann Gottfried, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard
Suphan (33 vol.), (Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1877-1913), vol. I., Hildesheim.
Herder, Johann Gottfried (1967c), „Briefe zur Beförderung der Humanität (1793-1797)“, in: Herder, Johann
Gottfried, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan (33 vol.), (Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1877-1913), vol.
XVIII, Hildesheim.
International Theological Comisión (1999), “Memory and Reconciliation: The Church and the Faults of the
Past”, from December 1999, http: //www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/cti_documents/
rc_con_cfaith_doc_20000307_memory-reconc-itc_en.html
Johnson, Juliet; Marietta Stepaniants; Benjamin Forest, eds. (2005), Religion and identity in modern Russia: the
revival of Orthodoxy and Islam, Aldershot, England and Burlington, VT: Ashgate.
Joint International Commission for the Theological Dialogue between the Roman Catholic Church and the
Orthodox Church, “Ecclesiological and Canonical Consequences of the Sacramental Nature of the
Church”, October 2007, http:/www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/chrstuni/ch_orthodox_docs/
rc_pc_chrstuni_doc_20071013_documento-ravenna_en.html
Kasper, Walter (Cardinal), Introductory Report of the President to the 2003 Plenary of the Pontifical Council for
Promoting Christian Unity, in: http: //www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/chrstuni/ecumcommit-docs/rc_pc_chrstuni_doc_20031111_prolusio-plenary_en.html
Kovacev, Asja Nina (2005), “Globalisation, Fear of Cultural Imperialism and Preservation of national Heritage”,
in: Enrique Banús-Beatriz Elío (eds.): Actas del VII Congreso “Cultura Europea”, Pamplona.
Lactantius, “Divine Institutes” (1964/5), in: The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 49, M.F. McDonald, trans,
Washington D.C., Catholic University of America Press.
Lelong, Charles (1990), Vie et culte de Saint Martin; État des questions, Chambray.
Meeting with the Members of the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization, Address of His
Holiness Benedict XVI, New York, 18 April 2008.
Ozment, Steven (1980), The Age of Reform 1250-1550: An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval
and Reformation Europe, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
“El papel de la educación en la construcción de las sociedades del conocimiento”, Universidad de Nueva León
(Mexico), Juni 2007, published as http: //www.congresoretosyexpectativas.udg.mx/Congreso%202/
Mesa%201/e)%20Valores,cultura%20academica%20e%20identidad%20institucional/1.e.3..pdf
“On the Psalms 114.3” (1886), in: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, New York, Christian Literature Publishing
Co.
“On the true religion” (1968), in: Maryline Inez Bogan, ed., The Retractations, Washington, Catholic University
of America Press.
“Pope doesn’t see a ‘Clash of Civilizations’”, in: Zenit, 21.7.2005, http: //www.zenit.org/article-13626?l=english
“Proposal of the Polish members of the European Convention: Mr. Edmund Wittbrodt, Mrs. Danuta
Huebner, Mr. Jozef Oleksy, Mrs. Genowefa Grabowska, Mr. Janusz Trzciński, Mrs. Marta Fogler”,
in: http: //european-convention.europa.eu/Docs/Treaty/pdf/1000/Pre%20Wittbrodt-a%20EN.pdf
Schlegel, August Wilhelm (1984(1802)), Über Literatur, Kunst und Geist des Zeitalters, Stuttgart,
Reclam.
“The Spiritual and Cultural Dimension of Europe. Reflection Group initiated by the President of the
European Commission and coordinated by the Institute for Human Sciences. Concluding Remarks
21
by Kurt Biedenkopf, Bronislaw Geremek and Krzysztof Michalski”, Vienna / Brussels, Institute
for Human Sciences, October 2004.
Tertullian (1870), De pudicitia/On Modesty, in: The Writings of Q. S. F. Tertullianus. Translated by S.
Thelwall; P. Holmes, and others, Edinburg, 1870.
“On the true religion” (1968), in: Maryline Inez Bogan, ed., The Retractations, Washington, Catholic
University of America Press.
Tylor, Edward B. (1871), Primitive Culture, London.
US Government, International Religious Freedom Report 2007, http: //www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2007/90080.htm
Voltaire (1877), „Essai sur les moeurs”, 54, in: Oeuvres complètes de Voltaire, L. Moland, ed., Paris, Garnier.
The 2003/2004 Intergovernmental Conference, http: //europa.eu/scadplus/cig2004/debates2_en.htm#PREAMBLE
La culture de l’autrui dans la pensée de Denis de Rougemont
Cristina DOGOT
Abstract: The diversity of European space inspired Denis de Rougemont to create his
own opinion about the attitude toward the peoples of Europe. In fact Rougemont don’t think in
the terms of “people”, but that of human beings. For Rougemont each person is important as a
God’ creature, and any difference is important is these conditions. It is not tolerance, a term
not very liked by Rougemont, it is a deep comprehension. Personal differences make European
culture an original and specific one, and this particularity represent the fundament of European
unity. So, unifying Europe became important not for the state or peoples, but for persons.
Keywords: Europe, culture, difference, person, personalism, federal idea Denis de
Rougemont – essai bio-bibliographique
« Le Prince de la Communauté culturelle européenne en qui Saint-John Perse voyait
une figuration scientifique de l'Homo europeanus… » (« Denis de Rougemont… »,
www.erm.lu/epm/id220.htm). C’est ainsi que commence la présentation de D. de Rougemont
dans un article électronique, et presque toutes les présentations de Denis de Rougemont ont
recours à des superlatifs. Nous reproduisons un seul exemple, qui nous a paru le plus
représentatif : A. Marc compare les écrits de Denis de Rougemont au soleil à la lumière duquel
tout le monde veut se baigner. Action passive, ont peut dire, mais tant le soleil que ceux qui
profitent de sa lumière ont besoin l'un de l’autre : « pour se manifester, la lumière a besoin de
nos corps opaques » (Marc, 1986: 27). Sans idolâtrer, à notre avis, la particularité des écrits de
D. de Rougemont vient de la diversité des sujets abordés mais aussi de la systématisation de
ceux-ci. C’est juste cette diversité et complexité qui ont déterminé Bruno Ackermann à écrire
une « biographie intellectuelle » (Ackerman, I, 1996: 35)1, « l'histoire d'une œuvre » (Ibidem,
21) de l'auteur, en traitant aussi bien des aspects relevants de la vie personnelle (l'engagement),
des relations humaines (l’amour), de la vie publique - le fédéralisme et l'écologie - des sujets à
portée théologique, sociologique ou littéraire, à côté de l’organisation de différentes
manifestations culturelles. (M. de Rougemont, 1996: 13) Les activités de D. de Rougemont
toutefois dépassent l’espace européen, quelques-unes de ses démarches visent aussi la
civilisation orientale, ses similitudes et différences face à celle de l’Occident, comme le montre
bien l’ouvrage L’Aventure occidentale de l’homme, que la Conférence Europe-Monde,
organisée à Bâle, les 29 septembre-03 octobre 1964 (Saint-Ouen, 1995: 13-4 ; Marc, 1986: 26).
D’autre coté, Dusan Sidjanski (1992: 145), pour sa part, le considère comme le « père fondateur
de l’Europe culturelle », un fédéraliste qui peut être comparé, grâce à la qualité et à l’impact de
son œuvre sur la culture européenne, comme le fondateur du fédéralisme culturel (œuvre
complémentaire de celle du pragmatique et fonctionnaliste J. Monnet) (ibidem, 267-70).
Né à Couvet, un petit village du canton de Neuchâtel, dans une famille française
installée en Suisse quelques siècles auparavant, toute l'enfance et l'éducation de Rougemont
seront marquées par l’atmosphère de ces lieux. Fils d'un pasteur assez impliqué dans la vie
sociale, locale et nationale, et aussi dans la vie politique (le christianisme social), Rougemont
grandit dans un milieu protestant, influencé dès son enfance par une morale de vie, qui sera
déterminante tant dans sa conduite, que dans son regard sur le monde : « …le presbytère, c'est
le centre de la communauté, où tout le monde vient voir le pasteur…les enfants de pasteur
1
Ackermann écrit: « Nous définirons donc notre biographie intellectuelle comme une tentative de restituer
de manière linéaire l'élaboration d'une pensée ou d'une oeuvre…considérée dans une époque et un temps
donné, et en tant que mue par une activité créatrice - le Journal de l'écrivain - fondée sur une dialectique
ou sur une tension de la personne humaine confrontée à l'histoire ».
23
côtoient toute cette vie et ont une vision très directe sur toute espèce de gens…Cette vision très
en profondeur, très directe à la fois, d'une communauté donne tout de suite aux enfants du
pasteur une autre vision de l'humanité et des rapports entre les gens » (Ackerman, I, 1996: 67).
Ce fils de pasteur se devait d’être un modèle d'exemplarité, sa famille, qui a donné
beaucoup de pasteurs au pays, ayant d’ailleurs pour devise: « Mieux être que paraître ». Le
milieu familial (austère) a permis à Denis de Rougemont de fréquenter toutes sortes d'autres
milieux: pauvres ou riches, humbles ou prétentieux. Toutefois, à la sortie de l’adolescence,
Rougemont manifeste un rejet pour ce milieu austère, « une révolte plus ou moins ouverte
contre ce que le protestantisme était devenu à cette époque-là, c'est-à-dire une morale
bourgeoise » (ibidem, 68)2. Dans les années trente D. de Rougemont s'est intéressé à la
théologie dialectique, étant engagé dans le mouvement personnaliste, qui se prononçait pour
une révolution contre le désordre établi. On peut dire que la période de la conscientisation du
milieu environnant vient de commencer, et qu’il est déjà le temps de nous engager à
reconstituer les repères des différentes étapes de la carrière rougemontienne. Même si au début
on parle d’une période foncièrement suisse, il s’agit aussi une période de voyages en Europe
centrale, et également à l’Ouest de la Suisse. Une carrière complexe et parfois difficile, avec
beaucoup de rencontres, avec plusieurs groupes et idées entre lesquels le choix est parfois
volontaire, parfois le résultat du hasard. C'est la période durant laquelle D. de Rougemont
participe à l'élaboration de quelques revues en Suisse romande et aussi de la publication dans
différentes revues plus ou moins importantes (Revue de Belles Lettres, Semaine littéraire, Les
Cahiers romands) de ses premiers comptes-rendus ou de ses premiers récits. Parallèlement
paraissent des écrits poétiques (Ackerman, I, 1996: 131-135), suivis de son premier ouvrage
littéraire, Le Paysan du Danube (1932), ouvrage qui contient la plupart des récits et chroniques
de voyages, tout en offrant une vision romantique de cette Europe de sentiment, l'Europe
centrale. (ibidem, 138)
Les années trente ouvrent aussi la période parisienne de D. de Rougemont. Dans
l'entourage des Editions Je Sers et sous la protection de leur dirigeant, Pierre Maury, paraît la
revue Hic et Nunc, réalisée par un groupe de jeunes philosophes et théologiens très turbulents,
partisans de la théologie de Karl Barth, c'est-à-dire de la théologie existentielle ou de la
théologie dialectique, inspirée de Calvin, Luther, et de Kierkegaard. (Ackerman, I, 1996: 232) Il
s’agit d’une période riche en contacts et rencontres, de dialogue et d’échanges entre Rougemont
et d’autres intellectuels par l'intermédiaire des revues littéraires (Aujourd'hui, Cahiers de Foi et
Vie, Plans (ibidem, 194)), sur les idées d'homme, de personne. La rencontre décisive de cette
période est sans doute celle d’A. Marc, l'initiateur d’entrevues entre des « croyants de
différentes confessions, d’agnostiques, de philosophes de l'ancienne et de la nouvelle
génération » (ibidem, I, 1996: 188) dans le « berceau du personnalisme » qu’était le Club du
Moulin Vert. Parmi eux figurent des orthodoxes (Nicolas Berdiaef, le Père Boulgakov, le Père
Gillet, le peintre Kowalewski), des protestants (Roland de Pury, Max Dominicé), ou des
catholiques (Jacques Maritain, Gabriel Marcel, Westphal), René Dupuis et Jean Jardin, des
dominicains et des jeunes libres-penseurs ou de toutes les croyances. Beaucoup d’eux se
retrouveront bientôt dans le sein du mouvement L’Ordre Nouveau, un mouvement militant
contre certaines réalités de l’époque, parmi lesquelles le fascisme, et qui sera un des premiers
avocats du fédéralisme européen et mondial.
Après un très court rencontre avec la revue Esprit, Rougemont se dédiera aux activités
journalistiques. Il écrit sur Luther, Selma Lagerlöf, Paul Claudel, Don Juan, André Gide, Albert
Béguin, et plusieurs autres, et, dans le même temps, participe à différentes conférences,
notamment à débats sur l'esprit totalitaire. Selon lui les trois régimes totalitaires (le
communisme, l’hitlérisme et le fascisme) s’apparentent à trois religions nouvelles cherchant à
2
. La Revue de Belles Lettres a été le lieu de révolte contre l'air du temps. Le pessimisme actif est relevé
aussi par l’humour avec qui Rougemont n’oublie pas à considérer certains des problèmes de l’époque,
comme la distinction d’entre la démocratie et le communisme. Aussi, entre « le réformiste et le révolté
[c’est] celui qui a le sens d’humour », « le sixième sens des européens », « la combustion lente de la
révolte de l’individu » (Georis, 1989: 77).
24
substituer au christianisme le culte social de l'Etat, ayant pour corollaire un principe sacré
distinct : le Prolétariat, la Race, l'Empire (ibidem, 562). Ceux-ci représentent donc une grande
menace pour les peuples à la recherche d'un ordre nouveau, non pour ceux qui connaissent déjà
la démocratie. Le manque de civisme qui favorise l’instauration de l’ordre totalitaire doit être
remplacé par l'esprit de résistance civique, religieuse, et chrétienne.
D'octobre 1935 à juin 1936, Rougemont réside en Allemagne où il occupe la fonction
de professeur à l'Université de Francfort. Sa principale motivation, en dehors de ses besoins
matériels, est d’ordre intellectuelle : « Si le régime totalitaire est le châtiment qu'a mérité
l'Europe, il nous faut l'étudier de très près, sur place, avec une passion froide. Car il y va de
toute notre culture » (D. de Rougemont (DdR), 1938: 44). Son Journal d'Allemagne rencontrera
de succès (que des critiques aussi) grâce à « l'exactitude des détails et à la qualité des
descriptions ». (Ackermann, I, 1996: 488)
Lutte antihitlérienne, un passeport obligatoire pour l’Amérique
Lorsque la guerre éclate, Rougemont réside en Suisse, où il est mobilisé. En France,
citoyen d'un pays neutre résidant dans un État engagé dans le conflit, sa liberté d'expression
était fort restreinte. Après un moment de découragement, celui-ci à une révélation: il faut
défendre l'Europe et sauver son avenir. De 1939 à 1940, mobilisé en Suisse, Rougemont publie
un certain nombre d'ouvrages et opuscules: La légende de Nicolas de Flue (1939), La Mission
ou la Démission de la Suisse (1940)3, la brochure Qu'est-ce que la Ligue du Gothard ? (1940)
ou encore, le bréviaire civique intitulé Nos libertés. Bréviaire de citoyen (1940). L’intellectuel
engagé tient plusieurs conférences démontrant son patriotisme, sa fidélité à l'idée fédérale
comme antidote à la guerre, et sa sensibilité personnaliste. Dans ce contexte, la mission de la
Suisse était de sauvegarder le principe central, fédératif. « Nous sommes chargés de la défendre
[l'Europe] contre elle-même, de garder son trésor, d'affirmer sa santé et de sauver son avenir.
Tel est le sens de notre indépendance, et telle est la mission spéciale qui justifie notre
neutralité »4 (« Nos libertés… », 63 ; « Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 10-11). D’autre coté,
Rougemont transforme, tout ensemble avec Théophile Spoerri, la Ligue du Gothard en
organisation de résistance à Hitler, une organisation comprenant des courants d'opinion très
différents et opposés à ceux de partis politiques. (ibidem, 11) Un article de Denis de
Rougemont, paru dans La Gazette de Lausanne le 17 juin 1940 et fustigeant l'invasion
hitlérienne de la France, lui apporte des accusations d’avoir fait péricliter la sécurité et la
neutralité de la Suisse, et entraîne jusqu’à la fin son exil aux États-Unis, avec un passeport
diplomatique et sous la condition expresse et formelle qu'il s'abstiendra de toute activité à
caractère politique. (ibidem, 10-12)
La période américaine se démontra assez bénéfique pour l’évolution intellectuelle de
D. de Rougemont : le livre Le Journal des deux Mondes5, débuté en 1939, en Europe, est
continué jusqu'en 1946, en Amérique ; la conscientisation de l’importance majeure de la
création d’une Europe fédérale (ibidem, 13). D’autre coté, employé à la section française de la
radio « La voix d'Amérique » (Ackermann, II, 1996: 727-40), Rougemont considérera que cet
3
C’est dans ce livre que Rougemont d’un part fait l’affirmation que la deuxième guerre mondiale est une
contre la Suisse mais aussi une qui démontra que la Suisse doit être le futur modèle organisationnel pour
l’Europe, et d’autre part exprime son espérance que la Suisse saura se faire utile, avec son expérience
fédéraliste (« minuscule, mais concluante », (DdR, 1940b: 185), à l’Europe (idem, 1940c: 98-100). Voir
aussi (idem, 1940e: 155-167). L’idée du modèle fédéral suisse n’est pas nouvelle. Même en 1937 (dans
un article apparu en Esprit) Rougemont considérait que la Suisse (par son diversité ethnique et
linguistiques une sorte d’Europe en miniature) avait la tâche d’accomplir sa « mission personnaliste » et
celle de « gardienne » du principe fédératif en Europe. (idem, 1940f: 109-111, 117).
4
Ce texte a fait l’objet de vives critiques. Voir notamment la polémique entre D. de Rougemont et
Gonzague de Reynold qui tenait le luthéranisme pour une source d’inspiration du nazisme.
5
C'est une réflexion sur ces deux mondes, mais une réflexion qui commence dans un espace et un monde
différent de celui où elle prend fin.
25
emploi ne lui offrait toutefois pas « un cadre intellectuel stimulant et exigeant ».6 Le retour de
D. de Rougemont en Europe clôtura la première partie d'une aventure intellectuelle et littéraire
(ibidem, 835) et ouvrira une autre étape, celle de la lutte contre le totalitarisme et pour
l’approfondissement de l’idée européenne. La deuxième guerre mondiale, les circonstances de
son exil forcé aux États-Unis, les difficultés de se faire reconnaître au sein du milieu intellectuel
américain, le totalitarisme plus fort que jamais en Russie, lui ont donné de nouvelles raisons, et
une nouvelle force pour se pencher sur la question de l’Europe.
L’aventure européenne
Même s’il n’est pas un adepte des définitions, surtout en ce qui concerne la culture et
spécialement quand ces définitions ne sont autre chose qu’« un ensemble de phrases correctes,
quelquefois ingénieuses, et par définition inefficaces » (DdR, 1937: 52), Rougemont nous a
laissé une de plus belles définitions de l’Europe, qu’il la considère comme : … une énergie, un
décalque de la formule d’Einstein E=MC², où E est l’Europe, M est le produit de sa masse
(étendue, matières premières, population) et C sa culture dont les effets induits se multiplient en
progression géométrique. (idem, 1958c: 338 ; Idem, 1970a: 277-78) L’auteur dresse même un
catalogue sommaire – dit-il – des éléments constitutifs de la culture européenne, un catalogue
qui comprend, à côté des éléments classiques : religions, philosophie, éthique, attitude face à
l’amour, histoire, géographie, musique, des éléments modernes (cinéma, radio, télévision,
voyages, vêtements, sociologie etc.). (idem, 1980: 723-4) Concevant la culture comme « un
ensemble des valeurs7 communes à tous les européens », Rougemont l’a toujours considérée, à
coté de l’homme, comme le point de départ8 pour toute action européenne et européiste parce
qu’il s'agit d'une question aussi cruciale que la guerre ou la sécurité nationale. Et l’exemple de
la deuxième guerre mondiale, une guerre née « du gigantisme et de la démission de la culture »,
paraît clair pour Rougemont. (idem, 1940b: 59, 98) La culture européenne « c’est un trésor
commun qui s’est fait en deux milles ans, et c’est cela que nous devons vivre maintenant, pour
cela que nous devons travailler, parce que c’est cela qui nous donne les dimensions nécessaires
à notre vie politique, notre vie civique, notre vie active de tous les jours » (« Denis de
Rougemont… », 1986: 18, 20). Dans un sens plus concret, l’héritage culturel (idem, 1971a:
368) est ce que « nous sommes capables d’en utiliser pour nos fins propres », en utilisant les
deux mémoires, « celle des peuples et celle des gènes », la mémoire externe (des grandes
bibliothèques, de la langue, des monuments, des croyances) et la « mémoire interne », celle des
« chromosomes, de l’ADN », des programmes physiologiques ou sociaux, de l’hérédité.
(ibidem, 370) Ainsi, la culture européenne devrait être à la fois le « principe d’unité », la
« commune mesure » indivisible et méthodique, « le principe régulateur » entre les deux
éléments qui faudrait constituer l’axe de l’unité européenne (idem, 1936b: 125) : pensée et
action (ibidem, 17, 46-47, 52, 54, 121 ; idem, 1940b: 65-66sql).
C’est pour cela que Rougemont est mécontent qu’après la deuxième guerre mondiale
les conditions matérielles et morales de la vie en Europe (Occidentale ou Orientale) ont été dans
une grande mesure bouleversées, des infrastructures telles que des bibliothèques, des musées,
des maison d’éditions, ou des Ecoles étant à reconstruire ou à réorganiser. De nombreux livres
et disques étaient impossibles à trouver. Plus tragiquement, plusieurs intellectuels réfugiés
d’Europe orientale sont contraints d’accepter des emplois non qualifiés, leurs capacités étant
perdues pour l’Europe et pour la Culture. Les recherches scientifiques étaient de plus en plus
6
Denis de Rougemont écrit à ses parents, 27 juin 1942: « Je ne retrouverai cela qu’en Europe ».
(Ackermann, II, 1996: 747). Rougemont a toutefois rencontré diverses personnalités à New York :
André Breton, Marcel Duchamp, Henri Matisse, Marc Chagall, Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, Max Ernst,
et beaucoup d'autres qui appartenaient ou se joignaient au groupe des surréalistes.
7
L. Tézenas considère la culture une valeur intellectuelle d’une portée subjective, à comparaison avec les
valeurs scientifiques, plus objectives. (Tézenas, 1934: 57).
8
Point de départ qui sera saisi uniquement plus tard par les uns des artisans du processus de la
construction européenne, et les mot de Jean Monnet témoigne : « Si c’était à recommencer, je
commencerais par la culture ». Cité attribuée à Jean Monnet, non identifié. (Sidjanski, 1992: 271;
« Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 22).
26
coûteuses, les échanges culturels étaient entravés par de nombreux obstacles douaniers et
pécuniaires, et aussi par des formalités multiples, la culture était nationalisée et l’enseignement,
à l’Est, était soumis à l’influence politique (idem, 1949b: 85-88) et, comme toute manifestation
culturelle, à censure. Pendant ce temps, en Occident, Rougemont découvre une culture
périphérisée, un esprit qui subordonne ses intérêts à ceux de l’économie, de la politique ou de la
défense nationale, situation à laquelle le seul remède serait de « laisser (les cultures) se
manifester, et de ne pas les empêcher d’évoluer selon (leurs) lois et (leur) liberté propre », c’està-dire de construire « l’Europe ouverte » (ibidem, 91-2) l’Europe unie, l’Europe fédérale.
L’unité culturelle de l’Europe a existé dès l’origine, et durant des siècles s’est toujours enrichie
de différents apports. Elle ne saurait donc pas être instituée par une loi ; il conviendrait, au
contraire, de la laisser se manifester librement, selon ses propres lois. (idem, 1952a: 146) Au
régime totalitaire, indifféremment de son nom, Rougemont opposa le principe anti-étatiste, le
seul qui pourrai faire possible d’éviter la dictature (Chevalley ; DdR, 1938: 45), et le régime
fédéral, le seul capable, dans la vision rougemontienne, d’instaurer et d’assurer la paix (DdR,
1936a: passim; idem, 1996: 79).
Après la rupture avec la revue Esprit et la disparition de L’Ordre Nouveau, à son
retour en Europe Rougemont saisit sa chance lors des premières Rencontres Internationales de
Genève (1946) et du premier Congrès de l'Union des fédéralistes à Montreux (1947), où il peut
s’engager pratiquement, et non seulement de manière théorique, pour la défense de l'idée
européenne. (Ackermann, II, 1996: 840-1) Au Congrès de la Haye, ouvert le 7 mai 1948,
Rougemont a fait partie de la commission culturelle, et, avec d'autres collègues, a rédigé la
résolution culturelle, qui constitue un moment décisif pour l'écrivain, du point de vue de son
engagement européen. En 1949, Rougemont s’est joint aux fondateurs du Centre européen de la
Culture, qui organise la première Conférence européenne de la Culture, inaugurée
officiellement le 7 octobre 1950 et présidée par Rougemont jusqu'à sa mort, en 1985. Durant
tout ce temps, il a publié de nombreux articles dans la revue du Centre européen, Le Courrier
Fédéral, puis dans Le Bulletin du Centre européen de la Culture, et dès 1978, dans Cadmos (à
côté d'autres, bien sûr), et a participé à de nombreuses conférences et rencontres. Entre 19501967, Rougemont a présidé le Comité exécutif du Congrès pour la liberté de la Culture, et a
participé à la création de la revue Preuves. En 1976, avec le groupe Cadmos, il a participé, en
tant que rédacteur final, à l'élaboration d'un rapport au Peuple européen sur l'état de l'Union de
l'Europe. (ibidem, 858-63)
Toutefois, en 1970 Rougemont était déçu par l’évolution de l’idée fédéraliste, qu’il
considérait qu’elle s’était constamment dégradée, l’idéal fédéraliste s’étant mué en « un modèle
d’union très différent, l’intégration », la propagande populaire étant abandonnée. (DdR,
1970a/1994: 258-9) Au lieu d’une « fédération continentale, politique, culturelle, sociale, et
économique », on a créé une simple union douanière. À son avis, l’union politique n’a connu
aucun progrès, même si, en général, fait encourageant, les idées d’union, de « décentralisation,
d’ouverture des frontières, la conscience d’une communauté de destin continentale », ont
progressé dans l’esprit des jeunes européens notamment. (ibidem, 260) L’unité souhaitée par
Rougemont n’était pas la pure et simple intégration, mais une unité « infiniment complexe,
biologique, qui suppose des parties composées, englobées ou organisées en systèmes de
tensions plus ou moins autonomes et plus ou moins équilibrés. L’unité de l’Europe comme
culture est une communauté de valeurs antinomiques et d’origines très diverses, mêlées en
dosages très variés ». (idem, 1970a: 265) Rougemont appréciait que seulement la création de
nouveaux organismes économiques et politiques supranationaux n’était pas suffisante9 :
l’Europe était, en ce qui le concerne, avant tout une culture, l’une de ses caractéristiques étant
l’unité d’attitude vis-à-vis de la culture, le respect de la diversité. Le dialogue entre les
diversités du continent est le fondement de la réalisation de l’Europe et de l’idée européenne de
l’homme, de l’idée dialectique de l’homme, encore inachevées. C’est aussi le fondement « du
dynamisme occidental, et de l’inquiétude créatrice qui pousse l’Européen à mettre en question
9
Rougemont considérait qu’uniquement le projet Spinelli d’union européenne était « un peu plus digne de ce
nom » par comparaison avec les autres plans et actions antérieures. (« Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 50).
27
… ses rapports avec Dieu, avec le monde, avec l’État et la communauté » (idem, 1948: 48 ;
idem, 1970a: 266-8) au contraire du totalitarisme. Selon l’auteur, les hommes politiques
considèrent que l’union européenne est nécessaire pour des raisons politiques, économiques,
historiques : le péril russe, la domination américaine, l’élargissement des marchés nationaux, ou
encore le conflit franco-allemand. Rougemont est toutefois convaincu que le plus important est
le sauvetage du patrimoine culturel de l’Europe, de son culte de la personne humaine : tout ce
qui existe en Europe – les institutions, les partis politiques, la technique et Strasbourg aussi – est
le produit de la culture. Et, afin que les Européens comprennent les efforts en faveur de l’union,
il faut leur faciliter l’accès à la culture, les éduquer à devenir, à se sentir européens. (idem,
1952b: 162-5)10 L’union fédérale devait être réalisée par des hommes conscients que leur destin
dépend de leur action. (idem, 1953a: 196) C’est la raison pour laquelle le Centre de la culture
européenne introduit dans son Bulletin une rubrique générale intitulée l’Education européenne,
une éducation « qui doit déterminer la révolution morale, intellectuelle, spirituelle puis
économique et sociale », la maturation dont naîtra l’Europe unie. (idem, 1954a: 222)
Rougemont précisait que ces efforts déployés en vue de l’unification de la conscience
européenne ne visaient pas à substituer un nationalisme européen aux nationalismes existants,
ni à « opposer une nation européenne aux nations de l’Est et de l’Ouest », ou encore à créer une
culture européenne synthétique. Le but recherché était l’union des pays d’Europe occidentale
afin d’obtenir la « renaissance de leur culture dans la liberté de l’esprit, qui est leur vraie force »
(ibidem, 94-5), et ce même s’il était impropre, selon Rougemont, de parler de « faire l’Europe »
quand elle existait depuis des siècles. C’est la raison pour laquelle la principale tâche du Centre
européen de la culture était la « propagande » [culturelle], mais utilisée pour obtenir l’effet que
Pasteur l’avait obtenu en utilisant les microbes au service de l’homme, et non pour manipuler,
car la devise du Centre était la suivante : « Que rien ne soit à moi qui puisse être à un autre ».
(idem, 1953a: 119-20)11
Après des ans d’intense activité pro-européenne, Rougemont a indiqué trois règles
essentielles pour réalisation de l’union européenne, on peut dire encore valables : on ne peut
faire l’Europe sans des Européens conscients de leur identité propre ;12 on ne peut faire
l’Europe sans l’aide de la culture, sans rendre à la culture sa fonction créatrice dans la société ;
les principaux obstacles devant l’union européenne étant spirituels, il convient de les surmonter,
afin de créer les Européens, des hommes doués de sens critique, et de leur offrir un champ
d’action européen. Pour y parvenir deux méthodes étaient considérées possibles : faire d’abord
appel à des hommes compétents travaillant ensemble en des domaines spécifiques ; faire appel
aux jeunes. (idem, 1957a: 338-9) Pour réaliser l’union de peuples qui se sont combattus durant
des siècles, des institutions communes étaient nécessaires, mais afin que celles-ci fonctionnent,
il était mieux de favoriser l’essor d’« un sentiment commun dans tous les peuples réunis »
(idem, 1957b: 299), en dépassant le nationalisme belliqueux né des manuels scolaires (idem,
1957e: 301), les conflits idéologiques provoqués par les intellectuels, ou de petits groupes
d’idéologues au cours des XIXe-XX siècles. (idem, 1957d: 303) Tous les peuples devaient se
reconnaître comme « les héritiers d’une même culture embarqués dans la même aventure »,
c’est-à-dire, l’union de tous ceux qui veulent s’unir, sans aucune discrimination.
Rougemont identifie aussi quatre méthodes pour réaliser l’union, chacune d’elles avec
ses inconvénients, ses dangers : la méthode institutionnelle, basée sur la vertu fédérative des
« solidarités de fait » dans les domaines industriel, technique, financier, risque de subordonner
10
Le processus du devenir européen à son tour ne peut pas se passer sans l’intervention divine, de la
révélation divine. (Nagórny, 1992: 244).
11
C’est Rougemont qui a coordonnés du bulletin du centre (Bulletin du CEC – 1951-1977, appelé Cadmos
entre 1978-1992 et Transeuropéens à partir de 1993), parallèlement en mettant les bases et coordonnant
le Congrès pour la Liberté de la Culture (accusé d’avoir reçu de fondements de CIA, impossible à ne
prononcer sur cette chose). (Jacob, 2000: 127).
12
Aux jeunes occidentaux qui affirmaient : « L’Europe, connaît pas », Rougemont recommandait un
séjour en Afrique, ou en Asie. (idem, 1971b: 358). A. Marc est un peu plus indulgente avec le jeune, et
critique avec les bâtisseurs de l’Europe : « Une Europe incapable d’« enthousiasmer » les jeunes, ne
serait, hélas ! qu’une Europe en carton-pâte. » (Marc, 1965: 19).
28
les fins aux moyens, et de ne convertir, en Europe, que « les seuls techniciens, au sens large,
non les masses » ; la méthode fédéraliste réformiste risque elle, de rester complètement
inefficace, « de perdre au nom de la vie même nos raisons de vivre », si elle pose « le schéma le
plus satisfaisant du régime fédéral à établir » ; la méthode constitutionnelle, qui s’occupe
premièrement des moyens de pression nécessaires pour forcer l’établissement d’un régime
fédéraliste, risque de ne pas susciter des moyens assez puissants, et « de perdre au nom de la vie
nos raisons de vivre » ; la dernière méthode, dite culturelle-éducative, devait être conçue dans le
long terme, « face aux méthodes totalitaires plus brutales et plus fascinantes ». (idem, 1958a:
345-6)
De ces quatre méthodes ressort une contradiction essentielle : « il faut aller vite, mais il
faut réussir une Europe digne de ce nom, car bien réussir s’oppose à réussir vite ». La solution
préconisée par Rougemont est l’œcuménisme pratique, l’utilisation de toutes les méthodes de
manière simultanée, en dépit de leurs différences. Toutefois, l’éducation européenne reste très
importante pour D. de Rougemont : faire l’Europe c’est d’abord faire des Européens (idem,
1956: 256). Ceci implique que l’éducation soit européenne, et forme des personnes
autonomes13, parce que, tel comme l’européiste affirmait quelques temps avant, la fédération
européenne pouvait être faite uniquement « par des personnes, et non point par des troupes, au
sens politicien du terme » (idem, 1940c: 193-4). Si le respect de l’individu c’est voir en lui la
« personne qu’il peut devenir, s’il découvre sa vocation et reçoit les moyens de l’accomplir »
(idem, 1956: 260), former l’individu c’est par conséquent lui communiquer le sens de la
communauté culturelle, politique ou sociale, où s’exerce sa vocation. Le problème le plus
urgent est donc l’idéal d’une éducation européenne, la formation, la promotion « d’ hommes à
la fois libres et responsables », qui seuls pourront unir l’Europe.
Une philosophie à l’hauteur de l’européen : le personnalisme
L’homme, dans toutes ses hypostases mais spécialement comme élément
simplificateur de toute philosophie sociale ou politique (idem, 1939: 36), a beaucoup préoccupé
D. de Rougemont : son amour, sa vocation, ses libertés et responsabilités, les situations limites
quand le mal est ou peut devenir son maître, ses allégeances. Toujours en essayant de connaître
l’homme et son environnement, Rougemont l’appelle à agir et le considère comme une
personne quand il est capable de s’engager, sur le plan personnel et communautaire, et sans
aucune accointance idéologique, mais uniquement par vocation (idem, 179), donc en toute
liberté et, responsabilité (l’un impliquant l’autre (« Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 10)), « dans
les réalités vivantes de son époque » (Ackermann, 1989: 33-4, 37), en relation donc avec « son
espèce » (DdR, 1937: 106).
Parce que la personne représente « l’attitude créatrice, la vocation de l’homme »
(idem, 1939: 50), celui-ci ne devient personne que « dans la mesure où il se manifeste
concrètement, d’un façon qui lui est particulière, dans une tâche qui lui est propre et pour
laquelle il est responsable ». (idem, 1934a: 17) Par son mode imprévisible de vie, par ses
multiples allégeances, la personne c’est l’incarnation de l’aventure, du risque, pendant que
l’individu, homme de masses, « vit dans l’attente, la révolte et l’impuissance » (idem, 1939:
51). La personne est, suivant d’une certaine manière la ligne proposé par W. Stern ou Karl
Barth, le point de rencontre entre le « je » et le « tu », le point d’introspection spirituelle
réciproque entre deux individus ouverts à l’extérieure, vers le prochaine14, solitaire mais non
isolé (idem, 1936b: 240-1), c’est « l’homme engagé dans le conflit qui l’unit et l’oppose à son
prochain » (idem, 1939: 178). La valeur de la personne est infinie, la personne pouvant être
13
. De Rougemont fait encore une distinction qui part de triangle Occident-Union Soviétique-Amérique
tout en affirmant que l’Europe ne peut pas se faire avec une éducation, une spécialisation « dirigée par
l’Etat » (de type soviétique), ou une méthode d’enseignement qui « pousserait le respect de
l’individualité enfantine jusqu’au refus de la former » (de type américain). (DdR, 1956: 257-9).
14
Même si Rougemont reconnaît que cela n’est pas du tout facile et nous donne son propre exemple et la
conclusion à laquelle il est arrivé : « regarder pour aimer, et oublier ce que l’on voit ». (DdR, 1937:
246).
29
considérée « la seule valeur qu’on puisse donner à l’x de l’équation du monde » (idem, 1936b:
245), mais parce que les personnes sont très peu nombreuses15 elles doivent recevoir toute la
« liberté d’action » afin de « travailler au bien de tous » (idem, 1939: 61).
Si on rend compte de toutes les caractéristiques de la personne et de l’individu on peut
être étonné quand Rougemont nous indique l’Evangile16 comme fondement de la personne et du
personnalisme. Et toutefois l’explication de Rougemont est simple : c’est uniquement
l’Evangile qui nous enseigne (tous !) ce qui doit être le rapport de l’homme avec son prochain
(compris comme « celui qui pratique la miséricorde »), rapport impossible avant de connaître
Dieu. C’est l’amour, la miséricorde, « acte unique d’obéissance à l’ordre de Dieu » qui ne doit
pas du tout être compris comme tolérance, mais comme « présence et engagement immédiat »
qui peut nous approprier de nos semblables. (idem, 1939: 52-4, 139, 238) Rougemont a appris
assez tôt que l’amour de prochain n’est quelque chose de commode, qu’habituellement les gens
demandent plus qu’ils sont capables d’offrir à leur tour. C’est pour cela que pour voir « le
Prochain » on doit avoir une révélation. (idem, 1937: 186-7)
Comme Mounier autrefois, Rougemont considérait que la personne est un « instrument
de mesure17 de la civilisation (…) un acte prophétique… l’image virtuelle de la grandeur de
l’homme … une réponse radicale « de la crise totale de civilisation » (Lurol, 1989, 43-4),
« l’individu engagé dans le conflit créateur » (Daniel-Rops; DdR, 1933: 14) ou « la véritable
cellule sociale » à laquelle même la famille est subordonnée. La personne est donc « un
18
ACTE » (DdR, 1934: 17), mais l’acte par lequel l’individu découvre son prochain et « répond à
la question qui lui pose » celui-ci, « le lieu de toute décision qui crée » (idem, 1936b: 234-7),
parce que « …la vraie condition de l’homme, c’est de penser avec ses mains », de « penser en
actes » à savoir « devenir cette idée » (ibidem, 147, 241-2). Toute pensée « doit conduire
l’action » (idem, 1937: 106). Si l’individu, l’homme en soi, l’homme type (idem, 1939: 175),
l’homme qui « perde le sens de son destin particulier » (idem, 1934b: 3), reste au-delà de ce
processus de connaissance, s’il reste isolé, il constituera le fondement, la base, l’essence des
masses, qui ne sont pas capable d’amour, mais uniquement de haine (idem, 1939: 46-7).
Avant d’avancer dans les recherches sur l’homme, il s’impose toutefois à clarifier la
notion de la vocation. Ce syntagme n’a pas du tout, pour Rougemont, un sens professionnel,
mais celui de la personne qui se découvre, la portée d’une sorte de « prophétie auto-réalisante…
C’est la dignité de l’homme. Se faire soi-même c’est une œuvre, c’est faire l’œuvre
fondamentale que chacun de nous a à se faire… » (« Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 44-5)19, sans
importance du degré de simplicité ou de sophistication de l’homme mais nécessairement dans
une communauté20. Si le fondement de la communauté est la personne, celle-ci doit ainsi
permettre (pour respecter la polarité de la relation homme-comunauté), « à tous les hommes
d’assumer leurs responsabilités, c'est-à-dire de devenir personnes » (DdR, 1936b: 237). Pour
l’écrivain suisse existe une vocation dans un sens pur, « un appel précis », pareil au Lève-toi…
15
« La personne est ou n’est pas. (Le plus souvent, elle n’est pas) », mais la possibilité « latente » existe
toujours en chacun. (idem, 1935: 15)
16
Cette chose n’est pas du tout surprenant si nous considérons qu’à l’époque le discours anti-religieux
connaissait une certaine ampleur et que Rougemont a eu l’occasion de vivre cela pendant la période
d’isolement à la campagne. (idem, 1937: 35-6).
17
Par mesure Rougemont comprend « le principe normatif d’une civilisation », la personne étant, pour la
société personnaliste, une mesure « infiniment vivant ». (idem, 1935: 14)
18
Par cet « acte » Rougemont comprend « le fait spirituel, le fait humain par excellence » qui en effet
n’est autre chose que le « prochain » de l’Évangile. (idem, 1939: 238)
19
On peut affirmer que Rougemont a la même opinion que l’autre barthien, André Dumas, pour qui toute
personne a son propre corps, son propre être, son initiative, son dessein et son propre Je suprême.
(Marc, 1986: 33).
20
K. Barth avait déjà affirmé que dans le moment-là quand l’homme se pose la question essentielle, « Que
devons-nous faire ? » dés commence son rôle social conscientisé, assumé, implicatif dans les problèmes
de la communauté, il met en question son activité « ici-bas dans le temps ». (Barth, 1933: 174-5, 177).
30
des Prophètes de l’Ancien Testament (idem, 1940e: 161 ; idem, 1939: 60)21, mais aussi celui de
Saint Paul, de « l’homme nouveau appelé par un Dieu personnel » (idem, 1961: 231).
Ainsi, dans une première instance la personne est pour Rougemont « l’homme
concret… engagé dans le conflit vital qui l’unit et l’oppose à son prochaine », et elle existe
même dans les plus pires conditions, pendant que l’individu « n’a jamais existé qu’à l’état de
définition ». (idem, 1934a: 16-7) La personne est l’individu et sa vocation, l’homme dans sa
pleine actualité, une entité indescriptible mais bien « reconnaissable indirectement dans les
effets de cette actualité » (Baudouin, 1940: 194). L’homme de Rougemont est non seulement
unique, mais aussi « absolument originel » et non dans un sens génétique, mais dans le sens de
son histoire de la découverte de la personne qu’il est, dans le sens des modalités particulières
dans lesquelles il se manifeste concrètement pour accomplir « une tâche qui lui est propre et
pour laquelle il est responsable » (« Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 43, 45-6), pour se renouveler
(Ackermann, 1986: 108). Subséquemment, dans le contexte des totalitarismes le personnalisme
a été pour Rougemont tant la « position centrale » entre l’individualisme et le collectivisme
morbides (DdR, 1940c: 188), qu’ainsi « une troisième voie dont l’objectif capital est d’assurer
la libre activité des personnes dans la société », l’axe de la civilisation européenne à la lumière
de laquelle l’individualisme et le collectivisme ne sont que des déviations vers anarchie et
respectivement dictature (idem, 1939: 56 ; « Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 46). Ces maux de la
société arrivent quand l’homme oubli ses devoirs envers la communauté et respectivement ceux
envers lui-même (DdR, 1940b: 88), quand l’homme oublie d’être personne responsable avec les
autres et avec lui-même.
Pour Rougemont il n’est pas important de définir la personne, mais de la surprendre et
de la comprendre. Les « grammaire », « politique », « notion » ou « théorie » de la personne de
D. de Rougemont ne peuvent pas être associées à un exercice de « définition de la personne »,
considéré nécessaire uniquement pour mieux comprendre la grande pléthore de manifestations
de l’« indéfinissable concret » (idem, 1930: 368-82) qui est l’être humain (Mantzouranis, 1989:
49). Pour Rougemont la personne « est première ou n’est pas » (ibidem, 57), « est unique ou
n’est pas », elle est « aux ordres de sa vocation, elle est seule responsable de son risque »
(ibidem, 156), elle est « le chemin vers un moi-même sans précédent » et découvre sa liberté
« dans ses décisions singulières, déterminées non point par des lois génériques, préexistantes,
communes à tous… mais par un but qui n’est qu’à elle, en avant d’elle, un but qu’elle réalise en
l’approchant, tout en se réalisant elle-même par cette approche » (DdR, 1961: 31). C’est pour
cela qu’« elle veut que l’État soit une émanation de l’homme », que dans sa relation avec l’État
celui-ci n’ait que le rôle « d’un simple organe d’économie et de distribution des tâches serviles
et mécaniques… un administration dotée d’une police minime » et mis à la disposition des
hommes, donc un régime fédéral (idem, 1939: 57). « Là où l’homme veut être total, l’État ne
sera jamais totalitaire » (ibidem, 156), dans toute révolte d’une personne contre l’État pouvant
être reconnues tant « la vision d’un nouvel ordre » qu’une tentative de défense de « certaines
complaisances intimes » aussi condamnables que compréhensibles (ibidem, 196).
Suite à cette logique, Rougemont considère que la philosophie personnaliste est « la
seule philosophie acceptable pour le fédéraliste », à laquelle ont peut arriver par l’« attitude
personnaliste », la seule méthode de résoudre les problèmes éventuels d’une fédération, parce
qu’uniquement la personne sait qu’elle doit « sacrifier à l’ensemble une part de ses
prérogatives, si elle veut rester en mesure d’exercer… sa vocation », mais en sachant qu’à son
tour l’ensemble fera tout le possible pour « sauvegarder les libertés individuelles » (idem,
1940c: 187-9).
Le sujet de la philosophie personnaliste: l’homme européen
Parmi les caractéristiques essentielles des Européens Rougemont incluait aussi le goût
furieux de différer (idem, 1970b: 245), le goût de l’originalité qui renferme en lui « l’esprit de
21
Karl Barth à son tour a donné plusieurs exemples de ce type : celui d’Abraham, de Moïse, de Gédéon,
de Samuel et d’Eli. (ibidem, 29-32).
31
concurrence » et le besoin d’exprimer « son vrai moi ». Selon l’auteur, l’homme occidental a
voulu s’affirmer comme « individu créateur », tandis que l’Oriental a choisi de se soumettre
« au monde de dieux » ; son propos n’est pas de dire « que l’un vaut mieux que l’autre, mais
qu’ils se donnent des buts tout à fait différents », que pour les premiers les modèles sont « les
créations individuelles, et non les conventions sacrées ». (idem, 1952d: 151) Pour Rougemont,
il est curieux que ce noyau de tension créatrice ait perdu sa place au profit de la « culture
censoriale » en Europe de l’Est, une culture dénaturée et asservie. Etrange aussi que « la
division de l’Europe paralyse encore » la culture européenne, le libre-échange des idées, des
personnes et des œuvres, quand le secret de la puissance22 est la mise en commun de toutes les
ressources scientifiques, éducatrices et créatrices en général. Ceci aurait été possible grâce à un
inventaire des forces culturelles du continent, une coordination des efforts dispersés « entre nos
vingt nations » (idem, 1950a: 125)23, et si avait existé un organisme capable de prendre
« certaines initiatives et de parler au nom de l’Europe comme unité », donc une Autorité
politique supranationale. Si l’Europe ne sauvait pas sa culture et « la liberté de la personne »,
elle risquait de devenir « un appendice insignifiant de l’Asie... ». (ibidem, 130)
Des tensions créatrices nées de la pluralité des origines de l’Europe sont nées deux
séries de « contraires inséparables » et en conflit permanent dans l’histoire européenne. Dans la
première série Rougemont oppose des termes à la fois antinomiques et valables: spirituel et
temporel; liberté et responsabilité; innovation et tradition; personne et communauté; autonomie
et union; gauche et droit; midi et nord; révolution et réformisme; goût du risque et besoin de
sécurité etc. Dans la seconde, il oppose deux termes également condamnables: étatisme
centralisateur et esprit de clocher; dirigisme rigide et libéralisme sans frein; individualisme et
collectivisme; anarchie et tyrannie ; uniformisation et séparatisme. (idem, 1970a: 278-9) Ainsi,
dans l’héritage culturel de l’Europe Rougemont identifie le secret de l’Européen: c’est un
« homme dialectique, dialogique, sans espoir de trouver son équilibre que par des synthèses
difficiles, condamné au choix perpétuel, donc à la prise de conscience, à la mise en question de
tous les résultats et de toutes les valeurs », donc l’auteur de la création (idem, 1950a: 122; idem,
1970b: 244-5; idem, 1970a: 269-73), un auteur qui diffère d’un siècle à l’autre. Dans le
« laboratoire européen », comme dit Rougemont, ont paru durant des siècles les idées de
révolution, de passion et de progrès, toutes nées de la révélation chrétienne, analysée et
déformée à travers le prisme gréco-judéo-romain. Pour Rougemont, l’homme qui pense ne doit
pas rester empêtré dans sa pensée, mais il doit actionner, il doit utiliser ses mains (thèse
d’Aquin aussi), qui doivent être « larges et dures », capables de « prendre et peser », de créer,
de laisser la propre empreinte et d’approprier à lui-même ce qu’il touche, de rompre les
barrières artificielles d’entre ce qui on appelle classiquement comme sans aucune lien que de
certaines terminaisons nerveuse pensée et main pour la substituer avec une autre, celle de la
main comme instrument de la réalisation d’une vision de la pensée, un instrument qui
« manifeste » la pensée, la rend « pesante » et « LIBERATRICE » (idem, 1936b: 149-52, 195).
Rougemont considère qu’il a découvert ce qui était le mal de son temps, la réalité sur laquelle il
devrait s’appuyer, sur laquelle il devrait actionner: la « privation du pouvoir d’être une personne
responsable », source de l’angoisse et de la révolte des masses, « le retour à la personne », qui
devrait être le sens de toute philosophie « existentielle » et de tout mouvement théologique et
politique, spécialement dans un monde ou l’égoïsme est souvent considéré comme une vertu
(ibidem, 233-5). Et on peut affirmer que son œuvre sur la personne démontre qu’il a pris en
sérieux son rôle.
Rougemont juge l’européen par comparaison et soutient, lui, que les conceptions
européennes, d’une part, et celle américaine ou russe, d’autre part, sur la nature ou la condition
de l’homme exemplaire, diffèrent profondément. En effet, pour les européens le grand homme,
exemplaire, serait un homme épris d’absolu, à la recherche des valeurs essentielles et des
raisons de vivre, tandis que pour les Américains ou pour les Russes ce serait l’individu moyen,
22
« La puissance c’est le pouvoir qu’on veut prendre sur autrui, la liberté, c’est le pouvoir qu’on veut
prendre sur soi-même ». (« Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 23).
23
Ceci était possible par le biais du Centre européen de la Culture.
32
l’exemplaire de série, l’homme qui produit et consomme. (idem, 1948: 22-3)24 Selon l’écrivain,
l’homme européen, celui de la contradiction, ou l’homme dialectique, est une personne25, et
l’idée de l’homme représente « le trésor de l’Europe ». Ses déviations vers « l’individu sans
devoirs, ou vers le militant sans droits », seraient les causes de tous les malheurs sociaux. Si les
Européens ont créé le nationalisme, ils ont trouvé aussi l’antidote, le fédéralisme, qu’il reste
cependant à inventer et à concrétiser dans des institutions fédérales (idem, 1948: 24-6), seules
capables de sauver l’Europe. (ibidem, 30)
Cependant, cet objectif demeure très difficile à atteindre, à cause de l’homme, plus
précisément à cause des trois conceptions de l’homme qui se trouvent au fondement de trois
régimes politiques différents. L’écrivain parle ainsi de: l’homme « libre mais non engagé » (le
pur individu, l’adepte de « l’évasion »), auquel correspond « un régime démocratique tendant
vers l’anarchie »; l’homme « totalement engagé » (le « soldat politique », l’adepte du
« conformisme » par faiblesse, pour se dérober des inconvénients du concret, par cynisme),
mais non libre, auquel correspond le régime totalitaire; et l’homme personne, « libre et
engagé », renvoyant au régime fédéraliste. (idem, 1936b: 127, 222-3; idem, 1948: 32) Dans le
même temps, Rougemont distingue trois types de mentalités appartenant à ces « trois espèces de
gens fort différents » (ibidem, 40): i./ les gens qui veulent la paix, l’union et la prospérité, mais
qui redoutent un processus assez long et un objectif difficile à atteindre ; ii./ les gens qui ne
veulent ni la paix, ni l’union ni la prospérité, les staliniens, les nationalistes ou les fascistes qui
s’opposent fortement à la fédération européenne; iii./ ceux qui ne s’intéressent à rien, qui ne
veulent réfléchir à rien, mais qui répètent mécaniquement les slogans du second groupe.
(ibidem) Dans ce contexte, l’auteur exprime son désarroi, car ceux qui luttent pour la paix et
l’union sont toujours considérés comme des utopistes, tandis que ceux qui préparent la guerre
de façon évidente ne sont jamais tenus pour tels. La lutte pour l’idée fédérale est une lutte pour
la paix, contre les conflits de races, de langues, de nationalismes, et un moyen de concilier
toutes les diversités sans les éliminer. (ibidem, 43) Selon Rougemont, il ne s’agit en aucune
façon d’une utopie qu’il définit comme « un système sans avenir » (ibidem, 44), telle qu’aurait
pu l’être la volonté d’union de l’Europe sans changement de sa structure économique et
politique. (ibidem, 45)
Se pencher sur le problème de l’homme européen et sur celui du futur de l’Europe
implique aussi, pour Rougemont, une autre question, celle de personnes responsables tant de la
création de manifestation de personnes que de la réalisation de l’unité de l’Europe. Rougemont
cherche à repérer les causes des maux qui dominent l’Europe et il trouve aussi des causes
psychologiques. La séparation des individus de leur milieu familial les soumet à l’arbitraire, à
l’anxiété, à l’insécurité matérielle et morale, mentale et spirituelle, l’homme devenant déraciné,
isolé et désorienté, ouvert aux nationalismes, passions collectives et systèmes totalitaires. Le
génie de Mussolini et d’Hitler, affirme Rougemont, a été de comprendre que « l’homme des
masses vit dans l’angoisse de l’arbitraire, et qu’il en est réduit à désirer qu’on le libère d’une
liberté sans contenu », qu’il cherche toujours un guide (idem, 1951: 134). Rougemont apprécie
donc l’idée de Kierkegaard que les foules sont le milieu propice pour ceux qui ne veulent pas
être responsables, de ceux qui fuient où se dépossèdent d’eux-mêmes et de leurs vocations
(idem, 1994: 114-6). Ces personnes sont, malheureusement, ceux qui seront les victimes des
totalitarismes (ibidem, 116). C’est pour cela que Rougemont parle du jour quand Hitler à
24
Même si, comme dit Rougemont, « l’homme de la rue se fiche un peu de ma notion européenne de
l’homme et de la liberté ». (DdR, 1948: 47).
25
Rougemont adopte la dérivation persona→personne, considérée à désigner le rôle social et relationnel
de l’homme, et celle des mots grecs prosopos et hypostasis dans leurs utilisations chrétiennes exprimant
les relations entre le Père, le Fils et le Saint-Esprit, « un seul Dieu en trois fonctions distinctes ». La
personne humaine désigne ainsi « l’individu naturel chargé d’une vocation spirituelle à l’égard de
Dieu ». C’est l’homme qui doit devenir la source du nouveau droit, du respect humain, de l’éthique
occidentale et des institutions typiques de l’Europe, chargées d’assurer les libertés individuelles et les
devoirs communautaires. (idem, 1957c: 320).
33
ramassé dans ses mains tous les pouvoirs comme de celui qui « inaugure le temps des moutons
enragés » (idem, 1938: 19).
En ce qui concerne les remèdes, Rougemont est sceptique. Les hommes politiques,
sans une attitude morale et spirituelle, ne seront pas capables d’offrir une solution valable. Donc
Rougemont se dirige vers les intellectuels, même si en Occident ils sont impuissants devant les
réalités qu’ils concourent à créer – les nationalismes, par exemple – où qu’ils laissent se
manifester sans intervenir. Les intellectuels ne doivent pas, dans l’opinion de Rougemont,
tomber dans la « scolastique positiviste » (idem, 1936b: 173), s’abandonner aux mythes, aux
fantômes du siècle (idem, 1939: 50), laisser « la bêtise » à s’occuper des affaires publiques, en
ouvrant ainsi les portes aux dictatures, mais ils doivent suivre, en toute liberté, la stratégie
suivante: i./ rechercher dans leur pensée les origines des maux du monde ; ii./ trouver l’origine
des dictatures (idem, 1934b: 6; idem, 1939: 50); iii./ construire une critique de mythes
collectivistes; iv./ retrouver une définition claire de la personne; v./ et « de la traduire en
institutions et coutumes »; vi./ et finalement « d’indiquer les limites, la formule et les buts de
ces institutions ». Tout cela c’est en fait « faire les hommes » (idem, 1936b: 183-4), faire une
politique à l’hauteur d’homme, à savoir une politique « dont le principe de cohérence s’appelle
responsabilité de la personne humaine », opposée « au gigantisme américain, soviétique et
capitaliste… à l’émiettement social de la démocratie individualiste… à l’exploitation de
l’homme par ses créations, par l’État et par les bavards radiodiffusés », et à la dictature, le but
de toute société devant être la personne. (idem, 1978: 18, 20) Ce que Rougemont reproche à la
politique est qu’elle ignore « la réalité individuelle » et qu’elle se dirige, volontairement,
« contre la personne » (idem, 1937: 193) par l’ignorance de toute réalité et l’implication dans
les plus sales jeux politiques (« Qu'est-ce que... », 1936: 8-10). Cela ne veut dire que
Rougemont nie l’utilité du politique (la méthode dichotomique des personnalistes est par sa
nature même politique, affirme l’auteur), mais qu’il considère que « la vraie politique ne saurait
être qu’une expression de la personne même », non une obligation d’État (ibidem, 6).
Tout en continuant la logique utilisée pour caractériser les hommes européens,
Rougemont distingue trois classes d’intellectuels européens: i./ ceux qui, sous le prétexte de
l’impuissance et l’incapacité ou la manque de vouloir de « s’abaisser à l’hauteur d’homme »
(DdR, 1936b: 15), tombent dans une « attitude démissionnaire » (ibidem, 174sql) et se
désintéressent complètement de toute réalité contemporaine, ii./ ceux qui s’engagent, au sein
d’un parti, sans attacher d’importance à sa doctrine26, et enfin iii./ ceux qui ont des convictions,
une véritable vision de la situation générale, proposent des solutions (comme Berdiaev, Eliot,
Jaspers etc.) mais auxquels les politiciens, les économistes, les masses ne prêtent guère
attention. Rougemont propose des solutions face à cette anarchie, et il jette les bases du
remède : il devrait intéresser … à la fois les politiciens, les économistes, les intellectuels, les
masses, et leur offrir le moyen de collaborer effectivement à une construction ; il ne devrait pas
être l’apanage d’un parti, d’une nation, d’une tendance intellectuelle, cherchant l’hégémonie ; il
devrait se baser sur les traditions qui on fait la puissance de l’Europe, mais permettre en même
temps une rénovation de la prospérité et de la créativité du Vieux-Monde. Tout ceci s’opposait
donc à l’esprit partisan, dans ses formes multiples, parmi lesquelles le nationalisme. (idem,
1952c: 141)
L’Europe fédérale, la solution pour la diversité européenne
Même si Rougemont semble s'être rallié tardivement au mouvement fédéraliste de sa
génération intellectuelle27, seulement après une période d’introspection et de prospection
26
27
Pour une critique du rôle des partis politique voir aussi (Ardouint; Daniel-Rops, 1934: 7-13)
Selon Ackermann, au cours des années trente, il existe, au sein de la jeunesse de l'entre-deux-guerres,
une réalité et une conscience générationnelle. Dans l’opinion de B. Voyenne, au début c’est A. Marc le
seul des personnalistes qui se montre acharnement intéressé par le fédéralisme, qui connaissait la théorie
fédérale et les prédécesseurs fédéralistes et qui même a essayé d’organiser un mouvement fédérale suite
à l’effondrement de l’Ordre Nouveau. Trouver la voie à suivre n’a pas été quelque chose de hasard ou
d’opportunité. A. Marc a attentivement observé les réalités théoriques et pratiques contemporaines
34
également, c’est toutefois bien démontré par ses écrits qu’il a appartenu entièrement à cette
génération qui s’avait définit « comme non-conformiste… une génération en proie à une
inquiétude28 fondamentale…ce dernier élément étant la justification essentielle que s'était
donnée cette génération montante pour fonder sa volonté d'action, ses propositions pour un
ordre nouveau » (Ackermann, I, 1996: 28-30) et concomitant aux idées que cette génération
véhiculait. L’intérêt de Rougemont pour l’idée fédérale s’est accru après la seconde guerre
mondiale29, l’Europe et le fédéralisme étant deux notions qui dans l’opinion de Rougemont
s’appellent et se complètent réciproquement. Selon son avis, après l’expérience de la guerre et
de l’Amérique, l’Europe en train de s’unir devrait soit être fédérale, soit de ne se constituer
jamais, et cela seulement parce que uniquement le fédéralisme pourra faire l’union entre les
différentes nations de l’Europe (idem, 1996: 82).
Dès 1941 déjà, dans son livre The Hearth of Europe Rougemont parle des éléments
concrets sur lesquels doivent se fonder l’idéal fédéraliste: l’expérience historique de la Suisse,
et celle des États-Unis. Partant du modèle fédéral suisse, l’auteur considère les communautés
locales comme le milieu où les citoyens peuvent se sentir responsables de leur destin et
participer au processus décisionnel. (« Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 17-8; B. Ackermann, II,
1996: 700) Dans Penser avec les mains (1936), l’intellectuel présente le fédéralisme comme le
cadre dans lequel les intellectuels peuvent exercer leur responsabilité dans le monde (ibidem,
725)30, pour que plus tard, dans le Journal d’une époque, il accuse les désavantages du
gigantisme administratif et affirme les bénéfices de la restauration « des cellules (communes),
des foyers locaux (régions) et de les fédérer progressivement en réseaux organiques multiples »
(DdR, 1968a: 321).
Il est assez facile d’observer que la vision rougemontienne sur le fédéralisme n’est pas
du tout une commune, que Rougemont considère que l’apparition de ceux-ci est d’un ordre
profondément spirituel: « l’esprit seul donne un sens aux données dans lesquelles notre histoire
prend son départ » (DdR, 1940c: 171). Rougemont parle d’une « attitude » fédéraliste (traduit
comme efficacité et non comme anarchie), un terme « moins rigide… et moins dogmatique que
celui de doctrine… [et qui] dénote une approche psychologique et humaine » (Brugmans, 1969:
29-31). Pour Rougemont le fédéralisme vient d’une forme de pensée résultant du « dialogue
opposant les Eléates aux Ioniens au sujet de l’autonomie fondamentale de l’Union et du Divers,
… de la permanence et du changement », mais un dialogue cherchant à maintenir les deux
termes dans une tension créatrice, ce qui est l’originalité et la spécificité de la pensée
occidentale. (DdR, 1970b: 239) C’est même cet état d’esprit qui fait le lien entre le fédéralisme
et la culture chez Rougemont: une société européenne fédérale devrait se constituer comme « un
acte de foi » en trouver sa « commune mesure »31, qui ne pouvait être que différente de celle des
communautés totalitaires. Ainsi, la mesure commune de la prochaine Europe unie ne devra pas
être collective, mais personnelle, « la mesure de l’homme en tant qu’il se possède dans ses
relations actives avec tous ses prochains »; sa force devrait résider « dans les petits groups, non
dans l’État totalitaire »; et sa formule finale devra être celle FEDERALE, « fédération de
(totalitarismes, anarchismes, collectivisme) est uniquement après cette minutieuse analyse il a conclu:
c’est l’ordre fédérale qui pouvait changer la face de l’Europe et du monde, et spécialement le
fédéralisme intégrale (ou global). (Voyenne, 1981: 202-205, 239).
28
Cette inquiétude n'est pas neuve, mais elle gagne en intensité.
29
Il semble qu’avant de la deuxième guerre les fédéralistes n’étaient pas nombreux en Europe, à contraire
pour la période d’après la guerre quand l’attitude fédéraliste se manifeste contre « le pouvoir, à la
société et au processus historique ». (Vuillermoz, 2000: 34)
30
Toutefois, au début de son parcours d’écrivain, tout en partant du système éducationnel suisse qui
« dévore des enfants tout vifs et rend des citoyens à l’œil torve », Rougemont concluait amère que « le
cerveau standard du type fédéral ne laisse craindre aucun imprévu dans son fonctionnement ». (DdR,
1984: 144).
31
Comprise non comme un élément « donné », mais « créé, ou en voie de création » ; non comme une
« vis a terga » ou comme un « principe statique déterminant », mais comme « un principe de finalité qui
exprime la communion entre les membres du corps social ». Comme exemple les auteurs nous donnent
celui du Conseil Suprême de la fédération de type Ordre Nouveau. (Chevalley; DdR, 1938: 43-4, 46-7)
35
personnes et de groupes organiques » (idem, 1936b: 135-6). Le fédéralisme est la seule doctrine
politique « radicalement contraire à la doctrine totalitaire » (idem, 1940d: 47).
Dans le contexte de la situation d’après-guerre, Rougemont a tenu compte, dans son
approche du fédéralisme, du nationalisme comme l’une des causes essentielles du conflit. Par
opposition au fédéralisme, qui « veut unir et non pas unifier » (idem, 1948: 25), le nationalisme,
« l’anti-Europe par excellence, écrase les diversités vivantes, sous prétexte d’unification », et
déclare souveraine la nation unifiée. Toutefois, même si le monde était partagé en deux blocs
politiques et militaires, respectivement dirigés par l’URSS d’une part, et les États-Unis d’autre
part, la fédération européenne de Rougemont ne devrait s’allier à aucun de ces blocs, ni même
s’ériger en troisième bloc, mais seulement se constituer en vue d’une prochaine fédération
mondiale (ibidem, 28), pour échapper à la balkanisation, donc à la désintégration en
nationalismes rivaux. (ibidem, 32) Pour Rougemont le fédéralisme représente la manière de
réaliser l’« union dans la diversité… à la fois union et autonomie de des parties qui s’unissent;
à la fois un pour tous et tous pour un » (idem, 1940c: 178-9), parce que créer une fédération
c’est, pour l’auteur cité, « arranger ensemble des réalités concrètes » (ibidem, 178). Pour se
réaliser le fédéralisme européen devra respecter certains principes concrets: renoncer à toute
idée d’hégémonie organisatrice et à tout esprit de système de la part de nations européennes ;
n’adopter pas l’idée de la tolérance, qui est une vertu négative32, mais celle du fait que chaque
nation doit donner tout librement le meilleur d’elle-même; promouvoir des complexités
culturelles, politiques, administratives, linguistiques, religieuses et économiques, comme
condition du respect des libertés des divers membres fédérés, contre le simplisme brutal
totalitaire ou jacobin; se réaliser « de proche en proche, par le moyen de personnes et de divers
groupes » culturels, religieux, économiques, ou d’autres types, et non en partant d’un centre, ou
d’un gouvernement, en-dehors même des gouvernements nationaux; (idem, 1948: 35-7) ne se
créer pas contre une menace extérieure, ni à des fins impérialistes, mais au contraire pour
l’avantage et la survie de chacune des communautés constituantes, et pour qu’elles puissent
exercer ensemble des fonctions qui dépassent les forces de chacune d’elle. (idem, 1963: 114)
Dans la vision rougemontienne, au delà d’une fédération la complexe civilisation
européenne périra (idem, 1949a: 74): « nous sommes trois cents millions à l’ouest du rideau de
fer … mais nous ne le sentons pas » (idem, 1950a: 128). C’est pourquoi il faut que les Français,
les Grecs, les Allemands, les Italiens, etc., aient conscience d’appartenir à la famille
européenne. Si l’Europe ne devenait pas un espoir pour les masses, « aucune armée du monde
ne pourrait la défendre ». Personne ne veut mourir pour d’autres raisons que celle de vivre.
(idem, 1950b: 109) Il fallait ainsi donner aux Européens la conscience des périls (idem, 1953b:
184) et aussi celle des ressources immenses que l’Europe leur offrait. Toutefois, on ne pouvait
parvenir à ce résultat que par l’approfondissement de l’idée d’Europe unie, d’un destin commun
de tous les peuples européens, par la promotion de la personne, ainsi que d’une attitude
fédéraliste fondée sur le dialogue entre égaux différents. (ibidem, 188) La diffusion d’une telle
attitude passait avant tout, dans l’opinion de D. de Rougemont, par la réforme des manuels
d’histoire, non seulement par une épuration de textes. Les nations devaient apprendre à sacrifier
ce qui subsistait de leur souveraineté nominale, afin qu’entre les deux empires l’Europe
recouvre la « souveraineté qui échappe à ses nations ». (ibidem, 189) Cette tâche demeurait
extrêmement difficile autant que les intellectuels ne possédaient aucun instinct fédéraliste et ne
possédaient presque aucune connaissance sur le sujet, ce qui conduisait à une profonde
confusion des débats. (ibidem, 190) Pour Rougemont, le fédéralisme était « beaucoup moins
une doctrine qu’une pratique », qui suppose « un instinct politique opposé à l’esprit de système
et au nationalisme rhétorique ». Il s’agit d’« une manière de saisir à la fois l’un et le divers en
politique, de comprendre que les diversités sont légitimes, que l’union est nécessaire, que les
premières ne peuvent subsister sans la seconde, que la seconde serait mortelle sans les
premières, qu’il s’agit donc de les composer, de les mettre en tension », et que de tout cela doit
résulter la paix. (ibidem) Le fédéralisme, politique et économique également, n’est qu’une
32
Rougemont considère que la tolérance, « vertu des libéraux individualistes », naît de scepticisme, de
l’idée que « la pensée de l’autre, qu’on tolère, ne passera jamais dans les actes ». (DdR, 1940b: 97).
36
« traduction politique de la réalité de la personne », réalisée premièrement dans les petites
communautés et ensuite dans les fédérations des petites communautés, réalisées afin de faire
face aux grandes questions de l’humanité. (« Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 46, 50) Les
communautés sont les places où l’homme peut se rendre compte, selon les mots de Levinas, que
« Dieu ne se voit que dans le visage de l’autre », et les communes, creusets de la participation et
de la vie civique, apparaissent idéales à cette fin. (ibidem, 48)33 Rougemont donne toutefois une
solution: l’État-Nation, qu’il soit totalitaire, démocrate ou populaire, c’est « la clé du système »
(DdR, 1977: 89), le principal obstacle de l’unité, parce qu’il n’admet aucune autonomie ou
diversité réelle et refuse toute union extérieure. Il convient de préférer l’union de l’Europe aux
États-Nations sacralisés, de reconnaître la pluralité d’allégeances civiques, politiques,
culturelles, etc. contre le monopole absolu de l’État-Nation. Faire l’Europe, c’est ainsi défaire
l’État-Nation, au bénéfice des régions et de leur Fédération, pour atteindre le plus grand degré
de liberté des personnes. (idem, 1970a: 262)
L’État-Nation ne peut permettre la participation des citoyens aux affaires les
concernant directement, ni la création d’une fédération continentale fondée sur les régions
comme unité de base. (idem, 1971b: 357) La disparition des frontières de l’État-Nation devrait
favoriser le processus de formation de groupes, communes, régions, associations, où la
participation civique devrait être plus immédiate et directe. (idem, 1972: 394) Ainsi, d’un point
de vue politique, le fédéralisme est une manière « de distinguer entre ce qui doit être mis en
commun pour mieux fonctionner, et ce qui doit rester autonome pour mieux vivre et créer ».
(idem, 1954b: 233) Rougemont affirme: l’« Europe a varié et elle variera » (idem, 1958b: 367),
mais cela ne signifie qu’elle n’existe pas. La définition géographique de l’Europe n’a pas
d’importance parce que « ce ne sont pas des terres que nous devons unir, mais des hommes »,
un certain type d’humanité et de culture.
Selon Rougemont, le fédéralisme n’est pas une « doctrine », mais un ensemble
d’expériences, d’inventions quotidiennes, de recettes ou de pratiques, dans la lutte contre
l’étatisme. Il est le contraire d’une doctrine, d’une géométrie, parce qu’il est une praxis, une
éthique (idem, 1979: 679), dont la fin est la liberté des personnes, et la réalisation de leurs
vocations singulières. A cette fin, l’auteur présente les vertus fédéralistes : « la tolérance34, le
courage et le devoir d’être soi, l’amour de la complexité, le respect du réel, le sens du paradoxe
et l’humour » (idem, 1979: 680-3).
Ainsi, le fédéralisme au niveau culturel est fondamental pour Rougemont, parce que sa
tâche est justement de préserver les particularités, les autonomies politiques ou culturelles; « la
cause du fédéralisme » est donc « liée à la cause de la culture », une culture, qui durant des
siècles, a dépendu de plusieurs « foyers locaux de création »: petites cités, villes, région, petits
États, ou encore, universités autonomes. (idem, 1965: 152) Dans une Europe fédérale, où les
frontières se dissolvent, les régions se revalorisent, la culture, celle qui est vue comme une lutte
contre l’entropie, l’uniformisation et la dégradation – le contraire de la culture de masse – doit
« recréer un centre d’énergie » créatrice de plus en plus éclairant et rayonnant. (ibidem, 153) La
menace de la culture uniformisante, non-personnalisée, des média, demande la résurgence des
foyers de culture régionaux et locaux. Il existe aussi un risque, celui que les Instituts régionaux
ou locaux se replient sur eux-mêmes, adoptent une « attitude défensive ou même
réactionnaire », livrent un combat d’arrière-garde, à contre-courant des évolutions du siècle, au
nom de la « conservation des racines, de la préservation du génie du lien, de la volonté de rester
soi-même », quand la véritable question est de « devenir nous-mêmes ». (ibidem, 154-7)
Toutefois, selon Rougemont, la révolution régionaliste est la condition de l’Europe unie. Mais il
considère que les Européens accèdent seulement « au stade de la prise de conscience » du
33
Tout en suivant cette affirmation A. Marc considère l’œuvre de D. de Rougemont comme partant « du
visage de son prochain, identifié à l’image de son Créateur ». (Marc, 1986: 45).
34
On sait bien que Rougemont n’agréait pas largement cette attitude, mais il ne nous offre pas un nouveau
sens pour cette notion. On peut toutefois considérer comme une explication une autre affirmation de
Rougemont, à savoir : « Le fédéralisme véritable suppose une tolérance particulière : le respect des
vocations supérieures ou rares, des exceptions, des manières de vivre hors-série ». (DdR, 1940a: 204)
37
phénomène régional et des motifs de son apparition. Il reviendra à la génération suivante (on
peut considérer qu’il s’agi même de cette génération) d’organiser, de structurer et d’animer les
régions, de les doter d’institutions autonomes afin qu’elles puissent s’opposer aux empires
centralistes et monopolisateurs. (idem, 1968b: 217-8)
Le message rougemontien
K. Barth, l’un des inspirateurs de D. de Rougemont, soutenait qu’il était un devoir, un
but « que l’espérance des enthousiastes, des idéalistes, des communistes, des anarchistes… des
chrétiens eux-aussi, envisage la réalité de la terre ! Cette espérance est la même: la liberté dans
l’amour et l’amour dans la liberté, seul mobile direct de l’activité sociale; une société organisée
dans la justice, seul but direct de cette activité: la suppression de la tutelle ou davantage de
l’exploitation et de l’oppression des hommes par d’autres hommes ; la suppression des
différences des classes et des frontières nationales, de la guerre, de la contrainte et de la
violence; la culture de l’esprit à la place de la culture des choses; l’humanité à la place du
matérialisme ; la fraternité à la place de la haine générale. » (Barth, 1933: 176-7)
Suivant ces lignes personnalistes, on peut déduire qu’en effet Rougemont n’a fait autre
chose que toujours mettre en évidence les paroles de Barth, de le répéter jusqu’à la saturation
avec un seul but : de montrer à l’homme, à tout l’homme qui peut comprendre, que sa vie est
entre ses mains, et que lui est dans les bras de Dieu. Il faut seulement conscientiser cela, pour
nous-même et pour nos semblables aussi… Le personnalisme c’est une éthique, une éthique
sociale, économique et même politique qui a comme fondement le christianisme… Rougemont
ne fait autre chose que d’affirmer encore une fois à l’homme, dans le langage concret, la voie
qu’il doit la suivre par lui-même, la voie qu’aucune autorité ne peut pas lui indiquer, la voie
vers la personne, la vie de la communion avec Dieu et également avec ses semblables… Et
Rougemont ne se contentera pas de laisser l’homme, tellement moderne, seul dans l’ancien
monde politique, économique, social… Il lui offrira la solution du fédéralisme personnaliste qui
constitue le plus grand engagement de Rougemont… Est-il réalisé ??? Si nous regardons autour
de nous on peut dire plusieurs fois non !35 Mais c’est cela qui compte vraiment ? Nous avons la
tentation de dire, comme K. Barth, que la faute du succès est « le secret amer et caché de toute
volonté créatrice, consciente et morale, et… le douloureux aveu à quoi aboutissent tous les
mouvements enthousiastes et révolutionnaires, que, plus le regard de l’homme se fixe non pas
seulement sur ces visions d’avenir plus ou moins chimériques, plus ou moins pratiques, mais
sur ces mots qui leur donnent leur vrai sens, plus il prend clairement conscience de ceci : voici
ce que nous devions faire – être et se rendre libres ; nous aimer, être des hommes d’esprit et de
paix… et plus il se sent rejeté, toujours plus loin, de sa vision, et plus aussi lui apparaissent dans
leur impossibilité, non pas ces mots, mais l’œuvre que ces mots exigent de lui, et sa propre
personne pour être l’artisan de cette œuvre. C’est un grand bonheur pour lui d’apprendre
ainsi… ce qu’est la réalité du millenium, de savoir clairement que ce sont ces mots seuls qui
donnent leur sens à toutes ses visions !... Et c’est encore un bonheur pour lui d’apprendre que
c’est lui, l’homme, qui est impuissant et impossible… Heureux l’homme en un mot quand il
succombe, pavillon déployé, sans compromis au capitulation, sans se renier lui-même et sans
renier ce qu’il doit vouloir ! » (ibidem, 178-9) Surtout quand « tous les hommes doivent
mourir… sans avoir vu le but de l’histoire. » (ibidem, 181) Et il est incontestable que ces
paroles de Barth sont connues par Rougemont: le livre est paru à la maison d’édition Je Sers à
une période durant laquelle Rougemont travaillait encore (n’était pas un intellectuel au
chômage), et il est d'ailleurs cité dans son Penser avec les mains.
Il est clair maintenant que les idées rougemontiennes n’ont pas connu leur application
en Europe. Toutefois, cela n’est pas du tout la preuve qu’elles ne sont pas réalisables. En effet le
fédéralisme a échoué dans ses démarches parce qu’il est toujours allé contre le courrant, contre
les idées préconçues et les stéréotypes de la société entière, et contre les commodités, les
35
. Même si on ne peut pas affirmer que tout a été en vain. Même J. Jacob reconnaissait (possible contre
son cœur) l’influence de D. de Rougemont dans la philosophie de la démocratie chrétienne, même en
Amérique latine. (Jacob, 2000: 137)
38
habitudes et les clichés d’organisation qui sont arrivés à faire la règle. C’est déjà quelque chose
de commune que toute grande idée a eu besoin de beaucoup de temps pour s’imposer. Sans
s’excuser pour certains erreurs stratégiques, doctrinaires ou personnelles, les théoriciens du
fédéralisme intégral considèrent ainsi que c’est également le cas du fédéralisme intégral, la
philosophie et la « syn-thèse » sociale et politique la plus complexe, la plus révolutionnaire,
donc implicitement la plus incompréhensible, de la période de l’après la guerre. (Marc, 1981: 78, 10) N’importe quelle idée, mais spécialement les meilleures, pour se transformer en réalité et
produire des effets, doivent être assumées par les personnes, les seuls individus qui peuvent les
comprendre et les appliquer, de les transformer en actes (idem, 1994: 57).
Les personnalistes ont dit et ont répété toujours le fait que l’Europe ne doit pas être un
but en soi. Même si débutée quelque temps avant, on peut dire que la philosophie personnaliste
et la philosophie du fédéralisme personnaliste ont constitué l’exégèse nécessaire pour
l’accomplissement de la volonté d’un des pères fondateurs de ce qui est aujourd’hui l’Union
européenne, Jean Monnet, qui considérait le but final de la construction européenne celui d’unir
les hommes et non de coaliser les États. Toutefois, cette préoccupation pour le citoyen
européen, pour la création d’un sentiment d’appartenance à une certaine identité, celle
européenne, intervienne après une période quand les États et les nations ont été ceux qui ont eu
la priorité. La volonté de diminuer les distances et d’ouverture devant les problèmes de
l’européen, de s’approprier de celui-ci, de lui donner une plus grande considération (parmi
d’autres l’adoption de la citoyenneté européenne36, comme un complément de la citoyenneté
nationale, par le T. de Maastricht, art. 8) et de renforcer son rôle dans la prise de décision, est
évidente aujourd’hui pour presque tous les documents communautaires à partir du Traité de
Maastricht.
La relation entre la citoyenneté locale, nationale, d’une partie, et européenne, d’une
autre, est une assez paradoxale et, par l’absence de la personnalité politique de l’Europe, source
d’un conflit entre les sentiments identitaires et la volonté d’ouverture. Il est très claire, même
pour les personnes moins avisées, que l’adoption, de haut en bas, d’une nouvelle citoyenneté ne
donne pas obligatoirement et d’un coup ni le sentiment d’appartenance à une telle ou telle
identité37 et ni le fondement d’un certain esprit civique européen, même si « L’émergence d’une
citoyenneté européenne rappelle que la citoyenneté est essentielle à l’homme, elle lui est même
existentielle, elle constitue sa personnalité sociale, qu’elle lui permettre d’agir directement ou
par délégation. » (Granrut, 1997: 154).
Par rapport à l’identité, la citoyenneté peut être locale, régionale, nationale ou
européenne, et aucune d’eux ne peut pas exister par elle-même, mais uniquement par les
interférences et les complémentarités avec les autres. C’est tout l’état de cause de la nouvelle
modalité d’organisation de la vie politique, plus complexe, selon le principe de subsomption
(Rosnay, 1995), dont les règles imposent le changement de la modalité de prise de décision: le
hiérarchies deviennent ascendantes et transversaux, les sociétés deviennent des réseaux, plus ou
moins vastes, comment est la tendance dans la collectivité de l’Union européenne à notre temps.
La nouvelle société communautaire, complexe et plus horizontale en décision par l’application
du principe de subsidiarité, est impossible sans l’apport conscient et ouvert des États membres,
matérialisé dans le transfert d’un certain degré de leur souveraineté. Cette approche de la part
des États sera la solution tant pour renforcer l’Union européenne que pour renforcer la
citoyenneté nationale en crise et de la transformer dans le point de départ pour la citoyenneté
européenne, à la place de celle locale ou régionale en plein essor. Et cette approche sera aussi la
source de la matérialisation du fédéralisme personnaliste dans l’espace communautaire, tout en
respectant l’esprit de ses anciens théoriciens.
36
Dont l’importance pour l’identité européenne est soulignée par J. le Goff dans l’allocution de « La
communauté européenne et les chocs de l’histoire… ». (« La communauté… », 1991: 22)
37
Pour une telle réalisation D. de Rougemont faisait appelle à l’éducation européenne, une éducation
étendue pour toute la vie. La formation continuelle est maintenant une des politiques éducationnelles
communautaires.
39
Les actuelles structures communautaires cherchent à donner une plus grande
importance aux citoyens, de les conscientiser sur leurs identité européenne, de les transformer
de « citoyens abstracts » en « citoyens concrets » (ibidem, 152), acteurs engagés tant au niveau
local que européen, et dont la formation sera le résultat de l’éducation et des institutions
économiques et politiques locales (ibidem, 154). Ces citoyens seront donc les personnes
responsables de D. de Rougemont, des personnalistes généralement, qui assumeront leur rôle à
jouer dans une Union européenne organisée sur la base d’une Constitution (source du lien
juridique entre les citoyens des États membres et les institutions communautaires, donc de la
citoyenneté européenne, et implicitement de l’acceptation de celle-ci). Le fédéralisme intégral
et son support philosophique, le personnalisme, restent donc encore une leçon à apprendre… Le
personnalisme et le fédéralisme intégral ont été une question de vocation… Même si les deux
n’ont pas encore trouvé leur entier achèvement, on peut toutefois affirmer que ceux qui se sont
engrenés dans ce travail ont réussi non uniquement à suivre leurs vocations, mais également de
déterminer beaucoup d’autres à penser chez les leurs…
La beauté du fédéralisme personnaliste vient même de son très étroit lien avec l’homme,
du fait qu’il ne réside dans certaines institutions plus ou moins fonctionnelles, et du fait qu’il
dirige et prend toute son énergie pour l’homme et de l’homme, qu’il réellement embrasse
l’individu, la personne se faisant plus humaine que dans tout autre fédéralisme purement
technique. Il est peu important que le fédéralisme personnaliste arrivera un jour à être appliqué. La
vraie importance du fédéralisme personnaliste sera conscientisée quand les hommes, la plupart
d’eux, arriveront à le comprendre et quand ils sentiront l’impulse instantané de vivre de la manière
du fédéralisme personnaliste, de se libérer par eux-mêmes de toute autorité excessive sans quitter
la société, de vivre concomitant dans le présent et dans le futur, le présent des pareils et le futur de
l’humanité. C’est aussi pour cela que le fédéralisme personnaliste ne peut pas être considéré
comme une idéologie. Il ne pourra jamais être imposé par un pouvoir politique connu jusqu’à ce
moment… Parce que aucun pouvoir politique connu ne peut pas avoir comme objectif de se
saboter lui-même (si on peut nommer comme sabotage avoir moins à travailler – bien sur, dans
les conditions d’un plus de contrôle de la part de la société).
Uniquement l’homme, dans sa plus haute et fascinante transformation, la personne,
peut faire vivant le fédéralisme personnaliste. Mais il faut une grande sagesse pour cela, et c’est
cette sagesse qui continue de manquer à beaucoup de monde… Le fédéralisme personnaliste
semble impossible de s’appliquer pratiquement parce que presque tout le monde pense tout de
suite qu’on a besoin d’un pouvoir politique quelconque afin de l’imposer. En réalité c’est tout à
fait à l’inverse: c’est l’homme qui doit imposer le fédéralisme personnaliste à tout pouvoir… Le
fédéralisme personnaliste semble d’être pour les anges, mais en réalité il est pour les sages… Le
paradoxe et qu’uniquement les sages peuvent devenir, dans leur éclaircissement, des anges…
Est-il, le personnalisme, une idée des poètes ? Sont-ils, le fédéralisme personnaliste et
le personnalisme, pour les anges ? Un des amis de Rougemont, le roumain Virgil Cândea,
considère la philosophie personnaliste comme une foncièrement pragmatique (Cândea, 2000:
9). Et ici commence le cercle vicieux: après des lectures sur la philosophie fédéraliste on arrive
à la conclusion qu’il ne s’agit jamais des institutions, des règles techniques sur le
fonctionnement pratique de la doctrine; qu’il s’agit de l’homme responsable, mais il ne s’agit
pas devant qui ou quoi doit se matérialiser cette responsabilité. Mais « Réduire le fédéralisme à
sa composante politique, c’est le vider de sa substance. » (Marc, 1961: 118) D’où : le
fédéralisme dans ses formes politique, il existe déjà… Parfois il existe dans la pensée, dans la
manière d’être, dans les expectations des uns ou des autres… Ce qui importe est de faire se
rencontrer les deux niveaux, politique et humain, du fédéralisme. C’est une grande sagesse, de
la part de tous les deux niveaux, qui doit intervenir… C’est la sagesse que le monde a besoin…
Des idées, doctrines, idéologie, technique, l’homme a beaucoup inventé… il peut encore les
combiner, les réordonner, les réviser, mais s’il n’essayera pas de les comprendre et de se rendre
compte de ses actes, s’il ne sera de plus en plus sage, aucune doctrine ne lui aidera à rien…
C’est ici la transformation que l’homme a besoin pour en y devenir une personne… Avec toutes
les doctrines ou idéologies, avec tous les instruments de la technique, « il n’y a de solution que
personnelle… » (DdR, 1936b: 245), et si on veut arriver à un nouveau ordre politique ou social
40
(nouveau ordre que tout le monde invoque, très souvent sans penser à rien de concret…) on doit
être conscients qu’il ne s’impose pas d’un niveau officiel (d’où sa complexité), mais d’une
solidarité mutuelle, dont les « valeurs ne seront jamais cotées sur leurs marchés » et qui
s’adresse « à des hommes réveillés… humains… responsables » (idem, 1934a: 18), les seuls qui
pourront réaliser une « révolution humaine » (idem, 1936b: 250). Une nouvelle (et à la fois
ancienne) question se soulève tout de suite: « voulons-nous être des éléments de statistique, ou
bien des hommes de chair et de sang, reconnaissant leur condition concrète, mais connaissant
aussi leur dignité, leur raison personnelle d’être? Voulons-nous être des personnes ? » (idem,
1939: 49)
Bien sur, chacun dans sa propre unicité…
BIBLIOGRAPHIE
Ackermann, Bruno (1996), Denis de Rougemont. Une biographie intellectuelle, Vol. I, De la
révolte à l’engagement. L’intellectuel responsable, 627p ; Vol. II, Combats pour la
liberté. Le Journal d’une Époque, Genève, Labor et Fides, 1278p.
Ackermann, Bruno (1989), « Denis de Rougemont et le personnalisme. Notes introductives »,
Du personnalisme au fédéralisme européen. En hommage à Denis de Rougemont.
Colloque organisé par la Fondation Denis de Rougemont pour L’Europe et le Centre
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43
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44
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The Promotion of Intercultural Dialogue in the Carpathian Euroregion States
(Involvement of Civil Society in the Implementation of a Cultural Policy)
Margaryta CHABANNA
Abstract: The main objective of the article is to examine the importance of cultural
diversity and the need of intercultural dialogue in the context of cultural cooperation in the
Carpathian Euroregion states. This paper also considers the opportunities connected with the
declaration of European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008); and relevant contribution at
national and regional level. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of appropriate
legislation of the European Union, as well as documents adopted in the states discussed. In
particular, the article contains the research of relevant issues of every state’s National strategy
and appropriate measures chosen by the states for the promotion of intercultural dialogue. This
examination allows the comparison of relevant peculiarities and the evaluation of activities.
The main issues of the article are studied in the context of the importance of civil society
participation in cultural cooperation.
Key words: cultural cooperation, intercultural dialogue, cultural diversity, European
Union, Carpathian Euroregion, civil society
The Protection of Cultural Diversity and Promotion of Intercultural Dialogue
The enlargement of the European Union (EU), greater mobility within the Union,
development of migratory flows, intensification of new trade ties with the rest of the world,
implementation of education programs, as well as the process of globalisation in general, have
resulted in increased contacts between cultures, religions, ethnic groups etc. In this context, the
development of intercultural competences and the promotion of intercultural dialogue are very
essential for an efficient cultural cooperation of Member States of an increasingly multicultural
European Union.
Generally, cultural cooperation in Europe is supported by means of the European
Union’s Culture Programme and by specific actions financed by other European programmes.
The aim of relevant partnership is to encourage the creation of a “European cultural area”, as
the European Parliament underlined in its resolution of 5 September 2001 on cultural
cooperation in Europe. (”European Parliament Resolution…”, 2001: 144)
Article 151 of the Treaty establishing the European Community requires the
considering of cultural dimension in Community policies. According to this Article, the
Community shall:
- contribute to the flowering of the cultures of the Member States,
- respect their national and regional diversity,
- bring the common cultural heritage to the fore.
Accordingly, the Community’s efforts in this sphere shall be aimed at encouraging
cooperation between Member States and, if necessary, supporting and supplementing their
action in the following areas:
- improvement of the knowledge and dissemination of the culture and history of the
European peoples;
- conservation and safeguarding of cultural heritage of European significance;
- non-commercial cultural exchanges;
- artistic and literary creation, including in the audiovisual sector. (“Consolidated
version of the Treaty…”, 2002: 99)
According to the Decision № 1855/2006/EC of the European Parliament and of the
Council of 12 December 2006 establishing the Culture Programme (2007 to 2013), one of the
46
main objectives of Culture Programme is the encouragement of intercultural dialogue.
(“Decision № 1983/…”, 2006: 4)
Intercultural dialogue has a number of strategic priorities of the European Union,
namely supporting the commitment to solidarity, social justice and reinforced cohesion;
allowing the European Union realizing efficient partnership with neighbouring countries;
respecting and promoting cultural diversity are the most important.
Concerning the encouragement of cultural diversity, this issue has become one of the
major topics of discussion of international and regional organisations since 1998. So, this
subject is examined in appropriate documents of competent institutions. Some of those
organisations that dealt with this are: the G8 (Okinawa, 2000), the Council of Europe
(Declaration on cultural diversity, December 2000), UNESCO (Universal Declaration and
Action Plan on Cultural Diversity, November 2001, supported by the European Community and
its Member States; Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural
Expressions, 2005), the United Nations and International Telecommunication Union (the World
Summit on the Information Society, Geneva, 2003 and Tunisia, 2005). The Universal
Declaration on Cultural Diversity and the supporting Action Plan, adopted by UNESCO in
November 2001 and approved by the European Community and its Member States, mentions
the objective of “taking forward notably consideration of the opportunity of an international
legal instrument on cultural diversity” (“UNESCO Convention on cultural diversity”).
The European Commission’s position on the issue related to an international
instrument on cultural diversity was expressed in its Communication of 27 August 2003
“Towards an International Instrument on Cultural Diversity”. It is worth to note the adoption,
on 1 September 2004, of the Recommendation from the Commission to the Council to authorise
the Commission to participate, on behalf of the Community, in the negotiations within
UNESCO on the convention on the protection of the diversity of cultural contents and artistic
expressions.
The Convention defines “a series of complementary objectives concerning the
preservation and promotion of cultural diversity, the development of cultural policies and the
encouragement of intercultural dialogue and international cooperation” (Commission of the
European Communities, 2004: 2). It also defines fundamental principles: respect for human
rights and fundamental freedoms, complementarity of economic and cultural aspects of
development, sustainable cultural development, transparency and balance, openness and
proportionality of cultural policies. In relation to these principles, they name the rights and
obligations of the States at national level (development of cultural policies, promoting creation
and access to culture, respect for intellectual property, protection of vulnerable cultural
expressions, information and transparency, education and public awareness raising,
participation of civil society) and at international level (promotion of the principles and
objectives of the convention in other international arenas, aid for co-production, establishment
of a “Cultural Diversity Observatory”, cooperation for development, and preferential treatment
for developing countries (ibidem, 2).
According to UNESCO´s Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity
of Cultural Expressions, adopted in Paris on 20 October 2005 and entered into force on 18
March 2007, cultural diversity:
- is a defining characteristic of humanity;
- is important for the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms proclaimed
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other universally recognized instruments;
- forms a common heritage of humanity and should be appreciated and preserved for
the benefit of all;
- creates a rich and varied world, which increases the range of choices and increases
human capacities and values, and therefore is significant for sustainable development for
communities, peoples and nations;
- is strengthened by exchanges and interaction between cultures etc. (UNESCO, 2005: 1-2)
Te Convention also emphasized the importance of culture for social cohesion, and its
potential for the enhancement of the status and role of women in society. In addition, the
47
document maintains linguistic diversity as a fundamental element of cultural diversity, and
affirms the key role of education in the protection and promotion of cultural expressions. Other
highlighted issues were “the importance of the vitality of cultures, including for persons
belonging to minorities and indigenous peoples, as manifested in their freedom to create,
disseminate and distribute their traditional cultural expressions and to have access thereto, so as
to benefit them for their own development” (ibidem).
The conditions for protection and promotion of cultural diversity as well as for cultural
expression, culture consumption and cultural exchanges in Europe and the world depend on
economic circumstances, the presence of linguistic minorities, relations with national or
regional identities, traditions and cultural heritage, historical relations between countries. The
process of globalisation introduces new opportunities for interactions between cultures, but
makes a strong influence on vulnerable cultures and encourages the process of standardization
in many spheres. Therefore, the encouragement of cultural diversity needs a special attention of
different participants of international politics.
It is also important to analyse the civic context of cultural diversity. So, an affirmation
of cultural diversity at international level results from the concerns of civil society and
governments regarding the preservation of cultural diversity, the promotion of living cultures
and creative capacity. The protection of cultural diversity tends to integrate global strategies of
sustainable development. Questions concerning the relations between cultural diversity and
cultural democracy certainly are connected with issues concerning the distribution of
citizenship rights and entitlements across the different groups falling under the jurisdiction of a
national polity (Bennet, 2001: 45). A significant aspect in any calculations about the prospects
for diversity concerns the extent to which different systems of cultural administration allow for
the emergence of various “champions for diversity” within those systems. It is a more helpful
activity of a range of semi-autonomous art councils, institutes and similar agencies which are
responsible for dividing funds between different cultural programmes and institutions, than the
practice through which funding and programme priorities are more directly determined and
administered by central arts and cultural ministries (ibidem, 48).
Mainly, Europe’s cultural policy must develop in constant contestation with national
cultural policies, because this situation should prevent any kind of centralised political
engineering (Mokre, 2007: 39). The cooperation of European and national cultural policies
affect the European Union’s capacity to deal with various inequalities between cultures:
between “autochthonous” minorities and majorities within the member states; between the
cultures of immigrants and the cultures of immigration countries; between the cultures of the
different Member States (ibidem, 43). Generally, there is a constant triangular cooperation
between non-government organisations, the governments of those Member States, and the
institutions of the EU - the European Council, the Parliament, and the Commission (or four, if
one includes the Committee of the Regions1, which acquired consultative rights).2 Public
authorities especially are perceptive to the need to develop intercultural dialogue, which is
important for peace, security and stability at global level.
So, an important role in intercultural cooperation is played by the declaration of 2008
the Year of Intercultural Dialogue. The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008) was
established by the Decision № 1983/2006/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of
18 December 2006. According to this decision, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue has
“to contribute to giving expression and a high profile to a sustained process of intercultural
dialogue which will continue beyond that year” (“Decision № 1983/…”, 2006: 46).
1
The Committee of the Regions, as representative of the regional and local levels of government in the
EU, assesses the national reform programs and the extent to which they involve the regional and local
authorities (Stahl, 2008: 93). As Benita Ferrero-Waldner, European Commissioner for External
Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy stated: “The Committee of the Regions is not only an
important institution in its own right, representing Europe’s rich and varied “landscape”. It also plays a
crucial role in bringing EU policies closer to our citizens”. (Ferrero-Waldner, 2007)
2
For view of its activity see: (Gordon, 2007, Vol. 37 Issue 1).
48
With an overall budget of €10 million, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue
foresees a series of specific projects to be implemented through different Community
programmes and other actions. Generally, it includes seven European projects and 27 national
projects. The main areas are: culture, education, youth, sport and citizenship.
Moreover, if a remarkably high number of EU citizens (83%) value the benefits of
intercultural contacts (European Commission, 2007: 7); an encouragement of intercultural
dialogue with involving civil society has to have good results.
In the text of the Decision of European Parliament and of the Council, we can find the
following objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue:
- promoting intercultural dialogue as a process in which all those living in the EU can
improve their ability to deal with a more open, but also more complex, cultural environment,
where, in different Member States as well as within each Member State, different cultural
identities and beliefs coexist,
- highlighting intercultural dialogue as an opportunity to contribute to and benefit from
a diverse and dynamic society, not only in Europe but also in the world,
- raising the awareness of all those living in the EU, in particular young people, of the
importance of developing an active European citizenship which is open to the world, respects
cultural diversity and is based on common values in the EU,
- highlighting the contribution of different cultures and expressions of cultural
diversity to the heritage and ways of life of the Member States.
The specific objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue are to:
- seek to raise the awareness of all those living in the EU, in particular young people,
of the importance of engaging in intercultural dialogue in their daily life,
- work to identify, share and give a visible European recognition to best practices in
promoting intercultural dialogue throughout the European Union, especially among young
people and children,
- foster the role of education as an important medium for teaching about diversity,
increase the understanding of other cultures and developing skills and best social practices, and
highlight the central role of the media in promoting the principle of equality and mutual
understanding,
- raise the profile, increase the coherence of and promote all Community programmes
and actions contributing to intercultural dialogue and ensure their continuity,
- contribute to exploring new approaches to intercultural dialogue involving
cooperation between a wide range of stakeholders from different sectors (“Decision №
1983/…”, 2006: 46).
The measures which are taken in order to achieve the objectives include the
implementation of the following activities or the grant support of:
- events and initiatives aimed at promoting intercultural dialogue;
- events and initiatives at national level and regional level with a strong European
dimension aimed at promoting the objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue,
with particular attention to actions relating to civic education and learning to appreciate other
people and their differences;
- information and promotion campaigns, particularly in cooperation with the media and
civil society organisations at Community and national level to disseminate the key messages
concerning the objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue and the recognition of
best practices, especially among young people and children;
- surveys and studies on a Community and national level; consultation with
transnational networks and civil society to assess and report on the preparation for, and the
effectiveness and impact of, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (ibidem, 47).
The main recommendations concerning the areas for action have been presented in
Ljubljana on 7-8 January 2008. There were the following points:
- recognise that intercultural dialogue depends upon the full implementation of human,
civic, economic, social and cultural rights as outlined in international and European legal
instruments, into national legislative and policy frameworks (specific articles of the EU Charter
49
of Fundamental Rights (2000) are important for intercultural dialogue by promoting equality,
non-discrimination, cultural, religious and linguistic diversity, freedom of expression and
movement, citizenship rights to economic and political participation);
- acknowledge intercultural dialogue at the heart of citizenship and integration
strategies (this means the recognition of equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities for
everyone, respect for different cultural and religious traditions, world views or lifestyles);
- approach intercultural dialogue as a transversal issue which is part of a complex
system of governance based on equality and participation (this requires policy directed to:
human rights and citizenship, integration of minorities, immigration, social affairs,
employment, health, security, social and labour affairs, sectors such as culture, education, sport,
and youth, cooperation between different levels of government - European, national, regional or
local);
- develop strategies which recognise intercultural dialogue as a process of interactive
communication which aims to develop a deeper understanding of diverse perspectives and
practices; to increase participation and the freedom and ability to make choices; to foster
equality; and to enhance creative processes (this includes programmes to promote trans-border
cooperation and dialogue within Europe, with its neighbour countries and other world regions);
- intercultural dialogue depends upon the opening up of institutional structures (in the
field of education, in arts and heritage institutions);
- encourage the active participation of the media and culture industries;
- integrate the development of intercultural competencies and skills as part of an
overall political vision or national strategy on life-long learning;
- strengthen intercultural dialogue in European Union Neighbourhood policies;
- further expand EU cooperation with other European and international institutions;
- establish a clear concept and definition of intercultural dialogue (this is especially
important for the future development of European, national, regional and local policies,
strategies and funding programmes to promote intercultural dialogue. It will help avoid
potential misinterpretations of their objectives and make it easier to evaluate their success);
- implement and harmonise evaluation methods for intercultural dialogue programmes
and activities, including quality criteria and indicators to assess their impact, taking account of
the dynamics at the heart of such processes (innovation, institutional and attitudinal change as
well as sustainability are to be introduced as criteria in the evaluation of intercultural projects);
- improve research methodologies for intercultural comparisons (further improvements
in the comparability of intercultural dialogue related research and statistics could be achieved
through a support programme for in-depth trans-national investigations and through the creation
of a new EUROSTAT working group open to independent researchers and specialists of
minority organisations). (“The Arts a Festivals’…”, consulted 2008)
For the purposes of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, the European
Commission cooperates with appropriate international organisations, in particular with the
Council of Europe and UNESCO. For example, according to the abovementioned
recommendations, presented on 7-8 January, through initiatives to monitor intercultural
dialogue and cultural diversity policies in a new framework agreement of cooperation with the
Council of Europe in the culture sector or through creating links between EU and UN (United
Nations) Years or designated days which focus on issues relevant to cultural diversity, tackling
racism and improving intercultural understanding. The common EU response to UNESCO’s
Declaration on Cultural Diversity is a powerful political statement with future implications,
both domestically and globally (Gordon, 2007: 12). For instance, with regards to international
cooperation Article 151 of Treaty establishing the European Community states: “The
Community and the Member States shall foster cooperation with third countries and the
competent international organisations in the sphere of culture, in particular the Council of
Europe” (“Consolided version of the Treaty…, 2002: 99”).
As we can notice, the official documents of European Union that regulate the sphere of
intercultural cooperation contain the issues which provide civil society participation in cultural
cooperation. For instance, according to the Recommendation from the Commission of European
50
Communities, the participation of civil society is an obligation of the states at national level.
Among the specific objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, named by the
Decision of the European Parliament and of the Council, promoting cooperation between
stakeholders from different sectors is one of the most important. And as it was mentioned
before, the measures for achieving the goals of the Year of Intercultural Dialogue also foresees
consultations with civil society.
Intercultural Dialogue in the Carpathian Euroregion States: National Context and
Priorities
The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue foresees the implementation of the
national projects in Member States. It is therefore crucial to involve the communities of
Euroregions in this dialogue at national and regional level. Generally, EU Member States pay
great attention to the regional level of international cooperation, because the efficiency of
solving some difficulties at this level is very high. An appropriate meaning of Euroregions
connected with the relations between people with different ethnicity or nationality has
significance for the subject of the article.
In this context, the Carpathian Euroregion could have an increasingly important role. It is
worth to emphasise that the Carpathian Euroregion was established in 1993, after the social-political
changes in the Eastern, post-socialist countries, and this was the first Euroregion that embraced
regions of the former socialist countries where the population had initially different rates of
economic and social development. This Euroregion includes bordering territories of Romania,
Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine aiming at the improvement of the living standards of people;
preservation of peace, promotion of good relations between people on both sides of the borders;
decreasing the isolating effect of the borders; ensuring the permeability of borders.
At this moment, the territory of the Carpathian Euroregion can be considered as the Eastern
boarder of the European Union and could play a significant role in bringing stability. Moreover, the
activity of the Carpathian Euroregion allows the development of cross-boarder cooperation among
EU and Ukraine. In the context of this article, it is worth to emphasise that the strategy for the
development of cross-boarder cooperation in the Carpathian Euroregion “Carpathian 2003-2011”
proposed by Ukraine, was supported by other members of the Euroregion. Taking into consideration
the existing common traditions, history, and cultural features, it is necessary to maintain the
importance and good future of intercultural dialogue between members of this region. Most
territories composing this region (Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia) are Member states of
EU; Ukraine is a European Neighbourhood Policy partner.
As the structure of the Carpathian Euroregion aims to promote inter-governmental
cooperation, it is necessary to coordinate cooperation among citizens through the non-government
organisations. As a result, the Carpathian Foundation was created (initially known as the Fund
for the Development of the Carpathian Euroregion). The Foundation was established in 1994 by
the East-West Institute with generous support from the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation. Its
founding was based on a courageous vision to create a vibrant, inter-regional foundation in the
Carpathian Mountains to support citizen initiatives through local governments and nongovernment organisations. The Carpathian Foundation is a cross-border network of regional
foundations that focuses primarily on inter-regional and cross-border activities, economic and
community development in the bordering regions of Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and
Ukraine. It encourages the development of public, private, NGO partnerships, including crossborder and inter-ethnic approaches to help prevent conflicts and to promote
regional development. It implements development programmes and provides financial and
technical assistance to projects which will result in tangible benefits to the communities on both
sides of national borders. The motion to develop this type of Foundation in Central-Eastern
Europe emerged from the belief that supporting democracy, economic development, crossborder and inter-ethnic cooperation at the local and regional levels is a cornerstone of a stable
and democratic Europe. The values of the Carpathian Foundation Network are based on the
requirements of working in a multi-national, multi-ethnic environment. The principles under
which the Foundation operates are keys to its effectiveness and responsiveness to local needs:
51
respect for ethnic and religious diversity of the region; fostering of a spirit of tolerance and
openness to other values; multi-ethnicity and multiculturalism; social and environmental
sensitivity; and the harmonization of local development with globalisation.
The goals of the Carpathian Foundation Network are:
1) To strengthen local democracy and the development of civil societies by promoting
local action with local responsibility and accountability;
2) To enhance the capacity of non-profit and local government organisations to address
community and regional needs;
3) To promote cross-border and inter-ethnic cooperation, sharing of information and
the replication of successful practices;
4) To encourage citizen participation in local and regional development;
5) To promote cooperation between non-governmental organisations, local
governments, and businesses (Carpathian Foundation).
It is also worth to highlight the Carpathian Project, which is developed by 19 project
partners from 10 countries (Austria, Czech Republic, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland,
Slovakia, Romania and Ukraine) within the framework of the Community Initiative
INTERREG III B CADSES Neighbourhood Programme. The objective of the Carpathian
Project is to enhance the sustainable development of the Carpathian region based on its rich
natural and cultural heritage. The project analyses and consolidates the information base,
develops strategies and policy instruments, and implements pilot activities, in continuous
cooperation with local, regional and national stakeholders.
As it is shown in research activities devoted to culture, the EU policy emphasis on
cultural cooperation and mobility has created numerous opportunities in the new EU Member
States. EU structures, networks, and funding exist to assist the arts and culture sectors
throughout Europe in creating networks and forging partnerships, in broadening competencies
in cultural administration, in encouraging the mobility of people and cultural products, and in
validating and exchanging artistic experiences, as well as in promoting cultural diversity and
peaceful coexistence among different communities and ethnic groups and in increasing cultural
choices for audiences across Europe (Varbanova, 2007: 60).
Generally, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue is aimed mainly at the Member
States of the European Union. But, according to the Decision of the European Parliament and
the Council of 18.12.2006 concerning the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue,
complementarity between the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue and all external strands
of the initiative to promote intercultural dialogue will be ensured. One example would be the
initiatives undertaken with European Neighbourhood Policy partner countries (“DECISION №
1983/...”, 2006: 45). The Culture Programme (2007-2013) is also open to cooperation with
other third countries which have concluded bilateral agreements (which include cultural
clauses) with the EU. Therefore, the study of issues related to intercultural dialogue of all
members of the Carpathian region, including Ukraine and especially in the context of crossborder cooperation, is essential.
The Decision of the European Parliament and the Council has encouraged all Member
States to prepare a National strategy for the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue and to
create a national coordination organ, responsible for the State’s participation in the European
Year of Intercultural Dialogue. In the following lines of this article, particular attention is given
to the context and the importance of National strategies which provide the national context and
priories of Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Ukraine.
In Hungary the major challenges for intercultural dialogue are: weak active citizenship;
ambiguous attitude towards minorities (latent xenophobia); little knowledge of second
languages. According to ethnic composition of Hungary, Magyars are more than 94 percent of
population. Minorities include Romanians (2%), Germans (1,2%), Slovaks (0,4%), others
(Roma, Jews, Serbs, Slovenes, Croats, and Greeks) - 2,3% (“Population Census 2001...”).
Consequently, intercultural dialogue is strongly connected to policies for equal opportunities
and Roma inclusion; and to strengthen the participation of Hungary and Hungarians in Europe.
Discussions about the meaning and importance of intercultural dialogue were launched amongst
52
governmental, municipal and civic organisations from the first half of 2007. They focused on
the importance and relevance of this subject for the younger generations and for the
modernisation of the image of Hungary.
The main purpose of The Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Hungary, defined in its
National strategy, is to create awareness – especially amongst young people – of the importance
of intercultural dialogue in a modern European society. For Hungarian people the following
issues are important.
- The overall objectives stated in the relevant Decision of the European Parliament and
of the Council (intercultural dialogue as a tool to deal with a more complex cultural
environment, intercultural dialogue as an opportunity to contribute to a diverse and dynamic
society, the importance of developing an active European citizenship, the contribution of
different culture to the was of life of the Member states) and the specific objectives should be
considered in all the activities.
- The celebration of cultural diversity in the European Union with a strong emphasis on
the cultures of new Member States and EU neighbours and on minority cultures.
- Encouragement of participation of cultural operators, young people and educational
organisations in European programmes, networks and actions and to develop intercultural
competencies.
A national communication campaign was launched (especially targeted to young
people and people outside Budapest) to raise awareness of the necessity of intercultural
cooperation and dialogue in daily lives. The national campaign is built on the overall messages
of the campaign of the Community. It emphasises the responsibility of people to be active
European citizens and increase an intercultural competencies (See “National Strategy and
Priorities. Hungary...”).
The main authority for coordination of European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in
Hungary belongs to the following organisations: Office of National and Ethnic Minorities at the
Prime Minister's Office; Office of Immigration and Nationality at the Ministry of Justice and
Law Enforcement; Hungarian Cultural Contact Point at the Ministry of Education and Culture.
Key cultural organisations are: Hungarian Institute for Culture, Hungarian Heritage House; key
educational and youth organisations are: the Hungarian Accreditation Committee of Higher
Education, Higher Education and Research Council, the Hungarian Scholarship Board –
Campus Hungary Information Office; Local Governments, Educational Offices of Local
Governments, Educational Institutes; key minority and other civic organisations: National
minority governments throughout the country, Hungarian Helsinki Committee; Hungarian
Association for Migrants; National Roma Minority Self-government as well as significant
organisations and institutions which present Roma culture.
Major challenges for Poland are: modernisation of the country combined with national
traditions and values such as patriotism and the Catholic religion; debates on historical issues,
dealing with communist past; relations between East and West Europe; self-perception of an
ethnically homogeneous society. For Polish, the following are the most important: all aspects of
multiple cultures present in modern Europe, joint international projects, promotion of the
achievements of European culture and strengthening of the common values of European
culture; awareness raising for multiple roots of the Polish nation, set at the crossroads in the
Centre of Europe; maintaining good relationships (based on tolerance, understanding and
openness) and cooperation with neighbouring countries, in particular with Ukraine and Belarus,
for deepening the dialogue with the Ukrainian and Belarusian minority in Poland, and for
support of the democratic movements in the countries now directly neighbouring the European
Union; preserving and presenting minority cultures.
In 2002, 96.7% of the population labelled themselves as Polish. Other than Polish
nationality accounted 1.23% of Poland’s population, while 2.03% of the population did not
specify their nationality (“Population and Housing Census 2002”). Among those declaring
nationality other than Polish, the largest group are German (officially established number of
individuals belonging to minority is 147,094 and approximate number of individuals belonging
to minority is 300,000-500,000), Byelorussian (47,640 official and an estimate of
53
200,000-350,000) and Ukrainian (27,172 official and an estimate of 200,000-300,000)
minorities. Some of the minorities are dispersed across the country (e.g. Ukrainians, Roma), and
some inhabit fairly compact areas (e.g. Germans, Lithuanians). Persons with non-Polish
nationality reside primarily in three so-called voivodeships (provinces): Śląskie, Opolskie and
Podlaskie. The figures of residents in these provinces are: 12.5%, 4.6% and 3.9%. (ibidem)
As it was stated above, the most essential issue in the Polish social campaign on
multiculturality is to make the society aware that the national, ethnic and religious diversity
within the country is an element that contributes to the national culture.
The strategic objective of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland due to
the National strategy is to demonstrate to the Polish society various contexts and understanding
of multiculturality in Europe with special regard to the Polish tradition and historical
experiences contributing to the continent’s cultural heritage. Propagating intercultural dialogue
as a process enabling interaction in a more open and complex cultural environment, in which
different cultural identities and beliefs coexist both in the member states and within individual
countries, will provide grounds for counteracting xenophobia and intolerance for otherness.
At community and national level, an assumption arising from the objective adopted by
European Year of Intercultural Dialogue is to present Europe’s Christian roots as the value
which not only coexists with other religious traditions and modern beliefs, but also as the value
which shapes the platform for dialogue which constitutes the foundations of a diverse and
dynamic society, the European citizenship which is open to the world, respects cultural
diversity and is based on common values of the EU as laid down in the EU Treaty and in the
Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. An equally important assumption will
be to present the tradition of the multi-religious Poland which has been a guaranty of religious
tolerance for ages.
At regional and local level, the assumption of the implementation of the European
Year of Intercultural Dialogue is connected with presenting local contexts of multiculturality to
promote a better mutual understanding of citizens and their future cooperation. A special
emphasis is put on the actions showing the importance of engaging in multicultural dialogue in
daily life, and highlighting the contribution of different cultures and expressions of cultural
diversity into the heritage and ways of life in the member states3.
Coordination of relevant activity in Poland is provided by the Ministry of Interior and
Administration (coordinating structure for national minority issues within the government,
collaboration with local governments); The Polish Parliamentary Commission of National and
Ethnic Minorities (structure on legal issues and protection of rights, evaluating programmes for
cultural identity, taking action aimed at counteracting discrimination of people belonging to
minorities); National Centre of Culture (composed of representatives of non-government
organisations, ethnic and national minority organisations, academic communities and government
institutions and offices). It is worth to notice the meaning of The Borderland Foundation, an
independent non-government organisation, which is devoted exclusively to building bridges
between the peoples of different religions, ethnicities, nationalities, and cultures.
The geographical position of Romania and relevant combination of Central and SouthEast European cultures is reflected in the variety and richness of its cultural diversity. Romania
constitutes the interactive space for cultural minorities and identities, carries a large economic
potential, plays a great role in the growth of voluntary ethics and in the process of European
integration. As mentioned in the National strategy for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue,
Romanian social scenery is characterized by its variety of complementary cultural traditions,
like for instance: Hungarian, Roma, German, Ukrainian, Jewish, Turk, Tartar, Russian, Serbian,
Bulgarian, Slovak, Greek, Polish, Italian, Armenian, Croatian, etc., whose significant identities
should translate themselves into a creative contribution to the world contemporary art.
3
The determination of objectives and information on the assumption of European Year of Intercultural
Dialogue implementation are presented in (“Poland’s National Strategy for European Year of
Intercultural Dialogue”).
54
According to the 2002 census, Romania has a population of 21,698,181 and, similarly
to other countries in the region, is expected to gently decline in the coming years as a result of
sub-replacement fertility rates. Romanians account for 89.5% of the population. The largest
ethnic minorities are Hungarians, who make up 6.6% of the population and Roma, or Gypsies,
who make up 2.46% of the population. According to the official census, 535,250 Roma live in
Romania. Hungarians, who are a sizeable minority in Transylvania, constitute a majority in the
counties of Harghita and Covasna. Ukrainians, Germans, Lipovans, Turks, Tatars, Serbs,
Slovaks, Bulgarians, Croats, Greeks, Russians, Jews, Czechs, Poles, Italians, Armenians, as
well as other ethnic groups, account for the remaining 1.4% of the population (“Rezultate”).
Major challenges for Romania are: major change through Eastern countries opening and
EU accession, with new effects for the many national, linguistic and religious minorities.
Appropriate efforts are therefore mainly directed to: governmental and legal promotion of cultural
diversity and intercultural dialogue; strengthening the national minority protection system through
improved legislation; developing active European citizenship; promoting intercultural dialogue
between generations. The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue represents a great opportunity
to deal with a more complex cultural environment, as an opportunity to get familiar with cultural
environment and to promote a European citizenship through modern and active means, by making
a connection between different actors in Member States.
Organisers of major cultural events and festivals are encouraged to include events
relevant to the topic in their programme in 2008. Local organisations wishing to participate are
encouraged to write their own strategies based on the national ones which are focusing on
enhancing dialogue between different groups in society and between generations. The European
dimension shall mean establishing direct contacts with other countries, involving other
countries’ nationals living in Romania in the projects and bringing together different national
identities for strengthening the European identity, through many themes of European interest.
According to the National strategy of Romania, there are three aims of the European
Year for Intercultural Dialogue:
- place the intercultural debate in a strategic European context;
- demonstrate the need for concerted European cultural cooperation outside of Europe,
respecting European diversity;
- demonstrate the viability of a European cultural policy through exemplary projects
and initiatives (“European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008...”).
The Intercultural Institute of Timişoara (non-governmental institution pursuing the
development of the intercultural dimension in the fields of education and culture which is actively
involved in many of projects of the Council of Europe) coordinates the activity on European Year
of Intercultural Dialogue. Among its multiple activities we find cross-border cooperation,
research, minorities’ and antidiscrimination issues and, as a priority, Roma community affairs
(using multiple approaches in order to establish equal chances). There are other organisations,
which take part in this process. Among them are the following: Department for Inter-Ethnic
relations within the Ministry of Public Information (coordinating at national level for the national
minorities’ policies, i.e. strategies for preserving, development and expression of the identities of
individuals belonging to national minorities; funding for inter-ethnic projects; having regional
offices, communicating and collaborating with local governments, county councils, local nongovernment organisations); Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programmes (coordinating
the activity on European Year of Intercultural Dialogue).
Other domestic responsibilities of importance for intercultural dialogue: Council of
National Minorities (non-governmental organisation, representing the organisations of the
minorities living in Romania); Ministry of Interior and Administration Reform (involved in the
process of legalising the civil status and identity documents for Romanian citizens of Roma
ethnicity); Ministry of Labour, Social Security and Family; National Council for Combating
Discrimination, etc.
Major challenges for intercultural dialogue in Slovakia are: xenophobia from
conservative parts of society, which is still considered to be homogenous; very strict asylum
policy, protectionist measures; “no immigrants” policy; tensions with large Hungarian minority,
55
danger of escalation of nationalist party in present government; protectionist policies
accompanied by highlighting potential dangers of secularization or non-Catholic religious
frameworks; raise in right-wing extremism. So, the government focuses on strengthening the
national, traditional values and supporting patriotism; and official policies for supporting
minorities (mainly focusing on culture, in the case of Roma also social and economic
integration). The application of intercultural dialogue is a search for mutual trust that will assure
the members of all cultures in Slovakia that they form an equivalent part of this society.
Slovak society has been influenced by its historical development, recent formation of
an independent state. Intercultural dialogue is the instrument that will help towards mutual
understanding between the majority nation and the minorities, as well as between immigrants
and the domestic population. It is necessary to achieve that such process has a bilateral
character, in order that mutual acquaintance and interaction within intercultural dialogue has
a positive effect on all mutually communicating parties. There are some population data
according to selected nationalities in the Slovak Republic in 2001: population in total
5,379,455; Slovak 4,614,854; Roma 89,920; Czech 44,620; Ruthenian 24,201; Ukrainian
10,814. („National Strategy of the Slovak Republic...”)
The priorities of the Slovak Republic within the framework of the European Year of
Intercultural Dialogue 2008 are the following:
- achieving an increase in the awareness of all Slovak citizens, in particular young
people, of realising the importance of intercultural dialogue for the mutual coexistence of
multicultural society in everyday life;
- promoting education within intercultural dialogue at all school levels as well as in
out-of-school and lifelong education;
- supporting the media upon promoting the principles of intercultural dialogue, mutual
acquaintance and enrichment on the basis of the principles of equality and mutual
understanding;
- promoting an increase of time space in the media, respectively a greater liberalization
of the media market in relation to national minorities and ethnic groups;
- activating and supporting civil activities directed towards the promotion of cultural
dialogue and securing the continuity of such activities in the long-term;
- supporting all activities contributing to the development of cultural diversity and the
way of life in the Slovak Republic;
- mapping and evaluating the “good practice” and best experiences from the past,
which promoted intercultural dialogue and preparing a complex study devoted to the given area;
etc. (ibidem)
The main actors of relevant process are: Vice Minister for Knowledge-based Society,
European Affairs, Human Rights and Minorities; Special Commissioner for Roma
Communities, etc.
Ukraine, as a state of the Carpathian region and European Neighbourhood Policy
Partner is interested in cultural cooperation. The conditions for effective cooperation with
European Union in numerous spheres are created by the efforts of both sides. Generally, the EU
and its eastern neighbours - former Soviet republics - signed Partnership and Cooperation
Agreements in the 1990s based on respect for democratic principles and human rights that set
out their political, economic, and trade relationship (“The European Neighborhood Policy: ...,
2008: 2”). In December 2004, the Council, according to a proposal from the Commission,
agreed upon the content of the Action Plan and decided to forward the Action Plan to the EUUkraine. The EU-Ukraine Action Plan was jointly adopted at a special Cooperation Council on
21 February 2005. The Action Plan provides a framework for work with Ukraine, identifying
areas of reform.
In particular, civil society in the Eastern Neighbourhood Policy (more specifically in the
context of cooperation with Ukraine) is very important to the European Union. In the Ukraine Action
Plan, cooperation with civil society has been explicitly stated. This means good opportunities for
promoting democracy, as civil society has proven to be the key actor of democratisation in Eastern
Europe and has been responsible for the democratic transitions in Ukraine.
56
Being the Republic of Soviet Union, Ukraine has had limited cultural contacts with
other states because of intermediate activity of central Soviet state authority. Exceptions are
contacts with other Soviet republics and socialist states.
At the present time, the activity of the Ministry of Culture is aimed at:
- integration of Ukrainian national culture into world cultural space;
- shaping good international image by the means of culture and cultural heritage;
- promotion of international cultural cooperation;
- supporting cultural and interpersonal relations with Ukrainian Diaspora;
- promotion of Ukrainian cultural products at international cultural markets.
As the benefits the following aspects have to be considered:
- existence of the famous art schools and personal achievements which are competitive
and recognised in the world;
- rich cultural heritage (potentially attractive for foreign scientists, art workers, tourists);
- experience of the participation in international festivals, exhibitions, competitions.
The main issues of the Cultural Programme of Ukraine are:
- national linguistic and cultural space of Ukraine;
- national cultural heritage, folk culture;
- national cultural industries, popular culture;
- contemporary Ukrainian arts;
- cultural-educational activity;
- ethnic and confessional diversity in Ukraine;
- Ukrainian culture in the cultural space of the world. (See Ministry of Culture and
Tourism of Ukraine)
As we can see, ethnic issues are one of the priorities of the National Programme due to
the multinational composition of the Ukrainian society. Ukraine has the following national
structure - Ukrainians (77,8%), Russians (17,3%), Belarusian (0,6%), Moldavians (0,5%),
Tatars (0,5%), Bulgarians (0,4%), Hungarians (0,3%), Romanians (0,3%), Polish (0,3%), Jews
(0,2%), Armenians (0,2%), others (See State Statistics Committee of Ukraine...). The state’s
national policy is directed towards the protection of national minorities’ rights and to promotion
of common values, symbols, cultural heritage.
Bilateral cultural cooperation between Ukraine and the states of Carpathian
Euroregion, cooperation with international organisations (UNESCO, Council of Europe, etc.),
along with close relationships with the Ukrainian Diaspora enable successful cultural exchange,
organisation of Ukrainian Culture Days, participation in international cultural projects, etc. In
order to increase efficiency of cultural initiatives, it is necessary to coordinate Ukrainian
legislation with the conventions and declarations of UNESCO; to create some Ukrainian
cultural centres abroad in order to disseminate information on cultural heritage and activity of
the state, etc. Therefore, intercultural cooperation is important for the development of
international relations, sharing the experience and presenting own achievements.
As seen in the above plans, every National Strategy determines the most important
issues, proposes the priorities for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue and affirms the role
of civil society in the implementation of their national policies.
Implementation of Cultural Policies in Carpathian Euroregion State: the
Participation of Civil Society in National Projects
According to the Decision of the European Parliament and of the Council concerning
the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, every country of European Union has been
encouraged to adopt an appropriate action plan for the promotion of Intercultural dialogue. To
this end, we can find conferences, festivals, trainings, consultations or other kinds of relevant
activity. Some of projects, especially National projects, proposed by states of the Carpathian
Euroregion are worth to be analysed because of their significance for the development of region
and the whole European Community.
Hungary dedicated big efforts to help civil initiatives and projects to be carried out in a
successful way and help make them sustainable. By collecting several projects and project
57
initiatives Hungary would like to celebrate the cultural diversity of Europe, with the main
emphasis on South-Eastern and Central Europe. Hungarian project “Youth and culture in
dialogue” (01.11.2007 - 31.10.2008) is more of a training and network project than a usual
cultural project. The National Coordination organisation has set the target to build a solid basis
of young leaders who are able to carry out similar projects in the long term and who understand
the importance of intercultural dialogue. The main objectives of the project are: to train people
(young cultural operators, civil leaders and these working in the field of education) so they can
carry out successful projects not only during the Year but also afterwards, to offer assistance to
projects concerned with intercultural dialogue throughout the country, to create a national
network of operators interested and able to carry out projects in the area of intercultural
dialogue. The target audience is the young project leaders. The project activities include
discussion on various topics, a national call for project proposals, preparation of an international
training conference, a press conference, etc.4.
The general objective of the National project “European Year of intercultural Dialogue
in Poland” (14.03.2008 – 12.02.2009) is to foster intercultural dialogue as a process that enables
a more open than complex cultural environment to function. The other main objective is to
highlight different understandings of the concept of multiculturalism in Europe, with special
regard to Polish tradition and history. The National Centre for Culture is responsible for the
implementation of the project.
The following activities have been carried out as part of the project:
- conferences, seminars and debates on the contexts of multiculturalism;
- research studies and publications on the topic of multiculturalism in Poland and Europe;
- workshops and training courses which focus on the needs of children and young people;
- festivals and reviews presenting and introducing the faces of multiculturality.
In order to reach the intended effects of the implementation of the European Year of
Intercultural Dialogue in Poland, it is important to mention the implementation of the following
tasks: developing the EYID strategy in Poland (January-February 2007), disseminating
information on the EYID (March-June 2007), national call for proposals for the EYID (AprilMay 2007), appointment of the EYID Council in Poland (April-June 2007), selection of
national projects to be co-financed (June 2007), preparation of the application for the EYID in
Poland (July-August 2007), submission of the application for the EYID in Poland to the
European Commission (14 September 2007), creating (June-October 2007) and updating
(November 2007-March 2009) the website of the EYID in Poland, creating the catalogue
(November 2007-March 2008) and promotion (April 2008-March 2009) of “good practices”,
promotion of the EYID idea (October 2007-March 2009), implementation of activities indicated
in the national project of the EYID (1 January 2008-31 January 2009), selection of activities
implemented under the auspices of the EYID in Poland (January-March 2008), etc. (“Poland’s
National Strategy for...”)
Expected results for the Year are:
- the participation of between 20,000-32,000 people including individuals from
disadvantaged social groups,
- a five-day festival aimed at furthering dialogue between the region's cultures, raising
awareness on intercultural exchanges and improving minority rights in Poland,
- Internet record of the discussion,
- 25 organisers of cultural activities trained to work with students,
- 800 students trained by organizers of cultural activities,
- 8,000 Poles reached by the projects, including 7,000 children and young people,
4
For more information on projects, activities and events in Hungary, see: KultúrPont Iroda, http:
//www.kulturpont.hu/; Miniszterelnöki Portál / Prime Minister Office, http: //www.meh.hu/;
Bevándorlási és Állampolgársági Hivatal / Office of Immigration and Nationality, http:
//www.bmbah.hu/; „National strategies for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue”, http:
//ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/archive/dialogue/strategies_en.html
58
- 100 public debates organised in various region of Poland.5
In Romania best practices will be identified during this year, through finding, creating
and developing new approaches and stimulating discussions and projects in different
communities. The experience acquired by the Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs in
organising festivals (music and theatre festivals), by the Consultancy Centre for European
Cultural Programmes in developing many cultural projects (Culture 2000), by different actors
taking part in the Socrates II programme with its different sections, by the European Cultural
Foundation in developing “S.T.E.P Beyond – Supporting Travel for European Projects”, by
ARCUB – the Centre for Cultural Projects of the Bucharest Municipality are examples of
successful experiences that may be considered as best practices.
Romanian National project “Puzzle” (01.01.2008 – 31.12.2008) is coordinated by the
Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programmes. The project aims to encourage
intercultural dialogue by raising awareness on how daily life and economical activities reflect
and influence cultural identity. It is also aimed at providing a better understanding of the artistic
role in promoting intercultural dialogue. The target group consists of a wide range of people
(students, researchers, local communities) living in the cities included in the project.
The project has an innovative approach based on a symbolical pentagonal framework
for a puzzle of diverse activities throughout the entire year 2008, involving people coming from
small and large communities all over the country and not only. The activities are combined into
five work packages, each being coordinated by a different partner-organisation:
1) Pilgrimage: myths, tales, contemporary stories reflected in multidisciplinary art
presentations;
2) Included: invest in people and combat social exclusion through support of
traditional crafts and construction of a Virtual Museum of the Modern Romanian;
3) Intercultural Dialogue Street: artistic manifestations of ethnic minorities;
4) Music Corner: musical performances and debates over the status of music as
universal language and its cultural determinations in an intercultural environment;
5) Mental Maps: diverse approaches to the ways in which local communities retain
memories of the past inscribed both in their tangible and intangible heritage.6
The National Public Education Centre of Slovakia coordinates the “European Year of
Intercultural Dialogue 2008 in Slovakia” (01.01.2008 – 31.12.2008). The project aims to
promote the idea of European co-operation and common cultural values across Slovakia
through the co-beneficiary association of towns and municipalities of Slovakia. It also aims to
emphasize the role of intercultural dialogue as a principle connecting groups of citizens. This
project involves co-beneficiaries from two other Central European countries (Hungary and the
Czech Republic), and it is based on the activation of grassroots civic activities in Slovakia.
The planned activities of the Project of National Public Education Centre consist of:
- Expert International Conference “Animation of the European Citizenship in the
Slovak Local Culture” (July 2008), which consists of theoretical sessions and workshops
(presented in the fields of arts, gastronomy, environment and dancing). There are 110 expert
participants: representatives of cultural organisations, municipalities, third sector and private
5
More information on projects, activities and events in Poland, see: “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in
Poland”, http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/553.0.html?&L=0; Adam Mickiewicz Institute, http:
//www.iam.pl/en/site/; The Borderland Foundation, http: //www.pogranicze.sejny.pl/?s=flash&lang=eng;
Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, http: //www.men.gov.pl/; “Youth and Culture in Dialogue”, http:
//www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/432.0.html.
6
More information on projects, activities and events in Romania, see: „Puzzle”, in: http:
//www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/554.0.html?&L=0; Guvernul României. Departamentul pentru relaŃii
interetnice / Government of Romania. Interethnic Relations Department, http: //www.dri.gov.ro/; Consultancy
Centre for European Cultural Programs, http: //www.eurocult.ro/en/index.html; “Youth and Culture in
Dialogue”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/432.0.html?&L=0; Ministerul Culturii şi Cultelor /
The Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs, http: //www.cultura.ro/; Institutul Intercultural TImişoara /
Intercultural Institute of Timişoara, http: //www.intercultural.ro/.
59
sector, educational institutions. The conclusion of the Conference is the call - The Days of
European Citizenship and Intercultural Dialogue in Slovakia.
- Days of Intercultural Dialogue in Slovakia - Public Call for organising workshops
throughout Slovakia: My Home is Europe (September 2008). Due to the aim of this part, people
react on the Call and realize activities with the possibility of using the logo and slogan of the
Year. They will record their activities and provide this record to the National Public Education
Centre. The National Public Education Centre has to make these records available on its
respective website.
Target groups of this project are very diverse, from towns to small municipalities, from
senior citizens to the youngest age groups. The target will be engaged in civil society initiatives
at the local level and the creation of an interactive Internet platform.7
National Strategies of the states define actions foreseen to involve civil society and the
communication sector. The Hungarian Ministry of Education and Culture invites a wide
spectrum of cultural, educational and minority non-governmental organisations to participate.
Non-governmental and professional advocacy organisations should develop the efforts of the
National Coordination Body which also invite the media and private organisations to actively
help formulate ideas and carry out the programme. In the context of civil society, it is worth
mentioning that the preparation of Poland’s National strategy has been consulted with the
representatives of national cultural institutions. Those included: the Adam Mickiewicz Institute,
the International Cultural Centre, the Fryderyk Chopin National Institute, the National Centre
for Culture. The Council of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland is composed
of the representatives of leading non-governmental organisations in Poland, ethnic and national
minorities’ organisations, academic communities as well as government institutions and offices.
In Romania, as it was mentioned, a special partnership contract is established with the
Intercultural Institute of Timişoara.8 In “Consultations of civil society and stakeholders” chapter
of National strategy it is notified that in the main, different members of the civil society, i.e.
journalists, sociologists, researchers and communication experts are involved in the process of
public consultations. The Slovak National strategy shows that activities of the European Year of
Intercultural Dialogue 2008 are aimed towards the following target groups: general public –
extra-scientific and scientific, majority community, children and young people, members of
national minorities and ethnic groups, marginalized groups of the population, immigrants.
In the countries considered for this paper, the influence of non-government
organisations and authorised persons are crucial and civil society (in cooperation with official
state institutions) is effectively involved in implementation of projects. For instance, the
representatives of civil society strongly cooperate with Ministries of Foreign affairs, Ministries
of Culture, Ministries of Education, etc. Every National strategy has a chapter which determines
cooperation with stakeholders. Therefore, cultural cooperation (in the context proposed by
7
8
More information on projects, activities and events in Slovakia, see: Podpredseda vlády Slovenskej republiky
pre vedomostnú spoločnos, európske záležitosti, l’udské práva a menšiny, http: //www.caplovic.vlada.gov.sk/;
Ministerstvo Kultúry Slovenskej Republiky / The Ministry of Culture of Slovak Republik, http:
//www.culture.gov.sk/; “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 in Slovakia”
http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/559.0.html
The Intercultural Institute of Timişoara was established in 1992 with the support of the local authorities of
Timişoara and of the Council of Europe. This is an autonomous, non-governmental institution, having a
cultural, civic and scientific activity, without political purposes, which adheres to the values and the principles
of the Council of Europe concerning intercultural actions. Through its programmes and activities, the
Intercultural Institute of Timişoara pursues the development of the intercultural dimension in the fields of
education and culture. The Intercultural Institute of Timişoara has established a wide network of partners from
different regions of Romania and from several European countries, including institutions, non-government
organisations and professionals from its interest areas. Intercultural Institute of Timişoara is cooperating very
well with local, regional and national authorities in the fields of education, culture, youth and national
minorities. A particularly fruitful cooperation has been established with the Council of Europe, mainly with
the departments of education, culture and youth and with the Confidence Building Measures Programme (for
more information, see: http: //www.intercultural.ro/).
60
European Union and the states) is closely connected with people-to-people activity, which
improves the process of cooperation and exchanges in different spheres.
Conclusion
It is necessary to notice that the success of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue
in 2008, the future of relevant processes, and its extending beyond this year, will very much
depend on the active involvement of civil society. For a long time, the European Union has
encouraged intercultural dialogue through various programmes and initiatives. So, now it needs
to involve not only public authorities but also civil society as a whole.
As the documents and projects considered in this article show, many cultural initiatives are
taking place with the support of civil society. Non-government organisations are actively involved in
the process of cultural exchange, research projects, educational activity, art events, and promotion of
intercultural dialogue in general. Subsequently, an efficiency of intercultural dialogue depends on the
participation of non-government organisations, religious groups, art communities, educational
organisations, other members of civil society. The reason for this cooperation is successful start of
such dialogue precisely in the communities (created by people beyond the state’s influence) where
people have direct contacts and aspiration to interact more closely.
On the one hand, successful contribution on this level leads to expansion of good
results. Participation of civil society is an evidence of real interest of social groups and
individuals to considered projects and initiatives. When we analyse an appropriate legislation of
European Union and the context of National projects of the states, we note that great attention is
paid to intercultural cooperation. It proves an importance of democratic principles of
cooperation, respect of mentioned states to democratic values. Citizen’s participation in the
shaping of cultural policy is an important precondition of efficient implementation of
appropriate projects: it respects cultural diversity; supports solidarity; recognises equal rights;
integration of minorities; intention to promotion common values, heritage and symbols;
realizing efficient partnership with neighbouring countries could be very powerful.
Moreover, cooperation on the regional level is very effective due to existence of
motivation and opportunities to take the influence and needs of neighbouring states into
consideration. Therefore, the Carpathian Euroregion states, which have some common
traditions, cultural heritage, past, historical relations between countries, can find mutual
understanding not only in the sphere of political and economical cooperation, but also in
promotion of intercultural dialogue, as well as in the sphere of people-to-people activity.
As a result, the coordination of the objectives involving civil society in the process of
cultural cooperation proves an efficient tool for the promotion of intercultural dialogue and
makes cooperation within the context of cultural diversity possible, fostering and supporting the
region’s common values and, thus, guaranteeing the stability in the region.
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authorise the Commission to participate, on behalf of the Community, in the negotiations within
UNESCO on the convention on the protection of the diversity of cultural contents and artistic
expressions, Brussels, 1.9.2004 SEC (2004), 1062 Commission of the European Communities, 7 p.
“Consolidated version of the Treaty establishing the European Community”, in: Official Journal of
European Communities, C325 E, 24.12.2002, p. 33-184.
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concerning the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008)”, Official Journal of European
Union, L 412 EN, 30.12.2006, p. 44-49.
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European Commission (2007), “Intercultural dialogue in Europe. Summary. Analytical Report”, in Flash
Survey on attitudes of EU citizens to intercultural dialogue and intercultural relations. / Conducted
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2007, 12 p.
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Dialogue 2008, see: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_slovakia.doc
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ELECTRONIC SOURCES
Adam Mickiewicz Institute, http: //www.iam.pl/en/site/ (consulted August 2008)
*** (2008, consulted) “THE ARTS Festivals' Declaration on Intercultural Dialogue”, in: http:
//www.ljubljana.si/en/highlights/current_topics/art_festivals/default.html (consulted August 2008)
Bevándorlási és Állampolgársági Hivatal / Office of Immigration and Nationality, http: //www.bmbah.hu/
(consulted August 2008)
The Borderland Foundation, http: //www.pogranicze.sejny.pl/?s=flash&lang=eng
Carpathian Foundation, http: //www.carpathianfoundation.org/cf/web/hq/index.jsp (consulted 2008)
Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programs, http: //www.eurocult.ro/en/index.html
„European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008. National Strategy of Romania, see: http:
//ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_romania.doc (consulted July 2008)
“European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue
2008.eu/553.0.html?&L=0 (consulted August 2008)
European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008. National Strategy of Romania, see: http:
//ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_romania.doc
“European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 in Slovakia”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/559.0.html
(consulted July 2008)
Ferrero-Waldner, Benita (2007), “The European Neighbourhood Policy and the Regions”, Speech of Benita FerreroWaldner, European Commissioner for External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy, Brussels,
December
18,
2007,
in:
http:
//www.europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/07/829&format=HTML
&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en (consulted August 2008)
Guvernul României. Departamentul pentru relaŃii interetnice / Government of Romania. Interethnic Relations
Department, http: //www.dri.gov.ro/ (consulted August 2008)
Institutul Intercultural Timişoara / Intercultural Institute of Timişoara, http: //www.intercultural.ro/ (consulted
August 2008)
KultúrPont Iroda, http: //www.kulturpont.hu/ (consulted August 2008)
Ministerstvo Kultúry Slovenskej Republiky / The Ministry of Culture of Slovak Republik, http:
//www.culture.gov.sk/ (consulted July 2008)
Ministerul Culturii şi Cultelor / The Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs, http: //www.cultura.ro/ (consulted
August 2008)
Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, http: //www.men.gov.pl/ (consulted August 2008)
Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Ukraine, www.mincult.gov.ua (consulted July 2008)
Miniszterelnöki Portál / Prime Minister Office, http: //www.meh.hu/ (consulted September 2008)
62
National strategies for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/archive/dialogue/
strategies_en.html
National Strategy and Priorities. Hungary, “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008”, in: http: //ec.europa.eu/
culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_hungary.doc (consulted September 2008)
National Strategy of the Slovak Republic for the Implementation of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue
2008, in: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_slovakia.doc (consulted July 2008)
Podpredseda vlády Slovenskej republiky pre vedomostnú spoločnos, európske záležitosti, l’udské práva a menšiny,
http: //www.caplovic.vlada.gov.sk/ (consulted August 2008)
Population and Housing Census 2002 Population, in: http: //www.stat.gov.pl/bdren_n/app/dane_podgrup.katgrupg
(consulte in September 2008)
„Poland’s National Strategy for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue”, in: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/
dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_poland.pdf (consulted August 2008)
“Population Census 2001. Hungarian Central Statistical Office”, in: http: //www.nepszamlalas.hu/eng/
„Puzzle”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/554.0.html?&L=0 (consulted July 2008)
“Rezultate”, in: http: //www.recensamant.ro/pagini/rezultate.html (consulted August 2008)
State Statistics Committee of Ukraine, www.ukrstat.gov.ua (consulted August 2008)
UNESCO Convention on cultural diversity”, in: ec.europa.eu/culture/portal/action/diversity/unesco_en.htm
(consulted July 2008)
“Youth and Culture in Dialogue”, http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/432.0.html (consulted July 2008)
“Youth and culture in dialogue. Start and End dates”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue
2008.eu/432.0.html?&L=0 (consulted July 2008)
Emigration, Immigration and Interculturality: The Meaning
of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Portugal
Teresa PINHEIRO
Abstract: Owing to its colonial past, Portugal has been confronted for centuries with
cultural otherness. From the Age of the Overseas Discoveries until the end of the colonial
empire in Africa in 1975, Portugal's policy, economy and culture were orientated towards the
overseas colonies. Due to this and to the huge emigration during the 1960s and 1970s to
European industrial countries, Portugal has been considered to be traditionally an emigration
country. The lost of the colonies in Africa, the re-centralisation and the joining of the European
Union brought to Portuguese society a rapid change. Portugal was no longer only an
emigration country. It also became the destination of some thousands of immigrants, coming
especially from Eastern Europe, Africa, and Brazil. Within this context, the Emigration
Museum in Fafe seeks to keep alive the memory of emigration in Portuguese society, bearing in
mind that the consciousness of having been an emigration country contributes to a better
understanding of immigration intra muros. The activities of the museum during the European
Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008) give an example of this social mission of mediating
between the experience of emigration and immigration.
Key words: intercultural dialogue, emigration, immigration, Portugal
1. Portugal between Emigration and Immigration
With the end of the Iberian dictatorships of Franco and Salazar in the mid 1970s and
the joining of the European Union in 1986, both Spain and Portugal experienced a period of
rapid and complex political, economic and social change. This context also had repercussions in
the migration movements from and to both countries. The economic growth and the integration
in the European Union provoked in Spain a clear change from a traditionally emigration country
to an important destination for world migration. Social scientists agree in regarding Spain as
basically an immigration country at present (Kreienbrink, 2004: 66). Portugal's case is more
complex. Among Portuguese migration experts, emigration has been considered a structural
constant since the beginnings of the overseas expansion. The growing immigration movements
into Portugal after 1986 were interpreted at that time as a sign of change from being an
emigration to an immigration country, similar to what had happened in Spain. But in reality,
Portuguese emigration did not diminish rapidly, and even grew in the mid 1990s. In the last few
years, many studies have paid attention to this, claiming that Portugal is at the present still an
emigration country, being at the same time an important destination for world-wide
immigration. Portugal is an emigration and an immigration country (Peixoto, 2004).
In the following pages I shall outline the most significant conjunctures of Portuguese
emigration and immigration until today. This brief overview should make clear that both
tendencies have had and still do have a huge influence on the Portuguese society.
1.1. Emigration as a Structural Constant in Portuguese History
With the first Portuguese "discoveries" on the Atlantic coasts during the 15th century,
the mobility of population from the Portuguese continental territory to overseas colonies also
began. Although there had been a dislocation of population to the fortifications along the coast
of Africa and in India, it was only during the colonisation of Azores, Madeira, Cape Verde and
especially of Brazil that the first significant settlements of a Portuguese population in the
overseas territories can be attested (Russell; Wood 1998a: 228-230). During the first landing of
Pedro Álvares Cabral's fleet in 1500 in Brazil, the court writer of Manuel I, Pêro Vaz de
Caminha, wrote from Brazil to his king:
64
[…] and I believe that if your highness sends someone here who can be among them
[the Brazilians] they will all turn out according to your wishes (Caminha 1500: fl. 13).1
Although Caminha recognised the necessity of populating the new land in order to
colonise it and defend its possession from other rising overseas powers, the 16th to 18th century's
colonisation of Brazil can be defined as a long struggle of the central and colonial
administration for recruiting settlers from the small and sparsely populated mother country to
the enormous South American colony. The historical sources only give us some disperse facts
on the flows of Portuguese population to the colonies, but they confirm that during this period,
Portuguese emigration to the overseas territories remained residual compared with the 19th
century (Russell; Wood 1998b: 125).2
In fact, only during the 19th century can we speak of Portuguese emigration to Brazil3
in the assertion of the term as a numerically considerable relocation of population from one
state to another. Indeed between 1855 and 1914 about 1 million people abandoned Portugal and
emigrated to the independent state of Brazil (since 1822), looking for better living conditions
(Monteiro, 2008: 2). According to the characteristics of Portuguese emigration to Brazil during
this period and to its push and pull factors, we can place it in the huge conjuncture of the
European emigration to the American continent during the second half of the 19th and the first
decades of the 20th century. The most important period of Portuguese emigration to Brazil was
between 1850 and the world economic crisis of the late 1920s. It was a mainly male emigration,
composed of young men between 15 and 30 years, who were employed either as sellers in
Portuguese companies or as peasants substituting the slave manpower after the abolition of
slavery in 1888. They were pushed out of Portugal for reasons similar to other European
countries, such as the demographic growth and the huge unemployment rates due to
industrialisation (Coelho, 2004: 23). Most of the Portuguese emigrants to Brazil left the north of
Portugal, mostly the region of Oporto and Minho, due to the social and economic structure of
this region. The rolling countryside conditioned the emergence of small land ownerships, which
could only be inherited by the eldest son, provoking an excess of population composed of
young men excluded from land ownership.
The impact of Portuguese emigration to Brazil on the homeland was significant, for
many of the emigrants to Brazil returned to Portugal.4 The Portuguese romantic literature
perpetuated the stereotyped image of the "Brazilian". This was a Portuguese Brazil emigrant,
mostly illiterate, who returned rich to his homeland in Northern Portugal and used to exhibit his
richness by building an incommensurable representative mansion.5 Many scholars have taken
efforts to find out the historical reality behind this stereotype of the rich Brazilian. They have
concluded that only about 5% of the Portuguese Brazil emigrants returned to Portugal owning a
considerable fortune (Rowland, 2000: 338) that could be transformed into symbolic capital
(Bourdieu, 1972). But this minority was visible enough, since they gathered to bring economic
and cultural dynamism to their hometowns by building schools, hospitals, public parks or
private houses.
After Brazil’s independence, the Portuguese king moved the strategic focus to its African
territories. In 1836, the Portuguese Prime Minister Sá da Bandeira presented his proposal of
1
Translation by T.P.
The same seemed to happen within the wider context of European emigration. Between the 16th and 18th
century about 1 million people left the European continent; in contrast to this, only between 1840 and
1930 did European emigration reach 60 million people (Coelho 2004: 21).
3
The Portuguese emigration flows during the 19th century were mostly canalised to Brazil, due to the
settlement of a Portuguese colonial population since the 16th century. Between 1836 and 1899 95.8% of
the passengers who left the city of Oporto went to Brazil (Rowland 2000: 304).
4
Virgínia Aníbal Coelho estimates that about 30% of the Portuguese emigrant population in Brazil
returned to Portugal (Coelho 2004: 24).
5
Some examples of the success of this figure are the works of Camilo Castelo Branco: Os Brilhantes do
Brasileiro (1869); Novelas do Minho (1875-77); Eusébio Macário (1879); A Brasileira de Prazins
(1882). Also Júlio Dinis in A Morgadinha dos Canaviais and Luis de Magalhães in O Brasileiro Soares
contributed to the petrification of the "Brazilian".
2
65
intensifying the colonisation of African possessions. In his "Report to the Cortes" of February 19,
Sá da Bandeira pleaded for the settlement of a European population in Angola, Mozambique and
Cape Verde in order to increase the cultivation of colonial products and thus create an economic
alternative to Brazil. This new orientation brought consequences for the emigration policy. It was
to make emigration to Brazil more difficult and promote the transfer of population from the excolony to the African possessions (Rowland, 2000: 315). In 1851 the Overseas Council was
established with the main mission of intensifying the colonisation of the African territories and of
canalising the Portuguese emigration to the colonies (Alexandre, 2000: 90).
In spite of these measures, a significant increase in Portuguese residents in Africa could
not be observed until the end of the 19th century, as the colonial powers in Europe started to move
their interests to Africa. With the competition of the European imperial powers for possessions in
Africa after the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, Portugal had to further improve the colonial
structures in the African colonies with the so-called Campaigns of Occupation (Alexandre, 2000b:
182). The historical arguments advanced by Portugal to defend its right of possession – the
discovery of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe
during the 15th century – no longer gained a hearing during the negotiations. Instead, only factual
occupation was to legitimate the colonial possession. These changes in the conditions of the world
order resulted in the increase of a European population in Africa. In Lourenço Marques,6 for
example, the European population increased from 591 people in 1894 to 3,322 in 1900, of whom
64% were of Portuguese and 22% of British origin (Rowland, 2000: 320).
By this time, and especially during the dictatorship of the New State under Oliveira
Salazar, the African possessions became more an ideological and political, rather than economic
basis of national politics. Being the Minister for the Colonies for a few months in 1930, Salazar
established with the "Colonial Act" the legal foundations of the Portuguese colonisation of the
African possessions and reinforced through a foreign policy mainly made of symbols the idea of
Portuguese colonies in Africa not being at the disposal of the other European imperial powers
(Silva, 1996: 21). The participation of Portugal in the colonial exhibition of Paris in 1931, the
organisation of its own colonial exhibition three years after, the publication of the famous map,
in which the Portuguese colonies were drawn upon the European territory bearing the title
"Portugal is not a small country" – all of these contributed to establishing Portugal as a colonial
power during the 20th century (Léonard, 2000: 23-24).
As the Portuguese conduct of maintaining the colonies started to be contested by the
UN after the Second World War (Pinto, 2000: 56), the cabinet of Salazar introduced some
measures to accentuate the establishment of Portuguese people in Africa. This, together with the
strategic change of nomenclature of the African territories from colonies to overseas provinces,
was to make clear that the main land and the overseas territories formed an organic unity, which
was not supposed to be divided (Oliveira, 1992: 71). Although it never achieved the proportions
of the flows to Brazil, in the decades of 1950 and 1960, emigration to the Portuguese colonies
of Africa significantly increased again. 1966 was the year with the highest outflow to the
African colonies, with 5,011 persons (Peixoto, 2000: 154).
But if we compare these numbers with Portuguese emigration to European industrial
countries in the second half of the 20th century, it will be clear that (i) the 1960s and 1970s are,
together with emigration to Brazil in the 19th century, one of the most important contexts of
Portuguese emigration; (ii) the destinations of Portuguese emigration at that time were not in
Africa but rather France, Germany, Luxemburg and Switzerland. In 1966 itself, legal
emigration to France is estimated at 63,611 people (ibidem), about twelve times more than
departures to the African colonies.
The economic stagnation in Portugal due to the politics of autonomy of the New State
was increased by the high financial and human costs of the colonial wars in Angola,
Mozambique and Guinea Bissau from 1961 to 1974. The colonial war had a double pushing
effect on Portuguese emigration. Despite leading the country to economic ruin, it also
encouraged men to leave the country as a way of escaping military service in the colonial war in
6
Today Maputo, the capital of Mozambique.
66
Africa. In 1970 about 860,000 Portuguese immigrants lived in France. Germany and
Luxemburg were the other destination countries of Portuguese emigration.
In 1964 the German State signed an agreement with Portugal to contract guest workers
in order to rapidly reconstruct the country after the Second World War. Until the agreement was
cancelled in 1973 due to the first oil crisis, Portuguese emigration to Germany steadily
increased (Portugiesische Botschaft in Berlin, 2004: 2).
Joining the European Union in 1986 brought about rapid economic growth in Portugal,
which curbed the emigration flows of the previous decades. Nevertheless, this did not mean the
end of Portuguese emigration, as it was stated in some scientific publications (Paiva, 1985). In
fact, European membership also made it easier for Portuguese workers to leave their homeland
and settle down in another EU country or go there for seasonal work. When the so-called
"Aufbau Ost" – the reconstruction of Eastern Germany after the fall of the Berlin wall –
increased the demand for construction workers, Portuguese emigration to Germany rose once
more. More recently, Switzerland has been the main destination of Portuguese emigration.
Indeed, at the beginning of the 1990s Switzerland was the destination of about 40% of
Portuguese emigration (Peixoto, 2000: 158).
These tendencies in Portuguese emigration during the last five centuries caused the
Portuguese historian Vitorino Magalhães Godinho to consider emigration as a structural
constant of Portuguese history (Godinho, 1978: 22; Peixoto, 2000: 152). Although the decades
of 1960 and 1970 were the zenith of Portuguese emigration flows, it is a fact that emigration did
not come to an end, nor has it been reduced to an insignificant dimension. Nowadays there are
still about 25,000 people per year who leave Portugal to work abroad (Peixoto, 2004: 98).
1.2. New Challenges for the Small Country: Immigration
Since the last decade of the 20th century, immigration has become a much discussed
topic in the Portuguese media. The main reason for this has been the rapid increase of
immigration coming from Brazil and Eastern Europe. Nevertheless, immigration is already an
important social phenomenon in Portugal since the 1960s. The huge emigration flows of
Portuguese working population to European countries caused a manpower shortage at this time
in some sectors of industrial production in Portugal. The New State tried to compensate for this
by recruiting a working force from the African colonies, especially from Cape Verde (Pires,
2003: 123). Because at that time the African colonies were officially part of the Portuguese
territory, these movements of population were considered to be inter-regional migration of
Portuguese citizens. The consequence of this is that the immigration from African colonies
cannot be quantified.
With the end of the New State in 1974 and the subsequent independence of the former
colonies in Africa, the Portuguese society has experienced not only an important political and
social change, but also the highest dislocation of population ever since. Between 1974 and
1975, about half million Portuguese settlers in Africa were repatriated to Portugal. Although not
considered immigrants, because of their Portuguese nationality, the phenomenon of the
repatriates – so-called retornados – confronted the Portuguese State with the greatest growth of
residential population in a short time ever since. During 1975, about half a million Portuguese
citizens coming mainly from Angola and Mozambique returned to Portugal. Although the
Portuguese State was not in a favourable condition to integrate these citizens during the
politically and economically unstable situation in the years after the Carnation Revolution, the
fact is that the integration of retornados is considered to have been successful, according to
current sociological research, since this biographical particularity of this community is not
visible in Portuguese society. The main reason for this may lay hidden in the fact that most
retornados were first-generation emigrants who had gone to the African possession in the 1950s
and 1960s, as the New State sought to increase the settlement of Portuguese population in
Africa. As the political situation in Angola and Mozambique became unstable between the
Carnation Revolution and the independence of the colonies, this Portuguese population returned
to a country they knew well, since they had been socialised there. Rui Pena Pires emphasises
67
the importance of this constellation in comparing it with the more difficult process of
reintegration of the French pied noirs, of whom 80% were born in Algeria (Pires, 2003: 193).
With the retornados also came approximately 28,000 Africans, both refugees from the
civil wars in Angola and Mozambique and working immigrants from all former colonies
(ibidem, 132-133). Unlike the retornados, this African community had no special connection to
Portugal or Portuguese nationality since they came from independent states. These African
citizens coming from the former colonies made up the most significant community of
immigrants in Portugal. This was to change with Portugal’s joining the European Union
(ibidem, 132).
The integration of Portugal into the European Community brought along higher
economic growth. Subsequently, Portugal has attracted a significant number of working
immigrants since the 1980s. Between 1980 and 1998, the number of immigrants in Portugal
increased from 58,000 to 191,000 people (ibidem, 137). While during the 1970s and 1980s
immigration in Portugal was confined to movements from the former colonies of Africa, at the
end of the 1990s there was a significant change in immigration flows, with an increase in
immigrants from Brazil. Immigration also increased from about 1% at the end of the 1980s to
about 2% at the end of the 1990s. It was fundamentally lusophone immigration, with citizens
from Cape Verde, Brazil, Angola and Guinea-Bissau being the most represented. With the
intensified investments in Portugal after joining the EU, there was also an increment in
immigration of highly qualified manpower coming from industrial countries like Great Britain,
Germany and the USA (Rocha-Trindade, 2004: 76).
At about the end of the 20th century a significant change in immigration to Portugal
occurred due to the coming of citizens from Eastern Europe, especially from the Ukraine. If
Ukrainians did not appear in immigrations statistics in 1999, they were the most represented
group with 62.834 residents in 2003 (ibidem, 2004: 78). In addition, Moldavia and the Russian
Federation are represented in the Portuguese immigration statistics. The immigration from
Eastern Europe brought two important changes. On the one hand, it contributed to the growth of
foreign population from about 2% at the end of the 1990s to about 4% in 2003. On the other
hand, it was the first immigration flow that was not the result of historical ties between the
origin countries and Portugal. It was rather an effect of Portugal's opening to the global
migratory system. For the first time, Portugal was the recipient of labour immigration from
countries with which there were no special relations before and whose citizens did not speak
Portuguese as their mother tongue.
This significant growth in population figures coming from Eastern Europe should not
cast a shadow over the fact that also the Brazilian population grew significantly7, and is the
most represented foreign population in Portugal today.
In 2007 the most represented origin countries of immigration to Portugal were Brazil,
Cape Verde, and the Ukraine.8 Although statistically immigration in Portugal is not as
significant as in other European states9, it should be said that it is remarkably visible. This is
due, on the one hand, to the fact that citizens from Eastern Europe mainly speaking Slavic
languages were residual until the end of the 20th century and, on the other hand, to the fact that
both Ukrainians and Brazilians work especially in the tertiary sector and are thus present in
everyday life of the urban centres.
As Portugal is both an emigration and an immigration country nowadays, both issues
are very present in Portuguese mass media. One and the same newspaper will contain an article
denouncing badly-treated Portuguese working abroad and one about immigrants being victims
of racism in Portugal, as well as success stories about Portuguese citizens in foreign countries
and about foreign citizens in Portugal (Leite, 2004: 30).
7
From 3.608 in 1980 to 12.678 in 1991 (Rocha-Trindade 2004: 82) and 42.319 in 2008 (INE 2008).
With respectively 66,354, 63,925 and 39,480 residents in Portugal (SEF 2007).
9
In 2007 immigrants represented 4.3% of the total population in Portugal (SEF 2007).
8
68
2. Fafe as an Open Air Emigration Museum
Fafe, a small town in the North of Portugal, with a total population of about 53.000
inhabitants, accommodates the only emigration museum in Portugal. In a traditionally
centralised country like Portugal, it may be surprising that the museum is not located in Lisbon.
Yet the history of Fafe has predestined this town to be a centre of research and information
about the topic of emigration in Portugal. The city of Fafe participated in the context of
Portuguese emigration to Brazil during the 19th century. Only between 1834 and 1926 did 8.722
inhabitants of Fafe go to Brazil. (Monteiro, 2000: 142) Some of these people returned to Fafe
and considerably influenced the development of the city by building schools, factories, houses
and hospitals. The memory of the heritage of Portuguese emigration to Brazil is present in every
corner of Fafe and makes this city a living museum of Portuguese emigration history.
Fafe presents the synthesis of the elements necessary to understand that period of time.
It concentrates all dimensions of the industrial, commercial and cultural revolution of the 19th
and first decades of the 20th century, especially of emigration and the return of the “Brazilians”
to their towns of origin. In fact, since 1858, the first Brazilian emigrants returned to Fafe. Their
return was soon visible through the palaces and houses they built. In their fronts we find the
representation of a new social type. In its interior, we can visit an elegant, urban and cultured
life of capitalist Bourgeois, of which pieces consist such as the piano, foreign reviews, imported
jewels and furnishings made of Brazilian wood. The Brazilians had drawn a city, opening
streets and squares, constructing the exotic romantic garden Passeio Público (1892), seeking to
imitate the metropolises. They financed music bands and supported the Voluntary Firemen
(1890). They engaged in politics, reflecting the struggles between progressives, regenerators
and republicans, testified in the innumerable local press. A signal of their success and the
achieved cultural and symbolic capital of these returned emigrants is the fact that the
"Brazilians" were the centre of Fafe's social life. They were frequent visitors of casinos,
beaches, coffee houses, theatres and hotels, as a class that had made leisure the expression of a
new social status. The principles of freedom, reason and of mutual aid, learned in Brazil,
influenced these newcomers in their decisions to support civic constructions. In fact, the
hospital (1858), asylums (1877, 1906), the school (1866), and the new church (1895) of Fafe
were built thanks to the spirit of philanthropy and to the money of the "Brazilians". But also the
first factories, the introduction of electrical energy and the first telegraph in Fafe have the mark
of the capital and the belief in progress that this new bourgeoisie brought with them from Brazil
(Monteiro, 2001).
2.1. The Concept of the Museum on Emigration
Fafe’s Emigration Museum aims to work out this memory of Portuguese emigration
and its expression in two perspectives: departure and return. It was founded in 2001 as mainly
an online museum10. The idea of having an online museum was justified by the technological
possibilities of archiving documentation and making it accessible to a large public. It thus fulfils
the mission of being a platform of communication for research and qualification activities,
having social scientists, associations related to migration, and migrants as individuals as its
target audience. The main thematic emphasis of the museum is in the two most significant
contexts of the Portuguese emigration history: the emigration to Brazil in the second half of the
19th and the first decade of the 20th century and the emigration to European countries north of
the Pyrenees in the 1960s and 1970s. It founds its existence on the premise of mobility being a
structural constant of the Portuguese society and regards the new phenomenon of immigration
as part of this. This project seeks to make visible the effects of Portuguese emigration and
immigration in Portugal both in the countries of origin as well as in the destination countries.
Migration phenomena always bring with them the transfer of knowledge and ideas in different
areas such as industry, architecture, commerce, arts, associative movements, etc.
The virtual museum is composed of six thematic sites: Memory, Diaspora, Ancestry,
Communities, Lusophony, and Knowledge. In the Memory Site, the virtual audience can
10
The web museum can be found at: www.museu-emigrantes.org.
69
visualise the material and symbolic expressions of emigration in the origin and destination
places as well as its influences produced in social behaviour and private life. The Diaspora Site
consists of a database, divided into different areas: Europe, North America, Africa, Asia,
Oceania, Brazil and other South American countries. The aim is to identify the communities of
Portuguese origin spread all over the world. The Ancestry Site aims to reconstruct the
genealogies of those who emigrated. Different documentary sources on families are put together
to tell "histories of life" of each one of its elements. The Site Communities is directed at the
associations of immigrants in Europe, North America, Africa, Asia and South America. It
contributes to compiling the knowledge of its history, the spreading of its activities and the
maintenance of links with the origin territories. The Lusophony Site divulges the life and work
of those who more significantly contributed to the development of lusophone cultural
expressions. The information comprises the time from the appropriation of the colonial
territories until today. The Knowledge Site contributes to the spread of scientific works in the
different areas of migration phenomena (Monteiro, 2001).
But if the museum is first and foremost a web museum, its virtual nucleus is supported
by physical sites: the museum itself, the Museological and the Historical Sites and the archive.
The museum is structured in rooms devoted to the reconstitution of the origin, the journey, and
the migratory experience. It displays personal objects, trying to reconstruct the everyday life of
emigrant and returned families. The Historical and Museological Sites are physical places that
can be visited with specialised guides. Knowing the history of these places is a way to keep
alive the memory of emigration and return. Some of these places are private houses of
"Brazilians", public parks, hospitals and schools built with the financial support of the returned
emigrants. The Historical Archive seeks to acquire documents and objects of the emigrants and
descendants, in order to create an estate on Portuguese emigration. This estate should be
composed of documents like personal letters, diaries and photographs with both illustrative and
documentary functions. Especially such documents related to the migratory movements such as
issued passports, lists of ship passengers, work contracts and censuses are precious elements in
every emigration museum. A Support Service also belongs to the museum. Its main mission is
to research ancestries, give information on the origin territories, establish contacts and link the
research centres. It also collects documentation on scientific studies and specialised
bibliography and organises temporary expositions as well as cultural, educational and scientific
meetings on the subject of emigration and immigration. Finally, the museum also includes a
research centre, which is composed of junior and senior scholars working on the area of
migration (ibidem, 2001).
This project does not intend to be a great narrative of the two most important periods
of Portuguese emigration. It rather draws attention to the particular and unique: family stories,
biographies and family trees. It looks at the lives of the thousands of children, women and men
who were banished to the edge of history and now emerge in the memory of grandchildren and
great-grandchildren. It also pays attention to aspects of economic, social and cultural history, of
quantitative and qualitative nature, clarifying the particulars in structural contexts.
The aim of the Emigration Museum is thus not to archive historical past, but rather to
keep alive the memory of Portuguese emigration. In this purpose, it shares the ideals of the
UNESCO Migration Museums Network, of which it is a member. The Migration Museums
Network summarises the aims of this initiative in three aspects:
While these initiatives also serve the duty to remember, they seem to have three main
objectives: Acknowledge, integrate and build awareness.
- Acknowledge: The contributions made by migrants to their host societies; the
diversity and wealth of the origin cultures; the right to a dual-belonging.
- Include and integrate: Foster the sense of belonging; enable the communities to feel an
integral part of the nation; find common ground and contribute to a national identity.
- Build awareness and educate about the events that induced individuals – and refugees
in particular – to leave their land, thus developing empathy among the host population. More
generally, deconstruct stereotypes about immigration (Migration Museums Network (2008)).
70
The fact that the Emigration Museum was created in 2001 does not come as a surprise
if we take into account this aim. Since the 1990s, immigration, especially from Eastern Europe
and Brazil, has considerably increased in Portugal. Keeping the memory of Portuguese
emigration alive should contribute to a better integration of foreign citizens. The museum
creates the consciousness that Portugal, being traditionally an emigration country, has a moral
duty to integrate the newcomers. The temporary exhibition Terra longe, terra perto. Traços da
emigração portuguesa that was on show during the spring of 2008 in the museum seeks to raise
awareness and to turn emigration into a "lieux de mémoire" (Nora, 1984-1992) of Portuguese
national identity. The exhibition was promoted by the Museum of the Presidency of the
Republic and integrated into the commemorations of the "Day of Portugal and the
Communities" in Setúbal. The sample applies to works of art representing emigration like the
painting "Emigrantes" by Domingos Rebelo and the sculpture Desterrados by Soares dos Reis.
But also personal documents of Portuguese emigrants in Brazil and France are part of the
exhibits. The following comment made by a visitor illustrates the role of such exhibitions in
making emigration a fundamental part of the Portuguese collective identity:
More than the pictures, sculptures or tapestries, what fascinates me in this exhibition is
the Portuguese identity. Leaving the country to conquer the future, without certainties; the
desire to return, which contradicts the feeling of belonging to the destination country; the
anguish and homesickness – this is what the 5 million Portuguese who live outside their country
feel. I participated in the ERASMUS programme. I lived four months out of my country, of my
city. Although telephone and Internet helped to keep in touch, I always felt the anguish of
departure, the discomfort of the arrival, the homesickness after the return… I felt like an
emigrant (Marques, 2007)11.
But how is it possible for a museum focused on the topic of emigration to forge a link
between emigration and immigration? The activities of the Emigration Museum during the
European Year of Intercultural Dialogue give us an idea of how this objective can be achieved.
2.2. The Activities of the Museum during the European Year of Intercultural
Dialogue: Perception of Cultural Otherness in Portuguese Society
In December 2006 the European Commission decided to declare 2008 the Year of
Intercultural Dialogue. It aimed to encourage civil society and institutions at European, national
and local levels to respect and promote cultural diversity in Europe. Different activities in all
Member States of the European Union promoting the intercultural dialogue were to be
supported with a budget of 10 million euros (European Commission 2006: 44). The Emigration
Museum in Fafe was one of the many institutions in European countries that promoted activities
within the scope of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. These activities were divided
into three categories: conferences on identities and double territoriality; rap concert Chullage;
intercultural dialogue at school.
The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue began in Fafe on March 14. On this day,
the pupils from Fafe’s Secondary School as well as all citizens of the small town were invited to
attend a conference on the subject of intercultural dialogue. The conference was opened by a
representative of UNESCO, Carine Rouah, who focused on the importance of language both in
integration processes and as a way of constructing social identity. Christine Märzhäuser, a
German scholar spoke, on the socio-linguistic basis of Cape Verdean Creole in the suburbs of
Lisbon and explained to the young audience the importance of Creole in affirming one's own
identity for citizens living in a culturally "double territory". The event comprised the
documentary film "Nu bai – rap negro Lisboa", which covers opinions and experiences of
rappers from Lisbon suburbs, realised by the Brazilian born social researcher Otávio Raposo.
A highlight of the evening was the participation of rap-singer Nuno Santos alias Chullage
for both the panel discussion and concert. Rap music as a means of expression of cultural identity,
political discourse and as an emancipatory tool in the face of a monolithic mainstream culture is
deeply rooted in migrant youth communities in many countries. For rappers of Cape Verdean
11
Translation by T.P.
71
descent, Rap Kriolu not only “gives a voice to those who do not have a voice” (cit. Chullage, in
Nu bai) in Portuguese society. It also opens the public stage for Kabuverdianu, the creole
language that had so long been despised by the former colonisers and still waits to be fully
recognised as an official langugae of Cape Verde. The popularity of Chullage surprised the
teachers at Fafe, who had not counted on their students' familiarity and enthusiasm for the Lisbonbased rapper. Chullage's input in the panel discussion opened an important channel to promote
diversity and showed that what he said was really being heard and even waited for. He managed to
link the student's experiences of being young, marginal in Portuguese society and critical towards
discrimination and racism of all colours. The feeling of marginalisation in the case of Fafe is
provoked by its geographical position, far from the capital Lisbon. For many young people of
Cape Verdean descent in the Lisbon metropolitan area, marginalisation comes from a precarious
socio-economic position cemented by living area and skin colour. Sharing experiences and
communicating the message of getting a good education, resisting racism and valuing diversity
was successfully achieved through the afternoon event and in a festive mood at the concert, where
the local audience knew most of Chullage’s lyrics by heart12.
Intercultural dialogue at school was organised in co-operation between the Emigration
Museum and Fafe’s Secondary School. The target audience was made up of school girls and
boys between 13 and 16 years. Between April 7 and 11 the pupils were invited to assist in the
screening of four films: “L.A. Chrash”, “Iznogoud”, “Zona J” and “Diários de Guevara”. “L.A.
Chrash” is a 2004 film by Paul Haggis on the subject of social tensions in Los Angeles, caused
mainly by racism. The screening of the film and the ensuing discussion aim make the young
audience aware of the problems derived from an insufficient integration of immigrants. The
screening of the 2005 film “Iznogoud” by Patrick Braoudé is to bring the audience into a
discussion of the role of stereotypes and prejudices in perceiving cultural otherness. The impact
of the film “Zona J” among the young audience of the Secondary School of Fafe was very
significant; in this 1998 film by Leonel Vieira the main subjects are, like in “L.A. Crash”,
problems of racism and integration of immigrants, but the action of the film is located in
Chelas, a district of Lisbon known for the not always pacific co-existence of Portuguese and
Africans. The viewing and discussion of this film made the young people of Fafe aware of the
fact that racism is not only a problem in Los Angeles. Also in Portugal, especially in Lisbon and
suburbs, there are the phenomena of open racism towards the African residents. Some pupils
became conscious of similar problems in their own town, especially regarding the Gypsy
population living in Fafe. “Diários de Guevara”, a 2004 film by the Brazilian director Walter
Salles, completed the film cycle. This film shows the awakening to social inequalities and
injustices in one's own country, seen from the perspective of Che Guevara. The fact that
Guevara is an icon in youth culture nowadays facilitates identification with the values of
solidarity expressed in this film.
The effect of all these activities was visible especially among the young audience. We
can note this in some commentaries of the pupils:
After all, differences do not exist. There are people with different cultures, values,
religions or languages. We should not see them as different, but rather as people that can enrich
our culture (Magalhães, 2008)13.
Such events that make the social and cultural enrichment of immigration in Portugal
visible complement the social function of the Emigration Museum in Fafe in keeping the
memory of Portuguese emigration alive.
3. Conclusions
Although both the Portuguese public opinion and the research on migration put their
main emphasis on the immigration phenomenon of the last two decades, it is a fact that Portugal
is still an emigration country, with about 5 million Portuguese citizens and their descendents
12
I am most grateful to Christine Märzhäuser (Ludwig-Maximilian University) for the precious
information on these events.
13
Translation by T.P.
72
living abroad (Rocha-Trindade, 2004: 73). The fact that at the present in Portugal both
emigration and immigration are important phenomena represents a challenge for civic and
pedagogical institutions like museums.
The Emigration Museum in Fafe is not an isolated case, but rather has to be regarded
in a wider context of debates on immigration in Europe. Migration museums pretend to keep the
memory of the most important periods of emigration and immigration in which Europe
participated alive. The intention is not to write the history of migration and archive it to the
annals of the past. They rather try to anchor migration to one of the foundations of national
identity. As Jan Assmann defended, collective memory is the knowledge of a society's past that
is recalled in order to stabilise its group identity (Assmann, 1988: 13). Migration museums play
an important role in the process of putting emigration and immigration side by side with other
elements of the national identity of a state as a pluralist society (Motte; Ohliger 2004: 12).
The concept of the Emigration Museum in Fafe and the activities promoted during the
European Year of Intercultural Dialogue can be regarded within this European framework.
Portugal is confronted nowadays with an increasing number of citizens coming not only from
more familiar lusophone countries but also from countries with different cultures, languages or
religions. Promoting events that show the richness of the cultural otherness of the immigrant
communities draws attention to the positive sides of pluralism in Portuguese society.
Remembering emigration by telling individual stories of suffering and of success, by showing
the material and everyday culture of Portuguese emigrants emphasises that tolerance towards
immigration is not an option, but rather a duty.
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74
II. The Space of the European Union and the Interculturality
Suzana ŞAPTEFRAłI (Bucharest) ◙ The First Step towards Intercultural
Dialogue: Acknowledging the “Other” (Non)-stereotypical Representation
of Migrants versus Ethnic Minorities Before and After the 2007 European
Union Enlargement
Martin HOFMANN (Darmstadt, Oradea) ◙ New spatial theories and their
influence on intercultural dialogue Observing relational space in Oradea
Joke SWIEBEL (Hague) ◙ Intercultural dialogue and diversity within the EU
Kristína MORÁVKOVÁ (Bratislava) ◙ The Roma Population in Slovakia:
The Study Case of the Intercultural Dialogue
The First Step towards Intercultural Dialogue: Acknowledging the
“Other”. (Non)-stereotypical Representation of Migrants versus Ethnic
Minorities Before and After the 2007 European Union Enlargement
Suzana ŞAPTEFRAłI
Abstract: The present article provides a critical analysis of the mainstream media
representation of ethnicity categorised as ethnic minorities and migrants in the context of the
increasing inward migration flow due to globalisation and European Union eastward
enlargement by challenging the current views claiming that migrants and national minorities
are both under- and misrepresented. It points out that ethnic "otherness" cannot be treated as a
single item and that proper categorisation of the concept has to be applied in order to test old
theories or formulate new ones. In addition to that research outcomes identifying the lines
along which representation takes place-ranging from inclusion and intercultural dialogue on
the one hand to neglecting, marginalisation and stereotyping on the other are presented. Last
but not least, it offers key questions and issues for further debate.
Keywords: ethnic groups, media, under-representation, stereotype
The demise of communism in Central and Eastern Europe and the following transition
period found (ethnic) majorities and minorities alike in an absence of a meaningful frame of
reference, hence ethnicity became the only available tool to resort to for (re)constructing one's
identity. Ethnic struggles in the region, although much less violent as during the immediate
aftermath of communism, are far away from an end if struggle is regarded beyond armed
conflicts or physical violence.
Another important characteristic of the Eastern European space is the impact of
globalisation which most scholars agree to have a significant role on the resurgence of ethnic
and national separatism. On the other hand the Iron Curtain kept the borders of the Eastern
block closed in both directions and its fall coincided with the spread of the powerful force of the
globalising trends regarded here as economy-driven but accompanied by the creation of new
links between cultures and identities as well as resistance to cultural homogenisation.
The rebirth of ethnic tensions juxtaposed with the increasing globalisation understood
also as reinforcement of localism (or sub-national regionalism) and European Union integration
has unfortunately received little attention in the scholarly literature with regard to the formercommunist states which is why I intend to take a closer look at this aspect in a former member
of the Warsaw pact, respectively Romania, the choice being made given the unique nature of
the Romanian case due to the country's total border closure under the communist regime while
the economic, social and political conditions were by far poorer than most states in the region.
Thus the collapse of the communist dictatorship left place for stronger phenomena connected to
the border opening and contact with “outsiders” under the strong influx of migrants (termed
here generically with the meaning of all ethnically different newcomers: economic migrants,
refugees, asylum seekers, illegal immigrants, “new citizens” etc.).
The central focus of the present article is to examine the extent of representation of
ethnic difference as currently displayed in the Romanian society with regard to the “new”
versus the “old others” in the context of undergoing globalisation and European integration
processes through the lens of reinforcement of localism. From this perspective I seek to
investigate the (anti)-stereotype construction of the ethnic “others'” in the eyes of the majority
Romanian population, on what grounds is the current construction of ethnic “otherness” based,
by stressing the potential barriers for integration of the new ethnic minority groups into the
already multiethnic society and on how marginality, stigmatisation or ethnic segregation
manifest and influence the ethnically different newcomers.
77
As already mentioned, Romania’s borders were by far more closed than of any other
country in the former Communist block in both ways. On the one hand crossing the state border
legally was a right only an insignificant part of the population enjoyed while on the other
immigration was close to zero due to the state policy as well as to the severe lack of basic
resources Romania was facing and thus making it a very unattractive target to immigrants. Once
the borders opened after December 1989 the migration flow increased considerably to and from
the country. Since Romania joined the European Union in January 2007 we expect to
experience an increase in population movement since at least in the case of EU citizens the
principle of “free movement of persons” entered into force triggering a much looser policy of
access to temporary residence, working permits, etc.
Referring to the situation of the Western nation-states, Hjerm states that “in an era of
migration and globalisation the goal changed to preserving nationality at the expense of the
immigrants living in the territory” (Hjerm, 2003: 426). Does this hold true in the case of
Romania? How does the majority Romanian population perceive these new-comers? Borders,
as Conversi puts it, “indicate a limit which must not be trespassed” (Conversi, 1995: 75).
However the concept of border as such has a double-fold meaning: the physical state-border and
the symbolic group border where we use the term group in the generic meaning. Nonetheless
both function according to the same mechanism of conservation which is opposition. “By
definition, borders are oppositional and rely on otherness” continues Conversi. Moreover,
establishing certain borders leads to inclusion or exclusion which again can be legal or
symbolic, or in other words socially constructed. The aim of this paper is to touch upon this
second aspect, namely the socially constructed inclusion, the reason for this being the
considerable amount of already existing academic and non-academic texts dealing with the
analysis of the legal documents which define immigration policies, immigrants rights as well as
ethnic minorities rights.
I will begin by clarifying the terms which I shall be using for my discussion, namely
ethnic minority, marginality and exclusion, representation, their relationship with one another
and the dimensions along which these phenomena take place.
The social constructivist view perceives marginality (and with it exclusion) as a power
relation between a group viewing itself as “centre” and all minorities and non-members as
“marginal”, while marginalisation is oftentimes defined in terms of social class based on
characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, religion, occupation or language (Lefebvre, 1991:
375). Since gender, religion, occupation and language are at least for some immigrant groups
identical to the ones of the Romanian population and by Romanian we mean all Romanian
citizens irrespective of their ethnic affiliation the only characteristic left is ethnicity. We shall
elaborate further on in the article on this aspect in relation to immigrants belonging to the same
ethnic groups as the already existing groups in the region in focus.
At this point I should make one important remark: the use of the term ethnic minority often
leads to confusion, as Kaufmann noted “many theoreticians of political sciences together with […]
their colleagues in social sciences continue to consider “ethnic group” as minority. It would seem
that only minorities can be ethnic” (Kaufmann, 2000: 1087). We infer from here that ethnic identity
applies to majority and minority alike. I will not try to provide a definition of ethnicity as long as it is
not one of the concepts I will use in my analysis, but I will limit to ethnic minorities. In so far as the
definition of ethnicity is concerned, Oomen pertinently affirms that the “notion [of ethnicity] became
something similar to beauty of which it is said that it lays in the eyes of the one who observes it.
Each analyst attached another meaning to the term” (Oomen, 1997: 5).
Scholars and practitioners seem to have given numerous definitions to ethnic
minorities which although sharing certain common elements (especially characteristics
connected to culture or language) generally seldom converge. For example, the definition given
by Fuchs states that “minorities designate a group […] which differs from majority (in the sense
of dominant group) through certain characteristics (for instance racial, linguistic or
confessional) which the dominant group considers to be less valuable than its relevant
characteristics” (Fuchs in Heckmann, 1983: 10). Another type of definition is the one offered by
Laponce which has the merit of including the groups that want to integrate but fail to do so and
78
the ones wishing to preserve their distinct character but are afraid of assimilation: “minority is a
group of people that is different than the cultural dominant group given their racial, linguistic or
national heritage and either fear that they will be stopped from integrating in the national
community they wish to belong to or they will be forced to do it by giving up their own
identity” (Laponce, 1960: 6).
One of the most quoted definitions of ethnic minorities is provided by Francesco
Capotorti, definition according to which ethnic minority is a group numerically inferior to the
rest of the population of a state, in a non-dominant position, whose members, being members of
the respective state possess ethnic, religious or linguistic features that differ from the ones of the
majority and who are characterised, even if only implicitly, by solidarity towards preserving
their culture, traditions, religion or language (Capotorti, 1991: 96).
Will Kymlicka brings into the discussion and element which is absent from Capotorti’s
definition, the problem of immigrants, the author distinguishing between primary ethnic groups
or ethno-cultural groups and secondary groups (the latter being the immigrant groups)
(Kymlicka, 1995: 18). We find another means of solving the problem of immigrants in
Heckmann’s version, who considers ethnic minority as “heterogeneous groups living in the
territory of a state different than their national, cultural and historic identity as a consequence of
the constitution of bourgeois nation-states (…) which suffered changes of the state borders as a
result of the agreements of conflicts between nation-states” (Heckmann, 1983: 12). This
definition, however, was elaborated before the dissolution of communist federations (USSR,
Yugoslavia or Czechoslovakia) so we could add to it “or the states formed as a result of the
break-up of communist federations”.
There is one aspect which should be clarified, not for the sake of providing a solution
to a thorny issue, for this is not my goal, but because it is necessary further on in the analysis.
The problem of immigrants significantly burdens the attempt to define ethnic minorities. A
certain means of differentiating primary from secondary ethnic groups from the point of view of
time elapsing for although for the first generation of immigrants one cannot possibly question
its belonging to a secondary ethnic group the question that arises is how to qualify the second,
third generation etc.?
This is one of the points which are omitted by most authors focusing on minorities. I
found one single remark regarding the immigrants and of the way in which they could be
considered primary ethnic group in the sense of a clear quantification, although without taking this
quantification into account when defining minorities. Thus Zagar and Novak argue that capturing
the time framework of the settlement of an ethnic group in a certain territory could be complicated
by the case of the old immigrant communities. They mention forty-fifty years, but this figure does
not interfere with their definition given to minorities (Zagar; Novak, 1999: 184).
Bearing in mind the above, I will attempt to offer a definition which would touch on all
the previously outlined directions, without aiming at an exhaustive definition. Hence, in the
context of the present article I shall use the following working definition: (ethnic) minorities
represent a group of persons which are generally under-represented numerically, who live in a
distinct community and possess ethnic, religious, cultural and/or linguistic characteristics that
differ from the ones of the majority population, who developed a different (ethnic) identity and
who are motivated to preserve together their identity, religion, culture, language and traditions.
The persons belonging to such a distinct community are citizens of the state in which they live
and they became an ethnic minority as a result of a specific development of the territory or
region in which they live like the bourgeois nation-state formation or dissolution of the
communist federations.
Again for the purpose of avoiding the errors due to imprecise formulation, we shall
consider throughout the article ethnic groups (versus ethnic minorities) as those ethnic
communities whose members live within the borders of a state but fail to comply with the
working definition in the sense that they do not satisfy one of the suggested criteria.
Bozič considers that the political use of ethnicity can be both positive and negative. By
positive use she understands "the inclusion of ethnicity affirmation for ensuring a more equal
distribution of resources or for improving the situation of disadvantaged groups by various
79
forms of cultural and political autonomy” as compared to the negative use by which she means
"the increasing [...] intolerance which gives birth to destructive politics, the negative use of
ethnicity being obvious [...] in the destruction of the cultural or religious identity sources of
other groups” (Bozič, 1999: 56).
Ethnic difference as such was highly praised at the level of the public discourse as well
as the level of the legal framework during the communist regime in Romania where it was
emphasised from school books to the Constitution that the citizens belonging to the ethnic
minorities enjoy the same rights as the majority Romanian, contributing at the same time with
their rich cultural heritage to the common socialist Romanian heritage. Although the rights as such
were unfortunately oftentimes denied in practice, no ethnic tensions were made public since all the
citizens of the state were to be happy builders of communism. The emphasis was clearly on
constructive multicultural heterogeneity or, in Bozic’s terms, on the positive use of ethnicity.
The early nineties brought along a troubled period in which lots of conflicts between the
majority Romanian and mostly the Roma or the Hungarian minorities were present and with the
emergence of the free media allowed the majority to become aware of ethnicity viewed as difference
in a negative way, or the negative use of ethnicity, the good majority versus the bad minority.
The increase of immigration in the nineties and in the first years of the 21st century
raises the question of hierarchy between the Romanian majority, the national minorities and
immigrants. It has been claimed that “those outside the net of citizenship – refugees, asylum
seekers, immigrants – are the least empowered” (Open Society Report, 2000: 11). Ethnicity and
(national) citizenship are the key elements through which we can determine whether we can
place immigrants before, after or on equal places with national minorities on a positive-negative
scale of empowerment. The more an ethnic group/minority is more likely to be viewed as an
empowered one the higher the chances for starting a fruitful intercultural dialogue rather that
resorting to hostility, marginalisation, exclusion and last but not least violence.
Today’s society is too complex for one to become aware of all aspects of the social,
political, economic or cultural life. The moment we shift from small villages to bigger
administrative units, personal contact is restricted to a tiny share of the total population of the
respective administrative unit. Silverstone and Georgiou pertinently remark that “it is through
[…] various media that our relationship with others, both neighbours and strangers, are
facilitated or, indeed, denied. […] Media enable the transmission and sharing of images and
ideas, meanings and motivations. Relationships are created and sustained. Prejudices likewise.”
(Silverstone; Georgiou, 2005: 434). In spite of the fact that the social responsibility doctrine
assigns independent power to the media, it has been claimed that media-producers serve the
interests of the powerful to a higher extent than the ones of the powerless (Altschull, 1995:
188). In direct connection to ethnic groups this translates into “minorities appear, or more often
do not appear, in mainstream media; and when they do appear it is often through stereotypical
and alienating images”. Such stereotypical and alienating images in this context are to be
interpreted as “criminals or socially insecure groups on the fringes of society” (Tereskinas,
2003: 203). The consequence of producing these images has a crucial effect on the audience, as
Wilson and Gutiérrez note “in the absence of alternative portrayals and broadened coverage,
one-sided portrayals and news articles could easily become the reality in the minds of the
audience” (Wilson; Gutierrez, 1985: 41-2).
Since this is the first in-depth study on this topic so far and since the large communities
and spatial distances prohibit intense contact with all these different ''others'' especially with
regard to the representations of distant (i.e. from another historical region or even within the
same geographical region) ''others'' the most appropriate place to start identifying the current
constructions of ethnic difference is the media (analyses of the “language of media texts”
allowing us to shed light on three questions: “How is the world represented? What identities are
set up for those involved in the […] story? What relationships are set up between those
involved?” (Fairclough, 1995: 5)) As a means of facilitating or denying our relationship to those
''others'' assuming that it is more likely that the majority Romanian population will form his/her
first images about an unknown “other” through mediated information.
80
Taking into account the proposed theoretical framework the hypotheses I tested in the
study are: 1) Members of ethnic groups and minorities are under-represented in the local printed
media when compared to the representation of the (ethnic) majority; 2) When visible in the
media, ethnic groups and minorities are mostly presented in an unfavourable or stereotypical
way; 3) (National) ethnic minorities appear in the media more frequently than migrants.
Research design and methodology
Coming back to the focus on localism/regionalism, while most scholars having studied
Romanian inter-ethnic relations in the past agree that they have taken different shapes in
different regions, the research is designed as to capture the current phenomena in one of the
historical regions in Romania, namely Dobruja (Dobrogea). The choice of the region was made
by bearing in mind two key factors: firstly the already existing ethnic composition of the
historical regions varies considerably, Transylvania and Banat being by far more ethnically
mixed than the rest of the country leaving the other three regions (Walachia, Moldova and
Dobruja) behind and are thus more likely to exhibit a higher level of multiculturalism seen as
respect for difference, accepting otherness and peaceful coexistence and secondly, between the
three regions left Walachia was much more studied than any other region due to the fact that the
country’s capital, Bucharest, is situated in Walachia and it is also the place of the national
media production which is the place most researchers start from when examining media
productions. The selection between Moldova and Dobruja was made according to its unique
geographic position near the Black Sea, an important communication route between East and
West more targeted by migrants on the one hand and enjoying a richer mix of ethnic minorities
than Moldova on the other that will allow us to draw comparisons between the existing ethnic
minorities and the new ethnic groups.
The overall number of ''outsiders'' living in Romania is yet to be determined, mostly
because the extent of illegal immigration is only partially known and thus a representation
pattern with regard to the place of settlement is difficult to investigate. However what is known
is that most newcomers settle in the large urban centres rather than small towns and rural areas,
consequently I will restrict my research to the “regional capital” and the surrounding areas of
the region, ConstanŃa.
Combining the two points expressed above with the data on readership and audience
rates of broadcast television in Romania the output is the direct relationship between localism
and printed media (the consumption pattern in Romania being best described by the phrase
“nation-wide television but locally produced newspapers”). Accordingly, the research will be
based on analysis of the mainstream media (i.e. all newspapers produced by the members of the
Romanian majority in Romanian and from the point of view of the majority) the daily
newspaper enjoying the highest readership in the region will be selected.
The printed media will be monitored and analysed for a framework period of two months
as follows: one month before Romania's accession date to the European Union and five months
after accession. The reason for this is the unique chance of recording possible changes in the
representations of difference once Romania joined the European Union. A second rationale for
this choice is based on the changes in the visa granting regimes and refugee/asylum seeker
openness or closure on the one hand, both dictated by Brussels, illegal immigration patterns and
the reflection of these changes in the media on the other will also be observed.
Romania joined the European Union on January 1, 2007 so the local printed media will
be analysed between December 1, 2006 – December 31, 2006 and June 1, 2007 – June 30,
2007. The selection of the local media was made from among the daily newspapers printed in
ConstanŃa (the most important urban centre of the region) considering readership rates and the
probability that it could contain ethnicity-related topics. There are no exact readership rates
available since BRAT (the Romanian Bureau for Audit) does not audit all publications. In the
absence of reliable data, I considered the number of printed copies of the newspapers as
reference numbers. The publications with the highest amount of printed copies were Telegraf
and Cuget Liber (in this order with 15.000 and 10.000 copies per day). Yet, Cuget Liber
81
introduced a special page which was to appear weekly, on Mondays, dedicated to inter-cultural
relations and bearing the title “interetnica”(on the second page of the newspaper).
Articles relating to ethnic groups and/or minorities were identified from the total number of
articles in the local daily newspaper Cuget Liber throughout the research period (24 issues of the
newspaper were published in December 2006 and 26 issues in June 2007) excepting advertisements
and photographs. Hence the resulted data was textual data, the originals being press data. The
selection of articles was made as follows: all articles referring to an ethnic group and/or minority
were included in the research together with all the articles indicating particular members of an ethnic
group/minority (either by description or because the ethnic group/minority of origin was inferred
from the name and surname of the person mentioned in the article – the case applies to the
Hungarian, Turkish and Tartar and Armenian ethnic minorities – no instance being recorded in case
just the name or the surname was detected as belonging to a certain ethnic group for in the case of
the surname, especially for women might be the indicator that they married a member of an ethnic
minority, whereas a Romanian name followed by a non-Romanian surname was considered to be a
marker of assimilation to the majority Romanian group). The method used for data processing was
quantitative and qualitative content analysis while the technique applied was frequency analysis.
Since my aim was to explore both the visibility and the way in which this visibility
manifests I chose two categories: the first involves the content (message) of the article (positive
defined as desirable action/ situation/ position for the quasi-totality of the readers, neuter for
actions which cannot be divided into either positive or negative and negative for undesirable
actions) while the second deals with the attitude the author of the article revealed in the
respective article in relation to ethnic groups or minorities and/or their (individual) members
(classified in the same way, namely positive – extraordinary results achieved by the groups as
such or their members, neuter if the author’s voice was not implying either a positive or a
negative attitude and negative when the journalist clearly implied undesirability of the actions
or situations/positions appearing in the article). For the purpose of this article, cultural activities
were all classified as positive as opposed to sports, since sports imply winning and losing the
latter being considered negative.
I will start the discussion with ethnic minorities to continue with ethnic groups and I
will draw the parallels and interpret the results for each minority/group separately.
I. Ethnic minorities
1) Turks and Tartars
First of all we need to stress the high representation of ethnic Turks and Tartars. Since the total
number of newspaper issues we selected was 50 for the two months together we note a rate of
occurrence of 1.74 articles per issue. Given the high representation of ethnic Turks and Tartars
in the total population in the region, one would expect to find them over-represented in the
printed media in relation to other ethnic minorities. However, the 1.74 rate indicates that Turks
and Tartars were visible to the readers every day which is a step which would be worthwhile to
be followed by other media in the region.
Table no. 1
Turks and Tartars
negative
14
14
28
43
44
87
neuter
15
15
30
Positive
14
15
29
December 2006
June 2007
Total
7
2
9
32
37
69
4
5
9
December 2006
June 2007
Total
No. of articles
Content
Journalist's attitude
December 2006
June 2007
Total
82
Examining the figures diachronically we notice that there is almost no difference either
from the content, or from the author's point of view. In addition to that, the high number of
negative contents (28) versus the much lower number of negative attitudes on behalf of the
journalists (9) points out that although journalists were the ones who selected the negative
topics to be presented at least they did so mostly in a neuter way. The overall number of
negative content occurrences is also clearly outnumbered by the neuter and positive articles
(30+29=59) thus contradicting our second hypothesis according to which when ethnic
minorities/groups appear in the media they do so in a negative way.
The topics in which Turks and Tartars were mostly visible are: culture (mostly ethno
dances / music but also writing), politics (usually activity of ethnic Turkish or Tartar MP's),
Administration (ethnic Turks and Tartars in various higher administrative positions mostly at
the local level, seldom at the national level), education (achievements of ethnic Turkish or
Tartar pupils), sports players (football), crime (criminals or accused of crimes from begging,
battering or theft to pimping, murder, and traffic of persons)
2) Roma
Table no. 2
Roma
negative
1
6
7
6
7
13
neuter
3
3
Positive
2
1
3
December 2006
June 2007
Total
1
1
2
5
6
11
-
December 2006
June 2007
Total
No. of articles
Content
Journalist's attitude
December 2006
June 2007
Total
As already expected the extent of the Roma representation in the written media is
among the lowest (13 for the two cumulated months versus 87 for the Turks and Tartars),
especially if we bear in mind that the Roma constitute the second biggest ethnic minority in the
in the region under analysis (for more see population according to ethnicity at the July 18, 2002
Census available at http: //www.insse.ro/cms/files/statistici/ Statistici_teritoriale2007/rom/4.htm).
We note a slight increase from December to June, nonetheless, given the overall almost
insignificant number of occurrences the only individual occurrence which makes the difference
between the two figures cannot actually be interpreted as a real increase, but rather it could be
just as well a matter of accident.
In so far as the content of the articles is concerned for we encounter a clear shift from
positive-neuter towards negative. Thus in December there is only one article with negative content, 3
neuter and 2 positive whereas in June the number of articles with negative content is 6 times higher
while the number of positive articles decreases from 2 to 1. It is interesting to observe that although
the Roma are both numerically well represented in the total population as well as given the negative
light in which it is usually portrayed in December 2006 only one negative article content was
published by Cuget Liber. Unfortunately this does no longer hold true six months later, but it proves
that it is not a utopian dream to aim at objectivity or why not at refraining from presenting certain
negative actions in the name of improving inter-ethnic relations.
From the point of view of the author's attitude in relation to the Roma, there is a visible
difference between the negative one (recorded twice, once per each month) and the neuter one
which is in fact the predominant attitude (11 occurrences) while no positive attitude was
identified, which like in the case of the Turks and Tartars discussed before shows that in spite of
the subjectivity displayed in the choice of topics (predominantly negative or neuter) journalists
appear to offer a neuter approach.
83
If we take the specific topic into account the main issues of the negative articles were:
tax evasion, forgery, drug possession and social issues which present the Roma as performers of
menial jobs and having no desire to work.
3) Hungarians
Table no. 3
Hungarians
negative
2
2
8
10
18
neuter
7
6
13
Positive
1
2
3
December 2006
June 2007
Total
1
1
7
9
16
1
1
December 2006
June 2007
Total
No. of articles
Content
Journalist's attitude
December 2006
June 2007
Total
In the table above, we observe that from December to June there was no major shift
between the number of articles in which ethnic Hungarians appeared, the type of the content or
the journalist's bias. The content and the bias are predominantly neuter while there is no
negative content or bias registered in December, again contradicting our hypothesis that
ethnically different "others" if visible are visible in an undesired position or situation. Even the
low representation (18 as compared to 87 for the ethnic Turks and Tartars) for the entire period
under discussion could be interpreted as relatively normal since there is an extremely low
percentage of Hungarians in the region and thus making the minority less likely to appear in the
local media. The main topics in which Hungarians appear are politics (activity of ethnic
Hungarian MP's, ministers, officials in the upper level management of public administration),
sports (football, chess) or crime (supporting international criminal groups).
I would like to draw the attention to one specific article which although insignificant
from the numeric point of view (counting one article with negative content) is particularly
interesting to examine from the content point of view. The article deals with the activity of the
members in the Romanian parliament. Although most political parties are criticised in the
article the remark about the Democratic Union of Hungarians (the political party of the ethnic
Hungarians) caught my eye: "UDMR (the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania) is
magyarising Romania" (Cuget Liber, Wednesday, June 27, 2007).
The problem in this case is that it is not like in most cases of negative content, at least
for the case of Hungarians, a critique of an ethnic Hungarian official for having declared a
certain thing. We consider the affirmation much more powerful for it clearly induces the idea of
risk as well as the need to fight against such a risk. It is true that this was the only case of
openly "revealing" a risk coming from an ethnic (national) minority and threatening the
majority throughout the analysed period. As an individual occurrence this may not pose a
considerable threat of becoming more than a sentence in an article. On the other hand we have
to bear in mind that the article appeared in a region where there are practically no ethnic
Hungarians, and most probably, if it had appeared in a region in which the number of ethnic
Hungarians is higher this may have led to accelerating ethnic tension. It is regrettable that in
spite of all anti-discriminatory laws and years of practice and elaborating codes of ethics for
journalists, one still encounters comments which can easily be interpreted as instigating.
Moreover, as previously mentioned, Cuget Liber could be termed as a liberal publication from
the point of view of treatment of ethnicity as long as it is at least among the publications in
ConstanŃa the only daily newspaper dedicating weekly a whole page to inter-ethnic relations. Of
course this does not imply that other publications (dailies, weeklies etc.) are indeed less open to
discuss such relations or that if they do they do it in an inappropriate way, such a hypothesis
definitely needing further investigation, but it raises awareness of the fact that such
84
formulations largely encountered during the 1990's still exist and hence should be, nevertheless
monitored and dealt with in a way that builds on the existing inter-ethnic dialogue rather than
ignored and leading to ethnic tension, struggle or in the end violence, at the academic and
institutional level as well as among politicians.
4) Armenians
Table no. 4
Armenians
No. of articles
Content
Journalist's attitude
Negative
1
1
5
7
12
neuter
December 2006
June 2007
Total
2
2
-
5
4
9
Positive
5
4
9
3
3
December 2006
June 2007
Total
December 2006
June 2007
Total
As seen in the table above, the representation of Armenians contradicts our hypothesis
regarding under-representation (better overall representation as compared to Roma 11 vs. 12
articles and only slightly lower than the overall representation of Hungarians, though if we
examine the percentages of Armenians in Dobruja the number of Armenians is more than three
times lower than the one of Hungarians so in this respect we might say that as compared to the
Hungarians, Armenians are clearly overrepresented) and regarding the content of the articles mis-representation - (9 positive vs. 1 negative). On the other hand, if we take a closer look at
the instances in which Armenians appear these are all referring to either a minister of Armenian
origin in the Romanian government or to a well-known singer. It is widely known that the two
are members of the Armenian ethnic group but it would be desirable that the portraying of
Armenians in the media would include besides the two exceptional individuals belonging to this
group also other members of the Armenian community. This is particularly important for small
and scattered communities like that of the Armenians in Romania for they are much more
threatened by extinction, its members being assimilated by the majority Romanian population,
both culturally and, to an even wider extend, linguistically.
5) Aromanians
Aromanians are visibly under-represented in Cuget Liber when compared to the other
minorities so far but we should keep in mind that also the number of Aromanian ethnic people
is quite small. Considering this fact, we appreciate their representation being satisfactory. It is
also the first minority so far displaying no instance of negative content or negative bias on
behalf of the author of the article.
Table no. 5
Aromanians
5
2
7
No. of articles
Content
Journalist's attitude
Negative
-
neuter
December 2006
June 2007
Total
1
1
Positive
5
1
6
December 2006
June 2007
Total
4
2
6
1
1
December 2006
June 2007
Total
85
Also the topics in connections with which Aromanians appear in the analysed articles
are highly satisfactory all referring to the various cultural activities of Aromanians groups
(dancing, singing), the Aromanian cultural heritage or the political and social activity of the
Aromanian foundation. As discussed above in the Armenians' case, this is a much more
desirable way of minority visibility rather than the exclusive visibility of exceptional
individuals. We are not trying to minimise the positive impact the individual members of a
certain group have for the image of the group in question, but also we cannot neglect the force
given by a stress on the community as such, its cultural values and activities.
6) Russian Lipovans
Table no. 6
Russian Lipovans
No. of articles
Content
Journalist's attitude
negative
-
2
2
4
Neuter
1
1
1
1
December 2006
June 2007
Total
Positive
2
1
3
1
2
3
December 2006
June 2007
Total
December 2006
June 2007
Total
The representation of Russian Lipovans is the first after the one of the Roma which
exhibits a clear discrepancy between the number of ethnic Russian Lipovans in the region
versus the quantified visibility in the printed media. The number of Russian Lipovans in the
region is outnumbered only by the cumulated number of Turks and Tartars and by the one of
the Roma. In spite of that, each monitored month only 2 articles were found in the daily
newspaper Cuget Liber. It is again remarkable that no negative content or bias was recorded,
moreover, all instances proved to have a positive content, especially if we bear in mind the high
number of ethnic Lipovans in the region as well as the fact that in all occurrences the stress was
on the community of Lipovans and its activities.
7) Bulgarians and Macedonians
We grouped together the Bulgarian and Macedonian minorities for two reasons: firstly,
they both displayed an equal number of occurrences in Cuget Liber in December 2006 (1
occurrence for each of the two minorities, displaying the same characteristics, namely positive
content and a neuter attitude of the journalist) but also because neither of the two appeared six
months later. Given their low representation in the population, we consider that their mere
appearance in the media is a positive thing, in both instances the focus of the article being on
the respective minority group culture and children preserving that culture.
The findings so far for all ethnic minorities are divergent: as we have seen, certain
minorities exhibit much higher representation frequency than others, while the author’s bias
varies as well. Thus the Turkish and Tartar minorities are well-represented, the same thing
being identified in the case of small minorities like Aromanians whereas others where a priori
restricted from becoming news subjects (for instance the Roma and Russian Lipovans),
ironically these forming some of the largest minority communities in the region. Unexpectedly,
the second hypothesis we tested referring to the largely negative and stereotyping image ethnic
minorities are conveyed by the media is only partially confirmed. It is clearly proven for the
Roma, but it is not confirmed for any of the other seven represented minorities. I will continue
in the following lines to the second category in the study, that of the migrants for testing the
place the migrants are attributed by the media in comparison to ethnic minorities. The particular
86
interest is to what extent the new “others” make it as object of the mainstream news and if they
do whether they are ascribed to low marginal positions or not.
II. Ethnic groups
Before proceeding to the actual data analysis a methodological remark needs to be
addressed: for the purpose of this paper, migrants (individual or group) where considered all
foreigners (defined as non-Romanian citizens) residing in Romania: temporary and permanent
residents, refugees, asylum seeker, illegal immigrants. Tourists or visiting foreigners were not
captured in the sample.
1) Arabs
Under the term Arab several categories are grouped: on the one hand articles generally
portraying Arabs, as well as the ones in which individuals or groups of individuals from
particular Arab countries living in Romania appear (in our cases the countries were Syria and
Lebanon). The use of the term Arab needs to be clarified for avoiding confusion or potentially
wrong interpretations: the term was used according to the significance the term Arab was
unfortunately assigned in the material utilised for the analysis. Needless to say that such a
classification is not at all accurate, nor does it conform to the basic norms of accepting diversity
or promoting a multicultural environment, yet given the impossible quantification of articles in
which the word Arab appears we chose to keep the term though stressing that it would be
preferable that the media would employ clear formulations which do not allow any room for
wrong interpretations.
Table no. 7
Arabs
5
2
No. of articles
Content
December 2006
June 2007
negative
5
2
7
7
Neuter
-
Positive
-
2
-
3
2
-
Journalist's attitude
2
5
Total
-
December 2006
June 2007
Total
December 2006
June 2007
Total
Arabs constitute in ConstanŃa a community which is almost as high as the entire
Armenian community in the whole South-Eastern Romanian region (412 Arabs versus 522
Armenians - (Chiriac; Robotin, 2006: 31, Population according to ethnicity at the July 18, 2002
Census available at http: //www.insse.ro/cms/files/statistici/ Statistici_teritoriale2007
/rom/4.htm), the number of Arabs living in Constanta being probably much higher due to illegal
immigration.
The figures in Table no. 7 indicate that even if we could claim that Arabs are indeed
averagely-represented if we are to compare with the number of persons making up the Arab
community in ConstanŃa the same number of 7 occurrences being registered in the case of
Armenians, when examining the message of the representation one immediately notices the 180
degrees shift from positive to negative. Thus all 7 contents of the articles were negative (crime
ranging from forgery, to criminal networks affiliation, kidnapping or drug trafficking) and
although the authors do not manifest any bias in 5 out of the 7 cases the visibility of the Arabs is
overall strikingly negative.
2) Turks
We have already mentioned the case of ethnic groups sharing the same ethnicity like
the one of a national (ethnic) minority existing in the region under discussion. This is the case
87
of the Turks and we also noted their laudable representation in the media. In what follows we
shall take a closer look at the Turkish ethnic group (i.e. migrants):
Table no. 8
Turks
4
4
No. of articles
Content
negative
3
3
Neuter
2
2
Journalist's attitude
December 2006
June 2007
Total
-
Positive
1
1
December 2006
June 2007
Total
2
2
-
December 2006
June 2007
Total
The number of legal Turkish migrants to ConstanŃa is even higher than the one for
Arabs (531 vs. 412 (ibid., 34) so one would also expect a better representation, yet, the results
contradicts this assumption, Turks being even less represented than the Arabs (overall for the
two months 4 and respectively 7). In addition to that all 4 occurrences were in December, Cuget
Liber not publishing even one single article about Turks in June. Once again, in spite of the
insignificant figures I believe it is safe to assume that there is a clear negative trend. It is notable
that among these four articles there is also one with a positive content but this singular
occurrence refers to sports which we will come back to further on. The rest of the articles
involve topics such as drug possession, drug trafficking, criminal networks, tax-evasion,
cheating.
3) Chinese
No data concerning the number of Chinese living in Dobruja was found. However,
given the overall number of Chinese living in Romania, unofficial estimates mentioning the
figure of 20.000 Chinese (ibid., 37) we consider them as under-represented in the media, at least
if we compare them to the Arabs or even Turks. Similar to the case of the Turks in all
occurrences the content was exclusively negative, the only difference being that this time also
the author's attitude was negative. Nonetheless, the Chinese did not appear in Cuget Liber only
in connection to crime (Chinese mafia, murders and drug trafficking, but also as providing
workers trying to earn much higher salaries in Romania on the expense of Romanians).
Table no. 9
Chinese
1
1
2
No. of articles
Content
Journalist's attitude
negative
1
1
2
1
1
2
neuter
December 2006
June 2007
Total
Positive
-
-
December 2006
June 2007
Total
-
-
December 2006
June 2007
Total
All three afore-mentioned groups reveal certain common features which are
worthwhile discussing in detail. Firstly they all record mostly negative representations
associated with crime and secondly they are the most numerous migrant communities from all
the ethnic groups (migrants) present in Cuget Liber. Since these three ethnic groups analysed
above display such similarities in their treatment by the media from all points of view (content,
88
bias and topic with which the respective group is associated) we shall also present the
cumulated data for the entire period (i.e. December 2006 and June 2007) in the table below.
Table no. 10
Arabs, Turks, Chinese
Total no. of articles
Content
negative
12
13
neuter
-
positive
1
Journalist attitude
4
9
-
Such outcomes although not at all unexpected (the very research hypotheses of the
present analysis being that the migrants enjoy extremely low representation not only in
connection to the majority Romanian population but also from the point of view of the existing
ethnic minorities) raise the question whether one can talk about a step forward on the way to
intercultural dialogue and multi-cultural society as long as journalists supposed to inform the
population and hopefully educate it as successfully done for the national minorities by Cuget
Liber exclusively depict the three largest migrant communities in such gloomy colours. The
idea of risk mentioned in the section dealing with Hungarians is also present in relation to the
Arab, Turkish and Chinese groups (the only instance of overtly depicting threat coming from
migrants found in all 50 issues of Cuget Liber studied) as we can see in the following quotes:
"Criminal groups of foreign origin already anchored in the economic, politic and
social autochthonous environment" ... "the mafia-like groups developed by on Romania's
territory by the Chinese, Turks, Arabs or ex-Soviets under the pretext of more or less legal
businesses cannot wait to use those new gates open towards Europe to extend their interests
towards the Western space and, why not, for shaking their hands with the mafia in the West,
especially the Italian one".
"In our country [Romania, my note] the Chinese organized crime is involved in
committing felonies targeted, generally, towards their co-nationals, but also in drug trafficking."
"Drug-trafficking is also practised by the Turkish-Arab groups which supply both the
Romanian drug market as well as the Western one"
(Cuget Liber, Thursday, December 28, 2006: 4)
4) Other ethnic groups
All the other occurrences of migrants in the examined media are grouped together not
because of their being less observable (which is not the case as we shall see) but because the
ethnic groups they belong to are insignificant in relation to all other ethnic groups and because
most of them occur in connection to a specific topic (all but three), namely sports. We chose to
separately treat sports because migration due to changing working places in sports is governed
by different rules than the traditional economic migration. In sports, it is rather the qualities and
"price" of a certain player or coach that dictate the migration trends on the one hand, while on
the other more often than not it is not followed by permanent settlement. Thus, foreign players
and coaches, having been selected by sports clubs (managed mostly by ethnic Romanians) find
themselves in a much more privileged situation than that of most non-sport migrants: they are
immediately provided with a well-paid job, a place to live, a group of people to interact with
(other players and/or their respective coaches), not to mention a high social status (especially
valid for football players and/or coaches, but also for other team-sports like handball, volleyball or rugby). Solely based on empirical observation, it seems that in this case the high social
status enjoyed by the migrants is more "powerful" than the fact that they belong to another
ethnic group than the majority. The correlation between status and ethnicity definitely
constitutes an open field of research which due to the modest length of this article we will not
elaborate on.
89
The countries from which these sport players come from range from South America
(Argentina and Brazil), to Africa (Congo, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Senegal), Australia, Eurasia
(Bulgaria, Serbia, Poland, Ukraine and Georgia).
Table no. 11
Other ethnic groups
19
40
December 2006
June 2007
No. of articles
Content
Journalist's attitude
negative
1
2
3
59
neuter
14
33
47
positive
4
5
9
Total
December 2006
June 2007
Total
1
1
2
17
38
55
1
1
2
December 2006
June 2007
Total
The clear positive course of representation is obvious in June 2007 recording more
than double the number of occurrences in December 2006. This might mark the effects of
Romania’s integration into the European Union, for topics like sports being daily covered
(Cuget Liber devoting two pages per issue to sports) we cannot assume that suddenly these
sportsmen made it to the news. Also interesting is the very low number of negative content
entries (3) as opposed to 9 positive and 47 neuter entries. The author's bias is also not denoting
any negative bias the majority of articles being interpreted as neuter (55).
There are three more entries which were not captured by the figures above, one referring
to a Pole and the other two to Americans. All three articles are negative from the point of view of
the content and unbiased on behalf of their author while the topic for all is fraud. They are not
interesting for further investigation precisely because of the groups they belong to, neither of the
two constituting a significant ethnic group in Romania at the moment of the analysis.
At this point it would be completely irrelevant to cumulate the data recorded for Arabs,
Turks and Chinese (mostly economic migrants legal or illegal) with the results scored by the
representatives of different ethnic groups who came to Romania as a result of a contract with a
sports club. The first three are by far less visible even if absolute figures were taken into
account and are overall negative (12 which is more than 90% of the occurrences) while the
second group enjoys a high degree of neutrality (47 occurrences out of 59 and an important
share of positive instances) in relation to the content of the article. The irrelevance of data
cumulating and analysis stems from the high number of neuter occurrences in the second group
will lead to overall positive results for the total number of ethnic groups represented in the
media. Since the Arab, Turkish and Chinese communities are the most significant migrant
communities in Romania we consider it crucially important to point out that they are both
under-represented and conveyed the most undesirable image, that of the criminal guilty of the
most serious crimes.
For the same three major ethnic groups (migrants) all three hypotheses are tested: they
are under-represented in relation to most ethnic minorities if the number of occurrences is
considered as reference and in relation to all ethnic minorities if the percentage in the total
population are taken into account. Also when present they appear in a strikingly undesirable
light. The hypotheses were not confirmed for the ethnic groups which made the subjects of the
sports topics. The high prestige of their profession (all sport players or coaches) made SouthEasterners (Ukrainians, Georgians or Congolese) enjoy the extremely favourable images to the
same extent as Westerners (Australians). We can infer from here two things: similarly to the
ethnic minorities case one cannot expect a generally valid algorithm of representation for all
migrant groups and another variable should be introduced for offering an accurate explanation
of the visibility phenomenon, prestige or social status.
90
Conclusion
The transformations undergone by Eastern Europe in the past two decades are major:
from the communism of the eighties through a harsher or milder transition period in the nineties
towards European integration in the new millennium. The Eastern European space was
reconfigured in many ways, opened and closed at the same time with the eastward expansion of
the European Union, all these taking place simultaneously with accelerating globalisation
trends. In this context, I turned my attention towards one phenomenon which the previously
mentioned transformations triggered: migration interpreted as groups of aliens, “others” settling
on another territory in relation to the already existing “others”, national minorities.
The relation between the old and new "other" was explored with the aim of
establishing the position migrants are ascribed to in a society which already displays its
previously formed stereotypes and even prejudices about "its own others". Migrants' position is
extremely interesting for the Eastern European countries access to the European Union
undoubtedly facilitates legal migration at least within the limits of the member states as well as
making the new members become much more desirable destinations for third country citizens.
An influx of others might pose difficulties especially to those states that experienced the lowest
inward migration under communism (like Romania), reason for which I chose Romania as the
wider geographical unit of research. Another reason is the lack of scientific literature on inward
migration chiefly due to the high outward migration of Romanians to which has been devoted
much more attention.
Proper recognition and respect is the first step in creating and maintaining good interethnic relations, avoiding ethnic conflict and making the most out of an ethnically diverse
society. There are several factors intervening when it comes to ethnic management based on the
spirit of multiculturalism: legislators, local and national administrative institutions, politicians,
educational facilities etc. The media as the watch dog of democracy have in this sense a heavy
influence, for it is through media that we both build up and preserve our relationships, including
our relationship to the ethnically different "others". Thus the representation of all "others" was
examined in the Romanian mainstream printed media for sketching the main directions of
acknowledging migrants and national minorities alike for the purpose of testing three
hypotheses: national minorities and migrants are under-represented in the media, when they do
appear in the media this is mostly in an unfavourable, stereotypical way, migrants are underrepresented when compared to national minorities.
The research results only partially confirmed the hypotheses but pointed out potential
directions along which more detailed studies of the issue can be formulated. The concrete
outcomes were that both certain national minorities and migrants alike were highly visible as
compared to others, mostly independent of the share in the total population. Furthermore, when
it comes to prejudices and stereotypes these were also found valid for some groups and not
valid for others. Interestingly there is a direct relationship between the low represented groups
in the media and the negative stereotypical images they were assigned while the low
represented groups happen to be among the most significant groups in terms of proportion of
ethnic "others" in the total population (for instance Roma, Arabs, Turks or Chinese). However,
we have to note the positive trend of representing the rest of the ethnic groups and minorities
since their image in the media was interpreted as mainly desirable. The groups we can include
in this category are Turks and Tartars, Hungarians, Aromanians, Congolese or Serb. The only
notable exception of the above is the Russian Lipovan minority which is significant as size but
extremely under-represented in the media, though in a positive light.
Multiplying stereotypes and prejudice is highly dangerous anywhere. The vicious
circle one gets into usually proved to be very difficult to break. Each society has its own image
of its autochthonous minorities, deeply rooted in years and years of coexistence. Migrants
though are in a different position: their image in the eyes of the majority is yet to be formed and
it is largely the choice of the newspapers and broadcasters as the fourth wall of democracy to
avoid their marginalisation and invisibility or not and contribute to establishing a fruitful interethnic dialogue culture rather than generating hostility, division and struggle.
91
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New spatial theories and their influence on intercultural
dialogue observing relational space in Oradea
Martin HOFMANN
Abstract: Conflicts, present and past, have often a link to questions of borders,
territories and space. In newer sociological theory the concept of relational space has been
developed, to overcome the weak aspects of the absolute and the relative perception of space.
This concept allows us to have a second glance at territories and place that are controversial. A
result of this process is the insight, that several spaces can exist at a particular place. This
concept of a relational space is exemplified on the street and information sings in the Romanian
city of Oradea that has a strong Hungarian minority. In conclusion, proposals are given on
how this theory could influence the practical work in the field of reconciliation and politics in
areas in which the definition of space is crucial in the understanding the tensions that are
occurring. The thesis is that the concept of relational space offers new possibilities in this field.
Keywords: intercultural dialogue, relational space, sociology, Oradea
Introduction
Some of this year’s political events drew the world public’s attention to questions of
borders, territories, national autonomy and independence. More or less consciously, the
discussions included the perception of space. First, there was the declaration of independency of
Kosovo this spring which has been recognised by some states, whereas others denied
recognition. Even more recently, the war between Georgia and Russia took place. Abkhazia and
South Ossetia, two territories with a controversially discussed status were the catalysts in this
short but armed conflict. Besides political questions of power and influence it can be observed
how crucial the construction of a territory, eventual of a space, can be. In both cases a territories
declared their independence which has not been acknowledged by the state they used to be part
of. In both cases there are political entities that do acknowledge this step while others that do
not. Foreign forces and observers are present. Regarding these developments it seems to be a
rather unimportant task to deal with sociological theories of space while intercultural dialogue
should be at the first position of the agenda.
This contribution tries to show that contemporary theories of space not only offer a
fresh insight in the social construction of reality but rather have developed a concept of space
that may help to reconsider political phenomena like the ones mentioned above. More than that,
they may even have practical applications on political and administrative work. At last, they can
lead to a new form of dialogue between different social groups, cultures and even nations with
the long term perspective to find solutions for tensions that build around territories. As the
European Union declared the year 2008 as the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue [http:
//ec.europa.eu/culture/portal/events/current/dialogue2008_en.htm) these spatial theories should
be exemplified at the example of a town that belongs to the EU since the year 2007. It is the city
of Oradea, also known as Nagyvárad in Hungarian or Großwardein in German, close to the
Hungarian border in the north-west of Romania. As a first step, though, the background and
development of the used concept of relational space will be given. Finally a reconciliation
concept will be introduced whose principles work probably accidentally according to the new
spatial concept and can be a possible way to assist intercultural dialogue.
Recent developments in the perception of space
The concept that will be discussed can be summed up with the slogan “relational”
space. A rough review of developments in the perception of space is given first in order to
classify it. In recent years social sciences have increasingly focused on the relation of “space”
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and “place”, as well as on “global” and “local”. During former debates on globalisation the
apparently trivial terms like “place” and the “local” seemed to be of smaller importance
compared to global developments that have been in the focus. This led to a neglect of
phenomena of local cultures and the term “local” itself. It was stated they would become more
and more standardized and thus unimportant. As scholars compared those statements with
reality they had to state this had not been the fact. Now the academic interest turns back to the
power of the local. (Berking, 2006)
Contemporary theorists often refer to Georg Simmel. He, at the founding days of
sociology, considered borders and with them the territory they created as a result of social
interaction that, vice versa, also influence the social reality. (Simmel, 2006(1908)) Today’s most
elaborate works in this area do not try to make up new theoretic antipodes, but, far more, establish
a new and integrated perspectives on ”space” and “place” such as Simmel once began to establish.
These perspectives have in common that they deconstruct seemingly natural given conditions of
space and place that generally are taken for reality. Especially the concept of space as a container
and borders as a nature-given fact are in their critique. An example for the concept of natural
borders is that of the river Rhine as the Franco-German border. In the new perspective, space is
constructed in the social context and places are not fixed but always in transition.
The old theoretical background is that space is regarded as a kind of container that is
filled with any kind of objects. This concept is known as the “absolute space” and the dominance
of this concept is on one hand based on natural science, especially physics, and its model of space.
On the other hand it dates back to the rising of the national state in the 19th century as it fits
perfectly to the idea of closed linear borders. Questions and issues that are virulent under this
paradigm deal with “in” and “out”, “citizen” and “foreigner”, “legal” and “illegal”. They are so
familiar that they seem to be nature given. Space exists by itself in this perspective. It can be
empty or filled with a whole variety of objects and people. The things that fill it do not have any
effect on the space as they are independent from it. And also social practice happens
independently from the space in which it takes place. (Eigmüller; Vobruba, 2006)
As an opposition to the absolute space the concept of relative space has been evolved.
Here the main factors that matter are the relation between person and objects. Space is only
produced by the individuals’ actions. They lack an understanding of spatial structures that give
behavior certain boundaries and a certain order. (Löw; Steets; Stoetzer, 2007)
The dehistorizing and deciphering of the absolute space then has led to a new focus on
places and local cultures. While the economic sector of societies might be homogenized on the
cultural level scholars rediscover a vast diversity. For example, even prominent signs of Western
culture such as McDonalds or IKEA are recoded in different cultural surroundings and have a
different meaning related to the local culture. Far more, local cultures are vivid and have a strong
influence on travellers, foreigners, goods and ideas. There are, therefore, influencing the flow of
the globalization. Even if the same products and goods appear all over the world they are
connected with different ideas, different value systems and different social actions. Thus in fact
their meaning is never the same. This discovery helps to turn the focus back to the power of the
local communities within the discussion on globalization. (Berking, 2006; Massey 2006)
An interesting approach is found in Werner Schiffauer’s concept of imagined
communities, which can range from national or ethnic communities to a whole variety of
groups. The “imagined community”, e.g. the idea that one individual has a special connection
with other individuals because of historic events, although there might be no actual link
between them, can have serious influences on the way people consider their city, their
neighbourhoods and how they act in daily life. The effect of these imagined communities will
be seen while discussing spatial phenomena on practical examples.
Barbara Stambolis (2007) even shows how so called inner maps can influence its
administration and urban planning. She exemplifies that on the meaning of denominations in a
mainly catholic area of North-Western Germany: the former Hochstift Paderborn. Inner maps
that are influenced by history, experience, identity management and a lot of other factors can be
of high influence in structuring the social life within the areas they depict. A repeated practice
constituted an identity within, a part of population of a certain area. The Catholic denomination
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of this region influences the identity of a region until today to a certain degree. This county
which only existed until the 19th century influences the social practice as for example
organizations form themselves along this border or on an individual level even standards of
education and morality show a significant difference. Although the influence of this historical
area became weaker throughout the years, it is still present in the administration of the Catholic
Church and other organizations, in media, advertisement and even economy.
The concept of the relational space – in theory in practice
A third sociological approach to space that meets concerns in connection with the
model of relative space is the relational space. It has been developed by Martina Löw trying to
find a solution for the fact that action is not completely free but also structured by outer
influences. To give a quite practical approach to the possible consequences of the new spatial
paradigm it will be demonstrated on some visual examples in which the perception of space is
of high importance for the interpretation of the depicted things. In conclusion an example of a
cultural reconciliation project is given that includes implicitly principles which correspond with
the ideas of relational space.
Picture 1. A street corner in Oradea at Bulevardul Decebal, © M. Hofmann
As mentioned above, the pictures were taken in the city of Oradea in Romania and
present some typical scenes in its urban landscape. Today the city with its 205,000 inhabitants is
the capital of Bihor County in north-west Romania. Located just 13 km away from the Hungarian
border, Oradea belonged since 1692 to Hungary, and used to be one of the most important cities.
As a part of the Crişana region it became a part of Romania only by 1920 with the Trianon treaty.
During most of World War II (1940-1944) it belonged again to Hungary due to the Second
Vienna Award. Since then Oradea had been a part of Romania. Because of the Holocaust, a third
of Oradea’s 93,000 inhabitants in 1941 were Hungarian speaking Jews, and because of many
Hungarians leaving the country the ethnic composition changed dramatically in a rather short
time. The Hungarian population decreased from 90% in 1910 to 62% in 1919. By 1966 half of the
population was Hungarian and the percentage decreased to 27% until today. On the other hand the
Romanian population increased from 6% in 1910, reached 12% in 1919 and 46% in 1966. Today
it is around 70%. Minorities like Roma, Germans and others are not more than 3% together. As a
result Oradea is today dominated by Romanians with a strong Hungarian minority.
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Picture 1 shows a scene near downtown Oradea. A corner of a house is shown on
which three different kinds of scripture can be identified. In the center there is an official plate
with the street’s name Bulevardul Decebal in Romanian. At the lower left one can see a graffiti
in the form of a street sign with an Hungarian name for the street: Vitéz u. Third, on the upper
right, a dentist indicates his surgery in both languages: Romanian, Cabinet Stomatologic, and
Hungarian, Fogorvosi Rendelı.
With an absolute approach to space an explanation of this picture may be like this:
There is a state, Romania, which is defined by its borders. Within the state lies Oradea as a part
of Romanian territory. The street sign marks a special street that exists in this space called
Oradea. It has been put there by the officials to give order to the system of street and helps
people to find orientation. The graffiti is a deviant attempt to destroy or at least provoke this
system of order. Some outsiders are on battle with the legal system as they do not accept the
political status quo of the city. With this simple sketch they question the Romanian state in
general. The dentist is trying to attract customers from both major groups of the population.
What new perspective has the concept of relative space to offer regarding this picture?
Löw overcomes the weakness of the relative concepts of space that has been mentioned earlier by
respecting that social action is also led by structures. She regards space as having a dual character.
On the one hand there is a social practice that constitutes spaces. On the other hand there is a
spatial structure which influences the social practice. By the interdependency of them the
reproduction of space works.1 By developing Giddens’ concept practical consciousness Löw
concludes that the construction of space in the relational way belongs to this set of actions, as the
construction of space happens without being reflected or discussed in the everyday practice. For
Löw spaces are the result of synthesis and placing. Synthesis means to connect people and goods
and by that creating spaces. At the same time individuals or groups max also place objects. Those
objects can also be markers and signs such as street signs an often they own symbolic meaning.
Now it becomes obvious how the construction of space in the view of the relational
theory works. People connect objects and other people and call it “city of xy”, at the same time
they are influenced by the objects and there daily routine. The city itself is in fact an existing
reality and influences them in their synthesis. The individuals also are placing material objects
according to their conception of space, to their synthesis they have created. The street sign
welcomes to the “city of xy”and creates a set of expectations and behaviour. Every action taking
place in the material world can be a part of the space. In fact in real life spacing and synthesis
happen simultaneously. They cannot be separated from one another. In the theoretical analysis on
the other hand, it is helpful to distinguish between those two. As an example Stambolis’
description of the Paderborn County can be mentioned once again. Within the area many crosses
and statues of saints are located beside the roads. (Stambolis, 2007) This very obvious place marks
the area as a catholic space. People living there or travelling through Paderborn County identify it
as catholic influenced by making a synthesis on the basis of exactly these statues.
Not only objects but also people can be and are, indeed, connected by synthesis, as
mentioned above. The interesting thing with individuals is that they are able to position
themselves and also to leave the position where they have been placed. But also by staying at
one place they influence the construction of space by their actions. As Löw mentions even
objects have the possibility, to a much lower degree, to influence spaces not by action but for
example by smell or sound. As people act in social groups the constitution of space is, in the
relational theory, always connected to those groups, especially in regard to means of power and
authority. This aspect in particular is interesting in describing picture 1 for a second time.
As the placing of objects by the individual in its practice is crucial to the construction
of space in this regard it can be concluded that in the concept of relational space as Löw
introduces it, space is to a high degree dependent on the individual that is living in the material
world. Thus it is possible that several spaces exist at one certain place. They are overlapping at
the same time at the same material place. Considering the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem an
1
For a short introduction see: (Löw; Steets; Stoetzer, 2007: 51-63). For Löw’s theory in detail see: (Löw
2001).
96
orthodox Jew creates in his synthesis a completely different space than a Palestinian even if
they would stand at the same location watching the wall. It is not possible to judge them with
categories like right/wrong, legal/illegal, real/unreal as they are a reality for the person doing
the synthesis. They exist simultaneously.
A quite simple method to experience the effects of the synthesis is asking locals, as a
foreigner, for the meaning of certain objects. Especially representative houses, churches or
monuments will show the different spatial realities inhabitants of a multi-ethnic city live with.
A simple man on a horse can for one person be a reminder of the great history of its country in
former centuries, for another person it is a reminder of the occupation that is still going on
today. Both perspectives are clotting at this material place. In a different context this mentioned
statue marks a space of companionship were youth meet with their skateboard. The same place,
mainly the same objects but a different synthesis.
At the Oradea corner at least three possible spaces can be identified. At first there is the
space of the city’s administration with the official street sign. In its space Oradea is the city that
has to be ruled. It is obvious that streets are named and that those names are presented on street
signs to establish a certain kind of order, provide orientation and thus make the city
administrable. As Romanian is the main language of Romania it is also not unlikely to establish
a street sign in Romanian.
On the other hand, for the authors of the Hungarian graffiti there exists a different
space. It is connected to their experience, their connection to history and their relations to the
city. Oradea very likely is Nagyvárad for them. Maybe their family roots back to this city for a
long time and for them the city is a traditional Hungarian place. As their graffiti might be a
provocation for the official authorities, the Romanian street sign is a provocation for them. The
result of the placing of the one group irritates the synthesis of the other one. To point it out, the
material place is the same in both cases, but different spaces overlap here. By considering the
dentist’s plate also a third space is to be identified at this corner. The dentist, very likely of
Hungarian descent, seems to regard as a multicultural city. For him Hungarian as well as
Romanian heritage and culture are present all the same. Thus, not only a potentially higher
number of patients is addressed he also gives a visual statement on his perception of the place
Oradea, which to him is most likely a space of communication and intercultural encounter. By
placing his plate he demonstrates his synthesis and is also influencing that of others.
It would be a too fast attempt to conclude that the political powers or graffiti artists,
respectively, are wrong with their idea of the Oradean territory and the dentist is right because
he is able to combine the dominant cultural elements. That is a judgment based on the
worldview that multiculturalism is preferred. It does as well not match the point of the concept
of relational space. Here all three perceptions exist at the same time. They come from a special
point of view from special experiences and serve for the individual a certain purpose. One is as
true and as good as the others. The practical differences between the absolute-space model and
the relational space model are obvious. Were in the first only one true interpretation of the
reality of Oradea can exist, the second allows several possibilities and by that opens the path to
a deeper understanding and dialogue.
The difference this new theoretical approach makes in perceiving an urban setting shall
be demonstrated on some further impressions from Oradea. Picture 2 shows the entrance of a
huge children’s playground in the Rogerius quarter, which has been established in 2007 and is
known as The Children’s Town. On the left and the right one can identify the shape of the
Oradea fortress with a face functioning as a logo. The big letters in the middle, “Bine AŃi
Venit!” are welcoming the guests in Romanian. The small letters on the left and on the right do
the same in Hungarian, “Isten Hozott!”, and English, “Welcome!”.
Thinking within the absolute model one would probably see simply a playground in a
Romanian city that welcomes its visitors in several languages. The visitors are supposed to be
mainly Romanians, but also Hungarians and from other parts of the world. How does the
concept of relational space influence to view at this scene? In the logic of the administration,
which once again does not have to mean single individuals but the group in general, the space
of the playground is marked. This has been done in the city’s dominant language plus in the
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language of the largest minority and in one international language, too. The result of the
synthesis is again Oradea as a Romanian city. Compared to picture 1, even the minority might
be acknowledged. For a member of the Hungarian minority, especially for one who considers
the town still as the Hungarian Nagyvárad from the past, this welcome sign is very likely again
a provocation and an attempt to suppress the Hungarian minority.
Picture 2. The entrance of a children’s playground in the Rogerius quarter, © M.Hofmann
The place is marked as a Romanian territory with the Hungarian inscription a lot smaller
than the Hungarian. By the way Hungarians are degraded from natives to visitors by giving the
English letters the same size. So again the spacing that might have had a very different intention
provokes a feeling that strengthens the feeling of being oppressed. It is an obvious sign to them
that Nagyvárad is a heavily controversial space. People from the “dentist group” may start to
wonder if in this playground there was another project of the US Peace Corps or an international
charity. What else would be the reason of the English text? Who belongs to the group of
foreigners sees the playground and makes the synthesis with his/her own experiences and
knowledge of the city. The English inscription is interesting for them but does not make too much
sense. It can be interpreted as Oradea being an open and international city. By the looking at the
scene with a relational approach has widened the possible interpretation. As they are a reality (in
this way or in another) this concept offers the possibility to deeper understanding and dialogue.
Maybe even more important, it also gave some hints for the source of possible social tensions.
They are not based on ideology but constructed in a far more real way.
The next picture from the streets of Oradea shows again a trilingual plate that marks a
historical important building. Picture 3 shows such a plate. The inscription is first in Romanian
“Monument Historic”, than in Hungarian “Mőemlék” and last in English “Historic Monument”.
The name of the building above and the historic explanations below are given in the same of
order. Unlike as in the former example the letters are here of the same size. Looking out for
different spaces one can again see a difference.
For the Romanian authority’s space there is a building from the time when Oradea
belonged to Hungary. The Hungarian history is not denied and the knowledge of it is made
public. By placing a plate like this it is indicated the synthesis that has been made creates a
space that is aware of the city’s history and presence as well. The three languages all equal in
size show openness to the Hungarian population and Hungarian and other tourists as well. In
98
this case the spaces that a Hungarian citizen and a foreigner are constructing and experiencing
are probably not as different. The symbolic dominance that a Hungarian might experience
should be much weaker in intensity compared to the playground.
Picture 3. A plate marking the Moskovits Palace as an important historic building, ©
M. Hofmann
A last example shows how a lack of background information hinders the synthesis of space.
Very striking in Oradea is the number of synagogues. In particular, the synagogue with its
characteristic dome located next to the river in the town’s center is dominating the Oradean skyline.
As mentioned before Oradea has lost a third of its population due to the holocaust.
Though quite active just a minor number of Jews is living in the city today. Right now the
synagogue is in the process of being renovated as a museum and cultural meeting point.
Although next to it there is one of the major parking lots and a many festivals and concerts take
place there, the Jewish history of Oradea is not well-known for many of its inhabitants. The
objects remained but as just a few people connect it in their synthesis with Jewish life the space
of the “Jewish Oradea”. Maybe spacing in the form of memorials, media reports and cultural
events in the synagogue can help to promote and (re)discover this space, which is unknown to
so many. But still it is crucial that the individual syntheses the objects in this certain way
otherwise even a huge number of objects and activities will be without any effect.2
2
On forgetting in an urban context see: (O’Keeffe, 2007).
99
Picture 4. The characteristic dome of Oradea’s synagogue, © M. Hofmann
A possible perspective for intercultural dialogue
As a practical conclusion thoughtful politics of accountability, as Doreen Massey
demands also in the context of space analysis, are essential in dealing with diversity and
multiculturalism. The first step could be to acknowledge that the others might live in a different
space than oneself. Important at this stage is once again, that the different spaces are a reality,
not only in thinking and perception but also in everyday practice, as shown above. So it cannot
be argued against them. They can only be taken serious. Important for this should be
conversation and the possibility for each party to present its own space that has evolved at a
certain place, building, territory. Once this step has been taken a shared basis for further
dialogue should exist. Very likely the spaces will not have changed but it is maybe possible to
synthesize a new space. The plate of picture 3 is an example that points into this direction. The
different perceptions of space do still exist, but for practical purposes they are dealt with in a
way that no-one feels insulted.
An interesting project in Transylvania is the program “Healing of memories” which
now practiced between the traditional Transylvanian churches: Romanian-Orthodox, GreekCatholic, Roman-Catholic, Reformed, Lutheran and Baptists, Jews and others. Also
representatives of the different nationalities take part in this project. The goal of the project, that
was developed to deal with wounds caused by the apartheid system in South-Africa, is to find
mutual perspectives for the future despite conflicts in the past. Since several years the
conferences are held where the participating groups talk about their differences. In the first and
very important step each party was describing the past from its own religious or ethnic
perspective. This could happen as detailed and as long as the particular group desired. By this
implicitly the groups introduced the others to their perception of Transylvania and its history. In
other words they shared their own synthesis of Transylvania that is dependent on their
experiences, even though the place might en the same. The many spaces were brought together
and had to be accepted as realities what gave the chance to build bridges to a common future in
dialogue, which could take place in a new space or even that spaces that were transformed
through the process of intercultural dialogue.
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The chance exists that sociological theory may help to deal with conflicts connected to
territory like the ones mentioned in the introduction. Although it is not very likely that these
perspectives become a part of everyday knowledge instantly, it might be possible to use their
principles in political life and negotiation. This would be the spatial turn in politics and
intercultural dialogue. The model of absolute space has become a part of what is considered a
matter of course over the years, by practices like compulsory military service, maps on the
walls of classrooms and others. But likewise the new perspectives could be established. It will
certainly be a long way until these ideas can be put into practice in regions like the Kosovo or
Abkhazia, but it could be a way that is worth going.
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Berking, Helmuth (2006), „Raumtheoretische Paradoxien im Globalisierungsdiskurs“, in: Idem, ed., Die
Macht des Lokalen in einer Welt ohne Grenzen, Frankfurt.
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im Osten Europas“, in: Eigmüller, Monika; Georg Vobruba, eds., Grenzsoziologie. Die politische
Strukturierung des Raumes, Wiesbaden.
Eigmüller, Monika; Georg Vobruba, eds. (2006), Grenzsoziologie. Die politische Strukturierung des
Raumes, Wiesbaden.
Löw, Martina (2001), Raumsoziologie, Frankfurt.
Löw, Martina; Silke Steets; Sergej Stoetzer (2007), Einführung in die Statdt-und Raumsoziologie, Opladen
und Farmington Hills.
Massey, Doreen (2006), „Keine Entlastung für das Lokale“, in: Berking, Helmut, ed., Die Macht des
Lokalen in einer Welt ohne Grenzen, Frankfurt.
Medick, Hans (1993), „Grenzziehungen und die Herstellung des politisch-sozialen Raums“, in: Weisbrod,
Bernd, ed., Grenzland. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutsch-deutschen Grenze, Hannover.
O’Keeffee, Tadhg (2007), “Landscape and Memory: Historiography, Theory, Methodology”, in: Moore,
Niamh; Yvonne Whelan, eds., in: Heritage, Memory and the Politics of Identity. New Perspectives
on the Cultural Landscape, Aldershot.
Schiffauer, Werner (2006), „Transnationale Solidaritätsgruppen, Imaginäre Räume, Irreal
Konditionalsäzte“, in: Berking, Helmut, ed., Die Macht des Lokalen in einer Welt ohne Grenzen,
Frankfurt.
Simmel, Georg (2006), „Der Raum und die räumliche Ordnung der Gesellschaft“, first: (1908),
Soziologie.Untersuchungen über die Formen der Vergesellschaftung. Kapitel IX, in: Eigmüller,
Monika; Georg Vobruba, eds., Grenzsoziologie. Die politische Strukturierung des Raumes,
Wiesbaden.
Stambolis, Barbara (2007), „Konfessionalität als mentale Geographie. Das Beispiel des katholischen
Paderborner Landes“, in: Informationen zur Raumentwicklung, Heft 10/11.2007.
Online Resources:
Healing of Memories, in: http: //www.healingofmemories.co.za (Accesed: September 2008)
Intercultural dialogue and diversity within the EU1
Joke SWIEBEL
Abstract: The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008) aims at promoting the
value of diversity. This paper explores the meaning of the concept of diversity in EU policies
and legislation. Diversity among the Member States is a fundamental basis of the legal and
institutional set-up of the EU. Diversity within the Member States is more ambivalent. Although
the Copenhagen criteria demanded ‘respect for and protection of minorities’ from the accession
states, the EU itself lacked a specific competence on minority policies and could not (or did not
want to) demand the same from the ‘old’ Member States. Recent policy developments have
replaced multi-culturalism by integration and have replaced group rights with individual
rights. EU legislation against discrimination has been given a substantial impetus, but is still
contradictory and unbalanced. EU anti-discrimination law discriminates between the various
ground of discrimination. While the EU continues to demand comprehensive antidiscrimination policies from its external partners, it so far has failed to bring its own house in
order.
Keywords: intercultural dialogue, diversity, European Union, minorities, antidiscrimination law, equality hierarchy
Introduction
In 2006, the European Union decided to promote a so-called ‘intercultural dialogue’. In
Decision No. 1983/2006/EC which allocated 10 million Euros for activities in 2008 - the
European Year of Intercultural Dialogue - we find the following motivation: Such a dialogue
will give a boost to the value of diversity and strengthen respect for different cultural identities
and beliefs which co-exist within the Member States, between the Member States and beyond.
Highlighting diversity by intercultural dialogue will safeguard the common heritage of Europe
and the Member States and will help making people living within the EU better prepared to
participate in an increasingly more diverse, more dynamic and more complex world.
But why should diversity in itself be something worthwhile, something that should be
respected? What exactly is meant by this concept? To what extent is diversity a key value or a
principle of the European Union itself and how is it reflected in the organisational structure and
the policies decided by the EU? In addition, could a dialogue indeed help to safeguard diversity,
or are other means perhaps more effective?
The purpose of this paper is to find an answer to this type of questions and thereby
contribute to separating facts from fiction.
Diversity among the Member States
‘United in diversity’ is the motto of the European Union. At the website of the European
Commission we can read: ‘The motto means that, via the EU, Europeans are united in working
together for peace and prosperity, and that the many different cultures, traditions and languages in
Europe are a positive asset for the continent’. (http: //europa.eu/abc/symbols/motto/index_en.htm)
We might ask whether this is merely window-dressing or innocent propaganda, or
whether we can find behind this motto some real problems. One small indication that this
concept of diversity in the EU is not that innocent is to be found in the controversy on the
incorporation of this motto (and other symbols such as the flag and the hymn) in the Treaty
1
This is an updated version of the paper presented at the Seminar on European Parliament to Campus for
Intercultural Dialogue and the European Neighbourhood Policy in the Carpathian Area (4 – 11 June 2008).
102
establishing a Constitution for Europe (TCE), as decided by the European Council in 2004. In
art. I -8 TCE we find: ‘The motto of the European Union shall be: ‘United in diversity’’.
This so-called European Constitution was stowed away, after two Member States,
France and The Netherlands, decided by referendum to reject it. The substance of the European
Constitution - or at least 95 percent of it - miraculously came back in another form in the socalled Reform Treaty, the Treaty of Lisbon. In these new draft texts for the Treaties of the
European Union we do not find the motto ‘United in diversity’ anymore; they have been
deleted, together with the other symbols. But in a Declaration to be annexed to the new treaties,
16 Member States stated that these symbols ‘will for them continue […] to express the sense of
community of the people in the European Union and their allegiance to it.’ (Final act, 2007)
The transformation of the European Constitution into the so-called Reform Treaty has
much of a trompe-d’oeil, an optical illusion. It will give employment to generations of legal
scholars, political scientists and the like to sort out the mess made by politicians. This is too
much and too complicated for this paper. (Búrca, 2008; Kurpas, 2007) I will – more simply - try
to find out what the meaning of cultural diversity is in the EU and which role is played by
diversity as a political principle.
Cultural diversity appeared on stage as the argument of the weak. It is the slogan of
smaller groups living in a greater unit, wanting to preserve themselves and protect their identity.
But it is more than the self-interest of so-called minorities, it is also a concern of everyone, also
of the majority. How to look at it depends from the perspective we take. Politically speaking, it
can be used for very different purposes. (Bogdandy, 2007) The concept of cultural diversity can
be used to emphasise national identity or distinctiveness, as is done by right-wing populist
and/or nationalist movements that use slogans such as ‘Our own people first’2 or – to take an
example from my own country – ‘Proud of Holland’. (“Trots op Nederland”) Cultural diversity
can however also be used to promote cultural pluralism or multi-culturalism, thereby
questioning national identity and giving more prominence to other traits or identities of people,
be it religious, ethnical, cultural, etc.
Historically, the European Union has been mostly concerned with cultural diversity in
the sense of the diversity of the national cultures of the Member States. Remarkably, for this
purpose these cultures were seen as homogenous. This cultural diversity came increasingly
under threat – so it was feared - with the completion of the single market. The ‘ever closer
Union’ (TEU, art. 1) was feared to bring more convergence and standardisation. This explains
why the Treaty of Maastricht brought us what now is Article 6(3) TEU as a sort of invocation:
‘The Union shall respect the national identities of its Member States’. I call this an invocation –
one could also say: a motto – because in my view it is only to be understood as an extra
emphasis on what is already there. Lawyers understand this provision as a legal guarantee of the
sovereignty of the Member States. The Member States remain ‘the masters of the treaties’, they
stay in control over the limits of the integration process. (Barents, 1997: 30)
Many observers have said that the European Union is an international organisation ‘sui
generis’. It does not belong to the category of purely intergovernmental international
organisations, neither is it a political federation, let alone a federal state. It is something in
between. Its construction is a balance between federal elements on the one hand, and ‘national
sovereignty’ elements on the other. The national identity of the Member States is protected by a
couple of elements in its structure and in the decision-making processes. I mention here the
most important ones.
The principle of conferral (or competence attribution). The EU can only exercise those
competences explicitly conferred upon it by the Member States. These competences are
enumerated in the treaties. (TCE, Article I-9; TEU (new consolidated version) Article 5).
Revision of the Treaties demands the agreement of all Member States (TEU, Art. 48).
Although the powers of the European Parliament have been enlarged by every major
revision of the Treaties, the Council, i.e. the Member States still have the most important say in
the political life of the Union. This element has been strengthened by the draft European
2
‘Eigen Volk Eerst’ was the slogan used by the Vlaams Blok (later Vlaams Belang)
103
Constitution and by the Treaty of Lisbon, inter alia by adding the right of the Member States
that wish to do so to leave the Union, and by giving the national parliaments an independent
role in the EU decision-making processes. (European Parliament Resolution on the Treaty of
Lisbon, 2008)
Within the Council, the voting procedures prevent a permanent alliance of strong
Member States against weaker ones (ibidem).
The political machinery of the EU is multi-centered, complex and fragmented; this gives
opportunities to many political entrepreneurs inside and outside the system and prevents overall
domination from above by one single authority (Richardson, 1996; R. van Schendelen, 2002).
The principle of mutual recognition: in the market for goods, services and capital
technical standards originating in the home country of these goods et cetera also apply when
those goods cross borders and move into another EU member state, provided equivalent levels
of protection and safety are guaranteed. In this way, harmonisation from above is not necessary.
(Padoa Schioppa, 2005)
The languages regime: all official documents are translated in all recognised national
languages spoken in the Member States, and so is every oral intervention in the formal sessions
of the Council and European Parliament.3
In short: the European Union is not becoming a ‘super state’ but ‘is struggling to find a
balance between the whole and the parts, between unity and diversity, coordination and
autonomy. It is contested how much unity and how much diversity the Union can live with. Yet,
in spite of uncertainty and disagreement, the Union’s system of governance has changed into a
consistent direction’. (Olsen, 2007: 44-45) The EU has continually attracted new members, its
agenda has expanded and its institutional capabilities have been enhanced.
In this historical process, intercultural dialogue between the representatives of the
Member States - politicians, diplomats and civil servants, but also experts, business people,
professionals, NGO’s and lobby groups – has been essential. Without thousands of people from
different European countries meeting every day trying to solve concrete issues and working to
find a common ground despite their diversity, the development of the EU would hardly have
been thinkable. Political scientists speak of the EU as a political arena, a place where political
battles are won and lost. For example, Van Schendelen teaches us about ‘managing the EU
Arena’. (Schendelen, 2002) Such a war-like analogy should not mislead us. Convincing other
people is an important element of the art of politicking. Convincing somebody or winning over
somebody to a new idea will never work if we do not first understand him or her. In this sense,
intercultural dialogue is at the heart of the political process of the European Union. The political
mechanisms in and around the EU build a multitude of venues for this intercultural political
dialogue. The European Parliament as the only directly elected European forum can be said to
be the centre of this intercultural political dialogue. In this sense, the multi-lingual European
Parliament is essentially different from the national parliaments of most Member States.
However, in the European Parliament the main cleavages do not run between groups of MEPs
from different Member States, but between MEPs from different political groups. The internal
cohesion of the political groups is much stronger than national divisions and has got stronger
over time. MEPs vote predominantly along partisan rather than national lines. (Corbett; Jacobs;
Shackleton, 2007: 108; Judge; Earnshaw, 2003: 155) In the end, the European political dialogue
is much more about how to strike a balance between a diversity of political ideas and policy
options, than about the diversity of national identities or origins.
Diversity within the Member States
Diversity within the Member States is another story. There is no explicit EU
competence on the minority policies of the Member States. An overall EU concept of how EU
Member States are supposed to deal with their internal minorities and how to manage cultural
diversity within their territories is at this moment still a bridge too far. Such an EU policy with
respect to diversity within the Member States would run counter the wish to preserve the
3
There are now 23 official EU languages. See: http: //ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/index_en.html
104
diversity between the Member States, in as far as they have different ideas and practices with
respect to this issue. Managing diversity in both senses at the same time seems like trying to
square the circle. (Toggenburg, 2004c: 11-2)
This problem was not unknown when in the early nineties of the last century the 12 to
15 Western Member States of the EU decided to demand decent minority policies from the
applicant countries in Central and Eastern Europe. At the Summit at Copenhagen in 1993, the
European Council decided that the accession states should have ‘achieved stability of
institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and
protection of minorities […]’. (European Council in Copenhagen, 1993: 14) This concern for
minority rights had a strong political motivation: The EU 15 feared a ‘risk import’ caused by
ethnic and social tensions in the accession states that could undermine the security and the
stability of the European Union after enlargement. (Toggenburg, 2004c: 7) This fear was no
doubt heavily influenced by the falling apart of former Yugoslavia and the wish to prevent other
cases of ‘ethnic cleansing’ against minorities. (Williams, 2004: 68ff)
The EU at that time lacked a clear set of norms and standards stating what this ‘respect
for and protection of minorities’ would entail. Looking at international human rights law would
not help very much. Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(1966) reads: ‘In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons
belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right. In community with the other
members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, or
to use their own language’. This clause leaves open what the definition of a minority is and who
would be entitled to decide whether such a minority exists (the state, people belonging to the
minority concerned, or an international supervising body). It only is written in a negative sense,
spelling out what states parties are forbidden to do, not what they should do.4
The EU monitoring process of minority policies of the accession states leaned heavily
on standards developed by the Council of Europe and – to a lesser extent – recommendations
from the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The Council of Europe
adopted the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCPN) in 1995;
it entered into force 1998. Ratification and implementation of this Framework Convention
became the main condition to be met for the fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria with regard
to the protection of minorities. The Framework Convention does not define the minority
concept either, but is far more concrete in specifying individual and collective rights and
obligations of states-parties to the convention than ICCPR art. 27; it highlights the right to an
individual choice to belong or not to belong to a minority (art. 3), elaborates the rights of equal
treatment (art. 4) and the obligations of state parties (to) ‘undertake to promote the conditions
necessary for persons belonging to national minorities to maintain and develop their culture, and
to preserve the essential elements of their identity, namely their religion, language, traditions and
cultural heritage’ and to refrain from forced assimilation (art. 5). Further provisions deal with
freedom of assembly, association and expression and the freedom of thought, conscience and
religion, the right to use the minority language, et cetera. On this last issue the Council of Europe
also drafted a separate instrument, the European Charter for Regional or Minority languages. This
instrument, however, collected substantially less support.5 Recommendations from the OSCE and
interventions by the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities also played a role.6
Working through these three international organisations – the EU, the Council of
Europe and the OSCE - the governments of Western European countries developed a system of
‘diversity governance’ for the countries in Central and Eastern Europe. (Bogdandy, 2007: 23ff)
But this diversity governance lacked a firm foundation in EU law. Moreover, the policies in the
4
For an elaborate criticism see: (Pospisil, 2006).
The European Charter of Regional and Minority Languages has until now (August 2008) collected 23
ratifications or accessions, while 10 signatures have not been followed (yet) by ratifications. The
Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities is ratified by 39 States, while still 4
signatures have not been followed by ratifications.
6
See for some examples: (Toggenburg, 2004b).
5
105
‘old’ Member States ranged ‘from elaborate constitutional and legal means for minority
protection and political participation to constitutional unitarism and outright denial that national
minorities exist’. (Sasse, 2004: 65) These policies of the ‘old’ Member States were not included
in this monitoring exercise. This is the notorious double standard, which many observers have
noted. It is not only a double standard in a legal sense, but also in a political sense.
The EU had never taken a political stance regarding the minority problems of the (old)
Member States; the case of Northern Ireland, the situation in the Basque country or the
language issue in Belgium have never been a topic on the EU agenda.
The Copenhagen criteria and the accompanying monitoring process have brought
considerable legal and institutional changes in the acceding states. But whether these resulted in
real effective minority protection depended largely on the domestic political agenda. (ibidem) In
many cases the political will to deliver more than lip service was lacking. Governments of the
candidate states thought ‘more in terms of closing chapters, not solving problems’. (Open
Society, 2002: 17) The process of Eastern Enlargement of the European Union has raised the
awareness on the situation of minorities and the issue of diversity in Europe. But this policy of
‘conditionality’ had - and still has, in the case of new accession states and potential accession
states - serious flaws that hamper its political potential. The credibility of the exercise was
undermined because substantive common EU standards were lacking and existing Member
States themselves adhere to different views on minorities policies.
In my view, the problem sketched above is caused by the two-sided nature by the issue
of diversity. Diversity is both about individual rights and about group rights, the latter being
much more controversial than the former. Firstly, measures against discrimination are taken to
ensure that individuals are not treated differently from others for unjustifiable reasons.
Secondly, minority protection measures allow individuals and communities to preserve their
cultural identity and protect them from forced assimilation. (Open Society, 2001: 16) This
second sort of rights is about the use of languages, education and even forms of political or
territorial autonomy.
Non-discrimination as an individual human right is not contested in the EU and in its
Member States; that is in principle; in reality, some ground of discrimination are taken more
seriously than others and the modalities of legislation and policies can arouse heated political
debate. But minority protection as a group-right is more difficult. It is mainly applied to the so
called ‘traditional’ national minorities, but there are at least two problems here. First, there is a
hierarchy of minorities; some Member States recognise some of their ethnic minorities and
disregard others. (EU Network…, 2005) Secondly, most EU Member States hesitate to apply
the concept of minority protection to immigrants that have recently come to their countries.
This can be for a dogmatic reason, such as in France were the constitutional unity of the
republic7 forbids to make a distinction between one citizen and another. The reason can also be
a political one; in this view the foreign workers and their families (coming from countries like
Morocco and Turkey) who have settled in EU Member States since the nineteen seventies,
could better be helped to integrate in the countries where they have taken residence and where
they are supposed to stay, instead of being permanently marginalized in a minority identity.
New developments
When Eastern Enlargement of the EU became a fact in 2004, many interested scholars
and organisations pleaded for the development of comprehensive EU minority policies that
would be binding for old and new Member States alike. (Open Society…, 2001; 2002)8 Some
authors, such as Von Bogdandy (2007) even saw a prospect that Western European States
would have to accept that the Copenhagen criteria would ‘backfire’ on them, that they would
have to accommodate to a notion of democracy that a gives greater prominence to minority
7
« La France est une République indivisible, laïque, démocratique et sociale. Elle assure l'égalité devant la
loi de tous les citoyens sans distinction d'origine, de race ou de religion. Elle respecte toutes les
croyances. Son organisation est décentralisée. ». Cf. French Constitution of 1958, art. 1.
8
See also The Bolzano/Bozen Declaration, in: (Toggenburg, 2004b: 163-173).
106
protection. Others were less certain and predicted that another option would also be feasible.
Sasse predicted ‘a new tacit policy of consensus on inaction’ (Sasse, 2004: 79) and De Witte
forsaw ‘a status quo scenario’ (Witte, 2004: 104) where EU law and policy would remain
unchanged and minority protection would be left to the Member States.
In reality something in between these two options has happened. In my view, two
developments have to be noted.
From multi-culturalism to integration
Firstly, in consequence of the arrival of new immigrants into EU Member States, the
EU minority discourse has changed from multi-culturalism to integration. In June 2007, the
Council adopted ‘conclusions on the strengthening of integration policies in the EU by
promoting unity in diversity’. These conclusions underline that ‘migrants who aim to stay
permanently or for the long term should make a deliberate effort to integrate, in particular
learning the language of their host society, and understanding the basic values of the European
Union.’ (Council of the European Union (Justice…), 2007: 23-6) In such a vision there is less
room for minority protection in the sense of safeguarding traditional identities and cultures and
more emphasis is put on adherence to universal human rights principles. It is observed that
intercultural dialogue has become an important instrument in fostering successful integration.
A much more elaborated version of this discourse is to be found in the recently
published White Paper in Intercultural Dialogue of the Committee of Ministers of the Council
of Europe. (Council of Europe, 2008) All this is soft law. But we also find a similar tendency in
the (EU) Directive on Long Term Residents, which says (in article 5.2) that ‘Member States
may require third-country nationals to comply with integration conditions, in accordance with
national law’. (Council Directive 2003…, 2004; Peers (2004: 60) observes that ‘there is nothing
in the Directive that aims to preserve difference’ and identifies here a conflict with international
norms, such as art. 27 ICCPR and the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe.
Toggenburg (2005) however argues that ‘it is exactly this issue of identity preservation which
prevents states from accepting new minorities as addressees of international minority law’.
From group rights to individual rights
Secondly, law and policies of the Union with regard to minorities have changed,
mainly in the sense that the protection of individuals from discrimination has been strengthened.
In other words, the minority discourse of the EU, which in the Copenhagen criteria had a strong
collective undertone (‘respect for and protection of minorities’), has been adjusted into an
individual rights-based approach.
We can now recount several additions to the European acquis which are relevant for
minority protection in the sense of protection against discrimination:
Articles 13 - added to the TEC by the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) - widened EU
competence to combat discrimination to include five new grounds for discrimination: racial or
ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation.
In June 2000, the Directive against Race Discrimination was adopted Council
Directive 2000/42/EC. (Councile Directive 2000/43/EC, 2000: 22-6) A second Directive, which
dealt with discrimination on the basis of religion or belief, disability, age and sexual
orientation, was adopted a few months later, in October 2000 (Council Directive 2000/78/43,
2000: 16-22). Nobody wanted to give the impression that these other types of discrimination
were considered as less important than racial discrimination. This does not mean that such an
imbalance was absent. That imbalance was - and still is - contained in these legal texts
themselves.9 EU legislation offers the most elaborate protection against racial discrimination.
The scope of this legislation covers employment (including vocational training, employment
conditions and workers organisations), social security, social protection, heath care, social
advantages, education and access to goods and services, including housing. EU sex equality
legislation now covers not only the employment issues but also the access to goods and
9
For an elaborate analysis, see: (Ellis, 2005).
107
services. The other ‘new’ grounds for discrimination (religion or belief, disability, age and
sexual orientation) are only covered by the prohibition of discrimination at the labour market.
This situation is often called the ‘equality hierarchy’. EU anti-discrimination law discriminates
between the various grounds of discrimination. (Swiebel, 2004) For a quick overview see
Annex 1. I will come back to the ambiguity below.
In 2007, political agreement was reached on Framework Decision on combating
certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law, which will
oblige Member States to make public incitement to racial hatred into a criminal offence.
(Council Framework decision, 2007)
The EU Charter on Fundamental Rights has confirmed, strengthened and widened the
principles of non-discrimination and minority protection in art. 21 and 22.10
Both the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and the Lisbon Reform Treaty
have added ‘the rights of persons belonging to minorities’ to the articles which cites the values
on which the Union is founded.11 Both Treaties include among the objectives of the Union, that
it ‘shall respect its rich cultural and linguistic diversity, and shall ensure that Europe's cultural
heritage is safeguarded and enhanced’ (art. 3). There is, however, still no stand-alone EU
competence in the area of minority policies.
In 2000 an early warning procedure has been added to Art. 7 TEU on Member States
where a ‘serious and persistent’ breach of the values of the Union takes place. The Council can
now also take measures if ‘a clear risk’ of such a serious breach takes place. So far this article has
remained an empty letter. The Commission drafted a proposal how to deal with this new
instrument.12 The Parliament gave a reaction,13 but the Council never put this matter on its agenda.
The newly established Fundamental Rights Agency, build on the European Monitoring
Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, has been given very limited tasks and scope. It can and will
however deal with racism and discrimination in a broad sense, and with asylum, immigration
and integration of migrants. (Council Regulation, 2007; Council Decision 2008/203)
5. EU doublespeak
The list above makes clear a couple of things. First, references to group rights are
vague and lack a concrete obligation (‘shall respect’ in stead of ‘shall ensure’). Second, serious
EU monitoring of the human rights performance in the Member States still is a bridge too far.
Third, art. 2 of the new TEU, together with art. 49 on the application and accession procedures
for new Member States, can be seen as the codification of the Copenhagen criteria. Does this
mean that the notorious double standard is repaired? Everything is there’ (see footnote 2):
democracy, the rule of law, human rights and minorities. But no longer is ‘respect for and
protection of’ minorities one of the conditions for membership of the EU, but ‘respect for [….]
the rights of persons belonging to minorities’. And still there is no stand alone competence on
minorities in EU primary law.
10
Art. 21 has expanded the list of forbidden grounds for discrimination to include inter alia language and
membership of a national minority. Art. 22 says that the Union shall respect cultural, religious and
linguistic diversity.
11
‘The Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the
rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. These
values are common to the Member States in a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance,
justice, solidarity and equality between women and men prevail’ (TCE I-2; TEU (new consolidated
version), art. 2).
12
Communication on Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union; Respect for and promotion of the values
on which the Union is based, COM(2003) 606.
13
Report on the Commission Communication on Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union; Respect for
and promotion of the values on which the Union is based, adopted 1 April 2004, A5-0227/2004;
European Parliament legislative resolution on the Commission communication on Article 7 of the
Treaty on European Union: Respect for and promotion of the values on which the Union is based,
adopted 20 April 2004, P5_TA (2004) 0309.
108
Politically speaking, my conclusion is the following: in order to overcome the disparity
between what the EU demands from its future Member States (and its European Neighbourhood
partners) and what is demanded from the Member States themselves, we have to make do with
what we have. We have to cherish our jewel in the crown, i.e. Article 13 TEC and the antidiscrimination legislation and action programmes which are based on it.
Looking back at the accession process of the nineties, one might say that it would have
been much more simple and powerful, if - in stead of demanding from the applicant countries
‘respect for and protection of minorities’ - the European Council had asked to ban all forms of
discrimination in all walks of life.14 Such a demand could have a sound base in the Treaties and
form part of the acquis communautaire. In reality, the existing patchwork of EU antidiscrimination legislation is skewed and incomplete. As said above, EU anti-discrimination law
itself discriminates between the various grounds of discrimination. This situation is often called
the ‘equality hierarchy’ (See Annex 1). As a result, different groups enjoy a different standard
of legal protection against discrimination. Such a hierarchy of discrimination sends the wrong
political message, i.e. that some animals are more equal than others. In other words, it seems to
confirm that some types of discrimination are inherently more serious than others. In addition, it
has created a hotchpotch of rules which deteriorates not only the quality of legislation and the
administration of justice but also hampers its transparency for citizens. It also lacks an answer
to the reality of multiple discriminations.
Since 2000, the European Parliament and NGO’s repeatedly criticised this state of
affairs and urged for a comprehensive anti-discrimination policy that affords an equal degree of
protection from discrimination on different grounds. It is no coincidence that the ground of
‘sexual orientation’ turned out to be among the most controversial aspects of this question.
After the EP debate on the confirmation hearings of the members of the incoming European
Commission, in 2004, the designated Commissioner for Justice and Home Affairs, Mr.
Buttiglione, had to be withdrawn and replaced with another candidate, as his views on equality
for homosexuals and gender equality were not acceptable to a majority of the Parliament. In this
context, the President-elect of the European Commission, Mr. Barroso, wanted to reassure the
Parliament that equality and non-discrimination really topped the Commission’s agenda; he
promised to table a new broad directive covering all non-discrimination grounds, which the
Parliament had been asking for so long. (Intervention by Mr. Barroso, 2004) High hopes were
nourished when this promise was formally repeated in the Annual Policy Strategy for 2008.15
But the Commission fell short of these expectations when in April 2008 it became clear that the
new legislation the Commission was preparing prohibiting discrimination outside the labour
market would only cover disability and would leave out the other discrimination grounds.
(“Brussels abandons…”, 2008) Legal professionals and lobby groups have expressed their
concerns and started a well-organized campaign.16 In the meantime, the Commission has for the
second time made a U-turn. In July 2008, when the much awaited proposal for a new antidiscrimination directive was finally tabled, the Commission had changed its course again.
The proposal extends the EU protection against discrimination in areas outside the
labour market now to religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation, but leaves the
situation regarding sex discriminations as it stands. (Proposal for a Council…, 2008) This
means that sex discrimination, the oldest area of European equal treatment legislation, will now
become the type of discrimination with the least protection from EU legislation. (See also
Annex 1.) Other flaws that are now being discussed in NGO circles are blanket exception
concerning the access to education and exceptions around family status and reproductive rights.
14
For a similar argument, see: (Williams, 2004: 67).
‘[The Commission] will […] propose new initiatives designed to prevent and combat discrimination
outside the labour market – based on gender, religion, belief, disability, age or sexual orientation’.
(Annual Policy Strategy, 2007: 10; See also (Commission Legislative, 2007: 25).
16
For an overview of the arguments, see e.g. the Equinet Opinion ‘Beyond the Labour Market’; for an overview of the
campaign see also: http: //www.ilga-europe.org/europe/campaigns_projects/campaign_for_a_new_european_anti_
discrimination_legislation
15
109
Apart from these and other criticisms, the main question remains that it is far from certain that
the Member States will be prepared to swallow this proposal.
What is at stake, however, is not only the effectiveness and the coherence of the EU
anti-discrimination legislation, but also in a wider sense the credibility of the European Union.
The infamous double standard, that became notorious during the eastern enlargement of the EU
in the nineties, is now coming back in another form. How can the EU be taken seriously, if it
promotes an intercultural dialogue to foster respect, tolerance and diversity, and at the same
time continues to discriminate along the different non-discrimination grounds? We have to
realise that not only fighting discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation is a
controversial issue in the EU. European legislation now does not cover discrimination outside
the labour market on the grounds of religion or belief. The campaign for intercultural dialogue
looks innocent but can become dangerously silly.
The EU should practice what it preaches. But in reality, the EU is addicted to
doublespeak. Williams has given his book on the EU Human Rights Policies, published in
2004, the subtitle: A Study in Irony. It analyses the ‘bifurcation’ of EU human rights provisions
between the internal and the external domain and argues for a deep analysis and an intellectual
revision. (Williams, 2004: 203) Today, four years after the publication of this thoughtprovoking book, the EU still demands from its external partners and its future Member States
measures that it refuses to adopt and implement in the EU itself.
A few examples:
In the latest progress report on enlargement, which describes the state of play in the
candidate countries and potential candidate countries on the Balkans and in Turkey, we read
that these countries are being monitored regarding the progress made in the implementation of
human rights standards and in the protection of minorities. We can read criticisms that several
of these countries have not adopted a comprehensive anti-discrimination law or lack coherent
anti-discrimination strategies. (Enlargement Strategy, 2007)
In the EU Annual Human Rights Report 2007 - as in the previous annual reports dealing
with the human rights aspects in the external policies of the EU - we find several times the
commitment of the EU to fight ‘all types of discrimination’. (Annual Report, 2007: 49, passim)
In the latest policy statement on the EU development aid policies (The European
Consensus on Development) we can read that the Community aims to prevent social exclusion and
to combat discrimination against all groups. (European consensus on Development, 2005: 28)
The documents of the European Neighbourhood Strategy are less detailed on
combating discrimination, but also here we find the intention of the European Commission ‘to
continue to promote stability notably through the sustained promotion of democracy, human
rights and the rule of law throughout the neighbourhood’. (A strong European…, 2007: 6)
Conclusion
The EU intercultural dialogue designed to foster respect, tolerance and diversity can
raise awareness in the Member States, among groups in civil society et cetera. But it is rather
incomplete and contradictory if it is not supplemented by a political dialogue about repairing
the conspicuous omissions in the European anti-discrimination legislation. Monitoring full and
timely implementation by the Member States is of course the other side of the coin.
During the process of Eastern Enlargement of the EU in the nineties, the EU was
sometimes heavily criticized for its double standard. The EU asked the acceding states to show
‘respect for and protection of minorities’ as a condition for membership, but did not put the old
Member States along the same yardstick. Human rights conditionality seems to be an issue for
partners abroad, not of EU Member States. A serious comprehensive anti-discrimination policy
which treats different forms of discrimination alike is a minimum condition for beginning to
restore the credibility of the European Union. Ten years ago, a so-called Comité des Sages said
there was ‘[…] an urgent need for a human rights policy which is coherent, balanced,
substantive and professional’ (Leading by example 1998). This recommendation has not lost its
political urgency.
110
Annex 1: The EU Equality Hierarchy17
sexdiscrimination
employment
vocational training
employment conditions
workers organisations
social security
social protection
health care
social advantages
education
goods
and
services,
including housing
x
x
x
x
x
0
0
0
0
x
discrimination based on discrimination based on religion
racial or ethnic origin
or belief, disability, age or
sexual orientation
X
x
X
x
X
x
X
x
X
#
X
#
X
#
X
#
X
#
X
#
X = covered by EU legislation in force
0 = not covered
# = covered by Commission proposal for a new Directive COM(2008) 426, 2.7.2008.
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The Roma Population in Slovakia: The Study Case of the Intercultural Dialogue
Kristína MORÁVKOVÁ
Abstract: The “Roma issue” had been gaining significance especially due to the
attempts of the Slovak republic to join the EU. The international environment was putting still
more and more pressure on the state to make some steps which were inevitable in order to
improve the status of the minorities in Slovakia. To find solutions to such a complex problem
has turned to be difficult especially considering all the circumstances which have been
influencing Roma current situation. The opinion of the majority has remained throughout the
history more negative than positive. Apart from the different culture and the entire lifestyle of
Roma, the gap between the majority and Roma has been even intensified by the prejudices and
stereotypes which have been prevalent in the Slovak society. Although the relations are
considered to be bad, the cooperation exists and this creates a hope for more pleasant mutual
coexistence.
Key word: Intercultural dialogue, Roma minority, discrimination
Introduction
The year 2008 has been designated as the European Year of the Intercultural Dialogue
and its aim is to promote the recognition of the diversity of the society we live in. “Unity in
diversity”, one of the mottos of the European Union, needs our help to push for it in order to
leave the prejudices and intolerance behind us. As far as among the most important steps
forward is the mutual tolerance among the nations, those either within or outside the European
Union, it is necessary to realize that we have to start from our own countries, from our homes
which have never been exclusively the home of one nation. The plurality has existed since the
very beginning of the human existence.
Although there are many various minorities within the states, even within the small
state such as Slovakia, there is one which is very specific for its pan European presence on the
one hand and the fact that it is the only nation without any territory on the other hand. The
Roma, suffering from its internal unbalances, have been an undeniable part of Slovakia.
Throughout the history, their status within Slovak society was worsening, culminating to its
tops when Slovakia decided to enter the European Union and to undergo the conditions offering
better prospects also for the Roma.
However, their position in the society cannot change only with the transformation in
their living conditions. First of all, they have to be accepted by the majority population with the
aim of the possibility to coexist together side by side. In my work, I would like to illustrate the
mutual perceptions of the two nations, their relations as well as both positive and darker sides of
this coexistence. Last but not least, I would like to demonstrate that although the cooperation is
very fragile and in many cases it is complicated, it does exist.
Historical background of the coexistence
When speaking about the position of the Roma minority in the Slovak republic, it is
necessary to think of their past related to this territory. Their present status has been influenced
to the great extent by the history.
Roma did not elude cruelties of the Second World War and within Slovakia, which
became in 1939 the puppet state of the Nazi Germany, they were exposed to discriminating
laws similar to those applying to the Jews. As the extreme of the anti-Roma measures could be
considered their forced shifts to the labor camps. It was at that period of time when they had
already been facing prejudices of the rest of the society, both of the neighbours and the
employees, because of their “otherness”.
114
A special place in the society had the Roma craftsmen. Their flexible lifestyle was
allowing them to develop their skills and they were actually sought after. However, although
there were tries to integrate themselves within the Slovak society, the attitude of the others did
not contribute positively to make it happen.
With the end of the Second World War and later the establishment of the socialist state,
Roma believed that their status in the society could be improved. There were even the first
attempts to establish the Union of Slovak Gypsies, however, state decided not to allow that. The
socio-economic standard of the majority of Roma remained a thorn in the eye of the state
representatives not only as an economic problem but also as an ideological one. The differences
within the society were not compatible with the state’s new policy. Social poverty and
catastrophic status of the hygienic conditions after the war were the most alarming especially
among the Eastern Slovak Roma. The attitudes of the major population towards this group were
dual. On the one hand, there was the socio-charitable line (Jurová, 2002: 54) embodied in the
establishment of their equality as citizens and abolishment of discriminating laws. Moreover,
people feared being accused of racism. Delinquencies were being overlooked while breaking the
laws was being excused by their lack of knowledge and low cultural standard (Šebesta, 2003: 29).
On the other hand, there were still many prejudices and aversion causing them many difficulties.
Based on the Marxist theory, the state policy claimed that by improving Roma social
status, their behavior would change as well (ibidem, 29). Thus, Roma were being excluded from
the direct participation on the process of solving the problem to which they were the central
subject. They were taken off their right for the ethnic identity and the policy of the social
assimilation emerged. The assimilation was supposed to be done especially in the field of
employment, education, and living conditions, however, there were areas with the high
population of Roma where it was not possible to be implemented. As far as the government did
not want the Roma to participate on this so called “social engineering”, the state was denying
their ethnicity. The denial was evident also thanks to the labeling the Roma “an ethnographic
group of Gypsies”. The goal of the assimilation process was the social and cultural balancing
with the majority of population (Jurová, 2002: 61). The differences between the majority and
Roma minority only deepened and many Roma left to Czech Republic to find a job. What is
more, this political manipulation intensified the problems and Roma began to loose their
ethnical identity which has been still remaining as a problem.
Finally, the government gave up while stating that the assimilation process is impossible
due to the constant movement of the Roma population. This issue of the Roma movement became
part of the agenda during 1950’s when the nomadic and semi-nomadic way of life was prohibited.
Apart from the fact that this act was considered as an act violating the freedom of movement and
residence, it was again impossible to be fully implemented due to the lack of vacancies, housing
possibilities and impossible realization of taking nomadic Roma children from their care.
Anyway, it should be mentioned that this pushed the Roma people to settle.
During 1960’s social engineering continued - government decided to launch the
concept of dispersion because most of the Roma in Czechoslovakia were living in Eastern
Slovakia. Thus, Roma were obligatorily, however at the same time voluntarily, moved to the
Czech lands (Šebesta, 2003: 29). The first priority of the government after removing Roma was
destroying the huts and settlements. 263 Roma families were moved to the Czech Republic, 59
settlements were eliminated, and 1490 other families were dispersed within the districts and
regions (ibidem, 29). The concept turned out a catastrophe: nobody was prepared- not the
Roma, neither the non-Roma population. Many families were being divided which was
unacceptable for the Roma traditional family life. It was very difficult for both sides to adapt
and to coexist side by side with each other. The most critical issues were housing and
employment because it was impossible to project it properly. The Czech government started to
send some families back to Slovakia and some just came back on their own.
The state spend great amount of money while trying to assimilate Roma minority.
Unfortunately, Roma got used to the financial support of the state and they found out how to abuse
it. Beside this fact, they also became dependent on the state’s constant manipulation which made
115
them remain passive and surrendering the situation. This Roma attitude developed negative
perception of the majority and the gap between these two groups, living within one state, deepened.
Meanwhile, the entire Roma population was increasing. During 1966 to 1968 there
were 156 thousand Roma in Slovakia from which 90 thousand were living in the eastern region.
These numbers were twice as big as in 1947 (ibidem, 29). This demographic boom could be
explained on the bases of better health care after 1945.
The Roma representatives became active and in 1968 the Union of Gypsies-Roma in
Slovakia and Czech Republic was established. Anyway, the cooperation within the organization
was not successful and was struggling with the internal conflicts. This inconsistency provided
the government the opportunity to abolish the union in 1973. Roma again lost their possibility
to gain the status of ethnic group. Another rejection from the state occurred during 1980’s.
The paternalist attitude of the socialist state was not successful and after the Velvet
Revolution, Roma did not have many expectations and hopes for better future also thanks to the
negative historical experience. Changes in political, economical, social and cultural life after
1989 brought difficulties also to the majority, not mentioning the Roma which were totally
unprepared for the transformation. Worsening of the socio-economic conditions led to the
increase of poverty resulting also in worse hygienic conditions. Housing was being affected by
privatization process, many Roma were occupying lands illegally due to the lack of information
about how to acquire the poverty (Radičová, 2001: 68). Their inability to adapt to the new
conditions was creating wider distance from the majority of the population. The contrast in
copying with the struggle to survive was dividing the society- majority preferred “selfsupplying” and one of the family member used to travel abroad to find a job while Roma were
trying to find easier and more comfortable ways to get by such as stealing and in their case the
whole families were leaving the country. Those departures had negative effect on the majority
due to the establishment of visa policy (ibidem, 73-74). Anyway, this underlined the problems
of Roma in Slovakia. There were particular reasons why they were leaving and most of those
leaving were usually the more educated ones which saw that the situation was not going to
change and the discrimination on the labor market still remained. People working with Roma
community claim, there are also the positive aspects of this migration such as increase of the
living standard of those who came back (Magdolenová, 2006: 33). On the other hand there are
proponents of ‘ethno-tourism’ stating that Roma were leaving Slovakia in order to abuse the
social allowances in EU countries where they were much more beneficial than in Slovak
Republic (Vašečka, 2000: 158). 1990’s brought finally legal equality for the Roma. By adopting
the Bases of the government policy towards Roma and their elaboration within the department
of education, youth and sports, culture, ministry of labor and social affairs, Roma were
recognized as a nation. The acquirement of cultural and political rights was visible in the
political participation which was flourishing around 1992, the establishment of the Romathan
theatre in Košice and the Department of Romani culture in Nitra (with specialization in teaching
the Roma children in 1999), TV broadcasting for Roma and publishing newspaper in Romani
language (Kotvanová; Szép; Šebesta, 2003: 39). As far as the political participation is
concerned, between the years 1990 to 1992 three representative chambers in Czechoslovakia
(the Federal Assembly, the Czech, and the Slovak National Assembly) saw the election of 11
Romani representatives which has never repeated in the whole CEE region (Sobotka, 2007:
141). However, the government somehow perceived that by recognizing Roma as a nation, the
problem was solved. As it declared through Jan Carnogursky, the chief for nations, “the Roma
issue does not exist in our society anymore; it has been solved by recognizing the status of
nation for Roma population”. (Journals Národná obroda, Pravda, April 10, 1991)
Higher numbers of Roma in Slovakia than in Czech Republic could be also explained
on the bases of the happenings after the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1993 when Czech
Republic adopted the narrowest crafted citizenship. Thousands of Roma at that time, finding
themselves stateless, were told to go to Slovakia (Sobotka, 2007: 143).
According to the Institute for Public Affairs, 919 million Slovak crowns
(approximately over 27 million euro) were allocated for Roma community in 2001 from various
resources while most of it was provided by Phare programs. The international support, mainly
116
the “euro-money” or pre-accession support, was flowing to Slovakia especially in regard to
Slovak ambition to enter the European Union. After the accession to European Union, the
projects have been declining.
Recent developments
Roma’s selfhood is rooted not only in the specific history but also in the fact that they
are the Pan-European specific minority without any territory. The current situation of Roma
minority within the Slovak Republic has been reflecting the past developments as well as the
fact that Slovakia has become the member of the European Union. However, the status of
Slovak Roma has been critically discussed in European circles. Before the Enlargement 2004,
Romani issue had been great obstacle for the countries such as Slovakia, Czech Republic,
Hungary and Poland, states with the biggest Roma minority. Therefore Slovakia started to deal
more actively with this problem. Many surveys, projects and other sources can be found from
that period thanks to the importance for the EU membership. Significant attention was paid
especially to the area of integration of Roma into the Slovak society while pointing out the
education, employment, housing and health. Although Slovakia is considered to be a special
case, because the accession negotiations with the EU really helped to improve the human rights
and minority status, it did not helped to change the opinion of the society towards minorities.
As it was stated by the Slovak government “the standard of the integration of
minorities and their coexistence with the societal majority is a condition in the successful
functioning of the Slovak Republic in the EU” (Basic Thesis of the Slovak Government’s
Conception in the Integration of Roma Communities, 2003). The difference between this
concept and the one from the socialist era (when it was claimed that by improving social status
of Roma, their behaviour would change as well) can be clearly distinguish. The state changed
the approach thanks to understanding that the culture could not be changed, it could be only
accepted and tolerated as it is and then the relations could be improved. However, the
assimilation concept can be still perceived in some fields such as education where the cultural
rights are implemented only partially (Lajčáková; Hojsík, 2007: 194).
The structure of the Slovak Roma includes three main groups: Rumungri (settled
Roma); Vlachika Roma (nomadic Roma), and Sinti (German Roma), while up to 90 percent
represent Rumungri. Roma population has been unequally spread- two thirds are living in
Eastern Slovakia (especially in the Košice’s surroundings) and in the south of Central Slovakia.
The conditions in the east are often compared to the Third World countries- no potable water,
very bad infrastructure, problems with sewage, difficult access to schools and hospitals, not
decent housing etc. The situation got worse when the competencies were delegated to the
regional administration which does not have much interest to deal with the problems. There are
villages, such as Svinia, where the contrast reaches the tops – ethnic Slovaks living almost in
the whole village which are well educated, living in decent houses and commuting to work
while almost the same number of Roma occupying only small part, living in disastrous
conditions without any education or skills. Such contrastful scenery is nothing special in the
case of Slovakia, Roma belong really to the extreme periphery.
The number of Roma living in Slovakia varies from source to source as far as it is difficult
to include all of them-some of them do not declare themselves Romani. According to the sources,
the number of Roma in Slovakia was in 2002 around 390 000 (Vaňo; Haviarová, 2002: 480) while in
2001 during census only 90 000 declared themselves Roma (ibidem, 791), this would prove that the
percentage of Roma is up to 1,7 % and although this is only an underestimated number, it is still
higher than in comparison to Czech Republic (0,1%), Poland (0,1%) but lower than in Hungary
(2,1%). Social distance between them and the majority of the population is visible also in the
housing: there are 619 separated (situated on the suburbs of the cities and villages) or segregated
(outside cities and villages) settlements (Kadlečíková; Kriglerová, 2005: 173). This also evokes
preference of the life within the community among Roma.
To compare the situation with the neighbouring states, most of the Slovak Roma lives
in the segregated and separated settlements and their status is usually similar to the one in the
neighbourhood.
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The situation of the East European Roma could be considered to be similar owning to the
developments in this region. All the countries had to undergo the process of transformation which
required the adoption of the new institutions. The governments had to cope with many difficulties
while putting the problem of the Roma aside (Barany, 2002: 284). After 1989, Czech Republic,
Hungary, Poland launched their way to democracy and their accession negotiations with the EU.
Although Slovakia took the same direction, its way to democracy was frozen due to the leadership
of Vladimir Meciar and its government with the signs of authoritarianism. It is, however, difficult
to compare the acts of the governments as far as the population of Roma varies from state to state,
starting with very high number in Romania to very small population of Roma in Poland. Another
factor has been the division of the powers. Recently, the Roma issue has been delegated to the
hands of the local governments in Slovakia. Some analysts claim this could help to improve their
conditions as far as their problem could be thus closer to the local authorities than it was to the
national government. On the other hand, the opponents point out that the local administrations
rather spend money on some other problems and therefore the Roma issue could be again only
postponed. As has been proved, there has been negative correlation between the standard of the
social marginalization of Roma community and the interests of the local administrations to solve
Roma’s problems (Lajčáková; Hojsík, 2007: 207).
Relations of the majority towards Roma
As it has been already indicated before, the historical development has significantly
influenced the status of Roma population; however, it has had also impact on the mutual relations
of Roma minority and the major population. All the negative moments of the history have
remained in the minds of both sides. The government’s perception of Roma as the social weaker
part of the population emerged the feeling among the society that Roma had been a burden for it.
This burden, in the eyes of the society, was needed to be provided with the financial support and
was thus being privileged when the rest of the population had to cope with their struggles on their
own. Apart from this fact, Roma started to be perceived as “the different ones”. They are different
ethnically, culturally, socially, and economically. All these differences are mostly caused by the
different past development. Some analysts claim that the ‘social distance’ of the majority is
intensified by the fact that there is also visible difference in the physical appearance (Bačová,
1992: 32). The fact that they are different has been still arising most of the prejudices because
people tend to connect this difference with the difference in the behaviour (ibidem, 33).
The polls held by Los Angeles Times published in September 1991 showed that antiGypsy feelings were the strongest in Czechoslovakia when 91 % of the entire population
answered they disliked Gypsies (Sobotka, 2007: 142). Looking at the polls carried out in 1999
by the US Department of State, Slovakia was the third country (after Romania and Hungary)
with the most negative attitudes towards Roma (Vašečka, 2007).
According to the surveys, the rate of ‘social distance’ is the biggest in relation with the
Roma minority, even when people can choose among the groups like homosexuals, drugaddicts, or alcohol addicts (Vašečka, 2002: 343). Three quarters of the asked people do not want
Rom as a neighbour (idem, 2002a: 213-217). These figures has remained, people still perceive
the same aversion towards this minority, although there is correlation between the age of the
respondents, education and the level of aversion. The polls carried out in 2003 by Institute of
Public Affairs (IVO) declared that 83% of respondents characterized the relations as bad
(Bútorová; Gyarfášová; Velšic, 2003).
As the biggest bone of contention is a low level of education of Roma and a high rate
of unemployment. Anyway, these two fields are very often interrelated and they are resulting in
the problems with housing which has been among the most critical problem of the present.
Roma are unable to pay the rents or they destroy the social flats they are given. This strengthens
the negative opinions among the majority.
Recently, I have researched in my surroundings and have asked 70 people about their
perception of the Roma (see appendix). I focused on the three groups: teenagers in the age of 16
to 19 years old studying at high school, adults in the age 40 to 50 years, and finally university
students around 20 years old. When answering the question regarding their first thoughts when
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hearing the word “the Roma”, 30 respondents wrote negative remarks regarding hygiene (a
smell, a mess, or a dirt); 20 of those asked mentioned unemployment or laziness; 17 thought of
robbery; 14 wrote the expression “Gypsies”; 13 of them had on the mind high birth rate; 11
connected this word with a rudeness or some expression linked to the negative behaviour and
the same number mentioned a dark skin. Those who wrote something positive such as
optimism, freedom, crafts, folk culture- either dance or music were always under the number of
10. Apart from mentioning a different colour of skin, some of them pointed out settlements,
nomadic way of life, minority, or some other expressions proving that people consider them as
“different”. Usually only the adults mentioned something positive whilst the university students
made remarks showing that they consider the Roma question as the problem of the whole
society. Most of the asked have not had any friends within the Roma (46 respondents) and they
perceived it mostly as a result of the fact that they do not seek their company. When answering
the question whether they would want to have the Rom as a neighbour, 39 respondents
answered “no” and 31 said “I do not know” whilst nobody said “yes”. Similarly as in the
previous surveys by IVO, I also asked the respondents to mark how much aversion they feel
towards the Roma. 22 of them put Roma on the first or the second place in the scale (the highest
and the second highest aversion) while they could also choose among the groups of drug
addicts, alcohol addicts, Hungarian minority and homosexuals. Regarding the feeling of the
compassion 22 people declared they felt compassion in comparison to 31 who did not feel it
while those who did, marked the Roma children as the only group with which they were
sympathetic. Only 2 respondents were sympathetic with Romany mothers.
While trying to identify the causes of the negative situation of the Slovak Roma, 45
respondents agreed with the statement that the Roma are responsible for their own situation“they are not interested in finding a job and they prefer to be on the welfare” whilst 15 people
thought that “they are not able to adapt and find their place within the society” and only 7
people (mostly university students) argued that “it is the responsibility of the state which made
them become dependent on it”. Trying to find out more about the common every day life
situations when people meet somebody of the Roma origin, I asked them whether they are
willing to sit next to the Rom in the public transport. Most of the asked (37 respondents),
answered “no, I would rather remain standing” in contrast to 18 which do not have any problem
with it and 18 which would sit there, however, they would feel uncomfortable. Answering the
last question regarding their opinion on the discrimination of the Roma in Slovakia, 38 people
answered they did not think there is a discrimination in Slovakia whilst 32 agreed there is a
discrimination and most of them mentioned the field of employment or education (a
discrimination in the field of education was mostly pointed out by the university students).
Taking the whole questionnaire in the account, the attitude of my surrounding is more
negative than positive while the most negative opinion within the teenagers could be, in my point
of view, a result of the impact of the portrait of the Roma by the mass media as well as the poor
situation of the Roma children with which they encounter at schools. This would also explain they
mostly connected this minority with the bad hygienic conditions. As far as the adults were almost
the only who linked the Roma with their traditional way of life- such as dances, music, crafts,
horses etc., it could be claimed that the old way of life of the Roma is more or less disappearing
and I would also argue that it is caused by the gradual lost of their identity.
Examining the results of my survey, it is visible that people often do not think of some
things they take for granted, for example, once they answer they would not sit next to the person
of Roma origin or have a Rom as a neighbour, they later argue there is no discrimination among
our society. Similarly, they firstly consider Roma’s apathy as the reason for their bad position
within the society and later they claim that there is discrimination within our society and
especially in the field of the labour market. This also illustrates us the high standard of the existing
prejudices and stereotypes and our mechanical behaviour when thinking of the Roma problem not
as of our problem. We prefer to distinguish between them and us and prefer to keep away when
the problem culminates. However, we do not realize that the problem is going to be solved neither
by the Roma, who do not have any resources to solve it, nor it is going to be solved on its own.
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Majority perceive the Roma not as a heterogenic entity, which they actually are, but as a
homogeneous one characterized mostly as the Roma from segregated settlements. This picture in
the minds of the population is even enforced by the mass media putting stress on this segregated
group. Thus the reasons of the negative attitudes of the majority towards Roma have been in the
first place prejudices and stereotypes which very often substitute the own experience.
Consequently, those who are not in touch with Roma at all have more negative posture than those
who are meeting them (Kriglerová, 2003: 2). The stereotypes could be identified also when taking
into account which features of the Roma are considered by the Slovak society as positive, if any,
and which as negative ones. On the basis of the research by IVO in 2001, musical talent, family
sense, easygoingness, and talent for trading are considered as the positive qualities. However,
almost three thirds of the asked people could not appreciate any qualities. On the other hand,
criminality, avoiding honest work, or low hygiene was labelled as vices.
There have not been many studies about the opinion of the majority about what should
be tolerated in relation to the Roma. The survey ‘GFK Praha’ from 1995 revealed that the most
people thought Roma’s strange way of dressing should be tolerated (73 %), significant group
expressed that they should be tolerated using Romany language on the public (68 %), others
declared Roma’s migration (31 %) and formation of large families (29 %) should be accepted
by the society. Fewer asked people marked the different hygiene habits should be tolerated (12
%) and the lowest number of the respondents (4 %) thought they should be tolerated their more
open attitude to work (Vašečka, 2002: 346). From these polls we can again deduce the most
critical points of the relations towards Roma.
It is interesting how people can generalize their negative experience with Roma for all
the Roma in Slovakia; however, they do not apply the same when having a negative experience
with the majority. I am no exception- I have met with many unpleasant people who were NonRoma, however, it do not make me generalize this experience for the whole majority. This is
because everybody in this nation has some prejudices and those who would claim the opposite
would only lie to the others as well as to themselves. Stereotypes are inherited, they have been
strengthened by the whole environment in which we live and due to this fact if we want to
change our perceptions or at least to make them changing for the next generation, it is necessary
to start from the basics. It means for example, do not create separated classrooms for the Roma
children in order to make the children get used to the “differences”. Opponents of this view
could claim that children belonging to the majority do not want to sit net to the Roma children
because of the lack of hygiene of the Roma children or that the Roma children are slowing
down the whole class. My questions is: how can the Roma children know they could take better
care of their hygiene or how can they make effort to be better at studying if they are not driven
by their environment? Being in one class with children which they would actually compete with
is the best way how to show the Roma children they could manage it. On the other hand,
staying in a separated classroom with the children from the exactly same conditions would not
bring any fruit as far as they would be satisfied with their status there.
The problem of discrimination has not been anything exclusive only for Slovakia.
Trying to solve this problem could lead to better mutual relations between the majority and the
Roma. Slovak government adopted the Action Plan Preventing all Forms of Discrimination in
2006 while adopting an amendment in 2008 to this plan. Among the goals of this plan belongs
monitoring in order to avoid shifting the Roma children to special schools and thus help to
create a multicultural environment. Anyway, the equal access to education has not been the only
bone of contention concerning discrimination. One of the most critical fields where Roma are
very often discriminated has been the labour market. It is, however, closely connected with their
possibility to study and therefore these two areas have become interrelated. Prejudices and
stereotypes among the employers are often resulting in preferring Non-Roma candidates. As far
as there is only little chance, if any, that this will change, it is necessary to adopt regulations by
the government. There are many opportunities how to do it, for instance, engaging private
sector and offer stimulus in return for hiring Roma candidates. This would, however, require
positive discrimination. Money on its own cannot help, of course. Therefore it is necessary to
educate those people in order to create for them better chances. Here we come across another
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problem: how to force the Roma to get education? And this is crucial when trying to deal with
the complex Roma problem. First of all, they should be explained what for they are supposed to
learn and by showing them we understand their needs and preferences, their culture, than it
would be easier to explain them the necessity of education.
As far as the opinion of the majority towards the race and national hatred is concerned,
people express clear disagreement. According to the polls done by IVO in 2000, 65 % of the
respondents would like to tighten the punishment of the crimes related to these issues.
Moreover, most of the asked people criticized a demonstration of the violence by the skinheads
very often aimed against the Roma minority- 70 % agreed that skinheads are dangerous in
contrast to 14 % which thought that skinheads are doing the right thing (Vašečka, 2002: 345).
Unfortunately, discrimination very often culminates into open conflicts. Racism exists
everywhere and its poisonous impact could be observed also in Slovakia. Racially motivated
crimes had been increasing and while in 2001 there were only 40 such crimes recorded by the
police, in 2002 this number increased to 102 although it is possible that the increase in the
numbers could be also the result of better detection of the violence (Jurásková; Kriglerová, 2003:
183). The issue of racially motivated crimes could be also connected with the rising notion of
Slovak nationalism supported by the right-oriented part of the government, in particular the
representatives of the Slovak National Party. This dark side of the interrelation of the Roma and
Non-Roma in Slovakia has not been, unfortunately, anything new. It has been one magic circle:
racists commit a crime, Roma are afraid to contact the police or they do not do it just because they
think there would not be anything done anyway. And thus the racists continue with their violence
without any punishment. It is therefore crucial to develop better relationship between the
discriminated Roma and the officers in order to make the work of the police more efficient in
solving the crimes committed either on Roma or by Roma. Apart from this, the brutality of the
police officers towards Roma has been regarded as a problem in Slovakia by international
organizations (Jurásková; Kriglerová; Rybová, 2004: 203). However, the creation of the police
specialists for the Roma community has proved to be an efficient way how to cooperate. The pilot
program was launched in April 2003 and its evaluation in 2006 claimed that there had been a
process in the attitudes of the Roma towards these specialists. Even in the Report on the Racism
and Xenophobia in the Member States of the EU from 2006, Slovakia was included in the group
of countries where there was an upward trend in recorded racist crimes.
Speaking about the violation of the human rights, it is also necessary to point out the
importance of solving the violence within the Roma families as well. As the Representative of
the Government for the Roma communities has recently stated, solving the problem of the
violence committed on the Roma women by their husbands is crucial in forming the image of
Roma in the eyes of the majority. Majority has to understand that what is happening (and
consequently reported by the media) in the segregated settlements is not characteristic for the
whole Roma culture but it is more likely a result of the social exclusion and very unpleasant
living conditions (Botošová, 2008). Apart from this, it is important to educate the Roma women
about their rights because in many cases they are not aware of them.
However, the problem of the majority to distinguish between the segregated Roma and
those integrated ones has not always been the case. Some Slovaks know people of Roma origin
which are fully integrated within the society and it makes them do not feel uncomfortable. The
polls have indicated that those people who meet the Roma regularly do not have such a negative
attitude towards this minority. Out of those people who had Roma as a neighbour, 27 % stated
they have positive experience, 32 % declared mixed experience and 39 % confirmed negative
experience. On the other hand, out of those respondents who did not have Roma as neighbours,
only 14 % declared positive experience and almost 43 % confirmed negative ones (Vašečka,
2007). This again clearly uncovers that the existing prejudices and stereotypes make the people
blind without having any direct experience with the Roma.
The attitudes of the majority can be observed also in the folk language of the Slovaks.
Following language features indicate that the existence of the two nations within one state has a
long history and despite this fact, the positions have not changed because people tend to use
these words. These features of the folk language also evoke us that the negative attitudes
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prevail. The word “gypsy” is very often used in the spoken language in the sense of “liar” as
well as “to lie” is derived from the word “gypsy”. There are also several derogatory
comparisons such as “dirty as a gypsy child”, “to lie like a gypsy”, or “dressed like a gypsy”
(when somebody is dressed very colourfully and not in a nice way) etc. Parents very often tend
to terrify their children that if they are not obedient they will give them to the Gypsy. This
evokes to people already in their childhood that Roma are something bad, negative and the part
of the society which we should avoid. Among other comparisons used among our society
belongs: “a mess like in the Gypsies’ garden” which uncovers the fact that people link the
Roma with a lack of hygiene and disorder.
Another comparison related to the features of the Roma regarded by the majority is for
instance: “Obscure like a Gypsy at work”- meaning that Roma are lazy and try to avoid work.
On the other hand, there also several language features indicating that people tend to connect
the Roma with their musical talent. For example, there is a saying “the Gypsies are playing in
one’s stomach” which is said when somebody is very hungry and his stomach is making some
noises. Some people also use to say: “She dances like a gypsy dancer” etc. Roma personalities
are very often presented also in the stories where they usually represent some negative character
or, on the contrary, they can also represent some musicians. As the ethnologist Mann specifies,
the Roma characters within the Slovak folk language are usually tragic or romantic.
Role of Media
There has been very typical picture of Rom in the Slovak society: noisy man or woman
with aversion towards work, taking social welfare, having high number of children which they
are unable to take care of and moreover, destroying the flat which he was provided by the state
for free. This image is very often depicted also by the media.
The typical TV news brings mostly the picture of conflicts: the racially motivated
crimes on the one hand and the criminality carried out by Roma on the other hand. This
information is forcing the majority to connect the Roma with something negative, in particular
with some problems. Apart from this, media used to inform about the demographic increases
within Roma which also stimulates negative attitudes of the majority. Consequently, as it has
been usually the case, people rather stay away when discussing something unpleasant. TV
media lack the information about something we do together with the Roma community. For
example, few weeks ago, there has been a project implemented in order to integrate the
marginalized social groups into the society and due to this project, several Roma inhabitants of
the Nitra region gave blood. This information was spread by the newspaper and radio stations;
however, TV stations did not pay much attention to this. This has been, in my point of view, the
biggest problem in Slovakia. Television media are among the most influential media within our
country and therefore they should pay much more attention to provide balanced information and
be aware of the responsibility they have for their audience. I would like to point out here, that
the fact that media prefer to inform about the negative happenings is not exclusively in relation
to Roma. This applies also to other areas and it is just a general trend resulting in the fact that
the audience is much more interested in the disasters and unhappiness.
Television media are strong when considering the impact on the audience especially
due to the fact that the broadcast information can be immediately clarified, by the eyes of the
audience, not like the information broadcast by the radio or in the newspaper (Cangár, 2002:
356). Before entering the EU, TV news were overload by the information about the Roma migration.
Besides the fact that this broadcasting contributed to the negative image of Slovakia abroad, it also
intensified the tensions between Roma and the majority as far as the immigration had been often
connected with the establishment of the visa policy (Kotvanová; Szép: 2002: 381).
In order to enhance the quality of the presentation of the Roma minority by the media,
the Office of the Government’s Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities declared it would try to
contribute to higher focus on the Roma middle class. By selecting and consequently presenting
some of the interesting personalities among the Roma middle class, it could help the Roma to
identify more closely with their own community as well as to help to decrease the social
distance between Roma and the majority. The Office of the Government’s Plenipotentiary for
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Roma Communities also claims that hiring more Roma journalist could contribute to better
situation as well (Správa o činnosti ÚSVRK, 2007).
On the other hand, recent survey has proved that media have started to reflect more
accurately about the multicultural and multiethnic structure of the Slovak society (Cangár,
2008: 38). The same research also uncovered the fact that the private television media are more
likely to inform about the negative happenings concerning Roma whilst the public media are
more neutral and inform more professionally about this minority providing space for experts in
various fields. However, private media attract traditionally larger audience. While trying to lure
high number of spectators, TV stations often scandalize or exaggerate reports (ibidem, 39).
Although the media have tend to inform about Roma to a higher extent in comparison to the 90ties, it could be discussed more whether this is beneficial when taking into account more
prevalent negative content of the reports.
It is also important to mention that the Roma are usually depicted separately- it means,
they appear in the TV nearly always regarding some special case and very rarely as a part of the
Slovak population. This evidence negatively contributes when attitudes of the majority are
being formed. How can the majority include the Roma when they do not meet them personally
and their only contact with this minority is through media which make us perceive their
“otherness”? I do not remember seeing a Rom when watching the reports from schools,
services, factories, companies etc. TV does not offer us the image of a Rom as a part of our
society, piece of this nation. It is positive to realize that our society includes several
differentiated groups, however, we should be still aware of the fact that this mixture is at the
same time something characterized by its “oneness”.
Relations of Roma towards the majority
Although there have been several studies regarding the attitudes of the majority towards the
Roma quite regularly, the opposite surveys approaching the attitudes of the Roma towards the
majority have been quite rare. When examining the reasons for intensive Roma migration around
1998, the researches from Institute of Public Affairs (IVO) asked Roma what they thought about
Slovakia. It was surprising that their opinions were mostly positive. 66, 8 % of the Roma
respondents said they would choose Slovakia as the country to be born in. This number is almost the
same in the case of ethnic Slovaks from which 66, 9 % would choose Slovakia as their homeland
(Bútorová; Gyarfášová; Krivý; Velšic, 1999). This illustrates although some Roma are not satisfied
with their living conditions in Slovakia, the same applies to the ‘native Slovaks’.
Many surveys indicate that Roma possess much more positive feelings towards
majority than the majority towards Roma. What is more, Roma have ideals among the majority
and therefore would like to be its part. “Roma consider Slovaks as a reference group with which
they would like to identify.” (Kriglerová, 2003: 2). The trust in the majority is evident from the
survey carried out by United Nations Development Program along with the International Labor
Organization in 2001 which showed that the number of Roma trusting in the majority
population is the highest in Slovakia (46%) - it is higher than in Bulgaria (35%), Hungary
(33%), Czech Republic (23%), or Romania (19 %). On the other hand, those trusting in the
government represent the lowest number in Slovakia (7%) in comparison to Bulgaria (43%),
Hungary (32 %), Romania (21%), or Czech Republic (20%).
According to the survey held by IVO in 2001, 63% of Roma consider Slovaks as “ours”
while only 21 % Slovaks consider Roma to be “ours”. As this research revealed, Roma appreciate
following virtues of Slovaks: wisdom (55,6%), capability (67,6%), being hard working (68,5%),
and cleanness (75%). Looking at the results of the same questions when asking the majority, they
mostly appreciate musical talent (53%), talent for business (19%), easygoingness (16%), and
family sense (10%) while on the other hand 32 % cannot appreciate any virtue.
Examining the vices of the majority, most Roma marked they consider the majority to be
strange- unknown (9,3%). Asking the same question the majority, they labeled Roma to be lazy
(90%) and they also consider violence as the typical quality of Roma (73%). 28 % of the majority
consider Roma to be strange-unknown. Results of this survey indicates that Roma mostly
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appreciate those qualities which they, the Roma, usually miss whilst the majority consider the
most negative qualities of the Roma those which they would them to have (idem, 2002: 132).
Although the majority regards the relations with the Roma as bad, the Roma, in
contrast to this, consider the relations more positive (idem, 2002: 137). Among the interesting
findings belongs the fact that many Non-Roma which consider Roma as ‘conflict-creating’
despite the fact that most of them did not have any conflict with these people (idem, 2003: 3). It
is very interesting to see that the Roma have such positive attitudes towards Slovakia despite
their bad socio-economic conditions as well as they have positive opinion about the majority
which tends to exclude the Roma.
Recently, a work worked out by the group actively working with the Roma was
published. As they declared, the history has been one of the crucial factors influencing this
minority and resulting in the bad socio-economic conditions which they have to face now
(Magdolenová, 2006: 12). They expressed the opinion that the majority has usually taken the
decisions regarding Roma without asking them. The way they see it, those who do not like the
Roma make the decisions about them (ibidem, 12). The Roma, in their opinion, have never been
explained what for they should do something, they have never been activated or given a
possibility to identify with the program prepared for them. As the most important step which
should be done from the Non-Roma side they consider to be the realization of the fact that the
Roma community is not monolithic but it is heterogeneous, they reflect the society they exist in
and last but not least, their needs and preferences can be satisfied only if they are also understood.
It is interesting to know special customs of the community which are in relation with their
identity. When a child is born, all the Roma in the surroundings come to see him, asking whether
he or she is “white” (it means of white skin). If it is, they are happy because it means that the child
will be not excluded so much by the majority and it will be possible for him or her to assimilate
(ibidem, 53). On the other hand, the family is more likely to be in a struggle if the child has darker
skin (ibidem, 53). They appreciate the white colour also in other fields and they prefer the white
colour to the black one which signifies their lost of identity and their willingness to be perceived
as the part of the majority. This reflects their lack of identity. Opponents of this view argue that
although the Roma sometimes use to identify themselves with the majority, they still perceive
high rate of identification within their nation (Vašečka, 2002: 405).
Cooperation and Initiatives
Despite all the conflicts and disputes existing within our society between the Roma and
Non-Roma, the cooperation has proved to be the only way how to live together side by side in
peace. Neglecting and pretending blindness when the problems occur is not a solution. There
have been several tries from both Roma and the majority side, most of which turned successful,
in integrating the Roma into the Slovak society on one hand and the tries to preserve and
strengthen the Roma identity on the other hand. In order to help to overcome the Roma’s lack of
identity, many talented Roma representatives mobilized. Their ideas and activities have been
supported in many cases by the state.
Roma theatre Romathan was established in 1992 with the support of the Ministry of
Culture of Slovak Republic. This project has been successful both at the national and
international level. It is based in Košice, in Eastern Slovak region where the concentration of
the Roma is the highest and also their poverty is the most critical there. Among its
performances belongs for example a fairy tale ‘Who is the most beautiful in the world?’ which
tries to post the information, especially to the children, that there are no differences among
people depending on the colour of their skin or origin. It declares that the worth of the human
being should be appreciated the most.
There are several Roma newspapers available also on the internet. However, these
periodicals have significant problems with their financing as far as the government has not
considered this so far as its priority. On the other hand, the new Government’s Plenipotentiary
for Roma Communities would like to change the critical situation of the Roma media as has
been already mentioned above.
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In Slovakia, there is quite high number of civic associations and Roma NGO’s trying to
develop projects aimed at the Roma minority. Recently, Cultural Association of the Roma in
Slovakia as been cooperating with the local authorities of the town Banska Bystrica and the
Ministry of Culture of Slovak Republic in order to prepare cultural festival ‘People of the Roma
origin’ presenting the most popular Roma personalities- singers, bands, orchestras, etc. This
project has been initiated annually and it demonstrates the musical talent of the Roma as well as
the ability to prepare such program together by the Roma and Non-Roma people while being
visited by both as well.
Due to the fact that Slovak government regards the education of the Roma as crucial, it
tries to develop the project of the Roma assistants for teacher. This has become especially
needed because the population of the Roma is increasing and the children create the majority of
the Slovak Roma. The number of assistants is rising and they proved to be beneficial- for
example, the town of Veľký Krtíš declared that the attendance of the children has increased, the
communication with their parents got better and the hygiene has improved as well (RPA, 2003).
As the evidence that the majority is actively interested in Roma culture can be the fact
that with the establishment of the Department of the Roma Culture at Constantine the
Philosopher University in Nitra many Non-Roma students have decided to study there. The
initiators expected more Roma students than Non-Roma students. Anyway, they were pleased
to see such an interest from the youth. This faculty prepares the future teachers for the work at
schools with mostly Roma children.
A significant contribution in developing the dialogue between the majority and the Roma
has been the activity of the Open Society Foundation which is part of The Soros Foundation
network. This foundation offers grants for Roma high school and university students, it supports
the research and analyses of the health status of the Roma, or helps to carry out the anti-extremism
projects. In other words, it tries to develop conditions for the Roma to be able to overcome their
problems and promote multicultural values. Among other foundations trying to promote Roma’s
rights as well as to support their initiatives is the Milan Šimečka Foundation. This NGO is mainly
supporting active participation of the Roma in the community work.
These were only the examples of the cooperation between the Roma and Non-Roma
helping to improve the mutual relations. Although the signs of the cooperation are clearly
visible, there is still much what needs to be done in order to promote the dialogue and to
suppress the prejudices of the society.
Conclusion
The conditions in Slovakia after the defeat of fascism were in favour of the
establishment of Roma equality and abolishment of the discrimination. During the years 1948 to
1989 several conceptions tried to solve the problem related to their low socio-economic
standard as well as the ideological problem which they remained for the socialist state where
the manifestation of social equality was in contrast with their living standards. Apart from the
fact that they were excluded from the direct participation on taking the decisions aimed at them,
they were experiencing still deeper social segregation. Along with the critical developments
throughout the history, the public opinion regarding Roma was getting worse. The
establishment of the “Czech Citizenship Law” in order to get rid of the Roma minorities and
thus avoid the economic problems brought more people of Roma origin into Slovakia.
Nowadays, they represent 1,5% of the entire population while 1/3 of them is concentrated in
Prešov region in Eastern part of Slovakia. The poor situation of Slovak Roma started to change
owning to the pre-accession funds of the EU, in particular the programs Phare.
Despite of the better opportunities of the Roma in present, the relations between them
and the majority has been still critical. Prejudices and stereotypes still play a crucial role in the
mutual relations. The polls, as well as my own research in my close surroundings, have shown
that the social distance prevails and our society perceives the Roma as the homogeneous entity,
not taking into account its heterogeneousness. Stereotypes have been visible also in the folk
language of the majority. Although Slovakia is no exception regarding racially motivated
crimes and discrimination, people mostly do not agree with such violence.
125
Media are a significant factor influencing the formation of the public opinion towards
the minorities. Television media, being the most influential ones, are usually depicting the
Roma in connection to the negative happenings or criminality which enforces the negative
attitudes of the majority. Although the opinions of the majority on the Roma are mostly
negative, Roma perceive the mutual relations more positively and they can also appreciate more
qualities of the majority than vice-versa. They tend to identify themselves with the majority,
would like to be part of their world, however, some analysts claim that despite this fact they can
still identify themselves with their own nation. Opponents of this view argue that Roma are
indeed experiencing their lack of identity.
In order to promote better mutual relations and to improve the cohesion within the
Roma, the cooperation with the majority is very important. There have been several projects
initiated either by the Roma representatives or by the personalities from the majority trying to
promote a dialogue. Cultural performances, health research, protecting the rights of the
minorities, educational reforms or vocational trainings are small steps towards a great
movement forward in creating the dialogue between the two different cultures living side by
side for the centuries. There has been one wonderful Roma’s saying with which most of you
will surely agree: ‘Each person is different but we are all people’.
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127
Appendix
Questionnaire
Write down at least 3 words (could be more) which appears in your mind when hearing the
word “the Roma”, please.
………………………………………………………………………………………………......
Do you have any friends or people you meet regularly among the Roma?
yes
no
If you answered “no” the previous question, what do you consider to be the reason?
I do not meet them
I do not seek their company
other……………………………………………………………
Would you want the Rom as Your neighbour?
yes
no
I do not know
Mark in which order you feel an aversion towards the groups, please. Give always number of
points to each group while the number of points will not repeat. (1= the biggest aversion; 5= the
lowest aversion)
Drug addicts
Hungarians
Homosexuals
Roma
Alcohol addicts
Do you feel sympathetic with the Roma?
yes
no
I do not know
If you answered “yes” the last question, mark the group with which you feel sympathetic the
most, please.
Roma children
Unemployed Roma
Romani fathers
Romani mothers
What do you consider to be the major reason that the Roma belong to the periphery of our
society?
They are not able to adapt, to find a place within our society.
They are not interested to find a job, they are rather on the welfare.
It is the responsibility of the states which made them to be dependent on it.
Their situation is more difficult than the situation of the majority, they have been
discriminated.
Would you sit next to the Rom in the public transport?
yes, I have no problem with it
yes but I feel uncomfortable
no, I rather remain standing
Do you think that there is discrimination against the Roma in Slovakia? If you do so, in which
field do you think?
yes in……………………………………………………
no
128
III. European Borders and the Borders of Europe
Gábor CSÜLLÖG (Budapest) ◙ The Trans Tisza Region within the Regional
Division of the Carpathian Basin until the end of 17th Century
Gábor MICHALKÓ (Budapest); Sándor ILLÉS (Budapest) ◙ The tourist
niches of Hungary as the scenes of interculturality
Gergely TAGAI (Budapest); János PÉNZES (Debrecen); Ernı MOLNÁR
(Debrecen) ◙ Methods of the analysis of integration effect on border areas
– the case of Hungary
Octavian łÎCU (Kishinew) ◙ Moldova between the Near Abroad Policy of the
Russian Federation and the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union
The Trans Tisza Region within the Regional Division of the
Carpathian Basin until the end of 17th Century
Gábor CSÜLLÖG
Abstract: By social geographical analysis of the spatial organization of the early
Hungarian statehood regional components and processes of the large area are identifiable. It
appears much more as an interwoven system of area units of various levels and functions,
organized onto the spatial organization lines by similar processes, yet in different ways
according to various features. The process of regionalization, determinant in the construction
of the country structure, was built on this regional operativity, with close interactions between
theses two elements of regionalism. Provinces representing larger spatial connectivity units and
smaller spatial units connected to differentiated spatial utilization and spatial concentration
were simultaneously present in the spatial forms of administrative authority with various
functions. On the basis of the above, it can be stated that the determinant presence and function
of the region, the spatial unit defining regional operativity has to be searched not at the level of
regionalisation, but rather at the level of regionality/regionalism.
Keywords: Carpathian Basin, Hungary, regional division, regions, historical space
structure
Geographic Elements of the Regional Organization Process
Regional development is a process determined by society - its dynamics are always
ruled by societal interests and the consequent state of organisation. This process is based on the
spatial localisation of various forms (functions) of social activity and the declaration thereof.
Changes in the element number, in the organisational balance and in the environmental
activities of society groups affect the rate of their fixation and ability to represent regional
interests. Maintenance of spatial utilisation connected to spatial locations, as well as the related
changes in spatial extension generate spatial mobility of varying directions and strength,
making the given spatial units (with the exception of a few isolated geographic locations) the
region of manifestation of all spatial events coming from different directions. As a result,
cumulative spatial mobility – conflict, adaptation, conciliation - of societal groups of varying
characteristics develops, on the basis of balance of events, into spatial units of different levels.
Regionalism and Regionalization
There are two processes of spatial development of determining direction, effective in
the regional operation of the society and the state. One is a process, derived from the society of
the region, forming the structure of settlements, economy, trade, cultural-ethnical conditions
and religion, called regionalism. The other is a regional regulation activity originated from
political power relations and conciliations organized by the state, called regionalization. In their
function, the trends of the local spatial organizational activity of the societies (regionally mixing
with and dividing from each other) and those of the global, centralizing spatial organizational
activity of the homogenizing statehood prevail, with dynamics varying regionally and in time.
(Süli-Zakar, 1996: 155)
Forms of the regional division of the local societies, related to area utilization, is a
system of – in most cases legally not defined – regional spatial units of different origin, order of
magnitude and function. Operational spatial units, formed by geographic and organizational
interrelations and operated by long-lasting social – economic – and cultural factors, are historic
areas, ethnic habilitations, linguistic, economic, geographic (historic) regions, etc.
Regionalizational spatial units based on the German/Latin pattern of the European
feudal states, royal and nobility counties, dioceses - appearing as legally regulated categories in
131
politics and public administration - and other, more frequently chancing political large spatial
units (political regions) as organizational spatial units rest on these operational spatial units.
Fields of Regionalism
There appear no simple settlement processes at the different geographic locations, but
an inter-nested fixation of the forms of area utilization by the various social functions (land
utilization, settlement, route and military organization, public administration/politics, the
Church). The resulting regional status continuously changes in relation to the dynamics of the
organizational level of the society, as well as of the development, and the economic and
political aims of the state. The activity expressed by the society is present at various rates and
directions in different spatial locations, according to the geographic organization and the aims
of the state and the society, therefore the spatial activity of the various spatial units are different.
The base point of the activity is the contact among spatial points (locations), and the spatial
ranking of their directions. In a societal geographical context, regional processes are interpreted
by exploring three determining factors: the geographic environment, the functional appearance
of the society, and the division and relationship of the society area (derived from the
relationship between the first two factors). (Csüllög, 1997: 9)
Energies originated from the differences in the natural and social structure of the area
create force fields, continuously changing (both in terms of their conditions and utilization
forms). Attempts by the society to adapt to and to utilize these fields are manifested in the
process of regionalism. Therefore, area utilization needs to be analyzed – in addition to
interpretations by natural geography and historic regional analysis - by social geography, as a
science of the regions, on the basis of the relationships of the geographic, activity and migration
fields. (Berényi, 2003: 92)
The Geographic Field
The geographic field is described by the characteristics and the proportion of the
natural spatial elements utilizable for society, and by the location of the geographic spatial sites
formed by them within the larger area. A deterministic manifestation of the geographic field,
from the aspect of habitation, is the feature of natural spatial distribution consisting of the above
factors: (Györffy; Zólyomi, 1994: 17)
Valley density segmentation is a spatial division factor of primary importance in the
further segmentation of surfaces within the larger area. This feature is most characteristic in
highly elevated levels. In our case, flat, non-segmented plateaus without any valley network and
strongly segmented surfaces with significant differences in their relative levels are formed
depending on the altitude and the type of mineral mass. Where not compensated by auxiliary
factors (weak and rapidly eroding soils, homogeneous coverage by vegetation due to elevation
and the steep slope), the effect of the exceedingly powerful and extreme extension valley
density segmentation is disadvantageous for habitation.
In contrast, at low altitude spatial sites, primary spatial segmentation is suppressed due
to the low extent of elevation differences, river bed density is high, and flooding water surfaces
of varying size are significant due to the dominance of water resource network factors. Thus,
the hydrographical status and the corresponding soil and vegetation distribution, as coverage
segmentation, appears to be a secondary spatial division factor. (Somogyi, 1997: 43)
The unique dynamics of natural spatial segmentation are created by the changing
appearance of the interrelated valley density and coverage segmentation at a given spatial site.
Societal spatial utilization benefits most from the mediocre, equalizing features, yet allowing
diverse natural spatial segmentation. At these sites, space utilization is focused and
differentiated to certain directions by the spatial segmentation character, and yet the
development of spatial contacts is not precluded.
The Activity Field
Active spatial sites are created by the utilization of natural spatial segmentation (as a
natural prerequisite for settlement, economic, transport, etc. activities) depending on the
132
objectives and organizational state of society. Active spatial sites are presented in their most
fundamental form by societal spatial elements expressing the spatial fixation of the society.
Settlement sites, formed in the societal activation of the spatial sites at various rates,
are divided – within the utilization forms limited by the characteristics of spatial segmentation into diverse types being determining factors in the regional activity.
The pattern of settlement sites by segmentation region types results in varying densities
of settlements and population. On the basis of this process, geographic sites of varying social
activity are formed in the Carpathian basin. On the basis of their dominant forms of area
utilization, these sites can be described as river, settlement, castle and forest spatial sites.
At the active spatial sites, dominant spatial connection directions are formed,
depending on the nature and intensity of area utilization and on the rate of settlement density.
At the same time, different settlement density states create various forms of regional contact of
different intensity and being characteristics for the given spatial site. (Frisnyák, 2004: 13)
The Flow Field
The increasing number of settlements and population creates agile spatial dynamics of
the contacts. State organizing processes related to differentiation of the society become more
pronounced – nobility counties and large estates are organized, city types emerge, colonisations,
settlements at new areas take place, chamber management develops, regional division of labour
and trade activities are fulfilled, etc. The processes of spatial and functional segmentation of
settlements due to area utilization are linked into a unified system by connections due to serf
services and product transport processes, and by the hierarchy due to the enforcement of the
legal and political ownership system (Figure 1).
Figure 1. The Spatial Structure of the Carpathian Basin in the Middle Ages
133
The process system, functioning in parallel locally and within the larger area, generate
significant spatial movements, two deterministic forms of which are flow and spread. These
movements are determined by factors such as the population, goods and commodities, forms of
culture and religion, legal and jurisdictional elements determining social relations, as well as military
activities, epidemics. Movements are generated by differences in formation and accumulation of
these elements.
Dominant spatial directions of contact, pointing towards the settlement sites, are activated
as spatial organizational flow directions. Definite flow directions appear first and most dynamically
at favourable spatial segmentation sites i.e., at feet of mountains and at the alluvial deposit cones of
the inner mountain rim.
Several connection zones, deterministic in the organization of the spatial processes and
having repercussion on the organization of the settlements, are formed from the cumulative effects of
the flow directions. Military, political, executive and church organizations, belonging to the state
organization process, rapidly appear at the spatial points cumulating connection zone directions of
valley gates, and form center sites affecting all spatial sites. During the early periods of state
organization history, center sites represent not a single settlement (city), but a connective and
functionally divided site of settlements of various function (political, military, church, trade and
estate centers), reaching well-defined city roles only by the 13th-14th century. (Kubinyi, 2001: 45)
The cumulative effect of mediations and spatial movements – operating in the spatial
connection of the historic and internal field effect processes creating the centers – creates (in
connection with the above mentioned processes) spatial flow and spread lines of characteristic
distribution and direction. The system of the so-called market line - mentioned in the literature in
connection with the formation of the city system and the regional market functions by the 13th-14th
century - emerges as an energy zone and observable spatial organizational factor even before the
formation of the classical city forms. (Györffy, 1997: 49)
Spatial movements of the societal-economic processes, adjusting to spatial segmentation
and flow directions, create spatial structure lines, determining spread and diffusion paths, and
therefore, the entire country as well:
Functional zones of the overall movement system and country spatial structure lines
(briefly: spatial paths) - connecting density zones of larger area and their center sites with each other
and with external centers - are, in parallel, concentration areas of economic power lines, market lines
(settlement zones near arable lands, movement system/trade paths) and spatial sites of
political/power functions. The Northern spatial path is a mediation line among external field centers
at the Carpathian foreground of the Eastern European Plain and at the Northern rim of the Alps.
Within the Carpathian basin, the first collection center is the Upper Tisza region, continued in a pair
of (inner and outer) lines through the foreground of the Northern mountain-range of medium height,
and through the 30-40 km strip of the valley gates of the rivers Ipoly, Garam, Nyitra and Vág. The
majority of the determining political centers of the region (Esztergom, Visegrád, Buda, Pozsony) are
organized on this spatial path. The Eastern spatial path is the strip from the outer Carpathian effect
zone, through centers organized at the valley gates of tributary rivers (of the Tisza), Szamos,
Kraszna, the Körös rivers, Maros, Temes, at the line of the mountain foot sites of the Upper Tisza
region – Transylvanian mountain-range of medium height – Southern Carpathians until the mouth of
Morava, the connecting gate towards the Balkans to the West (towards Slavonia) and to the East
(towards Bysantium). The internal spatial paths are linked to the – partly external - Southern spatial
path connecting the centers of the Northern Balkanian and Northern Italian regions (Vidin,
Nándorfehérvár, Pétervárad, Valkóvár, Pozsegavár, Zágráb) and following the line of the Lower
Danube – Mid Száva-Dráva region. The rather complex force effects from the Balkan arrive to this
line through the valley of Southern rivers of Száva and the Danube – their mediating effects have
always been significant in spite of the fact that this spatial organization is located outside of the
Carpathian basin.
The organizing lines are similarly positioned as spatial paths, but have narrower function in
operating the internal system of two regions. In Transylvania, it is a strip connecting the center sites
formed at the boundary of mountains and the hilly regions of the basin (Kolozsvár, Dés, Beszterce,
Udvarhely, Brassó, Fogaras, Szeben, Gyulafehérvár, Torda). The similar double strip at the Western
134
Transdanubian region, connecting the junction of the effect system of the Northern Italian and the
Southern spatial paths with the Northern spatial path, is a less developed structure. One of its lines
connects the center sites of the foreground of the Alps with the Vienna basin, while the other links
centers at the foreground of the Transdanubian mountain-range of medium height with Buda.
Mediating lines originate from the center sites of the spatial paths. Movement system lines,
creating the internal organization and segmentation of various regions, are organized predominantly
along the rivers flowing towards the spatial paths (Vág, Garam, Ipoly, Sajó, Hernád, Tapoly,
Szamos, Körösök, Maros, Temes).
Spatial paths are linked through median and passive regions by connecting lines. These
include military, transport, etc. paths with the purpose of distance shortening between active
regions. Such lines formed partly along rims of areas flooded by the Danube from the Southland
towards Buda and Pest, and partly between the Danube and Tisza from Transylvania towards
Pest. (Csüllög, 2003: 23)
Spatial Activity States
The various rates of development and dynamics of these contacts create spatial activity
states complementary to each other and deterministic to the regional organization process: active
(open and directed contact structure) and passive (weak in contacts) sites are organized. The regional
appearance and proportion of these sites are continuously changing in response to historic and
economic processes. The strong intensity and concentration of the spatial flows, in connection to
active spatial states, organize the center regions of the larger area. Weak appearance of the spatial
flows characteristic to passive spatial states creates peripheral regions of various types around center
regions: passive spatial sites far from settlement site spatial paths and encircled with rivers. (Mid
Danube-Tisza and Mid Körös-Maros regions), as well as river sites as effect acceptors and absorbers
are pro-sites (foreground), while forest sites, that serve as resource generating factors, allow spatial
spread, and focus or limit flows, are back-sites (background).
Spatial Connectivity Regions of the Carpathian Basin
On the basis of force field connections, the Hungarian Kingdom is not a conglomerate of
provinces belonging to the natural sites of the Carpathian basin, and is not a rigid and simple
structure organized around a central region, but appears to be an interrelated active site – pro-site –
back-site system, organized as a region to the spatial organization lines by regional processes.
The organization of the interrelated regional factors (active spatial sites, spatial states,
center sites, pro-sites, back-sites, flow paths) within the larger area form spatial units of similar
structure and operation, but of different character in organizational direction and in certain energies
(preceding spatial structure, external centers, external boundaries). These spatial units can be
interpreted as geographic regions. The organization of pro-sites and back-sites, with various area
utilization rates, to center sites represent the model of geographic division of labour in the Carpathian
basin. (Csüllög, 2000: 124)
As for the period analyzed on the basis of regional processes, ten geographic regions can be
differentiated. These regions can be classified, on the basis of the complexity of their structure, into
region groups of complete or incomplete structure. Former includes locations organized directly to
spatial paths and complete in their structure (river, settlement, castle and forest sites). These are
characteristic/deterministic regions of the Carpathian basin: Trans Tisza, Eastern Inner Tisza,
Western Inner Tisza, Inner Danube, the Western Transdanubian region and the Temes Southland
regions. Latter includes regions of different appearance from the former, only partially connected to
spatial paths, and incomplete in pro-sites or in back-sites: Transylvania, Western Trandanubian,
Southern Transdanubian, the Danubian and Savian Southland and the Slavonian Southland regions.
(idem, 2002: 72)
Regional Characteristics of the Trans Tisza Region
The spatial connection between flooded areas of the Tisza and the higher mountain zone
links extensive areas with mutually complementary area utilization between the Upper Tisza
region and the downstream reaches of the Maros. A geographic characteristic of this region that in
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contains nearly all site types found in the larger area, from surfaces permanently covered with
water and from swamps to the high mountain zone, and that it manifests the majority of the
natural geographic features of the Carpathian basin, the most important of which being the
basin type terrain and the dense river network. Therefore societal settlement, space utilization
and division of labor in this region manifest the spatial organization of the medieval Hungarian
State in a form characteristic to the entire Carpathian basin.
The settlement site is located on the axis of the region (the North-Eastern – SouthWestern axis). Sites on its side towards the Tisza - segmented by river beds and wide, flat
valleys and mountain ridges, and encircled by rivers coming from the mountains i.e., on the
Upper surfaces of the alluvial cone plains are characterized by a less protected, open spatial
status, with settlements linked to rivers and connected to each other in clusters. Site surfaces
with dense valley network and directed spatial states, towards higher elevation spatial sites e.g.,
mountain foot surfaces, hilly regions, inner- and semi-basins are characterized, in accordance
with the valley-ridge segmentation, by favourable extension area utilization (plow-land and
forests) and by more protected settlements. Main and secondary valley settlement sites
developed in the valleys of the tributary rivers of Tisza towards the back-site, while connection
zones between the valley gate and slope settlement sites were formed at the wide river gates.
Numerous valley settlement site groups with multi-directional, direct connections, connected to
each other in chains or in clusters, are found in one of the most densely populated and most
permanently fixed settlement regions of the Carpathian basin.
From the active zone towards the Tisza, a low position pro-site of decreasing spatial
activity is located, consisting of settlement sites reaching into water-covered areas rather far
from the centers, and a river site larger than those in the other regions. Traces of weakly
organized settlement sites of closed operation, following the seasonal changes of water levels,
were found at spatial sites connected to transport, passage and military roads on strongly
winding rivers. This pro-site does not sharply segregate from other regions, the Tisza does not
form a boundary to it, and the effects of the nearby centers on the right side of the river in
Heves and Borsod counties manifest themselves on the left side as well.
A unique feature of the Trans Tisza region, among other regions, is given by the fact
that its forest site as a back-site forms a natural boundary not towards external spatial sites, but
towards the neighbouring region. Thus, it is the only region of complete structure not being
connected with external regions. In consequence, the valleys of the rivers deterministic in the
organization of the region (Szamos, the Körös rivers, Maros and Temes) not only connect the
mountain spatial sites to this region, but mediate towards the neighbouring region,
Transylvania. Therefore, the active spatial sites reaching into the back-site in a complex pattern
activate the forest site of lower elevation at an earlier period, compared to other regions. This
feature predominantly determines the connective role of the region within the larger area,
manifested mostly in the contact between Transylvania and the Highlands.
Spatial Units of Large Spatial Regionalization and Interrelations of Spatial
Connectivity Regions in the 11th-16th Century
Spatial organization of the development of the Hungarian state well illustrates the close
correlation and parallelism between regionalization and regionalism, because this process was
fundamentally based on spatial characteristics and operational spatial units created by
regionality (and regionalism).
Main processes among components of regionalization that organized the force fields in
the Carpathian basin into a uniform governmental area: (Süli-Zakar; Csüllög, 2003: 18)
prevalence of former spatial structures
incorporation of external effect directions
spatial gain interests and organizational skills of the society
spatial distribution of the institutional network of governmental operation
development of regional operational structures
formation of organizational spatial units built in the regional structures
legal codification of the spatial and organizational levels of the spatial units
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continued proclamation of sacral unity
The major regionalizational, manifestational and recording tool for spatial governance
has been to follow river courses, as expansion of the presence and assertion of political power
could be traced, by a definite system, along rivers. The position of the central area of Árpád
dynasty sovereigns and of Saint Stephan, as well as its linkage to the Danube, transferring the
power center of the country to the Western part of the region, into the connection zone of the
Pannon-Moravian region, was also manifested in the system A fundamentally dual land
occupational structure is observable in the 10th century: The Pannon structure follows the split
of the late Roman provinces in the Trans-Danube region, where the central area is initially
divided into a triple zone by Roman paths and pathways. This division is further manifested in
the structure of early dioceses and also that of early counties. Major centers have been formed
in this region mainly along pathways, connected to earlier power structures. The basin structure,
based fundamentally on land occupation complying with the tributary streams of rivers Danube
and Tisza, consisted of several, segregated parts. This system was supplemented along the
forest rim region along the corresponding paths of rivers Maros and Szamos, and along the
amid river region of rivers Danube and Tisza.
Early provinces (Transylvania and Slavonia) manifesting partial organizational
independence play an important role in the spatial appearance of early statehood. Determining
factors in this process are the discrete status and consolidation of the regions within the basin,
as well as the existence of their long functioning centers, because the density of organized
population was higher in their cohesion zone.
A somewhat different role is played by early dukedoms (principalities) related to regal
inheritance laws and manifesting the complexity of land occupation in a territorial form as well.
The three determinant dukedoms (Bihar, Temes and Nyitra) are linked to central regions of
former spatial structures, and consequently represent the more densely populated and
economically more important part of the large region. (Kristó, 2003: 107)
The establishment of the county system commenced together with societal transition
processes leading to the emergence of regalian posts. This form of spatial units did not emerge
against regionality, but incorporated the operational elements of regionality into the legal
system of the region as organizational elements. This is seen partly from the fact that core areas
of the early counties were formed at the deterministic connection zones linked to already active
and continuously activated flow lines:
at external valley gates of forest rims,
at road entrances of rims of external flooded areas,
at crossing points of river spatial sites,
at junctions of flow valley lines of forest sites.
The spatial appearance of the counties was in a close correlation with the settlement
density of the population, with the extension of defendable and utilizable areas, with the order
of mobility paths related to the river structure, and with the attainability of the center. The
establishment of legally founded counties adjusted to intersections and junctions of main
mobility lines (later spatial paths) expands to all three functional spatial sites. Internal
structuralisation of counties organized to valley and amid river mobility lines, thus the fixation
and expansion of settlements in number and rate of spatial utilization, was accelerated by the
establishment of the large estate system and serfdom. The process was related to the
establishment of the nobility and to the differentiation of the administrative and legal systems,
promoting segmentation and the appearance of new counties.
The formation of the early nobility counties took place in parallel with the social
transforms leading to the establishment of royal offices. The spatial appearance of the counties
was in close correlation with the settlement density of the population, with the size of
protectable and utilizable areas, with the location of the routes related to the river network, with
the reachability of the center. The internal “filling-up” of the counties organized to paths in
valleys and between rivers i.e., the fixation of the settlements, their growth in number, the
expansion of their area utilization, was accelerated by the establishment of the large estate
system and the emergence of land-owning serfs. This process advanced in connection with the
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organization of the nobility and with the differentiation of the legal and public administration
systems, promoting splits of existing counties and the appearance of new ones. The nobility
counties reaching to form an interrelated system by the 14th century (with the exception of the
areas of Jazygian, Cumanian, Transylvanian Saxon and Székely (Szekler) centers playing
different roles) were subject only to minor development during later periods until the end of this
era. Nobility counties of Hungary in the 14th-16th century are classified into characteristic
groups on the basis of regionalism components and relations with the regions.
The constituent and flow structure uniformity of the majority of the counties and of the
regions indicates that the regionalization spatial unit is based on the spatial operation of
regionality, and that it manifests regionality in a smaller spatial extent, depending on
organizational features and objectives. The fact that region and county boundaries coincide is
also explained by this phenomenon.
The dukedom function related to the early provinces survived with their remains, yet
with an already consolidated aristocracy in the background. This is the period that brought
along the first chance, after the 11th century, for the spatial parting of the country. Provinces
have been formed on the “peripheries”, their number could range to about 11. Their majority
had been of autonomic administration even under the former, dynastic power, for example in
the form of early dukedoms. Yet they already showed close overlapping with the spatial
connectivity regions being formed, as the formation of undivided large estates, in parallel with
the intensification of the economic spatial processes and the expansion of the power range of
the centers, became an important factor.
Under the Anjous province principal areas, outside the range of earlier provinces
(Transylvania, Temes, Slavonia), could show some solidarity only for shorter periods. Under
Zsigmond, however, the power of provinces, linked to posts, gained a more intense role, yet the
estate structure and size, and its spatial distribution were determinant. According to the political
goals of Mátyás, the form of provinces remained in existence only in the two initial areas: in
Transylvania Viovidedom and in the Croatian-Slavonian Banovina. Of these two, Transylvania
was more significant, so it is not a coincidence that a Transylvanian voivode ship, János
Szapolyai could come to the throne in 1526.
Regional Interrelations in Segmentation in the 16th-17th Century
This is the period when, after nearly 600 years, spatial processes of external power
centers appear in the Carpathian basin, i.e., from the Western and Southern directions that used to
be deterministic at preceding times as well. These effects were manifested both in direct (a section
of the country becoming a part of the Othman Empire) and indirect (incorporation in the Habsburg
Empire) forms. Nonetheless, processes in the larger area remained to operate on the basis of the
major regional factors and force lines, but causing significant shifts in focal points by suppressing
certain forces and amplifying others. Thus, the period determining the medieval spatial conditions
of the Hungarian Kingdom came to a conclusion by the end of the 16th century.
Although the spatial expansion of the Othman Empire into the Carpathian basin took
place fundamentally as determined by the military and political balance, special features of the
regional segmentation in the Carpathian basin also participated in the split of the country into
three parts. Spatial occupation of the Othman power could become permanent in the middle
zone of the country, which was less affected formerly by demographic flows and did not have
real centers. At the same time, significant consequences of the fixation of the Othman spatial
structure in the operativity of the large basin spatial structure are seen in the 16th-17th century:
Transition of intra- and interregional operational border-lines:
Disengagement of a significant part of the southland from the former spatial structure.
A more intense detachment of the Western and Southern Transdanubian regions.
Disengagement of the Békés and in part the Bihar river spatial sites from the further
developing areas.
Demography flow paths in the Northern Transylvania, the Trans-Tisza and the Eastern
Inner Tisza regions become even more interrelated, and variable, yet only political borders among
them are being formed by the fight between the Transylvanian sovereigns and Habsburg kings.
138
The energy and market lines undergo some changes: the Temes and Southern
Transdanubian segment fall out, yet the Gyulafehérvár, Torda, Kolozsvár, Dés, Nagybánya line
engages itself with these lines. The partially separating Nógrád, Esztergom zone is
supplemented by shifting to the north, which in turn affects the intensification of the lines along
the rivers Hernád, Garam and Vág.
The areas of the captain-general districts formed on regal territories were fundamentally
adjusted to the remaining regional effect fields: The Croatian captain-general district was
organized to the remaining territory of Croatia, the Wendic captain-general district to the
Slavonian Southland, the Mid-Balaton-Dráva and the Mid-Danube-Balaton captain-general
district to the Western Transdanubian region, the Miner Town captain-general district to the Inner
Danube region, and the Upper Hungary captain-general district to the two Inner Tisza regions.
The Effect of Changes in the Spatial Structure on Regional Processes in the 17th Century
The flexibility of the Hungarian basin structure is seen in the complementary
establishment of the variegated and differently developed functional fields (centrum, collision
and decay zones).
The most intense changes take place in the acquiescence areas. A modification
compared to the earlier structure is seen in the appraisement of the passive, mid-Danube-Tisza
region, the reformation of its economic structure, the re-development and intensification of its
market-town structure, as the beginning of the modern large spatial role of the Hungarian Great
Plain: (Beluszky, 1999: 43)
The formation of decay zones.
Intense transition of the settlement network:
“Planification” – abandonment of villages of small and medium population density,
decrease in the number of settlements, thinning of the settlement network.
Economic activation of the passive, intermediate plain (lowland) region starts with the
commencement of the „lowland” path of market-town development. The formation of the large
area required for this process is Hungarian and Othman interest in parallel, thus, the process plays
a more significant role in the thinning of the settlement structure that military activities do.
Amplification and significant modification of demographic flow processes:
Military movement lines of major wars, military campaigns.
Directions of military marauding and retreat zones.
Herd paths for cattle export.
Directions of Othman levy lines adjusted to administration centers.
Directions of seigneur and county power lines.
Directions of cultural, religional (churches of the reformation) linkages and propagation.
Directions of the appearance and settlement of various ethnic groups from the Balkan.
As a special feature of the thus formed structure, centers of true cohesion zones and
definite structural lines are not formed in the acquiescence areas.
Changes in the Regional Role of the Trans Tisza region by the 16th -17th Century
The regionalizational role of the Trans Tisza region within the larger area was
determined by the median location and complex composition of the inner regions, rich in spatial
organizational elements. Societal processes, expanding after the 13th century, also modified the
spatial appearance of the population. Changes in military organization, the establishment of
castle/fortress lines, the expansion of castle estates attracted the population, previously of
military livestock-breeding and resource-providing function, from river spatial sites to directed,
active spatial sites. The expansion in the function of the centers of the region resulted in the
increase in their spatial effects. The importance of the region was manifested also in the 14th15th century provincial organization, and it became several times the domain of major landlords.
After the 14th century, spatial energies - generated as a result of population growth at
the contacts between settlement and castle sites, and of the reorganization and concentration of
estates – could prevail only at a slow pace at mountain regions, and therefore, settlement spatial
site sides towards waterside sites were gradually revaluated in a positive sense. This process
139
was accompanied by the change in the activity of the Jazygian and Cumanian population settled
at both sides of the Tisza, between the two spatial paths. Economic and political consequences
of this change affected the spatial processes of the Heves, Bihar and Csongrád regions, and
strengthened the connections, trade directions and estate acquisition activities of a new, rapidly
emerging center, Debrecen (Csüllög, 2006: 75).
Figure 2. The Trans Tisza Region before the protection against floods in the middle 17th Century River space:
1. Permanently flooded area; 2. Periodically flooded area Settlement space; 3. Passive settlements space
(on the plains); 4. Open settlements space (on the plains); 5. Directed settlements space (in the hills);
6. Woodland space (in the mountains); 7. Centres; 8. Cities; 9. Borders in 1664; A: Hungarian Kingdom
B: Transylvanian Principality C: Ottoman Empire
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The effect of the Eastern spatial path became even more powerful during the 15th
century, because changes in the Balkan, in connection to the Othman expansion, strongly took
effect through influences from the Southlands. The revaluation of the political role of the
Southlands was manifested not only in ethnic migrations and reorganization processes, but also in
the activation of trade, and in reorganization of large estates. This has significantly modified the
directions of spatial activity as well. In the Northern Trans Tisza significant directions of the
political, military, cultural and religious spatial organization processes (Eastern Inner Tisza region,
Transylvania, Southland) summed up in their effects. In parallel, the Othman power emerged as
direct dominion from the direction of the Southlands, creating an activated region on the Mid
Danube-Tisza areas being organized from the direction of Bácska (of Southland location).
In the early 17th century the Trans Tisza region is segmented politically into three parts
as a result of the regionalization intention of the three ruling powers. The spatial status among
the Hungarian Kingdom, the Transylvanian Principality and the Othman Empire reformatted the
flow directions of the region. Although its fundamental spatial processes continue to be
interwoven into a uniform structure (as seen in the example of the land utilization of Debrecen),
the development of the northern and southern regions will differ from each other. The Northern
part of the Trans Tisza region becomes one of the most important zones of the country. Efforts
of Bocskai, Bethlen, and later Thököly created one of the determinant large spatial centers in
the Upper Tisza region. The highland-rim energy line, gaining again an animated role in Trans
Tisza, was close linked to the Transylvania region.
A secondary, direct demography flow line was formed between the Transylvanian and
that of the Highland (Borsod-Heves) anterior zones. In parallel, the dynamic reform of the Great
Hungarian Plain region is commenced with settlements of the Heyducks as a new population,
with Debrecen in its focus, situated amongst the three ruling powers. The massive estate bodies
of this new, growing center, reaching towards the river Tisza, intensively activate the formerly
passive spatial site. Its economy, the directions of its trade connections, its intensive political
and cultural self-assertion created a new regional role of the Trans Tisza region. (Süli-Zakar,
2006: 80) In this role market-town agricultural economy and trade, adjusted to environmental
changes and drastic transitions in the estate structure, became of highest prominence. This was
also supplemented with the activity of the spatial organization of the Cumanian population,
different from its previous form, that in turn, gained high importance within the spatial
processes in the region through its economic and political consequences. In contrast, the
southern and southern-eastern parts of the Trans Tisza region, as a losing party, fell into a
permanently peripheral position with significant depopulated and decay zones. This status later,
during the hostile wartime period of the expulsion of the Othman and later combats, became
characteristic to nearly the entire region (Figure 2).
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The tourist niches of Hungary as the scenes of interculturality
Gábor MICHALKÓ, Sándor ILLÉS
Abstract: Due to the continuous mobility of society, people are concentrated where the
living conditions are able to fulfill their expectations. The world is full of niches in which living
standards and living conditions make people happy and satisfied. These secure niches are in the
focus of both migrants and tourists. As a consequence of the disappearance of state borders
within the EU, it becomes more and more difficult to distinguish tourists from migrants. These
two figures of international mobility often put on each other’s costume, so their real status is
not established easily. It is the hypothesis of this paper that the new global tourists go on a
journey searching not only for tourist experiences, but also with the aim of finding the new
niches.
Hungary has long been in the focus of international mobility. Year by year
approximately 30–40 million foreign citizens cross the borders, among whom probably many
people arrive to Hungary to find their niche. In the lack of periodical collection of data we can
only assume that several visitors who first visit Hungary as tourists, after exploring the values
of the country, decide to remain longer next time, perhaps over one year, and some of them may
even purchase real estate here. Hungary is considered as the source of the welfare and wellbeing by many foreign citizens who prefer to visit a Central European country.
In the paper we are focusing on the relationship of real estate purchase-oriented
mobility and interculturality. We examine the nexus between international tourists, migrants
and real estate purchasers arriving to Hungary and make an effort to explore the presence and
specific activities of new tourists in Hungary.
Keywords: interculturality, tourism, migration, tourist niche, Hungary
Introduction
Travelling has been the embodiment of interculturality for ages. Visiting a remote place
is likely to provide a chance for the dialogue between cultures, and cross-border journeys are to
deepen international and global processes of interculturality. The tourist is a travelling envoy
(or agent) of his/her country transmitting the cultural background of his/her own, at the same
time being influenced by the experience obtained in the destination visited. Interculturality in
tourism in most cases is a hidden process when the mutual absorption of cultures represented by
the visitor and his/her host takes place almost unnoticed. In certain cases tourist is able to feel
being identified with the culture of the place visited and he/she is apt to think of, together with
the natural environment, as a niche of his/her life. It might occur that a niche remote from the
living place is discovered outside of one’s homeland, during a travel abroad.
In contrast to species in flora and fauna, it is difficult to outline the niche for the human
individuals i.e. a space segment viable for their natural existence. Nevertheless, humans strive
to find or create habitats where they would be able to spend everyday life in a way that meet
their expectations while feeling satisfied, relaxed and happy, and personality could achieve
perfect harmony. There might be found places both for work and leisure time of the individual
that contribute to the improvement of the quality of life. Whilst several workplaces could
generate a niche feeling it is quite probable that leisure time activities are more suitable for
shaping niche awareness. Those who cannot find niche in their immediate living environment
might seek it as participants of mobility processes.
When consuming space specific tourist products (offered by urban, rural, mountain,
waterside tourism, and by ecotourism) the individuals have an excellent opportunity to find a
place existing in their imagination as the ideal (and not necessarily an idyllic) environment or a
niche for an absolute relaxation, physical and mental regeneration. There are tourists who would
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not rest content with a passive enjoyment of the services and experiences in their favourite
destinations, far away from the place where they live. They are a sort of people who are most
likely to occur in the given space as potential property purchasers and later as residents, i.e.
migrants. Migrants driven by existential motivations also tend to seek a niche of their own.
One group of new tourists comprises real property owners who have bought apartments,
dwellings or cottages abroad as foreign citizens. These purchases are prompted by highly different
and sometimes mixed motivations such as intention to invest, stay in the country for less than one
year, conducting studies, obtaining residence for the time of occasional work, buying second
home, by following the mode or maintaining prestige. The desire to find a niche – often provoked
by an atavistic attraction of the place – might also be a trigger.
In the present study an answer is sought to the question: to what an extent may
Hungary rely on the demand from the new tourists arriving in the country with an intent to buy
real estates; does this kind of demand have preliminaries in this country of East Central Europe;
and, finally, what spatial interrelationships could be established between the requirements for
overnight accommodation in tourism and real property purchases by foreigners. In order to
respond the issues, raised above a combined secondary analysis of the databases referring to
international tourism in Hungary and real property purchase by foreign citizens is to be
performed. In addition a theoretical overview of the niche concept and its intercultural
connotations will be provided from the perspective of tourism.
The niche market
The marketing experts called niche a segment of the market in which a particular
product can be sold profitably to a specific group – avoiding sharp competition (Ballai, 2000).
The task of niche marketing is to forward the product developed for a particular target group
into the most profitable gap of the market. To recognize niche and to meet the requirements
arisen need incredible innovation ability (Hjalager, 2002), and the latter should appear in the
development of both the tourist services and destinations. Examining the processes in the
expansion of low cost flies (Dobruszkes, 2006) and those of the spread of electronic ticketing in
air passenger transport (Shon; Chen; Chang, 2003) has shown that the prerequisite of product
development in both cases was the recognition of niche. Similar processes have been decisive in
the development of certain tourist products (Michael, 2002; Hughes; Macbeth, 2005; Sterk et al,
2006) or certain exotic destinations (Wade; Mwasaga; Eagles, 2001; Díaz; Pérez; Bethencourt;
Cejas; Álvarez; González, 2005). In selling places of accommodation (Pryce, 2002), or in
finding links between tourism and retailing (Asplet; Cooper, 2000) opportunities of niche
marketing could also be recognised.
One of the specific features of the niche market is that a narrow segment of demand
can be broadened with time and, consequently, niche – after losing its original function – can be
solved on the market. This is why – in the course of examining relationships between quality of
life and mobility – the ecological interpretation of niche has become the starting point at the
expense of the niche marketing approach.
Existential and mental niches of mankind
Niche is a key concept in plant and animal ecology denoting a space where
environmental parameters for the existence of a species are disposable (Meszéna, 2005). Niche
is an area providing resources for the survival of the given species (Nánási, 2005). As factors
necessary for the survival and reproduction are limited, the various populations compete for the
possession of the niche. In spite of the fact that human beings are able of self-subsistence under
most different environmental conditions, they strive for finding places that offer optimum living
conditions. Some strive for spaces of welfare, whereas others prefer places of well-being as the
primary aim. The former make trips to improve living conditions, to raise living standards, the
latter are targeted at the prolonged or recurring experiences and enjoyment offered by the place
to be visited.
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According to an interpretation related to the science on tourism, existential niches are
called places outside the venues of everyday life that offer optimum conditions for the most
efficient use of workforce, knowledge, skills and abilities of an individual.
Mental niches – sometimes existing in symbiosis with the existential ones – are places
providing impulses of joy and pleasure for leisure time activities outside of the living
environment of the individuals. The latter – for the sake of a long-term provision of these
impulses stemming from the niche – try to spend maximum time at the favourite place and to do
it as frequently as possible. The concept that a place becomes niche exactly because there is a
well-defined circle of its consumers is valid both for the existential and mental niches.
The survey of existential and mental niches and of the access to them, safeguarding the
mobility between the starting point and target area as a rule belong to the domain of tourism. In
order to get acquainted with a workplace or to have an idea about the labour market situation in
a foreign country, to be oriented on the real estate market, or to chose second home, one should
possess real experience on the actual environment to be obtained in the course of travel.
The role of niche in alternative tourism
As a result of the diversification of activities relating to the consummation of tourist
products, the inception of alternatives for mass tourism could be traced back to the first steps in
the perception of niche market and for meeting the demand (Rátz; Puczkó, 2002). For example,
the tours having separated from the mass of city sightseeing and organized for tourists
interested in the specific cultural values (focusing on quarters built in different historical epochs
or on those offering antique monuments) is a token of the presence of niche. According to
Robinson and Novelli (2005) every tourist product and place satisfying the demands of a
relatively narrow market segment, is a topic for niche tourism. The authors use the concept of
niche tourism as a synonym of alternative tourism. In order to avoid concept overlapping they
distinguish between macro niche and micro niche. The former is assigned to tourist products in
a wider sense (e.g. cultural tourism or rural tourism), whereas the latter denote the narrower
sectors (religious tourism or wine tourism). Interpreting niche they distinguish geography,
product and consumer oriented approaches. Accordingly, the periphery (Grumo; Ivona, 2005),
wildlife (Novelli; Humavindu, 2005) and cosmic space (Duval, 2005) are linked to geography,
the gastronomy (Hall; Mitchell 2005), transport (Hall, 2005) and cultural heritage (Wickens,
2005) are incorporated in tourist products, whilst youth (Richards; Wilson 2005) and volunteers
(Callanan; Thomas, 2005) are tackled from the viewpoint of the tourist persons; all of them as
niches addressed by the literature on tourism.
In our opinion the main shortcoming of the niche concept by Robinson and Novelli
(2005) is its relatedness to marketing roots. Once each destination, each product and each
consumer are considered carriers of niche tourism options – as they all could be turned into part
of the niche market through adequate development and marketing communication – the concept
obtains elusive interpretations that might lead to obscure approaches. Macleod (2006)
formulated his critical remarks from the perspectives of sustainable development. According to
this criticism there is a never ending diversification of tourist activities resulting from the
constant exploration, discovery and exploitation of new gaps, which jeopardizes the
requirements emphasized just in relation to alternative tourism. Consequently, of the various
endevours to lay theoretical foundations of the niche concept we prefer those aimed at the
return to the ecological bases.
Niches for tourists
Niche utilized in tourism is a space segment, regular or prolonged consummation of
which stimulates the accomplishment of spiritual processes related to labour or touristic
activities when spending leisure time. Touristic niche denotes a place where the tourist could
satisfy demands of growth formulated by Maslow (2003). Niche of the business tourist is a
place where his/her knowledge and skills necessary for performing labour could be best utilized
in relation with the expectations of his/her own. Niche of the tourist person spending holiday is
a place where he/she reaches a perfect relaxation, is filled up with energy, and organism
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regenerated most effectively. Thus an important feature of touristic niche is the embodiment of
the high quality of the place in values assigned to it by the visitor and in the positive impact
upon his/her quality of life.
Niche offers long-term, short-term or repeated opportunities for the accomplishment of
the personality and abilities of the visitor, and for the achievement of physical, mental and
spiritual harmony. The individual should be tied existentially and/or mentally with the place and
be convinced in the possibility and reality that his/her desires and dreams would come true.
Niche is nothing else but a spatial projection of a mental construction which has a direct impact
on the quality of life.
Niche is to be conceived in the framework of a relational system, in the dimensions of
starting and target areas. The consummation of niche, staying in the space assumed as niche is
preceded by the travel there i.e. leaving the living environment, but the return is also part of the
phenomenon behind the niche concept. It is just the time dimension and the return to one’s
residence that differentiate between the phenomenon of touristic niche and a change of
residence as a migrational feature. From time to time the individual returns from the niche to
the residence and does not give it up preserving double or multiple identity of his/her own. A
settlement used as touristic niche might turn eventually into the scene of one’s migration, thus
consuming niche is to be considered a link between tourism and migration. Touristic niche is
transitive between tourist destination and the living environment chosen by the migrant.
Starting from the concept of ecological niche, touristic niches are deemed those places
that the individual has got acquainted with during travels in his/her lifetime and – staying on the
ground of reality – were found viable as living space, residence for himself/herself and family.
In a perpetual and conscious search for welfare and well-being the new tourists are apt to insure
a niche for themselves through buying real estates abroad, far away from the home
environment. The expression “second home” related to dwelling, apartment or cottage
purchased in such a way is a hint about the given real property as a real home (Duval, 2004;
Timothy, 2004).
Niches beyond the frontiers: tourism and interculturality
Interculturality is one of the aspects of the studies on mobility and it has been gaining
an increasing relevance over the past decade (Pieterse, 2000; Peltokorpi, 2007; Rátz; Sárdi,
2007). When evaluating the success of the process of adaptation it is the role of the dialogue
between cultures which becomes highly emphasised (Valtonen, 1994; Hansen, 1998), but it has
a key role in a successful collaboration between those living within the opposite stripes of the
border zones as well (Süli-Zakar; Czimre; Teperics, 2002; Ilieş, 2005). International tourist
mobility is an encounter of people with different cultural background, in the course of which the
problems stemming from the temporary co-existence necessarily emerging in tourism range
from communication through consumption up to human rights (Scherle; Coles, 2006; Hervai;
Szabó, 2007). The outcome of a journey largely depends on how one can find common
language with the local people, how he/she is able to fit in the expectations of the service
industry and how he/she is affected by the legal norms decisive in functioning of the host
society.
Citizens of the European Union are becoming increasingly travelling; their mobility as
tourists is promoted by the processes of integration and globalisation (Rátz, 2004). With the
enrichment of one’s travel experience some spaces might emerge as alternative living places.
To feel comfortably in a remote place and to recognise a touristic niche with time means one’s
close attachment to both the physical and cultural environments. Natural values often generate a
feeling of attraction resulting in repeated return, but it only culminates in a purchase of real
estate if accompanied by adoption of the local culture to a certain extent. In this case elements
of milieu make up an environment acceptable by the buyer with a different cultural background.
Cultural landscapes are a print of intercultural links between the indigeneous people (whose
culture they bear), and the new proprietors.
Touristic niches emerging through international mobility are to be conceived as
intercultural isles within the given space segment. The new owners of real property are
146
expected to adapt themselves to the everyday life of the local society, but the aborigenes also
cannot avoid the effect of the cultural patterns imported by the newcomers (Gössling, 2002;
Rátz; Puczkó, 2002). Due to the lifestyle of the actors interconnections built in interculturality
are much stronger within the zones of recreation than in the metropolitan regions. In the former
zones the maintainance of close ties with the neighbours is a common phenomenon whereas in
the latter ones such interpersonal links are established occasionally. Tourists in the new world
are to play a main part in the process characterized by the emergence of interculturality through
real property acquisition.
New tourists in Hungary
Hungary has long been located in the focus of international currents of tourism.
Geographical setting, cultural heritage and natural endowments of the country with the
disposable infrastructure and superstructure promote an annual 30–40 million border crossings
(KSH 2007). A significant part of people visiting Hungary are transit passengers or
excursionists, but even within the group of the visitors considered tourists there are many whose
activities are different from those of tourists in the classical sense. In 2006, 38 million arrivals
in Hungary were registered; 37% of the foreigners were transit travellers, 39% were
excursionists and only 24% of them were tourists.
Activities of tourists who spend several days in Hungary are highly diversified; most of
them spend leisure time or manage business. A number of foreigners formally are tourists, but
their activities are similar to those of the migrants. First of all these are people who indicate
studies or work as the purpose of their stay but persons driven by other motivations probably
also belong to this category. Foreigners with occupations outside of leisure time and business
activities can be classed as new tourists. They are transitory between tourists and migrants, for
their stay is related to building carrier and raising living standards, consuming the place on the
longer run. Apart from their distinct motivations the new tourists are characterised by spending
longer time so as they could have an opportunity to gain a deeper insight into the local socialeconomic conditions. During their stay – partly for the minimization and rationalization of the
living costs – they collect information on housing market, real property prices, leasing and
renting related expenses, therefore they are to be considered potential customers. An average
time spent by a foreign tourist in Hungary was 7.7 days in 2006; purposes to learn generated
43.9 days, to work – 12.4 days, whereas other motivations resulted in 13.1 days of stay. In spite
of the fact that recreation belongs to leisure time tourism the occurrence of new tourists among
those arriving with recreational purposes is highly possible. Comparing a 9.4 day of duration of
stay of foreign citizens in Hungary with an average 2.9 days registered at places of commercial
and private accommodation, it is very probable that most of them had overnight in sites outside
touristic superstructure.
The motivation and duration of stay in Hungary of the foreigners considered new
tourists indicate that the space examined is rather used as niches than tourist destinations.The
place can be interpreted as existential niche for those coming to pursuit studies and to work, and
it is mental niche for others arriving to make holiday and enjoy recreation. The change of living
environment for the new tourists is provided by relatives and acquaintances (apartments to rent
or owned by themselves). Consuming niche on the long run is mainly granted by the ownership
of real property. In a lack of empirical studies the potential niches in Hungary can be the
settlements to have been found in the focus of the interest of foreign realtors and private buyers.
Potential niches in the Hungarian tourist space
In order to get closer to the verification of the niche concept, data had to be evaluated
on the settlement level. For that purpose settlements of Hungary were ranked according to the
number of foreigners who bought real estates between 2001 and 2005 (out of the aggregate
number of 3121, 994 settlements were affected). Then an attempt was made to reveal the
interrelationship between tourist functions and real property transactions for the first 100 of
them. Budapest has proven to be the mostly preferred settlement. Within the capital city with
1.7 million inhabitants, the quarters located in the immediate vicinity of the city, mainly with 3–
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5 storeyed blocks of flats built at the turn of 19–20th centuries were the most attractive. Among
the first hundred were all the regional centres: Szeged–2nd place; Debrecen–5th; Pécs–6th; Gyır–
11th; Miskolc–40th; Székesfehérvár–85th place, (but of the 19 county seats 6 are missing). At the
same time there are 15 villages of the 100 leaders with the population number less than 1000.
Fig 1. The most popular (Top 100) settlements among foreign real estate purchasers in
Hungary, 2001–2006
In 54 out of the 100 settlements investigated the new proprietors of German citizenship
dominated (their ratio exceeded 50%). No spatial interrelationship could be observed between
the geographical distribution of these urban and rural settlements and touristic behaviour of the
Germans. The former could be found both in Transdanubia and in the Great Plain. Beside the
Germans, Austrian owners formed the majority in 5 settlements (predominantly near the
Hungarian–Austrian borders), whereas Dutch ones – in 4, Romanians – in 2 (close to the
Hungarian–Romanian borders). It is quite conspicuous that no dominance could be achieved by
any group of foreign citizenship in Budapest and in the regional centres. This can be attributed
to the multi-functional character of big cities which attract a broad spectrum of foreigners
involved in the search for existential and mental niches.
Concerning the touristic functions of urban and rural settlements affected by real
property transactions, most of the busiest 100 cities, towns and villages (54%) belong to target
areas of international tourist traffic flow within Hungary. Of them preferred by real estate
customers from abroad there are favourite lakeside resorts (e.g. Siófok), thermal spas (Hévíz) or
towns with developed cultural functions (Keszthely).
Conclusion
It has been shown that in the course of turning of a place into niche no objective
geographical criteria have been found which would control the appearance of the demand of
new tourists, or this demand could be predicted. Villages, cities and towns, regional centres,
settlements highly or less frequented touristically all are potential niches in Hungary. Indicators
at our disposal are not sufficient for the delineation of existential and mental niches. It should
be stated however that there are certain characteristic features promising for turning a particular
settlement into a touristic niche. They are the followings:
Regional functions,
Environment suitable for waterside holidaying,
Medical factors usable in health and wellness tourism,
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Location close to the potential markets,
Abundance in attractive landscapes.
In cases of a cumulative appearance of the above factors, the interpretation of the given
place as niche can be boosted and demand on real properties tends to brisk. Though the
favourable circumstances and the triggers for real estate purchasing cannot be identified by
objective indicators, the secondary analysis of the databases have confirmed the assumption that
among the foreigners arriving in Hungary there are people who consider the place visited as
their niche and intend to buy real property securing a prolonged stay in the country.
Acknowledgement
This paper was supported by the Bolyai János Research Scholarship of the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences and OTKA (K67573). The authors would like to thank Tamara Rátz for
her useful comments.
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Methods of the analysis of integration effect
on border areas – the case of Hungary
Gergely TAGAI, János PÉNZES, Ernı MOLNÁR
Abstract1: The most important and popular methods in analysing the effect of
economic integration are represented in the current study primarily focusing on border areas.
One of the most spectacular methods – the potential model – is investigated in order to analyse
the theoretical effect of the most important economic centres on the border areas of Hungary.
Keywords: accession, borders, employment, integration, potential model
Introduction
Hungary is situated in East-Central Europe and it is specific among the European
countries, as there are seven neighbouring countries along its borders. The neighbouring countries
– except for Austria – are post-socialist states struggling with the same transformation problems
after the political changes in 1989-1990, when communism collapsed. Hungary is situated in the
lower central parts of the Carpathian Basin, therefore most of the state borders are not natural
barriers – put aside the river Danube on the north-west and the rivers on the south-west.
Presently Austria, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia are members of the European
Union, since 2007 Romania has also been a member of the community and Croatia is a
candidate state. Accordingly, most part of the Hungarian state borders are internal borders of
the European Union (after the end of 2007 – besides Austria – Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia
are members of the Schengen Agreement, so the traffic at border crossing points might have
become freer). The total Hungarian state border is 2238 km long, which is divided into 359 km
long Austrian, 667 km long Slovakian, 144 km long Ukrainian, 437 km long Romanian section.
The formerly coherent 621 km long Hungarian-Yugoslavian border is now separated into three
parts – Serbian (174 km long), Croatian (348 km long) and Slovenian (99 km long) sections.
The development level of the infrastructure that creates the background of the crossborder co-operations is characterised by significant regional disparities as a result of different
natural, political, social and economic conditions. The density of border crossing points is
above average along the Austrian, the Slovenian and surprisingly the Ukrainian border sections,
while the Romanian, the Croatian and the Slovakian border sections show lower density (due to
the barrier effect of the border rivers in the case of the latter two countries).
In order to describe the situation of the border areas of Hungary, it is necessary to illustrate
the changes of the spatial pattern of the country. The most important dimensions are the following:
Since the evolvement of the modernisation of Hungary – since the middle of the 19th
century – the role of Budapest has become a determinant factor in the spatial pattern. After the
political transition the dichotomy between Budapest and the countryside became to more significant.
Macro-regional disparity has appeared between the western and the eastern part of
Hungary, which can be modelled like a West-East slope.
Partly as a result of the development policy of the communist era that focused on the
towns and the major settlements, the urban-rural dichotomy according to the hierarchy and size
of the settlements has become a characteristic feature of the Hungarian spatial pattern (Nemes
Nagy, 1994).
The border areas generally declined prior the political transition in 1989/90, because of
the endeavours to concentrate the developments into the central areas of the country. Although
in the case of the north-eastern part of Hungary, this process and the traditional backwardness
were summarised (Süli-Zakar, 1992).
1
The current study is modified version of a former article written by the authors (Pénzes - Tagai - Molnár 2008).
151
The consequential changes in the economy have caused the increase of inequalities and
the revaluation of some areas since the political transition. The difference between the
development of the western border area and the depression of the eastern border area has
become significant as a result of the alteration of the Hungarian foreign policy and the
orientation of the foreign trade. Western-Hungary – owing to the favourable geographical
position – has become one of the most important scenes of foreign direct investments. These
investments have a dominant role in the transition of the economic structure, the modernisation
and the integration of the Hungarian economy to the world economy. North-Eastern Hungary
has not been induced because of the limited internal resources and the inconsiderable extent of
the foreign direct investments. On the other hand, the development of the given area has been
discouraged by the neighbouring areas on the other side of the border that have been more
underdeveloped than the backward territory of Hungary.
The aim of the current study is to illustrate and calculate the economic effect of the
neighbouring participants of the economy on the border area of Hungary.
Effects of integration and the integration of borders
Fundamentally, an integration process should be a win-win game (Breuss, 2001). But,
as a matter of fact, gains and losses are not balanced in many cases; some pay most of the costs
of the enlargement while others have the benefits of it. This can vary over not just different
countries, but also over different regions of a state. In this framework border regions are one of
the most important types of areas.
It is easy to understand how borders can have a place of high priority in the integration
process by looking back upon the theory of August Lösch (1962) on regional systems of market
areas, which points out the role of the borders as barriers. The economic landscape that Lösch
sketched out is divided by borders. Borders always have a distortive effect on possible
functional (market, employment, etc.) networks, even if they are not completely impermeable
(Niebuhr; Stiller, 2002). Consequently, the presence of borders can generally have a negative
effect on spatial relations, as they block potential connections and reduce the productivity of the
economic sector in many ways. For this reason, economic entities strive to settle more distant
from the border, near to the inner centres, where they can extend their market area. Thus border
regions themselves suffer a great handicap in the field of economic activities and that of the
accessibility of goods, and in many instances they can be viewed as deserts (Lösch, 1962).
Border regions are frequently described as underdeveloped areas and it can often be
affirmed empirically (Petrakos; Topaloglou, 2006), especially in Central and Eastern Europe
(Erkut; Özgen, 2003). However, typically not just the formation of present borders effected the
less favourable situation of these regions, as the settlement structure and many characteristics of
the economic and social activities had grown much earlier. Borders of the countries in Central
and Eastern Europe have been changed many times in the course of the past centuries, and have
broken again and again the natural run of development. The ‘melting’ of national borders can
help to re-establish former spatial relations, as their barrier function decreases; in this manner
their contact zone-role can become stronger (ibidem). Besides, opening national borders also
help social cohesion by increasing the mobility of people or just creating the possibility of it.
Consequently, border regions may be put in a state of flux by their changing economic role
through the reallocation of activities and opportunities (Topaloglou et al. 2005).
Nevertheless, the effects of integration on border regions are hard to judge
unanimously. Some authors claim (for example Huber 2004) that the influence of the
enlargement of the European Union in the past twenty years was mainly neutral on borderlands
with a few positive and with a few negative consequences. Whereas, the latest great integration
step of the EU – the Eastern Enlargement – seemed as an important and very effective act with
respect to the border regions.
In this process, those border areas which are near to a prospering market or an
economic centre of a neighbouring country can take advantage of integration. The increase in
cross-border trade, the change in wage rates, the growth of employment related to gain in labour
supply affect mainly the newly joined and less developed countries (Niebuhr 2004; Pfaffermayr
152
et al. 2004). On the other hand, the border regions of neighbouring countries have often suffered
a decline in wages and increase in unemployment as a consequence of that. This evidence was
also investigated through the impacts of the German re-unification (Buettner; Ricke, 2007).
The situation of border regions, as mentioned above, is an important aspect of judging
them, since they can gain above average benefits by it (Niebuhr, 2004, 2005). Border areas with
favoured location make profit of their attractiveness and better accessibility conditions in many
respects, relative to other non-border regions and along the external borders of the integration
areas. While borders are ‘melting’ in the EU internal space, they are 'freezing' in the external
spaces (Topaloglou et al. 2005). Consequently, these areas are facing many problems, possible
serious difficulties due to their low economic performance and unfavourable access to European
markets (Niebuhr, 2004; Radics, 2005).
The success of the integration of border areas is influenced by not just the ‘destruction’
of the borders themselves, but by the real possibilities of a single person, firm or investment to
cross a border (Kozma, 2006). Common language or common currency has a stimulating effect
on this and the lack of these advantageous elements can raise many difficulties in the flow of
cross-border migration and co-operation. Moreover, it can also be an ‘invisible’ barrier when
the differences in development are too considerable between the neighbouring countries: if the
purchasing power of an area lags behind another’s remarkably, it can not take advantage of the
opportunity of the ‘melting’ borders as required.
Methods to measure integration benefits and border effects
The methods of describing the impact of an integration process cover a wide spectre of
techniques of spatial analysis. Benefits can be measured simply by statistical enumeration or
typifying regions through their several characteristics, supported by factor and cluster analysis
(Topaloglou et al., 2005). Measuring the change of economic specialisation and spatial
concentration relating to integration can also be useful to reveal the benefits (Wieser, 2004).
Multivariate regression models are also often used in the investigation of possible integration
effects (Buettner; Rincke, 2007; Huber, 2004), and in the exploration of special impacts of
border regions on the border situation can easily be built in them as a determinant factor
(Niebuhr, 2004, 2005).
Several spatial econometric models of macroeconomics can be found among the
techniques of measuring the integration benefits and border effects. Spatial computable general
equilibrium (SCGE) models serve to investigate the local and tradable sectors in regions, and
show the possibilities of trade, labour or migration flows between areas (Bröcker, 1998; Haddad
et al. 2002). The likelihood of the occurrence of these flows mainly depends on the costs of
crossing a border, and in SCGE models integration is simulated by reducing impediments
(costs, distances) between countries. Special regional forecasting models, like MASST
(macroeconomic, sectoral, social and territorial, (Capello, 2007)) or OEF World
Macroeconomic Model (Breuss, 2001) are built up to estimate integration benefits by taking
account of all possible elements of the effect (trade and market effects, movements and costs,
etc.). Besides, core-periphery NEG models based on the theory of New Economic Geography
by Krugman (1991) also have their role in exploring how an integration process affects border
regions (Niebuhr, 2005; Niebuhr; Stiller, 2002). Completed by other techniques, for example,
regression analysis (Buettner; Rincke, 2007; Niebuhr, 2004), these applications can give a
properly complex explanation of the phenomenon.
However, besides the great variety of measurements to describe the integration benefits
and impacts especially on border regions, the most frequent methods of investigations, are
rooted in gravity based approaches. Based on a formal-logical analogy with the Newton law of
gravitation, gravitation models are often used to estimate the measure of trade or migration
(labour and employment) flows. For these types of flows, physical borders and other barriers
(tariffs, currency and language) are strict impediments and it is hard to cross them.
Nevertheless, these elements are used to be built in the models to denote border effects
(Feenstra et al. 2001; McCallum, 1995). The possible benefits of integration on borders can be
revealed by simulating the reduction of border effects (Brown; Anderson, 2002; Chaptea, 2005;
153
Cieslik; Ryan 2007; Mayer; Zignago, 2005; Olper; Raimondi, 2007; Pénzes; Molnár, 2007),
modelling unimpeded trade and migration flows and an advantaged market access.
Potential model applications and their use in the investigation of borders and integration
The potential model developed by John Quincy Stewart for geographical application
(1941, 1948) is one of the key methods of measuring spatial interaction. In potential model
applications, similarly to gravity models, the strength of interaction is taken into account by the
masses (number of inhabitants (Bene; Tekse, 1966; Tagai, 2004), income (Nemes, 1998),
economic power (Pénzes; Molnár, 2007)) and distances of spatial bodies (in most of the cases
settlements, regions, countries). In contradiction to the former one, the potential model does not
concentrate on single forces affecting an entity, but on the sum of them. Namely, it shows how
the entirety of a system affects one of its elements.
To describe the complex situation of a system built up by spatial relations it is useful to
investigate all the influential factors. The most important thing is to reveal the internal
conditions of a system, how large impulses overtake a given point. It is expressed in the term of
internal potential, and it is used to be measured according to the next formula (1)2:
n
(1) Pin (Ai ) =
Mj
∑d
j=1
b
ij
;
Mi
;
d iib
n
M
(3) Pex (Ai ) = ∑ bk .
k=1 d ik
(2)
Pself (Ai ) =
Besides, as the elements of the system have their effect on themselves, values of self
potential in many instances need to be regarded (2).
Internal and self potentials reveal the inner structure of an investigated system as it
would be completely closed without any external connections. Generally, it would conduce to a
misleading result, as closed (economic) systems are hard to find in the world. Thus, external
effects of a defined area outside the investigated system can also be taken into account, through
external potential (3). By summing up the elements, total potentials can be supplied.
One of the original meanings of term ‘potential’ is the measure of proximity of people
or economic goods to a given point (Stewart, 1948). The proximity of a place indicates the
accessibility of people to the given system (for example a region, a country or a continent).
Whereas the probability of the occurrence of social interactions is greater in the more accessible
places, accessibility can be interpreted as a measure of the intensity of possible contact or social
intensity (Pooler 1987).
The intensity of possible contacts can change in several ways. It can occur that the
weight of a social or economic mass is the changing element of a system (Frost; Spence 1995).
Similarly, accessibility conditions can also be developed (Linneker; Spence, 1992; Smith; Gibb,
1993; Tóth, 2005). When an improvement in potential values can not be attached directly to
accessibility or mass function, but it is related to the reduction of impediments (tariffs, borders)
among the parts of the system, then integration benefits can be estimated (Clark et al. 1969;
Keeble et al. 1982).
Without barriers, border regions become more permeable and can be the main
beneficiaries of the gains related to an integration process, on the basis of the principles of the
2
(1) Pin(Ai): internal potential of „i” point; Mj: the weight of „j” point within the investigated area; dij: distance
between „i” and „j” points;
(2) Pself(Ai): self potential of „i” point; Mi: the own weight of „i” point; dii: the distance assigned to „i” point;
(3) Pex(Ai): external potential of „i” point; Mk: the weight of „k” point locating outside the investigated area; dik:
distance between „i” and „k” points; (1-2-3) b: index based on experience, in this investigation equals with 2.
154
model, as they are closer to foreign economic centres than the internal parts of the country
(Niebuhr, 2004, 2005). The roles of distance, market size and agglomeration economies in the
process of cross-border interaction, which are built in the potential model, constitute a complex
framework, which shows how the release of different barriers generates benefits not just for the
border region but for the whole system, too (Petrakos; Topaloglou, 2006; Pfaffermayr et al.,
2004). By the combination of the model with other techniques and applications this image can
be shaded onward (Topaloglou et al., 2005; Capello, 2007; Niebuhr, 2004, 2005).
Methods of the analysis
In order to measure the contribution of the substantial local economies along the
Hungarian state border to the economic potential of the border area, it is essential to find an
indicator that
represents the extent of the local economies (settlements or municipalities),
is calculated by the same (or at least similar) methods of data collection in
several countries,
is measured at the same time period.
Under these constrains, the number of persons in employment by the locality of place
of work has been chosen in the investigation (in fact this definition might be simplified as the
number of local places of work). It is important to emphasise that the selected indicator cannot
reflect the differences of the labour-productivity (e.g. gross value added or production per
capita) and the real economic production. The data collection is based on the census of Hungary
and those of the neighbouring countries in 2001 and 2002. In the case of several countries, only
the data about the number of persons in employment by the locality of residence are available.
However, this indicator does not make allowance for commuting, but it is appropriate to
represent the economic weight of the localities. There are more significant dissimilarities
between the statistical bases of other economic indicators (for instance personal incomes).
Fig. 1. The settlements and municipalities involved in the investigation
In order to create a detailed model about the border area, the lowest territorial level –
that can be researched with statistics available in the censuses – is the base of the analysis.
According to the different administrational categories of data collection in the countries,
settlements or municipalities (the LAU2 or former NUTS5 level in the methodology of the
155
European Union) are regarded in the study. Nevertheless, it has been necessary to narrow the
number of localities. It is assumed that the larger centres might illustrate appropriately the
economical potential of a given area. Those localities are involved in the investigation that has
higher value than the Hungarian average number of persons in employment by the locality of
place of work in the light of the censuses in 2001 and 2002. The mentioned threshold value is
1117 employed persons by localities.
The primary aim of the current study is to analyse the border areas in Hungary, so a specific
zone has been allocated. The zone is based on the accessibility of the non-stop road border crossing
points. It has also been assumed that only a narrow belt is affected directly by the economic centres
located beyond the state border. In the current study, this distance has been limited in 60-65 minutes
far from the non-stop road border crossing points situated along the Hungarian state border.
Distances have been calculated by road accessibility and have been expressed in minutes. The use of
time intervals instead of road distances is defensible as the ranking and quality of public roads
provide a better opportunity to model the conditions of real accessibility. The difference between a
by-pass road and a motorway can be expressed on this wise. The localities involved in the
investigation have been allocated with the help of a route planner (Marco Polo EuroRoute 2005) and
a mapping software (ArcView GIS version 3.3) (Figure 1).
After narrowing the size and decreasing the territorial extent – 145 Hungarian and 367
surrounding localities have been involved in the subsequent analysis. 67 Austrian, 83 Slovakian, 12
Ukrainian, 98 Romanian, 11 Serbian, 88 Croatian and 8 Slovenian localities have been calculated.
The number of localities depends on the administrative system of a given country and the density of
settlements (that is usually higher in the neighbourhood of the capital and larger cities). These factors
are particularly affected by the physical geography, the history and the economic characteristics of a
given area. The spatial differences are also illustrated by the previous map.
Results of the application of the potential model
The core question of the study is how the potential effect of the external economic
centres can be modelled in the case of the settlements of the Hungarian border area. In order to
illustrate the value of the influence the potential model has been applied for the concerned zone.
The formula and the most important attributions of the potential model have already
been detailed previously. Only the internal and external potential has been regarded in the
calculation from the three components of the model, as the value of the self potential is
unimportant from the aspect of the analysed problem. In the case of both regarded components
of the calculation the points of potential fields are composed by the localities. The weight of
points has been expressed by the number of persons in employment by the locality of place of
work or the number of persons in employment by the locality of residence. Finally, the
distances between the localities have been calculated by road accession in minutes (as it has
been detailed formerly). The exponent of the distance component has been square number in the
denominator of the formula. The following maps illustrating the potential field were created
with the help of interpolation method (by the GoldenSoftware Surfer software) that simplifies
and models the real pattern.
The internal potential has been calculated by all the Hungarian localities – not only in
the border area – that have higher number of persons in employment by the locality of place of
work than the average value. Altogether 297 settlements have been involved in this part of the
analysis, disregarding the administrative status. The results can be summarised as the value of
internal potential depends on the distance from Budapest (the number of persons in employment
is approximately tenfold higher in the capital than in the second largest town, Debrecen). The
highest internal potential values occur at the western ‘gate’ settlements (edge cities) of
Budapest, close to the turn-off motorways. However, a continuous zone of low internal
potential appears on the north, east, south and west parts of the country along the state border
(except North-Western Hungary) as a result of the calculation. The effect of the largest regional
centres in Hungary – Miskolc, Debrecen, Szeged, Pécs – can not modify significantly this kind
of peripheral situation (Figure 2).
156
14000
13000
12000
11000
10000
9000
8000
7000
6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
Fig. 2. The pattern of internal potential
1800
1700
1600
1500
1400
1300
1200
1100
1000
900
800
700
600
500
400
300
200
100
0
Fig. 3. The pattern of external potential
The external potential has been calculated for the settlements of the Hungarian border
area by the weight or effect of the main localities on the other side of the state border (the
method of selection can be seen formerly). The pattern obviously shows a completely different
distribution of the values. (Figure 3) The represented effect appears in the centre of Hungary far
away from the border area due to the interpolation. In spite of this, the external effect is
basically confined to the Hungarian border area. The highest values of external potential and the
most extended influence occurs in the north-western part of the country, from where the
accessibility of Vienna and Bratislava is quite good thanks to the developed motorway network.
The maximum value appears in the surroundings of the border crossing place Komárom, which
is located near the river Danube and the Slovakian Komárno situated on the other side of the
157
river. The top value emerges as a result of the closeness of these twin cities. The external effect
on potential is weaker in the case of the other sections of the Hungarian state border, although
the effect of Zagreb and Osijek can be detected along the Hungarian-Croatian border. Similarly,
the influence of Subotica near the Hungarian-Serbian border and the effect of Oradea along the
Hungarian-Romanian border appear visually.
The sum of the internal and external potential shows a similar pattern to the internal
potential, as the values of the internal potential are significantly higher than the latter ones. The
potential field is modified significantly by the external effects only in the case of NorthWestern-Hungary. In other parts of the border area the external effect is not continuous and the
influence appears only in the form of patches. This phenomenon strengthens the preconception
that the north-western part of Hungary profits principally from the unifying economic space.
70
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Fig. 4. The contribution of external potential to the summarized potential value (without self
potential), in percentage
The contribution of external potential to the summarized potential value (the ratio of
external potential) represents a particular spatial pattern. The relative value of the external
potential shows an even trend, as also the Hungarian-Ukrainian border area can be emphasized
besides the formerly mentioned influences in the light of the percentage of external potential.
This tendency can be attributed to the low contribution of the internal potential, because these
regions are the farthest from Budapest. Therefore, the importance of external potential is rather
relative than absolute.
Conclusions
In the current study, the theoretical effect of the ‘melting’ state borders on the
economy of the border areas of Hungary has been estimated with the help of the potential
analysis adopted from physical methods. The results of the calculations strengthen the main
conclusions of the references that are collected in the paragraph titled as “Effects of integration
and the integration of borders”.
On the one hand, the internal potential values are determined by the distance from
Budapest and the border areas are represented as peripheries in the theoretical case of the closed
boundaries (that was almost a real phenomenon during the socialist era). On the other hand,
added potential values appear with the vanishing of the separating function of the borders and
the unhindered success of the external effects. The features of the external effects depend on the
158
economic character and development of the other side of the border. Due to the closeness of
Wien and Bratislava, the benefit of the north-western part of the Hungarian border area is
clearly seen. The favourable situation of the given area can also explain the revaluation and
development after the political transition. Finally, the example of the settlements from the
Hungarian-Ukrainian section of the state border illustrates that the weak external effects might
have significant contribution to the total potential values in case of a border area located far
away from Budapest. Unfortunately, the external potential effects on the eastern and southern
peripheries are mainly theoretical, but the influence of the foreign direct investments and the
increasing demand for skilled employees in Western-Romania has started to increase.
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Moldova between the Near Abroad Policy of the Russian
Federation and the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union
Octavian łÎCU
Abstract: The present paper is focused on the complex analysis of the foreign policy of
the Republic of Moldova after independence, taking in consideration especially its oscillating and
evasive attitude between the Near Abroad policy of the Russian Federation and the
Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union. Unlike the Baltic States which had clearly
expressed the willingness to join the European Union after being annexed by the Soviet Union,
Moldova showed a mixed policy in this sense. From one side, the Republic of Moldova became a
member of the Commonwealth of Independent States, a reformed substitute of the Soviet Union,
and continued to be viewed by the Russian Federation as a part of what has been called the “Near
Abroad”, a region of its “special” and “vital” interests. From another side, Moldova expressed
many time its desire to be viewed as a European state and announced its political decision to have
closer relationships with the European Union. The ambiguity of the Moldovan foreign policy
caused many problems and difficulties in assessing the country’s internal and external stability.
Key-words: Moldova, Near Abroad, Russian Federation, Neighbourhood Policy,
European Union.
Introduction
After the implosion of the USSR in 1991, Moldova found itself in a totally new reality.
Along with the establishment of its state institutions and with undertaking a complex process of
reforms, the Republic of Moldova had also to redefine its relations with the external world.
Given the fact that the outside world of Moldova revolves around its neighbours and
several key international actors, one can make a virtual divide of foreign policy of Moldova
according to several pillars. Two of them are crucial. The first one would be the relations between
Moldova and the Russian Federation as the latter is the source and, at the same time, the key to most
of Moldova’s problems. This entails by far the Transnistrian problem and the sovereignty of the
Moldovan state, the economic and energetic dependence on Russian markets, as well as oil and gas.
The second pillar would incorporate the relations between Moldova and the European
Union. Already in 2003 Moldova, led by the Communist government, had declared that
integration into the European Union is one of its main priorities of the foreign policy. Several
steps have been made to accomplish this goal, seemingly not enough to generate a full scale
metamorphosis from a transitional democracy to a full-fledged democratic and modern state
capable of undertaking the obligations and rights of an EU member state.
Unlike the Baltic States, however, which had clearly expressed their willingness to join
the European Union after being annexed by the Soviet Union, Moldova showed a mixed policy in
this sense. From one side, the Republic of Moldova became a member of the Commonwealth of
Independent States, a reformed substitute of the Soviet Union, and continued to be viewed by the
Russian Federation as a part of what has been called the “Near Abroad”, a region of its “special”
and “vital” interests. From another side, Moldova expressed many times its desire to be viewed as
an European state and announced its political decision to have closer relationships with the
European Union. The ambiguity of the Moldovan foreign policy caused many problems and
difficulties in assessing the country’s internal and external stability.
The present paper is focused on the complex analysis of the foreign policy of the
Republic of Moldova after independence, taking in consideration especially its oscillating and
evasive attitude between the Near Abroad policy of the Russian Federation and the
Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union.
161
Moldova in the context of the Russian Federation interests in the Near Abroad
Over the course of 1992, a significant shift of opinion occurred within Russian
governmental circles concerning Russia’s relations to its new neighbours. As pointed out by
Russian leaders back then, as a result of miscalculations in assessing the role and place of the new
Russia, they drew the strategically erroneous political conclusion that Russia would turn inward,
within the borders of the Russian Federation, getting out of all the former USSR republics, thereby
openly renouncing any special rights and interests in the post-Soviet space outside the Russian
Federation” (Beissinger, 1995: 165). It was in particular the events in Moldova in 1992, when
ethnic Russians for the first time were pulled into military action that pushed Russians out of their
inward-looking policy (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, January 12, 1994). Besides, there were the
problems generated by the Baltic citizenship restrictions, the conflict with Ukraine over Crimea,
the former Soviet Fleet and policy of “Ukrainization”, massive out-migration of Russians from
Central Asia and Transcaucasia and the widespread perception of Russia’s artificial borders that
stimulated the shift from the inward-looking policy of the Russian Federation towards the Near
Abroad (Beissinger, 1995, 166). The so-called neo-authoritarian representatives of the Russian
foreign policy stressed that the problems cited above as well as the guaranties for security led
Russia to become the centre for reintegration of the former Soviet republics (Boffa, 1996: 278).
In the Russian political language, the notion “Near Abroad” implies, therefore, two
aspects: the official one, invoked for the external uses, which means the natural desire to protect
the interests of the Russian or Russian-speaking community in the former Soviet republics; the
second aspect, accepted unofficially, is the using of the first aspect as well as of the various
economic and military mechanisms for the restoration of the viable integrated structure in the
former Soviet space having Moscow as a decisional centre.
Already in the spring of 1992, in the context of the Transnistrian conflict, a debate
emerged within government circles over the issue of Russia’s geopolitical interests in the “Near
Abroad”. Russia had moved to define its own “Monroe Doctrine” towards the post-Soviet
republics and began to interfere more actively in their domestic affairs (Greu; łăranu, 2004: 13).
Even though the basic contours of the Russia’s policy towards the “Near Abroad” were
already in place well before the December 1993 elections, it was explicitly the strong showing of
nationalists and neo-communists during the elections that stressed the Russian geopolitical
interests throughout the region.
In January 1994, in his opening speech to the new Federation Council, Eltsin stressed
Russia’s destiny as “a great power” and as “first among equals” among the former Soviet
republics (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, January 26, 1994). At the same time, Russian officials made a
distinction between a “great power” and an “imperial power”: the first was about the legitimate
pursuit of state interests towards its neighbours within the norms and expectations of the state
system, the second was a policy of domination standing outside those norms. Within the postSoviet context, however, the distinction between the legitimate pursuit of state interests and
empire-building is entirely nebulous and is likely to remain so for long time. Very suggesting in
this sense was Alexander Rutskoi, Vice-President of the Russian Federation, when he said in 1994
that “…the peoples of the former Soviet Union are destined by the Lord God himself to live as
one family, one nation, one state – a great power” (Beissinger, 1995: 168).
Russia's predominance over the economic infrastructure and military resources of the
former Union assures it not only a pivotal position within the CIS, but is increasingly being used
to inhibit the external orientation of the other states, including Moldova. The grounds for believing
that a neo-imperial policy is emerging are all the more legitimate given the increasing linkage
between Russian policy in the near abroad and the commitment to rebuilding the country's great
power status: This policy (of re-integration) fits in very well with a bid to assign Russia the role of
a great power. According to a stereotype that has won widespread recognition in Russian political
thinking, which is stung by an awareness of contemporary Russia's weakness and its loss of a
decisive say in global processes, 'unless the Russian Federation is leader in its own region of the
world, still less can it expect to become a power of truly global stature'. Self-assertion in the Near
Abroad has become something of a substitute for the superpower-status complex inherited from
both the Soviet period and a remoter, pre-revolutionary era (Kerr, 1995: 977-8).
162
Some circles within the Russian government have viewed issues of citizenship and
human rights as proxies for other goals of expanding Russian influence. As Gennady Mozhayev
said in March 1994, the strategic task of Russia was to keep all Eurasian territory of the former
Soviet Union if not under control, the under strong influence. From this point of view, he said, it is
an advantage for us to have a big number of Russian in the Near Abroad (Kaufman, 1996: 127).
The Russian special mediator in the Transnistrian conflict said at the first round of
negotiations that Russia has geostrategic interests in Moldova and also to defend the Russian
speaking population clearly linking geopolitical and human rights concerns (ibidem, 127-8).
More explicitly on this point was the seminar held on December 17, 1993 in Moscow,
which focused on the perspective for solving the Transnistrian conflict. At the seminar were
presented officials from the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the State Duma, Military Head
Quarter, academics from Academy of Diplomacy and Russian Academy of Science, but also N.
Medvedev, who was Boris Eltsin’s adviser for the solution of the Transnistrian conflict. During
the seminar, it was pointed out that the interests of the Russian Federation in Transnistria were
determined by the following considerations: a) to maintain the strategic positions of the Russian
Federation in South-Eastern Europe; b) to defend in Moldova the interests of the Russian
population and other nationalities that consider Russia as their historical motherland; c) to
maintain the strategic links with the economic enterprises of Transnistria, many of them being
unique within the military-industrial complex; d) to solve the conflict in the interest of Russia’s
own stability and the consolidation of Russia’s relationships with the states from near abroad
having a Russian minority; e) to establish stable and predictable relations with Romania and to not
admit the growing of its nationalist influence on Moldova (Bezopanosti, 1994: 53-4).
Indeed, Russia policy toward Moldova is not an exception in this sense: Russia has
promoted ethnic wars for its own strategic gain in the Transcaucasus and Tajikistan as well
(Kaufman, 1996: 129-132).
Russia under Vladimir Putin also started a process of “regaining” control on the
international arena and first of all over its Near Abroad. The politics of oil and gas have been used
to promote Russian interests in Europe. This was the case of Moldova too. Unlike other countries,
Moldova is triple dependent on Russia – oil and gas, markets for Moldovan export and
Transnistria. The Putin Administration has used all of these to get the expected results: Moldova
shall not be a candidate for EU accession; it has to stay neutral as long as Russia can keep its
military forces in Transnistria and Moldovan political class shall be obedient. Otherwise no
progress in any of the above mentioned issues shall be probable.
During 2007, the president of Moldova Vladimir Voronin met dozens of times with his
Russian counterpart and has been suspected of leading back-stage negotiations on the resolution of
Transnistrian issue. This has been more obvious in the second half of the year when Putin’s
mandate was coming to an end. In such a way, Voronin was loosing the hope of fulfilling his
major electoral promise – reintegration of the country. However, it could be noticed that Russia
was applying the Roman principle of “divide et impera” withholding the resolution of the
Transnistrian problem by promising on the one hand support to Voronin and on the other to
Smirnov, but a different kind of support – to stay in power and “independent” from Chisinau, but
not from Moscow.
In order to get Voronin into compromise and hinder the process of European integration,
Russia has kept its markets closed for Moldovan wines and spirits, as well as agricultural
production which represent the traditional Moldovan exports to Russia. The losses were extremely
high, given the fact that revenues from the export of wine and agricultural products represent a
considerable part of the Moldovan budget.
While Voronin never admitted the fact of having secret negotiations with Putin, he
launched several initiatives to build trust between Chisinau and Tiraspol which tacitly were
encouraged by Moscow. However, according to the same principle of “divide et impera”, Smirnov
refused any cooperation with official Chisinau and the negotiations on the Transnistrian problem
are still stalemated. This situation pleases mainly Russia. It keeps under control both sides of
Nistru and a frozen conflict in the proximity of EU who will never accept a candidate with foreign
troops on its territory and unresolved territorial issues.
163
EU-Moldova Relations since the Independence: the Period of Missed Opportunities
Indeed, Moldova’s incoherence in foreign policy has been much complicated by the
secessionist conflict in Transnistria and by assertive Russian power influence in the region.
Therefore, certain equilibrium in foreign policy and neutrality as a security policy option were
chosen as safeguards of Moldovan fragile statehood. Having these in play, Moldova was reluctant
to follow the examples provided by Baltic States in approaching their relations with the EU. At the
same time, incoherence in foreign policy of subsequent Moldovan Governments made the EU to
be reticent towards Moldova, too.
In an attempt to explain this reality, some reflections on the evolution of the EU-Moldova
relations since independence will be helpful. The first period (from 1991 till 2004) is related to the
evolution of the relationships between the European Union and the Republic of Moldova up to May
2004, when the EU launched the European Neighbourhood Policy which articulates a revised policy
approach towards sixteen countries in the EU neighbourhood. The second period, the EU-Moldova
relations seek the articulation of the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union, when after
increasing interest of the EU in its neighbourhood, as a result of its enlargement to the East and
South in 2004, along with other external and domestic factors linked with the resolution process of
the Transnistrian conflict, made both parties more willing to advance their bilateral relations.
The European Community (EC) adapted itself very soon to the new international
architecture, brought by the dissolution of the USSR. The EC expressed its view on the
developments brought by the dissolution of USSR in two documents: “Declaration on
Developments in the Soviet Union”, adopted by the Maastricht European Council as of 9-10
December 1991; “EPC Declaration on the ’Guidelines on the Recognition of New States in
Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union’”, adopted on 16 December 1991 (MFAEI; IPP, 2007).
Following these documents, in 1992 the European Commission proposed to replace the
Agreement between the EC and USSR on Trade and Commercial and Economic Cooperation,
signed in December 1989, with agreements to be concluded bilaterally with CIS members.
Along with the establishment of the new relations with the former soviet republics, the
EC committed itself to support their political and economic transformation. The EC TACIS
programme became thus the main instrument, aimed at enhancing the transition process in all
former soviet republics, except Baltic States. When TACIS was initiated, in 1991, the technical
assistance through this programme was a stand-alone activity. Later it became part of a more
complex policy approach of the EU towards countries in Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central
Asia, due to a gradual development and formalisation of their bilateral relations through new legal
frameworks – Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (PCA). After two rounds of negotiations,
the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the EU and Moldova was signed in
November 1994.
While the EU-Moldova PCA was passing through a cumbersome ratification procedure
by the EU Member States and understanding that the Agreement aimed at cooperation, not at
integration into the EU, the second Moldovan President Petru Lucinschi expressed, by successive
official letters, the European aspirations of Moldova. The first two letters were sent in December
1996 and, respectively, in October 1997 to the President of the European Commission Jacques
Santer. They expressed, for the first time, Moldova’s will to become an associate member of the
EU by 2000 and start negotiations on an Association Agreement (AA). In December 1997, Petru
Lucinschi sent letters of similar content to all EU heads of states and governments. In addition,
during the same month, Prime Minister Ion Ciubuc met in Brussels Jean-Luc Dehaene, Prime
Minister of Belgium; Hans van den Broek, European Commissioner; and François Lamoureux,
Deputy Director General of the European Commission DG1A, asking for support so that Moldova
be granted the statute of an association member of the EU. All interlocutors welcomed Moldova’s
political will in this regard, but underlined that before passing to another stage in the negotiations,
Moldova should fulfil its obligations under PCA.
The EU-Moldova PCA entered into force on 1 July 1998, providing thus a new
contractual relationship between the Parties concerned and setting out a cooperation framework in
a broad spectrum of policy areas.
164
In 1999, despite the reticent attitude of the EU towards the European aspirations of
Moldova, Sturza Government appointed by the ruling parliamentary coalition Alliance for
Democracy and Reforms declared European integration as its main foreign policy priority.
However, due to the frictions inside political parties, Sturza Government has been resigned, fact
which undermined substantially the diplomatic efforts of Moldova on its way to European
integration. According to the authors of the European Strategy of the Republic of Moldova, the
omission of the Republic of Moldova from the conclusions on EU enlargement to the East,
approved by Helsinki European Council in December 1999, was the most serious consequence of
that fact (ibidem, 8).
In May 2001, after early parliamentary elections and an incoherent to some degree
foreign policy, the European dimension of Moldova’s foreign policy started to gradually come
back to the top of its external relations agenda. The starting point of this surprising in that time
return to the pro-EU rhetoric could be largely considered the establishment by the President
Vladimir Voronin, in November 2002, of the National Commission for European Integration,
aimed at the elaboration of the European Integration Strategy of the Republic of Moldova.
Few days after its fifth enlargement in May 2004, the EU launched the European
Neighbourhood Policy which articulates a revised policy approach towards sixteen countries in
the EU neighbourhood. The ENP is a response to the extension of the EU’s borders and to the
limits of this extension. As the EU cannot enlarge ad infinitum, while its enlargement already
brought it closer to potentially unstable regions, the ENP attempts in normative terms: to develop
a friendly neighbourhood and a zone of prosperity with the EU neighbours; to avoid drawing new
dividing lines in Europe; and to promote stability and prosperity within and beyond the new
borders of the Union (European Commission, 2003).
The main vehicle for taking the ENP forward is the Action Plans, documents which come
to set the frame in short and medium run for the dialogue between the EU and its neighbours in a
variety of fields.
The Republic of Moldova met the EU initiative towards its neighbourhood with mixed
feelings. On one side, Moldova welcomed the EU intention to deepen its relations with
neighbouring countries, but on the other side it was more or less disappointed as the new
Neighbourhood Policy of the EU was not considering a clear European perspective for Moldova.
Another important reason for these reticent attitudes was the inclusion of Moldova at the same
level with states without a European vocation.
Despite these attitudes, the EU’s initiative towards its neighbourhood brought in
Moldova new hopes with regard to its future European destiny. Although the ENP is not offering
a membership perspective, Moldovan authorities conceived this initiative as an additional way of
cooperation with the EU and as “a bridge towards the following stage – association and
integration into the EU” (Gheorghiu, 2005). The head of Moldovan diplomacy Andrei Stratan
expressed the view that “once Moldova fulfils the tasks outlined in the (EU-Moldova Action
Plan), it would acquire a more advanced status in relations with EU, and Chişinău’s aspirations to
become an associated member might become quite realistic” (ADEPT, 2004). Although this has
been stated later, the negotiation process on the EU-Moldova Action Plan began with similar
hopes. The EU and Moldova negotiated the Action Plan during four rounds of negotiations held in
January, February and June 2004 (Buşcăneanu, 2006).
On 9 December 2004, the European Commission launched the EU-Moldova Action Plan,
together with other six similar documents for Israel, Jordan, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority,
Tunisia, and Ukraine. Already on 22 February 2005, at the seventh meeting of EU-Moldova
Cooperation Council, held in Brussels, Jean Asselborn, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for
Foreign Affairs and Immigration of Luxembourg, on behalf of the Council, and Vasile Tarlev,
Prime Minister of Moldova signed the EU-Moldova Action Plan (MFAEI, 2005).
Shortly after the signing the EUMAP, the EU started to show that it was serious when
promised a strong commitment to support the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict. In March
2005 the Council appointed an EU Special Representative (EUSR) for Moldova, whose mandate
was primarily linked with the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Since October 2005, the EU
started to participate as an observer to the negotiation process for the settlement of the
165
Transnistrian conflict in the so-called “Five-Plus-Two” format. Following the signing of the
Memorandum of Understanding on the EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine
(EUBAM) in October, the official opening ceremony of the EUBAM took place on
1 December 2005. The EUBAM works very closely with the EUSR for Moldova and aims at
preventing smuggling, trafficking, and customs fraud, by providing advice and training to improve
the capacity of the Moldovan and Ukrainian border and customs services. The EUBAM was
offered a two year mandate, which was extended in 2007 for another two years.
In May 2006, Moldova was accepted as a member of the South East Europe Cooperation
Process (SEECP), seen by Moldovan authorities as an additional way get involved within the
processes occurring in the region covered by this regional organisation and as a tool opening up
new perspectives in relations between Moldova and the EU.
The following important event marking the EU-Moldova political contacts was President
Vladimir Voronin official visit to Brussels on 5-6 December 2007. The President’s visit to
Brussels aimed to totalise the results of cooperation with the EU in the past years and to make
clear the further cooperation possibilities with EU institutions. Although Voronin stressed that he
did not come to Brussels to negotiate Moldova’s perspective to join the EU, observers said that the
visit of the Moldovan President to the EU institutions aimed to assure that Moldova continues to
be dedicated to its European course and to persuade European officials to allow Chisinau to
succeed to a new qualitative relationship with the EU.
When President Voronin arrived in Brussels on 5 December 2007, the European
Commission released a new Communication titled “A Strong European Neighbourhood Policy”
(European Commission, 2007). The document, among others, answered the question regarding the
future EU-Moldova relations, but on a short term. It recommended a roll-over of the EUMAP for
one year along with similar documents for Ukraine and Israel, which were to reach the end of their
term in early 2008.
Shortly, on 14 January 2008, President Vladimir Voronin was on another formal visit to
Brussels. The meeting with the European Commission President José Manuel Barroso was the
main one on the president’s agenda. According to Commission’s civil servants, the meeting
between Voronin and Barroso was rather a protocol meeting. As the European Commission
President could not receive the Moldovan leader during the last visit to Brussels on 5-6 December
2007, the meeting of the two officials was postponed for January 2008.
Prior to the visit to Brussels, President Voronin had told journalists that “Moldova will
not extend the implementation deadline of (EUMAP) after February 2008, when the term is over”.
However, the conviction that a perspective of advancing to a different type of contractual relation
with the EU will be shaping for Moldova after February 2008, when the three-year period
established initially for the implementation of the EUMAP ended, was exaggerated. José Manuel
Barroso reconfirmed the 5 December 2007 proposal by the European Commission, which was
launched via the Communication A Strong European Neighbourhood Policy to extend the
EUMAP implementation term. In spite of Moldova’s accomplishments regarding the EUMAP
implementation stressed by Barroso at a news conference after meeting Vladimir Voronin, the
European official concluded that the EUMAP potential was not fully exploited and, hence, has to
be kept in place as a guiding tool for EU-Moldova day to day work.
Finally, Mrs. Benita Ferrero Waldner, European Commissioner for Foreign Relations and
European Neighbourhood Policy, was on a formal visit to Chişinău on 14-15 February 2008. In
her meetings with Moldovan officials, Ferrero Waldner has reaffirmed what was said in December
2007 and January 2008 that the EU will consider the possibility to sign a new agreement with
Moldova only “after the complete implementation” of the EUMAP. Nor in December 2007 the
announcement of this possibility was new, as the EUMAP stipulates such a perspective. While on
a visit to the Moldova State University, Waldner added that she is sure of the willingness of both
sides to promote their relations at a higher level and hopes that the future ENP progress report on
Moldova to be released by the European Commission in April 2008 will allow such an evolution.
Benita Ferrero Waldner has praised Moldovan authorities for the success in
implementing the EUMAP, but signalled problematical fields which require more efforts. The
problematical areas signalled by the European Commissioner are those that EU-Moldova
166
cooperation bodies and the European Commission have earlier indicated (2.3.1.2 EU-Moldova
Action Plan). Also, Waldner reiterated the need of effectively enforcing the laws adopted during
the implementation of the EUMAP. In turn, President Voronin has assured that Moldova will
implement the new regulations and will organise parliamentary elections in 2009, which he
described as “the first and perhaps the most important test for Moldova,” in a democratic,
transparent and free way.
The double standards applied by Voronin administration and the ambiguity in the
relations with the EU made the Union to adopt the policy of small steps towards Moldova, a tool
which does not oblige to anything unless the target country starts to correspond to the European
norms and values, a prerequisite for future accession.
Conclusion
Moldova’s incoherence in foreign policy has been much complicated by the secessionist
conflict in Transnistria and by assertive Russian power influence in the region. Therefore, certain
equilibrium in foreign policy and neutrality as a security policy option were chosen as safeguards
of Moldovan fragile statehood. Having these in play, Moldova was reluctant to follow the
examples provided by Baltic States in approaching their relations with the EU.
The official Chişinău would like to see the EU as a full participant in the format of
negotiations for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict and a counterbalance for Russian
influence in the region. But Europe is not ready yet to pledge either conditional or unconditional
support to the Western Newly Independent States (Moldova, Ukraine and to some extent Belarus).
At the same time, incoherence in foreign policy of subsequent Moldovan Governments made the
EU to be reticent towards Moldova, too. EU-Moldova PCA and TACIS programme have been
seen in those circumstances as adequate instruments to manage the EU-Moldova relations.
Though there were cases when particular Moldovan Governments attempted to develop a more
solid vision on relations with the EU, political crises, followed by deceptions of Moldovan
citizens, brought to an end such attempts. These were additional arguments for the EU that it did
not make a mistake when it offered to Moldova nothing more than few incentives embedded in a
“partnership and cooperation” appealing formula.
Increasing interest of the EU in its neighbourhood, as a result of its enlargement to the
East and South in 2004, along with other external and domestic factors linked with the resolution
process of the Transnistrian conflict, made both Parties more willing to advance their bilateral
relations. The ENP and EUMAP are the direct result of this will. The new partnership
perspectives, EU incentives in a broad policy areas and increased financial assistance, all as
elements of the EU soft power and attractiveness, did what hardly could be predicted in 2001,
when Party of Communists took over power. Having in mind the experience since EUMAP has
been put in place, some would be optimistic about the European perspective of Moldova, while
others definitely would not share the same optimism. Indeed, EUMAP could be viewed, with all
problems related to its implementation, as a modernization and Europeanization effort.
At the same time Moldova faced a strong pressure from Moscow since the most
important aims followed by the Russian Federation in the Near Abroad are to maintain its strategic
positions in the regions considered as part of “vital interests”, to defend in these territories the
interests of Russian population and other nationalities that consider Russia as their historical
motherland, to put pressure on these states in the interest of Russia’s own stability and the
consolidation of Russia’s relationships with the states from near abroad having a Russian minority
and as a whole to establish stable and predictable relations with these states and to not admit the
growing influence there of any other power. The ability of Russia to control the territory of the
Near Abroad is considered to be one of the main arguments that grant (and probably will grant to
Russia in the next future) the status of regional or even world power.
The disintegration of this geopolitical space would separate Russia from Europe by a
“cordon” of independent states which in many cases expressed hostility toward its policy in the
Near Abroad and could be easily involved in various organisations for security unfavourable to
Russian interests. The extension of NATO and of the European Union to the Eastern Europe and
former Soviet space increased suddenly the importance of the Near Abroad as a security area for
167
the Russian Federation and controlled by it. In this sense the Russian Federation’s major interest
in the Near Abroad is to maintain the lost influence in the former Soviet republics and to oppose
NATO’s and European Union’s extension further to East. The recent events in Georgia confirmed
expressively this fact and Moldova should take in consideration the situation in Transnistria. From
this point of view the pro-European stance of Moldova and the active involvement of the EU in
the settling of its territorial dispute are the only reasonable actions to be undertaken to avoid a
similar scenario here.
It is true that the EU, despite being a pole of attraction, is not doing enough to preclude
Russia from dictating the rules of game in the Eastern Europe. A more visible diplomatic and
political presence of the US would balance Russia and give hope to Moldova for a successful
completion of the transition process and a clear European policy.
The integration within Community of Independent States is not anymore a prospect for
Moldova. This semi-dead organization is a relic of the past used by Russia to maintain control
over former Soviet republics. With a lot of initiatives launched in economic, political and security
sectors, no progress has been achieved whatsoever. While the goal of European integration is
conflicting with Moldovan presence in CIS, Voronin cannot and does not want to quit from this
organisation only because of Russia. Per se, CIS does not bring too much added value to the
security or welfare of Moldova. No doubt, the friendly relations with CIS countries have to be
preserved, but not to be a barrier for the European integration.
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FOCUS
Georges CONTOGEORGIS (Athéna) ◙ Culture et civilisation. Images et
représentation des concepts
Culture et civilisation. Images et représentation des concepts
Georges CONTOGEORGIS
Abstract: The attempt to definite the concepts of culture and civilisation don’t offered
until now a clearly result concerning their object and relationship. So, we approach these
concepts by the point of view of the cosmosystemic theory. The civilisation is so considered as
an assembly of pragmatologic data, forming a particular kind of society, depending by the
etape traversed by the cosmosystem where it integrate. In this construction the culture imply the
level of the osmose between the society and concerned cosmosystemic civilisation within in
integrate, and that crystalize in mentalities, comportements, values, namely conceptions and
way of life. Cosmosystemic unification of humanity determines at the present that identitary
confrontations develop on the fundament of different cultural representations of a single
civilisation, the anthropocentric one, and not on that of the different cosmosystems.
Keywords: cultural representations, mentality, liberty, Ocident, cosmo-system
1. Le concept de culture a fait l’objet de jugements nombreux et variés, selon lesquels
tantôt il recoupe le concept de civilisation ou est confrontée avec lui, tantôt il est envisagé comme
son synonyme. Ces deux concepts apparaissent presque simultanément dans le monde moderne, et
plus concrètement à la phase du passage du despotisme à l’anthropocentrisme, au sein des
enclaves sociales qui avaient déjà été constituées en termes de liberté, vers le milieu du XVIIIe
siècle. Ce n’est donc pas un hasard qu’au départ, le concept de culture, consécutivement à la
notion de civilisation, a été appelé à traduire le développement intellectuel de l’homme,
l’éducation, la poursuite de valeurs supérieures, mais aussi l’adoption de modes de vie seyant à la
société de la civitas/cité. À présent, culture et civilisation sont liées à la sortie de l’homme de la
barbarie (Taylor, 1874). Le passé despotique du monde occidental européen avec lequel
«l’homme nouveau» civilisé venait en pleine opposition a fourni le point de comparaison.
La rencontre de «l’homme nouveau», d’une part, avec la connaissance scientifique et les
formidables réussites du nouveau cosmosystème, le cosmosystème anthropocentrique, et d’autre
part avec l’ancien régime en décomposition et les sociétés primitives apportées par les grandes
découvertes, devait lui donner une évidente confiance en soi et, par extension, le persuader que le
concept de culture était une tautologie de celui de civilisation1. L’homme fut ensuite appelé à se
libérer des servitudes de la nature, construisant les conditions d’un environnement qui aurait pour
axe de référence la coexistence civilisée, sur la base de la liberté et de la prospérité. Ces conditions
concernent avant tout les bases matérielles de la civilisation2. Mais elles concernent tout autant la
formation de modes de comportement, d’habitudes et de valeurs3 qui mettront l’homme en
harmonie avec la nouvelle situation. L’homme devait, dans ce cadre, se débarrasser des préjugés
et des dogmes hérités du Moyen Âge, de l’état primitif ou du despotisme.
Cette approche du concept de culture comme synonyme d’une certaine conception de la
civilisation devait inévitablement alimenter l’idée d’une supériorité unique du nouveau facteur
hégémonique émergent du monde et, dans le même temps, une périodisation linéaire des étapes de
la civilisation. Edward Burnett Taylor distingue trois périodes majeures dans l’évolution de
1
«Culture or civilization, taken in its wide ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes
knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a
member of society». (Taylor, 1874)
2
La création des outils, des institutions, des structures sociales, des «conventions» communicationnelles et
économiques, etc.
3
À partir de l’adaptation de l’habillement aux nouveaux besoins et de la culture de conceptions et de
mentalités institutionnelles etc.
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l’homme social: la sauvagerie, la barbarie et la civilisation4. Mais de la sorte, la culture, tout
comme la civilisation, cesse de définir une phase concrète de la situation humaine, pour traduire
de manière univoque son status évolutif le plus élevé. Le processus de civilisation, la division des
peuples en fonction de leur envergure culturelle, c’est-à-dire en supérieurs et inférieurs
culturellement, seront identifiés à la consécration de lois, à la maîtrise de la violence et, enfin, à
l’apparition de l’État moderne5, qui se réserve le monopole de la violence légitime (Max Weber).
Le choc des totalitarismes de l’entre-deux-guerres va conduire à une relativisation de la
conception de la civilisation et de la culture et permettre la rencontre de l’homme occidental avec
d’autres civilisations et la reconnaissance à celles-ci d’éléments de progrès. Malgré tous les efforts
qui seront accomplis dès lors pour la cristallisation du concept de culture et une délimitation de
son champ par rapport à la civilisation, il ne sera pas possible en réalité d’aboutir à un accord sur
leur objet, ni même sur leur incontestable distinction.
Cependant, une première définition de la culture pourrait englober aussi bien les
réalisations qui concernent le développement intellectuel et esthétique (les arts, etc.) de l’homme
social, que l’ensemble de ses comportements ou mentalités et valeurs (les coutumes, les habitudes,
les croyances, la manière de concevoir le droit, le travail, la relation politique et sociale, la
conduite morale, le genre de vécu religieux, etc.). Ces «expressions de la vie» que les marxistes
devaient intégrer à la catégorie de la superstructure, R. M. MacIver va les opposer aux créations
de la «civilisation matérielle», dans lesquelles il englobe les infrastructures de «l’organisation
sociale, la technique et la technologie» (R. M. Iver; Page H., 1950)6. Parmi ces dernières, occupent
une place capitale les villes, la division du travail social, la haute complexité du fait socioéconomique et politique, et, enfin, l’État.
Sur la base des caractéristiques de la civilisation se développent des règles, des
comportements, des mentalités, des valeurs qui façonnent le mode de vie d’une société et
composent l’image de la culture. Celle-ci peut alors, en l’occurrence, être appréhendée comme
une catégorie plus large que la civilisation.
Cette conception de la relation entre culture et civilisation s’accorde avec la base
étiologique dont dépend, selon la modernité, leur cause efficiente. Le genre et le niveau de
civilisation que vit une société ou une époque découlent de certains paramètres culturels qui, pour
une raison donnée, dominent à un certain moment. Mais il ne résulte de ce raisonnement ni leur
base étiologique ni la cause d’une priorité ou d’une autre sur laquelle se concentre la marque
culturelle de chaque civilisation. Les efforts déployés par certains penseurs attachent toute leur
attention aux points visibles qui composent les manifestations culturelles extérieures d’une
probable différenciation, mais ne vont pas au fond de la question. La remarque, par exemple, que
l’époque romaine contient comme trait distinctif le droit n’apporte pas de réponse convaincante à
la question de la cause efficiente ni du caractère de la civilisation «romaine». Elle ne soulève pas
de manière essentielle la question de savoir s’il s’agit d’une civilisation différente ou simplement
d’une manifestation particulière d’une autre civilisation, comme la civilisation hellénique. Dans
son livre A Study of History (1834-1961) Arnold Toynbee distingue vingt-six civilisations
différentes et s’interroge sur les conditions de leur genèse et de leur destruction. Oswald Spengler
(1922) soutient des hypothèses similaires, distinguant huit civilisations que caractérise leur
maturité mais aussi une vie historique concrète.
La définition des civilisations selon le critère des traits culturels extérieurs par les
penseurs de la modernité est manifeste dans deux cas exemplaires: le premier est celui de
4
Dans la lignée de la conception linéaire de l’évolution de la civilisation inaugurée par Auguste Comte
s’inscrit une pléiade de penseurs, de Morgan à Marx. Dans la même vision linéaire se rangent également
de nombreux chercheurs modernes et contemporains comme Leslie A. White, Julian H. Steward, F.
Service, etc. Pour une périodisation alternative de l’évolution, voir: (Gibbon, 1776-1789).
5
Voir à ce propos (Gordon, 1942), où la civilisation se distingue par différents éléments du devenir social,
comme les moyens d’existence, les formes de gouvernement, la structure sociale, le système
économique, la vie intellectuelle etc.
6
Comme on l’a souligné, cette distinction, inspirée de la typologie stricte d’Alfred Weber, a été
généralement admise par la communauté scientifique.
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Spengler, qui estime que «l’Occident» a déjà passé le stade de la maturité et, même plus, est entré
dans la phase de son étiolement naturel, alors que, comme nous le constaterons plus tard, ce
monde et, par extension, l’époque moderne ont à peine commencé leur processus
anthropocentrique. L’autre cas est celui, plus caractéristique, de Samuel Huntington (1996), qui
considère la religion comme cause efficiente de la civilisation et, par conséquent, de la culture.
C’est elle qui définit le genre de la société, sa familiarité avec les bases matérielles de la vie
humaine, les libertés, et, enfin, la démocratie.
Ces approches, indépendamment de leurs différences, convergent dans leurs composantes
fondamentales. Elles tendent toutes à justifier la supériorité de «l’Occident», c’est-à-dire sa
supériorité culturelle par rapport aux civilisations aussi bien passées que modernes. À l’appui de
cet argument, la modernité invoque des notions telles que la complexité7 ou la division du travail
social8 ainsi que le dogme de la supériorité de la liberté des modernes sur la liberté des anciens9.
Or, il est manifeste que ces arguments se focalisent essentiellement sur le souci qu’elle a de
dépasser certains obstacles fondamentaux, liés à ladite «Antiquité grecque». Mais elle oublie que
des notions comme la complexité ou la division du travail ne dépendent pas de l’indice de
difficulté que présentent les questions à envisager ou du degré de complexité des sociétés. Ces
deux paramètres sont directement liés au niveau de développement des sociétés d’une époque. Par
exemple, les sociétés contemporaines sont plus complexes que celles du XIXe siècle, mais
aujourd’hui, leurs membres ont une immixtion plus directe dans la gestion de leurs affaires. De
même, la division du travail, dans la mesure où elle n’est pas simplement liée à la nécessaire
spécialisation dans le cadre du devenir social (le médecin, l’ingénieur, l’avocat, etc.), mais fait
partie de la constitution de la hiérarchisation sociale qu’entraîne la relation entre système et
société coupée de la propriété ou du pouvoir, est la preuve d’un acquis de civilisation primaire.
L’exemple de la cité-État hellénique prouve que la division du travail dans l’économie et la
politique est un trait caractéristique des systèmes pré-démocratiques, et non de la démocratie.
Dans la démocratie, le citoyen est libéré de la dépendance du travail, et la notion de hiérarchie
structurée et, par extension, de pouvoir politique disparaît. Dans la démocratie, le système
politique appartient au corps de la société des citoyens politiquement constitué (le démos), et non
à l’État/système, ni, par conséquent, aux spécialistes10.
L’optique de la liberté est la même. L’opposition entre liberté individuelle (la liberté des
«modernes») et liberté politique (la liberté des «anciens») contient au moins une erreur logique.
La liberté individuelle peut exister en soi comme qualité humaine. Mais la liberté politique, pour
exister, présuppose le concours cumulé en l’homme des deux autres libertés: individuelle et
sociale. En ce cas, l’opposition se situe entre la liberté simplement individuelle (celle des
«modernes») et la liberté globale (c’est-à-dire cumulativement individuelle, sociale et politique)
(celle des «anciens»). Cette opposition dissimule en fait le produit de deux stades différents de
civilisation. Car la sphère culturelle et, dans ce cadre, les comportements, les mentalités, les
valeurs, les mœurs, l’appréhension des institutions sont une chose quand domine la liberté
individuelle univoque, et ils en sont une autre quand la mesure de la situation de l’homme dans la
société est la liberté globale.
Ces remarques révèlent le déficit gnoséologique de l’argument de la conceptualisation de
la culture et de la constitution de sa relation avec la civilisation. Mais elles laissent aussi apparaître
sa finalité idéologique. Cette finalité dissimule le projet politique du facteur euro-atlantique de
compenser le bipolarisme qu’a suscité la division socio-économique et politique du monde
(l’opposition entre libéralisme et socialisme «réel») par la définition du cosmosystème planétaire
en sphères culturelles, de sorte à forger les conditions de son leadership à l’époque nouvelle.
En ce sens, la religion devait être mobilisée et a été mise en avant non pas comme
représentation de l’état réel de civilisation d’un peuple ou d’un ensemble de peuples, mais comme
la cause efficiente de la civilisation. C’est pourquoi aussi le paramètre de la religion a été appelé à
7
À titre d’exemple: (Tainter, 1990).
À commencer par (Durkheim, 1930).
9
Argument qu’a introduit M. de Condorcet, mais qui a été adopté, voire élevé par la suite en doctrine.
10
Pour plus de détails, voir: (Contogeorgis, 2007).
8
173
définir le caractère tant de l’adversaire qui, en l’occurrence, est évalué comme inférieur, que de
l’espace «propre», c’est-à-dire l’Occident (Huntington, 1996).
Cependant, la représentation de «l’Occident» à travers le prisme de la religion est en
contradiction avec sa nature même. «L’Occident» a été au cours de l’histoire une définition
géographique traduisant le processus occidental du monde hellénique, romain puis byzantin. On
est revenu de nos jours à cette notion pour définir l’espace géographique où régnait le Moyen Âge
féodal et qui, à partir d’un certain moment, a pris une trajectoire anthropocentrique. Le dilemme
est donc de savoir si la position d’avant-garde que revendique «l’Occident» remonte à ses origines
féodales (et aux représentations culturelles correspondantes) ou doit être attribuée aux raisons qui
ont provoqué la sortie de l’Europe du Moyen Âge. En fait, le recours au concept de Moyen Âge
renvoie à une déviation par rapport au cours de civilisation dans lequel s’était engagé «l’Occident»
et auquel il est revenu manifestement avec la «Renaissance». De même, les phénomènes culturels
qui semblent composer les stéréotypes et les réticences des espaces non «occidentaux» au
changement sont ceux qu’a rencontrés «l’Occident» lui-même à la phase de sa sortie du Moyen
Âge. La conception despotique de la religion est l’un d’entre eux.
Qu’est-ce donc qui a fait que «l’Occident» a accédé plus tôt à la civilisation ? Et quelle
est la nature de la civilisation qu’il représente et qui prouve sa supériorité ? Manifestement, ce
n’est pas sa géographie, qui s’est installée dans l’imaginaire de l’homme moderne comme cause
efficiente de civilisation. Le cas le plus caractéristique de cette conception est apparemment celui
de la «Méditerranée». On l’invoque, en fait, pour rejeter dans l’ombre les différenciations
cosmohistoriques qu’a connues la région dans le passé11. La Méditerranée n’est pas plus que les
autres régions de la planète une cause productrice de civilisation. La motivation de la civilisation
remonte à des causes différentes, indépendantes de la focalisation géographique. Dans la
Méditerranée comme en «Occident» furent produites différentes espèces de civilisation au sens
cosmosystémique du terme.
Ces quelques observations mettent en évidence les difficultés qu’a la modernité à
constituer une gnoséologie globale concernant le phénomène social, qui serait en même temps
capable de soumettre à l’épreuve critique ou d’interpréter et classifier ses diverses manifestations.
D’où, aussi, l’insistance sur la classification linéaire du fait culturel, l’idée que la culture est un
concept plus général que la civilisation, son érection en cause efficiente de la situation humaine, et
enfin, l’approche niveleuse du devenir historique.
Nous tenterons de montrer dans les lignes qui suivent que chaque société a sa propre
culture, en fonction de son parcours historique et des conditions de vie de l’époque à laquelle elle
appartient. Cependant, la particularité du culturel est classée comme une émanation de la
civilisation à laquelle participe la société en question, dont les fondements sont définis par le
cosmosystème concerné.
2. Dans la lignée de cette introduction méthodologique, nous définissons la culture
comme l’ensemble des éléments qui composent la conception de la vie, qui reflètent le vécu
quotidien ou relèvent de l’héritage du passé. Par conséquent, la culture est une synthèse des
représentations de la réalité et des représentations que porte en lui l’homme social en raison de sa
présence dans l’histoire. En ce sens, on peut parler de cultures au pluriel dans le cadre de la même
civilisation.
D’un autre côté, la civilisation traduit le cadre général dans lequel sont représentées les
différenciations culturelles et, en cela, constitue la base pragmatologique du fait social. La
civilisation est donc l’arrière-fond qui dicte en principe les manifestations extérieures, le genre de
besoins, les comportements, le mode et le contenu de la pensée et de l’action, la «langue» de
l’homme social.
Du point de vue systématique, nous distinguons deux types généraux de civilisations, qui
correspondent aux deux grandes catégories archétypes de société: despotique et anthropocentrique12.
11
12
L’exemple le plus caractéristique est celui de Fernand Braudel. Voir : (Braudel 1949 ; 1998).
Nous ne prenons pas en compte, en l’occurrence, la société primitive, qui constitue une catégorie précosmosystémique. La modernité définit la «civilisation» comme un processus de civilisation au sens
174
La catégorie despotique concerne les sociétés qui ont été constituées sur le mode du
cosmosystème despotique, c’est-à-dire avec pour projet la propriété du despote à la fois sur le
système et sur ses membres. La civilisation despotique est fondamentalement rurale, est liée à des
logiques, des mentalités et des comportements ou des valeurs d’auto-suffisance. Les
représentations de la vie relèvent de la relation de l’homme/sujet avec le despote. L’individu ne
dispose pas d’identité propre et sa différenciation par rapport à «l’autre» passe par
l’«appartenance» au même despote ou à un autre.
Le cosmosystème despotique et, par extension, la civilisation despotique entrent dans la
typologie du despotisme privé (cas de l’Europe occidentale médiévale) et du despotisme étatique
(cas du despotisme afro-asiatique et, en un certain sens, de l’absolutisme européen), qui produit
des effets culturels pluriels et plus complexes.
La civilisation anthropocentrique concerne les sociétés qui tirent leur substance de la
liberté de leurs membres. En ce cas, les représentations de la vie se focalisent sur des questions
connexes à l’expérience vécue de la liberté ou de ses illustrations plus générales.
La civilisation anthropocentrique, tout comme la civilisation despotique, entre dans une
typologie en fonction du développement ou des phases d’évolution du cosmosystème
anthropocentrique. Nous distinguons deux grandes périodes: celle du cosmosystème hellénique et
celle du cosmosystème ethnocentrique ou moderne. La première a eu pour base la petite échelle de
la cité; la seconde a pour base la grande échelle de la nation-État.
D’un autre point de vue, la civilisation anthropocentrique est évaluée en fonction de son
achèvement interne, qui va de pair avec l’espace de la réalisation de la liberté et son produit
cumulé (la liberté individuelle ou à la fois sociale et politique). Quand l’espace de réalisation de la
liberté est l’État, l’individu au-delà de celui-ci est vu, dans les relations interétatiques, comme
étranger, et la liberté et les droits attachés à la qualité de citoyen ne lui sont pas reconnus. À
l’époque du statocentrisme, pour ce qui est des relations interétatiques, la politique est conçue
comme une relation de force. Et cela parce que ces relations s’intègrent au cadre d’un «ordre»,
non d’un système (Contogeorgis, 2005b). La phase de l’œcuméné établit une époque poststatocentrique au cours de laquelle le monde continue à vivre la société fondamentale de l’État.
Mais les relations entre États s’inscrivent dans le contexte d’une formation étatique supérieure qui
fonctionne harmonieusement dans l’ensemble. Il s’agit de la cosmopolis œcuménique, qui
annonce la reconstitution du cosmosystème anthropocentrique (ou d’une partie importante de
celui-ci) dans une cité-État. En réalité, le système de ce cosmo-État, ou cosmopolitéia, traduit la
synthèse politique du territoire global sur la base des diverses cités-États et du système politique
central. Synthèse qui entraîne l’inscription dans une trajectoire anthropocentrique de la politique
interétatique, à son tour, puisqu’elle cesse d’utiliser la force comme mesure de réalisation.
L’individu, dans l’œcuméné, est libéré des restrictions de la société fondamentale (de l’État où il
exerce sa citoyenneté) et, d’étranger, devient citoyen de la cosmopolis, un cosmocitoyen
(cosmopolite) (Contogeorgis, 2000; 2003).
Ainsi, à la période du statocentrisme, le développement anthropocentrique de l’individu
social a lieu exclusivement à l’intérieur de l’État auquel il appartient. Pendant la période de
l’œcuméné qui suit, son développement anthropocentrique s’achève dans le contexte du
cosmosystème global et en tout cas de la cosmopolis. Dans les deux cas, cependant, la mesure de
l’évaluation du devenir évolutif et du statut culturel de l’homme est son degré d’achèvement du
point de vue de la liberté. En l’occurence, la question ne concerne pas la distinction entre société
libre et société non libre produite par l’opposition entre cosmosystème anthropocentrique et
cosmosystème despotique (voire société primitive), mais l’espace de la réalisation de la liberté et
son degré d’achèvement. Et cela, parce que la liberté, comme enjeu, est le facteur déterminant
dans toutes les manifestations de la civilisation, c’est-à-dire de la vie de l’homme dans la société:
actif ou comme une notion équivalente à celle de civilisé, en l’opposant au statut de non civilisé. Mais
elle ignore la dimension cosmosystémique de la civilisation. Le concept de cosmosystème définit un
ensemble de sociétés qui reposent sur des fondements socio-économiques, politiques et idéologiques
communs, composant un tout doté d’une cohérence interne et autosuffisant. Voir plus de détails dans :
(Contogeorgis, 2006).
175
la justice, l’égalité, la politique, l’économie, l’identité individuelle et collective, l’idéologie et,
naturellement, les systèmes qui les abritent.
En d’autres termes, le contenu de ces concepts est différent et, donc, le genre de société,
selon que c’est la liberté individuelle ou, cumulativement, la liberté individuelle, sociale et
politique qui s’impose. Dans un cas règnent, par exemple, les valeurs de «travail dépendant» en
économie et de «société privée» en politique, puisque le sous-système économique appartient au
propriétaire (particulier ou État), et le système politique à l’État. À cette phase, la liberté est
définie comme autonomie uniquement en ce qui concerne la substantiation individuelle de
l’homme et sa vie privée. Dans l’espace social (là où l’individu passe des contrats avec des soussystèmes, comme celui de l’économie) et dans l’espace politique (dans la relation de l’individu
avec l’ensemble de la société), la liberté est approchée en termes de «droits», c’est-à-dire comme
hétéronomie. La civilisation de la liberté individuelle et des droits socio-politiques focalise le
principe de l’égalité sur leurs priorités: l’égalité devant la loi, éventuellement la propriété
individuelle et, au-delà, la protection du travail, la redistribution de la plus-value économique, la
prévoyance, etc. Dans le secteur de la politique, le principe de l’égalité est assimilé, au fond, à
l’égalité du vote et de l’expression. Mais cette égalité s’inscrit dans la liberté individuelle, qui la
vit comme un droit. Elle ne prouve pas la notion de liberté politique.
Au contraire, au stade de la liberté globale, le contexte de valeurs qui dicte le contenu de
l’égalité et de la justice focalise ses priorités sur les conventions sociales (et économiques) et sur la
politique. Le travail dépendant, dans l’économie, est rejeté au profit soit du travail politique – à
travers lequel est obtenue la participation à la redistribution du produit économique –, soit du
travail partenarial (et autonome). Dans ce dernier cas, la propriété, dans les moyens de production,
se différencie de la propriété dans le (sous-)système économique (de l’entreprise, par exemple),
qui revient à l’ensemble des partenaires. De même, dans la politique, la société cesse d’être privée
et devient partenaire institutionnel du système, en assumant soit la qualité de mandant
(représentation), soit la compétence politique dans sa totalité (démocratie).
Par conséquent, l’État, en l’occurrence, cesse d’être le possesseur unique du système
politique et devient le serviteur de la société de citoyens, qui s’investit en partie (dans la
représentation) ou en totalité (dans la démocratie) dans le système politique (Contogeorgis,
2005a). Dans ce cadre, l’ensemble des mentalités, des comportements, des valeurs, du mode de
pensée, du but de la vie, change de contenu. Nous ne citerons qu’un seul exemple: dans le système
politique pré-représentatif, tel celui que vit notre époque, la notion de participation politique est
conçue comme une intervention extra-institutionnelle en lisière des détenteurs du système. Dans la
démocratie, cette participation (par exemple le droit de grève ou de manifester) devient superflue,
car c’est le citoyen lui-même qui détient le système politique et qui décide sur les questions de
l’ensemble de la société. En l’occurrence, la notion de participation du corps des citoyens
s’identifie au fait qu’il incarne lui-même le système de gouvernement.
Il est non moins évident que ces phases de la civilisation anthropocentrique existent non
pas d’elles-mêmes ou en résultat d’une conception distributive, mais parce qu’elles reposent sur
des paramètres productifs concrets (l’économie, la composition démographique et sociale, la
communication, les institutions, etc.) qui en constituent la base matérielle. Il est tout aussi vrai
cependant que les cristallisations de cet acquis de civilisation créent en l’homme une «conscience
de société», une marque de valeurs et de modes de vie, bref, la dimension culturelle de la
civilisation, qui fonctionnent ensuite comme une composante autonome qui s’élève au statut de
paramètre du cosmosystème. Ce paramètre est fondamental, précisément, parce qu’il différencie,
comme nous le verrons, la culture du stade vécu de la civilisation.
La culture traduit, comme nous l’avons déjà constaté, l’expérience assimilée par la
société, les cristallisations du vécu d’une époque donnée, qui se sont transformées
progressivement en valeurs de la vie. C’est pourquoi les Grecs ont traduit cette culture par la
notion de «paideia», à savoir le résultat de l’apprentissage acquis par l’homme dans l’exercice de
la vie et qui constitue finalement la composante constitutive de sa personnalité. Quand on
demande à Lysistrata, l’héroïne de la pièce d’Aristophane, comment et où elle a appris à exercer
sa compétence politique, elle répond: par ma présence à l’assemblée du peuple.
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La culture, en tant que conscience de société, suit le stade vécu de la civilisation mais ne
s’y harmonise pas pleinement. Et cela parce que toutes les couches d’une société ou toutes les
sociétés ne participent pas de manière égale aux évolutions du cosmosystème. Quand, au XIXe
siècle, la classe bourgeoise était essentiellement parvenue au stade proto-anthropocentrique de la
civilisation, les masses populaires luttaient pour secouer les vestiges despotiques de l’ancien
régime ou pour conquérir des droits élémentaires, comme le droit de vote politique ou de
protection du travail. Et dans le même temps, parce que les membres de la société portent en eux
des valeurs, des mentalités et des comportements hérités, qui ou bien persistent ou bien
s’articulent aux nouvelles habitudes, créant ainsi des parallélismes entre la réalité et ses
représentations, des déviations ou même des modifications déformantes de celle-ci.
La modernité occidentale, en choisissant de dialoguer et de se comparer à son passé
despotique récent ou avec la périphérie tiers-mondiste de la planète qui se reconstitue tardivement
sur le mode anthropocentrique, a marqué négativement les persistances du passé. Elle les a
classées dans le domaine de la «tradition», qui conduit les sociétés à résister à la «modernisation».
Nous avons déjà observé que dans la pensée occidentale contemporaine, le concept de
«modernisation» ne se focalise pas sur le contenu de la transition anthropocentrique, auquel cas
elle aurait pour projet le progrès, mais cherche aussi à intervenir dans les constantes du fait
culturel. Par conséquent, elle ne cherche pas à le réadapter aux nouvelles conditions
anthropocentriques, comme par exemple celles de l’islam ou du bouddhisme, par rapport à
l’acquis de la liberté individuelle et des droits socio-politiques. Elle définit l’islam et, à un certain
degré, le bouddhisme, comme des composantes culturelles incompatibles par définition avec
l’anthropocentrisme, qu’ils doivent donc abandonner. Une observation plus approfondie de
l’évolution historique de l’Europe montrerait un passé fort peu éloigné de celui des pays qui
viennent juste d’accomplir leur transition.
La difficulté de la pensée contemporaine à comprendre ces dimensions du fait culturel et
sa relation avec la dimension cosmosystémique de la civilisation est due manifestement à sa
profondeur historique limitée. On ignore souvent que notre époque vit à peine son stade postdespotique où, en d’autres termes, proto-anthropocentrique, ce qui l’empêche d’élaborer un
paradigme gnoséologique achevé, auquel elle pourrait subsumer son cas13. Dans cette difficulté,
son éloignement du passé hellénique du cosmosystème anthropocentrique, auquel elle doit
d’ailleurs son existence même, a été fondamental. L’invocation du cosmosystème hellénique ou
anthropocentrique à petite échelle ne prône pas le retour au passé ou la démolition du présent. Son
importance réside dans le fait que, ayant vécu un parcours évolutif complet du point de vue
anthropocentrique, il s’offre comme un paradigme unique pour la constitution d’une gnoséologie
sphérique de l’évolution cosmosystémique de l’homme et de la civilisation. Mais il s’offre aussi à
une lecture de la notion de « tradition » – et, par extension, des éléments culturels du passé qui
parcourent le présent – qui renverse le dogme de la modernité qui adjuge le progrès à cette
dernière. Le conflit qui couve pendant toute la durée du XIXe siècle et en partie au XXe, dans le
cadre du monde grec, entre « société du travail » et « travail partenarial » ou entre une société
concevant la participation politique en ayant pour projet la qualité de mandant face à un
système/État proclamant sa nature absolutiste, n’est qu’un exemple indicatif. Ce n’est pas du tout
un hasard que le travail, dans la langue grecque, continue à être défini négativement, aujourd’hui
encore, comme «absence de loisir», et le travail dépendant comme « esclavage ».
Notre dernière remarque concerne la victoire planétaire du cosmosystème
anthropocentrique et ses retombées annexes sur la question de la culture et de la civilisation. Dans
le passé historique, à partir du moment où a émergé la civilisation hellénique ou
anthropocentrique, s’est instauré sur la Terre un dualisme cosmosystémique: d’une part, la
civilisation despotique et, de l’autre, la civilisation hellénique ou anthropocentrique.
Leur rencontre, au bout d’un certain temps, a conduit à des croisements culturels
intéressants, comme l’arabe et le chrétien, celui du monde européen à partir de la Renaissance étant
le plus important. Ce dualisme a disparu peu à peu au cours du XXe siècle, et le cosmosystème
13
Paradigme évident dans le contenu de la liberté mais aussi dans l’ensemble des paramètres liés au stade
vécu de l’homme moderne. Voir sur ce point (Contogeorgis, 2007)
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anthropocentrique et sa base axiologique se sont imposés sur toute la planète. Depuis, nous nous
trouvons devant une civilisation cosmosystémique unique, celle de l’anthropocentrisme, et même au
moment d’une phase unique – primaire – qui traverse l’ensemble de l’humanité.
La différenciation entre l’avant-garde européenne (et eurogène) et le reste de la planète
concerne exclusivement le degré d’incorporation de ce dernier à l’ère anthropocentrique. En
d’autres termes, elle est endocosmosystémique et non intercosmosystémique. Mais en même
temps, le fait culturel et, plus précisément, les composantes culturelles héritées du passé se
révèlent, pour cette raison, une composante capitale de la différenciation. D’une part, parce que
l’adaptation implique toujours la difficulté du détenteur de se défaire des habitudes, des mentalités
ou des valeurs dont il a été pétri dans le passé. D’autre part, parce que derrière celles-ci se
dissimulent des relations hégémoniques et des corrélations à l’intérieur tant de l’État que du
cosmosystème dans son ensemble.
Telle est précisément la raison pour laquelle la division du monde en sphères culturelles a
conduit «l’Occident» à des contradictions importantes dans son approche de l’évolution.
Quoi qu’il en soit, désormais, le point de tension ne sera plus la différenciation sur la
question de la civilisation mais sur celle de la culture. En somme, culture et civilisation évoluent
en un processus dialectique dont le produit aura affaire, dans l’avenir, avec l’harmonisation de
l’humanité planétaire à l’acquis du cosmosystème anthropocentrique.
BIBLIOGRAPHIE
Braudel, Fernand (1994), La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II, Paris, Armand
Colin.
Braudel, Fernand (1998), Les mémoires de la Méditerranée, Paris, éd. de Fallois.
Contogeorgis, Georges (2000), «Le citoyen dans la cité», dans: Bertrand Badie, Pascal Perrineau (dir.), Le
citoyen, Presses des Sciences Po, Paris.
Contogeorgis, Georges (2003), Citoyenneté et État. Concept et typologie de la citoyenneté, Athènes, Éd.
Papazissis.
Contogeorgis, Georges (2006), Le cosmosystème hellénique, t. 1. La période statocentrique, Athènes, éd.
Sideris.
Contogeorgis, Georges (2005a), «Democracy and Representation. The Question of Freedom and the Typology
of Politics», dans: E. Venizelos, A. Pantelis (dir.), Civilization and Public Law, Esperia Publications,
Londres, p. 79-92.
Contogeorgis, Georges (2007), La démocratie comme liberté, Athènes, Ed. Patakis.
Contogeorgis, Georges (2005b), «La politique entre l’‘État pouvoir’ et l’‘État puissance’», dans: Revista de
Historia das Ideias, 26/2005, p. 7-33.
Gordon, Childe V. (1942), What happened in History, London, Penguin.
Gibbon, Edward (1776-1789), The Decline and the Fall of the Roman Empire, London, Strahan & Cadell.
Hungtington, Samuel (1996), The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of World Order, New York, Simon &
Schuster.
MacIver, Robert M.; Charles H. Page (1950), Society: An Introductory Analysis, London: MacMillan.
Spengler, Oswald (1922), Decline of the West. Perspectives of World History, Munich, C.H. Beck.
Tainter, Joseph (1990), The Collapse of Complex Societies, Cambridge University Press.
Taylor, Edward Burnett (1874), Primitive Culture: Researches into the development of mythology, philosophy,
religion, art and custom.
Book reviews
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Michel DROUET; Xavier RICHET (coord.), Vers l’élargissement de l’Union
Européenne à l’Europe du Sud-Est, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2007, ISBN
978-2-7535-0357-1, 251p.
The volume, which is the result of a conference in Haute Bretagne (France) in 2004,
groups contributions of the specialists in Eastern Europe, analyzing the extension of the EU, the
2004 wave and the ways used by the former socialist countries that have succeeded in going
through the time of transition and in adhering to the European Union.
The book is structured in two parts; the first one looks into the integration into the EU
of the ten Eastern European countries, while the second part looks into the perspectives of the
integration of the countries in the Occidental Balkans and Turkey.
The adhesion of the ten countries has influenced (according to Xavier Richet) the
functionality of the Union and has modified the balance, resource distribution and ways of
regulation. The ability of these countries to line up as quickly as possible to the life level of “the
fifteen” conditions the ability of the EU to create compact economical policies (Claude
Albagli), which is rather difficult to accomplish considering the diversity and the different
levels of development of the new members’ economies. The issue of convergence has therefore
become a major issue, giving the European officials a lot of trouble.
The extension has also brought challenges concerning security (Elisabeth de Reau),
amplified by the international matters, and marked by the crisis in the new zone neighboring the
EU (conflicts in the Middle East). In order to favor the adherence of the Central and Eastern
European countries, the European Union has created strategies that have evolved from political
and moral motivations to the regional issue and the strategic and political motivation, looking
into providing a warranty for the stability in the new area of vicinity of the Union (Danielle
Charles-Le Bihan). The EU strategy is defined by the search of a balance between the regional
axis, that refers to regional cooperation and stability, and the axis of the adherence of new
states, including a process of stabilization and association and introduces the concept of
“conditionality” (assistance in different areas for the integration of the new countries).
Before the institutional integration, the countries must accomplish economical
integration through commercial trade and direct foreign investments. This is the case of
Bulgaria, for whom the external trade statistics confirm this tendency (Polia Todorova).
Economical integration implies the fulfillment of rigorous requirements – the ones at
Copenhagen imposed to the candidate countries. The economical adjustment to the new
requirements imposed by the strong competition on the market is an essential condition in order
to face the pressures existing on the Union’s market. Therefore, the countries that would
candidate to adhere in 2007, Romania and Bulgaria, have to reorganize their labor market
through a growth of labor productivity – an indicator dependent of the progress of the changes
referring to restructuring the labor market, as shown by Romania (Constantin Zaman).
Economical growth has to always be related to institutionalism, due to the fact that
development depends on the ability of the new institutions to ensure liberty for the enterprisers
and mutual trust (Fahmi Ben-Abdelkader, Daniel Labaronne).
After the gradual expansions from 2004 until 2007, the process of the European
Union’s enlargement remains an unfinished one, leaving the borders not yet set. There are
countries in the Eastern Balkans, alongside of Turkey, that can become members. The
disintegration of Yugoslavia has led to the requirement of new frontiers between the forming
states, also reducing the intensity of commercial trades between these (Jose de Sousa, Olivier
Lamotte). For all these new states, the EU countries have become markets of reference,
privileged when it comes to commercial trade – showing their intention to get as near as
possible to the European Union. The Union is looking into developing new politics, specific for
the integration of the Occidental Balkans, through commercial and cooperation agreements that
will possibly lead to future association agreements. These politics are developed while keeping
in mind the conflict issues in the area, and the integration of these countries in the EU is seen as
the durable solution for the stability of the region (Michel Drouet, Cecile Rapoport). Croatia is
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the country in the region that has created the best environment in order to adhere to the Union,
by changing its economy through conversion and private property. The main objectives of the
private property are, for all the countries in the area, accomplishing a market economy, the
growth of economical efficiency and competitiveness (Vinko Kandzija). As for Turkey, its
desire to adhere to the EU is not recent and is due to both economical and political causes. The
European Union has a leading position within Turkey’s external trade, and their rapid
economical development is an interesting potential for the EU, although the European budget
would have to put significant amounts of money in the adherence of this country. Politically,
the Turkish government aims, through the adherence, at modernizing the society and most of
all, its democratization (Kamil Tugen).
The complex perspective used to tap this subject makes this work significant and
recommends it as a landmark in the area of the expansion process of the European Union.
(LuminiŃa ŞOPRONI, e-mail: [email protected])
Federica DI SARCINA; Laura GRAZI; Laura SCICHILONE (eds.), Europa
vicina e lontana. Idee e percorsi dell’integrazione europea, Centro Editoriale
Toscano, 2008, ISBN 88-7957-273-3, 376p.
During its long activity – almost twenty years – the European Integration Research
Center (EIRC) of the University of Siena, supported by the experience of the Interdisciplinary
Seminar on the European integration which took the lead, at the beginning of the 80’s, in the
Politic Sciences graduation course of the Law School, due to the encouragements, cultural
sensitivity and some European congressmen’s support, is always associated the scientific effort
and cultural organization with a bigger attention to the formation’s dimension, so that the
academic activity to be always on its way to integration, but the profound identity crisis of the
academic world goes frequently to scission and almost to the lack of communication point. This
was not the Center’s way.
Following the formative and informative activity advised by the interdisciplinary
Seminar during the 80’s, in the stimulant atmosphere of an universally elected European
Parliament legislation, and following the re-lancing of the community process by the Delors
Commission, at the beginning of the 90’s EIRC was threw the co-founders of an inter-academic
Doctorate in federal history and European integration, and at the beginning of the new century
the coordinator of an interdisciplinary Master degree in European Studies in cooperation with
other “Athens” of the European Union. This encouraged the Center to create and maintain
changing connections with an interested young generation, Italians, Europeans and outerEuropeans, approaching them to a new domain, that connected to the construction of the Europe
process, where several disciplinary approaches are still in the faze of definition and where
remains alive the identity debate. A field of attractive studies, “young”, with a methodology
based on construction and with necessary disciplinary confronting, in order to maintain both
part’s scientific autonomy.
Passing from this important experience, formative and scientific, the Center developed
the choice of institutionalizing an annual meeting opened to the degree candidates and young
researchers of the multitude of disciplines connected to the study of the European integration,
arrived from several communitarian countries, and not only. So, in 2004 came to light the
“Dialogue About Europe”, an international and interdisciplinary seminar which, at the
University of Siena, attracts every year a bigger number of interested young students. These
students help to the formation of a very complex scientific network. In order to maintain the
vivid spirit and the interest of these meetings, their contributions are collected and published in
several editorials. The third edition of the “Dialogue” has something new, being in this way a
stimulant.
The EIRC decided to enrich itself with a new editorial line dedicated to revealing its
own research and scientific activity. It is permanently the leading point to those who cooperate
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and helps its initiatives: it is about the “European Studies” line published at the CET publishing
house in Florence from where appeared this volume.
The book Europe-Close and Away. Ideas and Itineraries of European Integration, like
the precedent publications, is the opera of three ambitious students who develop their activity as
researchers in the Center. These marvelous students are Federica Di Sarcina, Laura Grazi and
Laura Scichilone. To their competence as historians of the communitarian politics, comes added
the huge capacity of cultural leaders which helped this time too to the publication of these new
contributions.
This volume was divided in three parts which collect the essays about the ideas and the
politic debate on the process of the construction of the Europe. This was collected by Laura
Grazi. The Europe’s image seen from inside and outside was collected by Laura Scichilone, and
the communitarian legislation by Federica Di Sarcina. Three introductory essays mark the
beginning of every section, showing everything new brought by every contribution to the
“European Studies” view from where it starts an analysis, synthetic, that wants to show the
most recent and interesting lines of researching.
In this way, the line has the ambition to put itself as the beginning point to a debate
already present threw the young students, a debate that wants to destroy a series of obstacles
and to change the old traditional disciplinary features with those with which were already
confronted the well-known themes of the European integration.
(Diana CAVASDAN, e-mail: [email protected])
Peter TEREM; Omer CAHA (eds.), Process of EU Enlargement in the 21st
Century-New Challenges, Banska Bystrica, 2005, ISBN: 80-8083-204-8, EAN:
9788080832049
This volume is the result of a conference organized by two universities, University of
Matej Bel, Banska Bistrca and Fatih University Istanbul. It comprises miscellaneous essays
about the EU, about acceding countries to the EU, the problems they confront with in this
process as well as different opinions on the question: why should the EU be enlarged?
There are many essays written by professors from the Fatih University, thus the book
gives a multi perspective view upon Turkey, its problems and wishes, the intellectuals' way of
seeing the country's accession to the EU, the situation of economy, society, agriculture.
The first paper assesses the necessity of a new concept that should explain the reasons
and aims of the enlargement under certain circumstances, namely the beginning of the Asian
century, Hubbert's theory of the oil peak. The author, Oskar Krejci, advises to eliminate
stereotypes in thinking for a new future of the EU because enlargement doesn't mean
geographical borders but institutions and procedures. An interesting idea presented here is that
the enlargement should go up to Siberia and it also contains an advice addressed to the West: to
get rid of the scornful attitude and of the phobia against Russia and the Muslim world and find
mutual economic advantages for the benefit of the world.
Turkish civil society is under scrutiny in the next paper, and its role in sustaining
liberal ideas, mainly among the intellectuals, ideas which brought about dynamism in the
political life. Before the reader's eyes it is unfolded the struggle between the traditionalists and
the modernists and its negative impact upon integration.
Turkey's accession to the EU has been a subject for debates for a long time. This
accession is approached from different points of view, one of them being that of a linguist
whose conclusion is that Turkey is already in the EU, no matter how the West considers the
situation.
The relationship between Ukraine and the EU is also analysed, before and after the
Orange Revolution and it is also pointed out the importance of Ukraine for the EU because of
its strategic position.
183
There are countries neighbouring the EU that would like to become members and some
of the essays study their situation, and their future perspectives. We find out about many
historical events that took place in Croatia, how the country gained credibility when the new
government made integration its goal and started working on problems needing urgent
solutions: rights of minorities, reform of the judiciary system and full cooperation with the
Hague Tribunal.
The frame of the Mediterranean and Middle East Policy, the basic principles of the
EU, its institutions and EU objectives are studied by Rudolf Kucharcik, while Ratislav
Kazansky presents Visegard Group (V4), the countries, their common interests, areas for future
cooperation and their present problems.
An interesting essay makes a research upon the relations between USA and the EU
presenting the framework of their situation with all tensions, disparities, the economic
dimensions and concludes that both Americans and Europeans will have to confront a difficult
and complex 21st century.
Drahomira Ondrova presents a study upon British foreign policy, upon Tony Blair and
the changes he brought about in the political attitude of his party and upon the way EU policies
have affected many aspects of British economic and social life.
There are theoretical essays, one of them presents the sovereignty of state and its
limits, the federalism and its problematic as an integration theory, theories of
intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism. Another one deals with building contemporary
security structures, while other assesses the needs for optimal models in the EU structures and
institutions.
Another subject approached in this volume is that of terrorism; the conference was
being held on the day of the 4th anniversary of 9/11. The reader can find topics on world
economy, globalization, economic competitiveness as well as on EU's regional policy and the
transitional periods of the candidate countries and knowledge economy.
This volume brings the reader a large variety of topics concerning the developing
countries, their hopes and the challenges they have to face in order to achieve their goals. The
only concept that brings together all these topics is the European Union. The conclusion that
can be drawn after having read the book, is the characteristic wish of all neighbouring countries
to become member states.
(Dana PANTEA, [email protected])
Bronisłav GEREMEK; Robert PICH, Visions d’Europe, Odile Jacob, 2007, ISBN
978-2-7381-2011-3, 479p.
Conceived following a lot of meetings, works and debates, the collective volume
coordinated by Bronisłav Geremek and Robert Pich offers to its readers a series of articles
dedicated to some very actual European questions.
The interrogative character of the book results even by the first article, signed by
Bronisłav Geremek and suggestively entitled “L’Europe en crise”. Here, the author expresses
his critics on the so-called “morose air” of the Europe, its permanent self-criticism which
Geremek considers as unconstructive if it is prevailing on the positive and optimistic attitude.
European Union may be considered a successful project, and some defeats like the reject of the
European Constitution. According to Geremek opinion the most important thing is to
consolidate the European identity. And the volume continues in the same manner, the next
section being entitled “Préliminaires. Diagnostics de crise” and assembling two suggestive
titles: “L’Europe a-t-elle encore un projet politique?”, signed by Dominique Shnapper, and
“L’esprit communautaire a disparu”, under the signature of Éric Le Boucher. The two authors
interrogate themselves on the possibilities to realize a real European unity and express their
hopes regarding the accomplishment of this objective.
184
This first part of cross-examination of the stage of the European unity is followed by
four chapters, all having an interrogative character. So, the first chapter, entitled “L’Europe
peut-elle être démocratique ?”, assemble six articles focused on more topics, id est: democratic
deficit (Jean-Louis Bourlanges; Jens-Peter Bonde; Anja Thomas); European Constitution
(Guillaume McLaughlin); the problem of authority and power in European Union (Larry
Siedentop) and European constitutional crises (Wolfgang Wessels and Anja Thomas). We will
analyse only this late mentioned article, especially because the situation presented by authors
appears to be similar with that of the Treaty of Lisbon. The two authors (Wessels and Thomas)
explains the situation created after the failure of the last European constitutional project and
point out the solutions advanced by several European decision-makers. The authors have also
theirs owns scenarios concerning the crisis, and doesn’t hesitate to expose them: maintaining
the Constitutional Treaty in its integrity; make more with the little, namely taking all the best
from the existing European treaties; the failure (spill-back) of the process of realization of the
European Union; adopting of a new plan, in order to create a “new Europe”. All of presented
solutions are presented by an objective and scientific manner, without any personal attachment,
almost technocratic.
The second chapter, having the title “Comment répondre aux défis de la cohésion
sociale et culturelle en Europe ?”, joint six articles concerning mainly two topic, that is social
Europe (articles signed by Andras Innotai, Tito Boeri, Bernd Marin) and immigration. Although
we don’t minimise the importance of European social politics, we will examine only the studies
dedicated to immigration problem. So, Hartmut Kaelble, in his study “L’héritage de
l’immigration en Europe”, reveals four questions on immigration: the particularity of
immigration in each European member state and in non-EU states; the legacy of European
attitudes toward immigration; immigration’ problems necessary to be solved by European
Union. The next article on immigration, “Une approche européenne du défi posé par
l’intégration des immigrés”, is signed by Anna Triandafyllidou, who follows to achieve two
objectives: to expose the stage of the public debates concerning the actual integration of
immigrants and an exposure on the European approach of immigrants’ integration. Finally, the
well-known esseyst and novelist Umberto Eco talks about “L’Europe du métissage”, making a
parallel between the situation of Europe and America (inclusively South-America) as regards
the miscegenation, a process that, according to the opinion of U. Eco, will develop giving either
by immigration and migration. At the end of the chapters another two studies (signed by Ruby
Gropas and respectively Mathieu Briens and Francesca Doria) present us the “l’état de la
question”, namely of social and cultural cohesion of the Europe.
The next chapter of the volume concerns, under the question sign too, the borders of
Europe. The editors reunited here the articles of Heinrich August Winkler, Peter Van Ham,
Kalypso Nikolaidis and Jacques Rupnik. Following more ideas concerning European borders
(political power, security, mentality or history), this chapter finishes, like the precedent, with a
general study regarding the border and the limits of the European integration, a study signed by
Hans Vollaard.
The last chapter, entitled “Faut-il construire une mémoire commune à l’Europe ?”,
gives us the articles of two very important voices of the european space: Tzvetan Todorov and
Jacques le Goff. This fourth part of concerns a more abstract Europe, one of a common memory
considered as a necessary instrument to realize the unity of Europe. As a general line of this
part, history is concerned both as a part of the European memory and as an instrument to create
this memory. That is more important is the assumption of the history, the assumption of the past
by a self-critical manner. This chapter also finishes with a general study, signed by Daniel
Brückenhaus.
After its beginning with the self-interrogations of Bronisłav Geremek, the volume
finishes with the essay of Robert Pich to offer an answer and to establish the equilibrium
between the numerous question signs recorded by this work.
It is obviously in this moment that the volume coordinated by Bronisłav Geremek and
Robert Pich is not a typical descriptive one. All the authors adopt an analytical style, beginning
with a general presentation of the subject, continuing with a deep heuristic part and finishing
185
with the presentation of a sum of the possible solutions. With its alert style and heuristic
method, the present volume is an excellent analytical instrument both for researcher and for
students, for the European unity unconditionally advocates and for its critics also. Thanks for
editors and for the authors also for their efforts to transpose the dialogical spirit of Europe in
their works.
(Cristina DOGOT, e-mail: [email protected])
Heather N. NICOL; Ian TOWNSEND-GAULT, Holding the Line. Borders in a
Global World, Vancouver, UBC Press, 2005, ISBN 0-7748-0932-9, 440p.
In the first part of Holding the Line, a global perception is given to the altering
disposition of borders. The authors question the stability of borders in an escalating global
context. There are three main themes that are emphasized. Firstly, borders are viewed as having
a vibrant nature and signify expansive geopolitical, cultural, and economic progression.
Secondly, some insight is given to the cross border flows of information and capital. Lastly, the
role of law and its influence on globalization is taken into consideration.
The second part focuses mainly on the EU and its growing frontiers. For example, The
Schengen initiative is attributed to having increased cooperation not only in security, but also
various environmental issues. The chapters in this section are concerned with novel regional
procedures to border making within the EU and the role they play in redefining environmental
and security matters. The challenges involved in sharing elements of national autonomy are also
given some insight.
Part three of Holding the Line highlights another geographical aspect with regard to the
emergence of new regions in the non-western world. These regions are thought to be
“compelled to interact” in terms of shared interests. They are often under institutional, political,
economic, and environmental pressures to cooperate.
Part four is dedicated to explicating general trends in the redefinition of boundaries
among South and Latin American countries. One of the key matters introduced in part four is
whether the “global world” notion is constructive for the countries that haven’t developed in
accordance with the “classic Eurocentric” model of the nation-state. This section reminds us of
an important aspect regarding borders in all world regions.
The issue of trans-border regionalism in North America is the subject of matter in part
five. The North American transnational experience is considered to be limited. The United
States borders with Canada and Mexico are examined from the viewpoint of ongoing regional
efforts to regulate cultural, economic, social, and political divisions among border communities.
The authors focus on the integration of borders in North America.
Part six of Holding the Line discovers various aspects of globalised understanding of
development. It is asserted that borders are influenced by “power arrangements.” This section
takes great initiative in theorizing borders. The ethnocentric, perceptual, and predominantly
influenced cultural and political procedures responsible for metaphors concerning boundaries
are investigated. The consistent theme throughout this section is that boundaries are metaphors.
The theme of part seven is the significance of the “nation-state as an actor.” Borders
are thought to be the result of diplomatic efforts, geopolitical processes, global institutions, and
changing international conditions. Importance is given to the idea that “choice,” “discourse,” or
“constructed reality” weren’t popular ideas during the the early development of “geopolitical
discourse.” It is suggested that circumstances have changed now.
The 8th part of the book sheds some light on current predicaments regarding border
studies in the previous sections of Holding the Line. The issue of how the study of borders will
adjust to the new realities and perceptions in the fields of political geography, geopolitics,
international law, and political studies is left open for consideration.
(Lia DERECICHEI, [email protected])
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Gilles PÉCOUT (coord.), Penser les frontières de l’Europe du XIXe au XXIe siècle,
PUF, 2004, ISBN 2 13 054301 4; ISSN 1770-2208, 383p.
The book coordinated by M. Giles Pécout brings together the studies of some wellknown historians of Europe, followed by some economists, geographers, jurists or specialists in
European integration. Names as Catherine Durandin, Fabrice Jesné, Christophe Charle or
Antoine Vauchez are already at least familiar if not famous for the academic world. More that,
the presence of Daniel Dăianu, one of the titred ministers of Romania, increases the interest of
Romanian reader for the subjects presented in the volume.
The mentioned volume is structured in three different parts: Héritages européens:
l’Europe des letters, une Europe avant la lettre?; Frontières de l’Europe et frontières
européennes depuis le XIXe siècle et Pays candidats: dialogues sur l’européanité, XIXe-XXIe
siècles.
The first part, like we expect, is dedicated to the European idea reflected in some
literary works. Thus, the historian Maurice Agulhon point out the evolution of the European
idea in the work of Victor Hugo until this idea becomes that of “United States of Europe”. The
author offers us, with generosity, the examples of the Hugo’s poetry reflecting republican and
European idea and underlines the importance of the famous literate actions in a very turbulent
period both for France and Europe. Another author who signs in this first part, François
Waquet, offers, in his article “L’Europe de la République des Lettres”, a fresco of the European
idea reflected in the literary works of the XVII-XVIII centuries. And M. Waquet underlines the
occidental limits of the European idea according to opinion of Western “savants’ community”,
although at the East intellectuals as Dimitrie Cantemir or Nicolae Mavrocordat really merited to
be mentioned as representatives of the modern European thought. The last author who signs in
this part, Cristophe Charle, speaks about “Les réseaux intellectuels européens aux XIXe siècle”.
The title of the article is very provocative and the study is really complex, but according to
opinion of the author, researching the intellectuals’ networks, yet at the level of XIX, century
was possible only if the researcher imposes himself a lot of limits of approach. Thus, the author
of research, excluding some variables (the relationships between the representatives of arts and
writers, the commercial – translators, imitations, plagiarism etc. – or political relationships),
analyses by a qualitative manner the European intellectual, literary and academic world and the
scientific publications of the proposed period.
The second part of the volume includes mainly articles concerning the borders of
Europe, although we can find also some studies relating to other themes (like the Europe of the
lawyers, of Antoine Vauchez and Guillaume Sacriste; Rome as the capital of Europe of Phillipe
Boutry or Europeqn enlargement of Robert Frank). On the topic of the European borders
approaches are multiple: Gilles Pécout pay attention of the Europe’ geographic limits in XIX
century as they reflect in specialised works of the time; Pierre-Yves Péchoux interrogates
himself on the ambiguity and relativity of the term of “European borders” and argues with
various historical examples; Fabrice Jesné transposes the question of the borders in the space of
the mentality, and the title of his study is more that relevant (Les frontières balkaniques:
frontiers européennes ou frontière de l’Europe?).
This last study helps us to direct to the last part of the volume, dedicated to the
candidate countries. With regard to this part, we may affirm that although is not exhaustive, the
authors give attention to the majority of the former or actual candidate states: the Baltic States
(studies of Yves Plasseraud or Jurgita Maciulyte), Cyprus (studies of Marc Aymes or Kyriakos
Pierides), Hungary (Nicolas Bauquet), Poland (Josef Laptos), Romania (Catherine Durandin;
Daniel Dăianu), Slovakia (Edita Ivaničková), Slovenia (Božo Repe) or Turkey (Jean-François
Pérouse).
The quality of the articles recommends each of them as an instrument of research for
all interested on the newest member or candidate states. Nevertheless, we will concentrate on
the two articles concerning Romania, appeared under the signature of Catherine Durandine and
Daniel Dăianu. Regarding the study of historian C. Durandin, entitled „Roumanie-Europe:
mémoires et perspectives” the author are going from the period of the spring of the peoples and
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presents us the importance of each historical stage, inclusively that of the communist regime,
for the European path of Romania. C. Durandin doesn’t forget the importance of Romanian
Diaspora as an element of connection between the Europe and those Romanians sequestered
between the borders of the authoritarian system. The author continues by explaining the
situation after the collapse of the Ceauşescu’ regime, the difficult way to the creation of a really
democratic system, the fight against corruption (many time criticized by the foreign
representatives), etc. Finally the author remarks the irony of the fate of Romania: long time
waited during the communist period, Americans arrived in Romania in 2003, by creating a
military base.
The other author who focuses his analyses on Romania, Daniel Dăianu, pays attention
to the rapports between Romania and European Union, rapports possible to study from many
points of view: economic, of security, of globalisation etc. The study of M. Dăianu explains
some realities that Romania knows after the fall of the communism and during a process called
generally of transition. The Romania’ effort to adhere and to integrate in the European Union is
seen as a secular modernisation one, necessary to go together with perseverance and
pragmatism. Fortunately for the former communist states, European Union exists and this is a
chance for these states to overlap their economic backwardness. The handicap of the postcommunist Romania was the lack of a long-term societal project, necessary as a catalyst for a
society who suffered many constraints before and much confusion and disorder after the fall of
the totalitarian regime. The aid offered by the European Union, based on particular projects,
will accomplish partially the role of the necessary project.
Finally, we may affirm that the European integration can be considered a same project,
but it is not again totally, deeply and consciously assumed at social level. More that, this project
was long time only superficially adopted at political level, either because of its ideological
incapacity or because of its immaturity to assume it. There are nevertheless another group, that
of technocrats and of intellectuals, who make efforts to push the process of European
integration. Maybe the effects are not yet largely visible, but at a long term the result will be a
positive one.
(Cristina DOGOT, [email protected])
Thomas LUNDÉN, On the Boundary – About humans at the end of territory,
Södertörn University College, 2004, 232 p.
Thomas Lundén is professor of Human Geography at the Baltic and East European
Graduate School of Södertörn University College in Stockholm, Sweden. He has spent most of
his academic career on researching about boundaries. His book is a kind of summary of all his
works and major findings. In the introduction he state that the book can be viewed in two ways:
either as book on or about the boundary, or a book on or about being at the boundary. The first
chapter defines the central concepts. His definition of a boundary is that it is the line itself in
comparison with a border which includes the line and the space next to it.
In chapter 2 the author outlines factors influencing boundary behaviour. Inspired by the
Swedish geographer Torsten Hägerstrand he connects dimensions of space and time and
perceive them in a unified form. He then argue from realistic and functionalistic point of view
how nature and technology are important factors determining behaviour on the boundary.
However, he is mainly preoccupied with how regulations, politics and exercise of power
influence this behaviour. In general the author argue that the state has the ultimate power of the
territory and that state behaviour is decisive, however not neglecting other factors as the
economy, communication (including language), culture and individual behaviour. This outline
is a kind of approach to study the behaviour at the boundary and it does not state in a priori
which factors are more important than other, even though the political level implicitly seems to
be more important as it is given more attention.
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The third chapter is about boundary towns in general and here the author gives examples
from his own case studies, like for example Narva and Ivangorod as well as Valga and Valka. In
these cases he is applying the general framework given in chapter 2. Chapter 4 analyses boundary
regions in general and uses cases from Torne Valley between Sweden and Finland as well as
regions between Denmark-Sweden, Denmark-Germany and Sweden-Norway. The latter is partly
based on the research from the author’s dissertation from the 1970’s.
In the synthesis the author state both that boundaries are necessary, because agreements
need territorial limitations, but also that transgressing the boundary is necessary, as there will be
no perfect line of demarcation. This latter means that there will be ethnic minorities, but
according to the author two things are or rather should be more decisive than ethnicity:
citizenship, which regulates the obligation between the stat and its members; and language, in
which the state should be obliged to talk to its (autochthonous) citizens in their native language.
This latter include the obligation to teach the official language to the autochthonous inhabitants
(defined as living continuously more then 100 years) as well as to boundary trespassers, like
refugees and immigrants, who should demand the right of learning the state languages.
Our overall impression is that I recommend the book for anyone interested in
boundary/border regions and its research. The general framework offers an approach for boundary
research that I find useful. However I would also like to add factors how historical and mental
perceptions influence the behaviour at the boundary, as I believe they are important as well.
(PhD student Anders BLOMQVIST, Baltic and East European Graduate School
Södertörn University College / Stockholm University e-mail: [email protected])
James Wesley SCOTT (ed.), EU Enlargement, Region Building and Shifting
Borders of Inclusion and Exclusion, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Hampshire,
2006, ISBN-10: 0 754645428, ISBN-13: 978-0-7546-4542-9
The book edited by James Wesley Scott brings about issues concerning the European
borders which have suffered immense and significant changes, mostly over the past decade.
American by birth, biologist as first specialization, James Wesley Scott came to Europe and
studied geography at the Free University of Berlin, where he was also awarded his doctorate
and post doctorate qualifications. His work focuses on euroregions, boundaries and regional
development in the Wider Europe.
Being published in 2006 the book refers to the 2004 enlargement and its consequences
from the point of view of the borders and cross-border cooperation and sees the 2007
enlargement in perspective. James Wesley Scott rises an important question in this work: if
border regions can function as “laboratories of cooperation and/or post national political
communities” and the book is structured as an answer to this question. It is in fact a collection
of case studies about region-building across national borders in the EU
The author structures his work in four thematic sections. The first section deals with
the borders and geopolitics of the EU enlargement and begins with an essay written by the
author himself on the geopolitics of inclusion and exclusion at the EU's new external
boundaries. A highly academic essay it is the theoretical basis of the book presenting a general
view of the main idea and issue of Wider Europe. As the author assesses, a central element of
the new EU's policy is the friendly and effective working relationships with neighbouring
regions expressed in the European Neighbourhood Policy. The essay brings about the new
relationships of the EU to the north (Russia), Middle East, Maghreb and other Mediterranean
regions. Comparing EU with NAFTA, MERCOSUR and APEC, James Wesley Scott points out
the difference between Europe's new type of regionalism based on a process of integration,
including economic, political, social and cultural aspects, while the other organizations are
based only on regional cooperation and open markets. The author analyzes the initiatives of the
European Commission regarding the interdependence with Europe's neighbours and the
consequences of future enlargement and how cross-border relationships can be influenced by
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this process. According to the latest enlargement process (2004) James Wesley Scott draws four
contexts of Europe's approach to regional partnership: the “northern”, including the Baltic and
Barents Sea; the eastern (Russia, Belarus,and Ukraine); the Mediterranean context and the
Balkan one. The author analyzes two of these four dimensions with their specific environmental
issues: crime prevention, minority rights, the post colonial ties with some of the European
Union member states, respect of human rights and democracy, building closer contacts between
different peoples. He also points out the critical reaction of some of the neighbouring countries
concerning the respect, the trading preferences of the EU, the search for peace and he shows
Wider Europe's lack of strategic vision in developing regional partnership.
In conclusion James Wesley Scott presents the weaknesses and contradictions of the
Wider Europe strategy as pointed out by the dimensional aspects of EU geopolitics. He
expresses his opinion that if Wider Europe is to succeed, it should apply a transnationalization
of space, thus extending alliances and developing opportunities to EU members.
The analysis of the east dimension is continued by Gabriel Popescu who focuses on
problems of Euroregions established in the Romanian-Ukrainian-Moldovan border lands. He
considers this region to be representative of the issues confronting borderland in Eastern Europe
and makes a through presentation of the four Euroregions with their institutions, funding
projects, cross-border cooperation, contentious issues, conflicts, trade restrictions, visa, as well
as the negative consequences of the new frontier such as the reinforcement of the barrier
function of the EU's external borders.
As a follow up of the above mentioned issues, comes the problem of migration
policies adopted by the EU. The next two authors, Henk van Houtum and Roos Pijpers see the
European Community as a gated community because the non-EU countries have received both
political and financial incentives to reinforce the border controls because of the fear of massive
westward flows of migrants.
The second part of this book begins with an essay which exemplifies some of the
problems previously discussed: the new situation of Hungary's borders after its accession to the
EU and after becoming a NATO member. Another case study is that of Olga Marinska who
analyzes the situation of Ukraine with its 8 macro regions being influenced by its different
neighbours. The study moves eastward, towards the Ukrainian-Russian cross-border
cooperation under the circumstances of Ukraine's desire to become a member of the EU.
EU border policies are examined, their evolution and the undertaken changes, and
direct references to Euroregio Karelia and the border between Finland and Russia are made.
The third part of the book brings under discussion cross-border cooperation between
Moldova and Romania, between Hungary and Ukraine and Hungary and Romania. The reader
finds out about the historical relations between these countries, their evolution at the end of the
20th century and how they came to be influenced by the EU enlargement policies and
institutions as well as by the creation of the euroregions. Gyula Szabo and Gabor Koncz present
a local perspective upon the personal relations between citizens on both sides of the border and
the impact of the Euroregion upon their life.
Another cross-border cooperation is analyzed in the next essay: that between Poland
and Ukraine. Here the situation is different because the Polish-Ukrainian border is an external
one and dominated by the “fortress Europe” syndrome. The essay is based on a research carried
out between 1998 and 2002 with the aim of studying labour migration along HungarianUkrainian border and its implications in pedestrian and vehicular traffic, illegal employment
and immigrants.
The next essay describes the cross border cooperation between Poland and Ukraine
and how the changes which appeared in the relations between these two countries after Poland
has become an EU member leave their mark upon cooperation.
The last part of the book focuses on the cross-border cooperation and regional
development at the EU former external borders. It is the particular case of Poland and Germany,
the countries that embarked on their way towards a political normalization of the border after
1989-1990. The last two essays present the benefits of euroregional policies in developing
cross-border cooperation.
190
Reading the book leaves you with the impression of a round and complete work as if
written by one and the same author. The core problem which is under scrutiny – the euroregion
and its policy – reveals positive results in the changing of present day history of the European
Union and its neighbours and also the necessity of multilevel governance to fight against the
emergence of new dividing lines around EU's external borders. Any reader can but appreciate
the high quality of the efforts done by each author in order to analyze so many different
situations all over the euroregions with the aim of better contribute to understanding
cooperation and relationships inside and outside the EU.
(Dana PANTEA, [email protected])
Observatoire des Etats post-soviétiques: De l’U.R.S.S. à la C.E.I., 12 Etats en quête
d’identité, Paris, Ellipses, 1997, ISBN 2-7298-5769-9, 208p.
Le livre De l’U.R.S.S. à la C.E.I., 12 Etats en quête d’identité, explique et exemplifie
brièvement ce qui s’est passé avec l’ancien URSS et la manière dans laquelle la Communauté des
Etats Indépendants s’est formée. Ce livre est destiné à un large public, étudiants et chercheurs en
politologie, relations internationales et géographie, grâce à la multitude des annexes et des cartes
présentées. En ce qui concerne la structure, on distingue quatre grandes parties:
Dans un premier temps, le collectif des auteurs donne des informations précises sur le
contexte historique et les événements qui ont mené à la formation de la C.E.I. Du principaux
changements de noms aux mythes et réalités qui, inévitablement, sont apparus, tout est présenté
dans le cadre de ce processus fragile et contrasté, marqué par l'ampleur des crises économiques et
politiques, jalonné dans plusieurs cas par des conflits dont les effets sont loin d'être entièrement
dissipés.
La deuxième, la troisième et la dernière partie du livre proposent une approche identique
de tous les pays membres appartenant à la C.E.I., groupés par son appartenance géographique. De
cette manière, dans la première partie on trouve les pays appartenant à la frange occidentale de la
C.E.I. (la Fédération de Russie, la Biélorussie, la Moldavie et l’Ukraine), dans la deuxième partie,
les pays appartenant au Caucase (la République d’Arménie, l’Azerbaïdjan et la Georgie), un
espace stratégique, mais toujours en convulsion. Dans la dernière partie sont présentés les pays de
l’Asie Centrale post-soviétique, le Kazakhstan, le Kirghizstan, l’Ouzbékistan, le Tadjikistan et le
Turkménistan, pays qui appartiennent à « un cœur de continent à désenclaver », selon l’opinion
des auteurs. Chaque état, sans importer l’appartenance territoriale, bénéficie d’une présentation et
d’une caractérisation, d’après plusieurs aspects: les questions nationales et identitaires, les
caractéristiques politiques, la situation économique, le commerce et les relations extérieurs et,
finalement, les tendances et les risques. Bref, le livre propose une analyse des évolutions dans
quatre domaines clés que sont les fondements historiques et territoriaux de l'identité, les systèmes
politiques, les réformes économiques et les choix en matière de relations internationales et de
sécurité. En effet, tel que le titre de la publication mentionne, on ne fait qu’observer ces pays, sans
implications directes et effectives de la part des auteurs.
En conclusion, tout semble opposer les États baltes, désormais intégrés dans les structures
européennes et atlantiques, et les États du Caucase ou d'Asie centrale qui doivent à la fois mettre
au point leur mode de fonctionnement politique et économique et définir leurs systèmes d'alliance
dans un environnement régional tendu. Mais une période de transition est difficile pour tous et on
observe, après plusieurs années d'indépendance, combien les voies sont divergentes dans cette
quête de reconnaissance et d'affirmation des souverainetés, face à une Russie affaiblie mais de
plus en plus active dont l'influence est contrebalancée par des intervenants extérieurs, l'Europe, les
États-Unis, toujours présents.
A présent, les États nés en 1991 lors de l'éclatement de l'URSS ont peu à peu trouvé leur
place dans la communauté internationale, même si, parfois, ils se confrontent avec des problèmes.
(Mariana BUDA, e-mail: [email protected])
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“Serbia 2007 / Iliberal Transformation or Prolonged Transition. Adapting to
Democracy: Reflections on transition in Serbia and the Western Balkans”, in
Western Balkans Security Observer, No. 7-8, October 2007-March 2008.
The cover title of the mentioned journal specialized on the problems of the Western
Balkans is sufficiently attractive both for initiated readers and for those who don’t know many
information about this European region. The long lack of impartial information about this
region was perceived by many peoples, indifferently if they are specialized in political or
economical fields or if they are simply spectators of the world’ arena. So, the chance to find a
journal that try to expose the situation of the Western Balkans is really useful for the specialist
in Balkan studies or generally in international relations.
This issue of Western Balkans Security Observer focused on three parts that assemble a
lot of individual article, and finish with the review of a webpage (www.bezbenost.org). The first
part of the review, entitled “Serbia 2007 – Iliberal Transformation or Prolonged Transition”, is the
most consistent of the review and assemble the articles of Timothy Edmunds, Denisa
Kostovicova, Ðorñe Pavićević, Miroslav Hadžić and Will Barlett. All articles offer important
information and analyses on the situation of Serbia and of Western Balkans by a different
perspective. So, T. Edmunds, in his article “Adapting to Democracy: Reflections on transition in
Serbia and the Western Balkans” speaks us about the political, economical and social changes and
the transition to democratic system in the named country and region; D. Kostovicova present her
considerations on the effect of weakness of Balkan states on the security of the region, without
neglect the role of European Union and yet of globalization on the region; Ð. Pavićević make a
condensed examination of Serbian political scene (characterised as instable again) after the
parliamentary elections of 2007, while M. Hadžić announce a lack of instruments and methods
necessary to realise the analysis of Serbian security sector reform. The last article of this first part
belongs to Will Bartlett, who presents us the article “Economic Transition in Serbia since 2000:
Trends and Prospects”, by which the author make a descriptive exploration of recent
developments of Serbian economy and economic policies.
The topic of the second part of the review concern rather the field of political
anthropology and is entitled “Security and Identity”, two items whose collation is very
important and never-failing subject of debate for the space of the Western Balkans. All the
articles presented in this section are useful for an analysis of the region of the Balkans. The first
article of this part, written by Filip Ejdus and entitled “Security, Culture and Identity in Serbia”,
is really consistent and has an impartial and general perspective. The author underlines the
importance of “ideational factors, such as culture and identity on foreign, security and defense
policy of Serbia”. Author advertise us upon the research method, that of poststructuralism, and
on the instrument used in his analysis, that of “Serbian strategic culture”, meant as “a tension
between two divergent discourses, national-liberal and civic-democratic”. The next article
belong of Dijana Gaćeša and focuses on “Fundamentalist Tendencies of Serbian Orthodox
Christianity”. The author has a critical perspective on the contribution of the Orthodox Church
in modernizing Serbian society, but she remark too that recently the Serbian Orthodox Church
began to change its rhetoric. The article of Mrs Gaćeša is a good basis for understand, like the
author underline, the “complex interrelatedness of religious, political and cultural dimensions of
contemporary Serbian society”. The last article of this section has a provocative title “Regional
Identity: The Missing Element in Western Balkans Security Cooperation”. The author, Cvete
Koneska proposes himself to underline the limits of the progress of regional initiatives
concerning the security of the region of the Balkans. C. Koneska considers that these limits are
due to the negative perceptions of the Balkans countries political decision-makers on the region
ant to their reluctance to be associated with the region of the Balkans.
The third part of the review is dedicated to the analysis of the public policies in the
Western Balkans space, and joins, in order, the articles of Djordje Popović, Bogoljub
Milosavljević and Predrag Petrović. In the first article M. Popović realizes an analysis of the
draft Law on the Serbian military (regulating “the placement and the competence of the military
service, commanding and administering of the military service, rank and vocation, symbols and
192
insignias, and military holidays”) and the Law of the Defense (regulating the Serbian defense
system). The two legislative projects were debated in the Serbian parliament in the summer of
2007. The author presents shortly the debate and the favorable and the unfavorable opinions
concerning these laws. So, the principal reasons favorable to adopting the mentioned laws are
persuasive: civilian democratic control of the military forces; changing of the values that are
protected by protected by the two laws and establishing of a clear chain of command; change of
the methods of military recruitment.
Even a cross-examination of this Serbian review is sufficient to realize the importance
of this scientific instrument for a more complete analysis of the Balkans region. Accessing the
information on this part of Europe can be a difficult process, especially because the local
languages and the difficulty to discern the quality of the sources. So, the community of Balkan
region’ researchers welcome the existence of the review Western Balkans Security Observer
and hope that collaborations with its contributors will became a manner to transcend the mental
or physical borders.
(Cristina DOGOT, [email protected])
Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review, University of Bucharest.
Institute for Political Research, vol. 1-3/2007; vol 1/2008, ISSN 1582-4551.
In a emergent democracy, like is the case of Romania, the existence of some
publications concerned both with the Romanian political scene questions and general political
concepts or political philosophy is really very useful both for the scholars or the students at
political sciences and for the decision-makers or analysts. This is the case of the quarterly
Studia Politica, edited by the Institute for Political Research of the Department of Political
Science at the University of Bucharest.
In order to offer a properly image of the review we have choice the last its four issues,
namely the volumes 1, 2 and 3 edited in 2007 and the volume 1-2008. After we familiarised
with the topics approached in the four issues of the review, we may affirm that these are really
various and concerning different historical periods and subject matters and an exhaustive
presentation of the articles will be impossible. By these reasons we tried to select the
contributions that refer to the problem of identity and multiculturalism and some articles that
are focused on topics less or insufficiently debated in the Romanian public discourse.
Maybe due to its quality of cultural capital of the Europe, the article of Dragoş
Dragoman (1/2007) is focused on the problem of modernity and nationalism in the city of Sibiu
at the beginning of XX century. Referring to a “competition of elites in a multicultural city”, the
author begins with a recent event, the success of Forumul Democrat German (German
Democrat Forum, the political group of the Germans living in Romania) in electoral year 2004
as a fundament to analyse ethnic relations and the live of this city at the begin of the XX
century (1905-1930), a period when political changes (the disintegration of Austro-Hungarian
Empire and creation of Romanian state) constituted determinant factors for the development of
interethnic relations in the Transylvanian space.
Three other authors are focused on the topic of identity and multiculturalism: two by
religious perspective (Silviu E. Rogobete, “ReflecŃii asupra religiei şi multiculturalismului în
România: spre o reevaluare a gramaticii tradiŃiilor [Reflections on religion and multiculturalism
in Romania: for a re-evaluation of the framework of traditions]”, in 3/2007; and Iuliana
Conovici, „Les pratiques identitaires de l’Église Orthodoxe Roumaine: carnet de route”, in
1/2007) and by a general point of view (Camil Alexandru Pârvu, „From Diversity to Difference.
Structural Dilemaas of Identity Politics”, in 2/2007). What concerning the study of S. Rogobete,
the author underlines the great attachment, at least at declarative level, for Church and religion
of the peoples of the Eastern Europe, Balkans and Turkey, attachment perceived as a lack of
modernity. M. Rogobete continue with an analysis of the manner in that the state rapport itself
to religious groups or associations (the so called Law of the religious cults) and of the manner
193
of majority to rapport to ethnic and religious difference. The great question of the author is that
eastern peoples are prepared to accept multiculturalism, especially if we think at the former
Yugoslav experience, and the answer is not yet a positive one. In the same context we can
mention the study of Iuliana Conovici, that reflect the efforts of Romanian Orthodox Church to
participate at the (re)construction of the Romanian public identity both in the communist and
post-communist period, at institutional and also by the practices of public religion or of public
religious discourse. The last mentioned study, which of C. A. Pârvu, reflects the question of
identity by the perspective of theoretical approach, the author exposing us some theories on
identity and difference. In the same context we can mention the article of Ciprian Bogdan, who
debates the question of the self in the philosophy of Charles Taylor.
Among the articles concerning provocative topics we can refer to those of Mihaela
Grancea, who speak about one of the aspects of Romanian historical mythology, that of the
“dacism”. The author names by this manner a phenomenon with deep roots in the Romanian
collective mentalities, that of considering the dacian civilisation as continue an uninterrupted
one on the Romanian territory. Some subjects concerning Romanian foreign policy are also
present, and we remarked especially the article of Ruxandra Ivan concerning Romania-Ukraine
bilateral relations after the collapse of communism (1992-2006).
Two of the issues selected for this review reflect the documents of two colloquies, one
with reference to the Belgian influence on Romania and Bulgaria in XIX and XX centuries
(1/2008), and one concerning the Churches and the politic actions in XX century Romania
(3/2007). For the first mentioned issue we can point out some very relevant studies: Daniel
Barbu, “La Cité des Ro(u)mains. Un projet roumain de constitution imprimé à Bruxelles en
1857 (Emanoil Chinezu, ConstituaŃiunea României reintegrată, sau schiŃă pentru o
ConstituaŃiune în România]”; Cristian Preda, “L’influence belge, hier et aujourd’hui”;
LaurenŃiu Vlad, „Quelques moments d’une histoire de la propagande. La Roumanie aux
expositions universelles et internationales d’Anvers, Bruxelles, Liège et Gand, 1894-1935”;
Ioan Stanomir, „1866: imagination constitutionnelle et modération politique en Roumanie”;
Antony Todorov, „Des étiquetes aux idées. Influences belges sur la démocratisation
postcommuniste en Bulgarie”.
For the other issue we remark firstly the study of Radu Carp, “EducaŃie universitară şi
fundaŃii confesionale în Transilvania secolului al XIX-lea – un model de actualitate în Europa?
[Academic education and confessional organizations in the XIX century’ Transylvania – an
actual European model?]”. The author presents us the importance of the subsidies offered by
religious organisations (initially those Greco-Catholic, followed by the orthodox) in order to
assure a high quality instruction for the young Romanians, usually in the Empire’ universities of
Budapest or Vienna. This tradition will be continued, with some difficulties, after the collapse
of the communist regime.
Beside some articles dedicated to the legionary phenomenon in interwar and postcommunist Romania (belonging to Mihai Chioveanu and Alexandru Bogdan Duca), this issue
of Studia Politica offers us a great diversity of studies, all of them important both for scholars
and advised readers. Some authors (Paul Brusanowski, Dorin Dobrincu, Andreea Nanu, Cristian
Vasile) was preoccupied on the evolution of the Orthodox Church and thought along the years.
Nevertheles, the importance of the Church for Romanian society after the fall of the communist
regime impose us to mention some of the article referring to the actual topics: Gheorghe
Modoran, “Confesiunile neoprotestante în România în perioada regimului comunist: 1945-1965
[Neoprotestants cults during the Romanian communist regime: 1945-1965]”; Lucian Ovidiu
Ivan, “Provocarea Europei: excurs asupra vieŃii şi practicii religioase din România, pe drumul
integrării europene” [Europe’ challenge: excurse on the Romanian religious life and practice in
the context of European integration]; Mihail NeamŃu, “România 2007: război cultural, criză
politică şi armistiŃiu religios”[Romania 2007: cultural fight, political crisis and religious
armistice]; Mihaela Ghimici, „DependenŃa de cale şi Bisericile majoritare în contextul
instaurării regimurilor comuniste din România şi Polonia” [Path dependence and prevailing
Churches during the installation of communist regimes in Romania and Poland]; Ana Maria
Rădulescu, “DesfiinŃarea mânăstirilor din Arhiepiscopia Craiovei: 1958-1960” [Abolition of the
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monastery of Craiova’ Archiepiscopate: 1958-1960]; Cristian Barta, “Coordonatele actuale ale
raporturilor dintre Biserica Română Unită cu Roma şi politică” [Actual coordinates of the
rapports between Romanian United Church and politics]; Iuliana Conovici, Aspecte ale
discursului public al Bisericii Ortodoxe Române după 1989: (auto)secularizarea [Aspects of the
public discourse of Romanian Orthodox Church after 1989: auto-secularisation]; Sorin Gog,
“Individualizarea experienŃei religioase şi erodarea funcŃiilor ecleziale în România
postsocialistă [Individualising religious experience and the grinding down of ecclesial functions
in post-socialist Romania]. In the same context we must refer to the study concerning a long
time publicly debated subject: the collaboration of the clergy with political policy during the
communist regime. Radu Preda, the author of the study “Securitatea şi insecurităŃile
deconspirării ei. Comunismul în memoria clasei politice, a societăŃii civile şi a Bisericii
[Securitatea and the insecurities of its deconspiracy. The communism in the memory of political
class, of civil society and of Church]”, reveal us the importance of knowing communist deep
history and the social effects of deconspiracy, using superficial methods, of collaborationism of
some public actors, especially of the Church.
It is obvious in this moment the degree of complexity and difference of the studies
presented in Studia Politica. Therefore we consider that if all studies will be written in French
or English the review will be an important research instrument for the foreign analysts or
interested readers.
(Cristina DOGOT, [email protected])
Alain DIECKHOFF; Christophe JAFFRELOT, Repenser le nationalisme.
Theories et pratiques, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2006, ISBN 13/978-2-72460957-8, 463p.
A profound revolution occurred during the 19th century, one which became a reality through
multiple-deed transformations with the status-quo in the international system. The world as it was
known centuries ago has transformed into a new one. The idea of progress, which was based on
democracy, has created the nation and the national-state. The existing values have lost their
significance.
To gain a better understanding, one must be able to answer two very important questions.
What is the nation and what is nationalism? They are two banal terms which are customary, yet very
difficult to define due to profound, complex, and diverse realities.
After enduring centuries of national mythology, we are witnesses of a slow but intense
change. The end of the Cold War and cease of the ideological and military struggle between the
“socialist field” and the “liberal world”, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inauguration of the
European Union, are all events that have determined a new reorganization of the world, based on
other rules and values. The previous two centuries seem to have been left behind.
The establishment of the European Union lead to the disappearance or relativization of
certain borders, thus creating the context for a new phase regarding the national states. The fear of
losing some bench-marks that were familiar until that moment determined a return to what could be
called “need for nations”. There was a great fear of ceaseless migration from the East to the South,
West, and North, from which a new failure of the European solidarity had resulted, creating an
isolation tendency of the old industrialized nations as a last frontier of protectionism.
Nevertheless, “the nationalism must be rethought”, according to the two scientific
coordinators, Alain Dieckhoff and Christophe Jaffrelot (research directors at the Centre d’études et de
recherches internationales, Sciences Po, in Paris), who are also supported by other experts in the field.
This work involves reuniting scientific notions regarding nationalism from famous
researchers in the field of political philosophy, and its main merit is of inviting the reader to
reanalyze the near past and the present through its way of presenting such a complex and sensitive
issue.
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The work is divided into four parts, each with its distinct approach to the ideas of nation and
nationalism.
In the first part, “Theories et typologies”, the first preoccupation of authors is analyzing the
heterogeneity of nationalism. From a critical perspective of the main theories of nationalism, the
researchers have concluded an explanatory model of creating nationalism, initiated on a process of
socio-cultural reforms. Continuing these thoughts, Alain Dieckhoff emphasized that the agreed
opposition between the political and cultural nationalism or between the civic and ethnic nationalism
is worth being relativized.
The second part of the book, “La Fabrique du nationalisme” explores the components of
nationalism from a historical perspective. Starting from the way the national identities have been
created during the 19th century, the authors have identified two main points. Firstly, they have
emphasized the fact that the identification resources in the phase of national mobilization are almost
always the same, correlating to the following concepts: history, language, tradition, geography, etc.
The main idea is the accomplishment of introducing modernity to a nation, while keeping the archaic
values as an identity point. Nowadays however, the globalization process brings about “modernity”
but at the same time it represents a threat to the archaic values. In each nation-state, the national truth
is consoled by competition, thus representing the second point.
Therefore, the creation of the national identities is deemed as a transnational phenomenon.
On the other hand, language and religion are considered as two sustaining pillars of national identity.
The implication of the two components is well explained and analyzed in this second part of the
collective work.
The third part, “L’autre face du nationalisme” examines the populist extensions of
nationalism and its violent power. It is about a contesting populism holding a clear ethnical
dimension. There have always been and still are pathological nationalist excesses and inrushes, some
of which have been analyzed in this chapter. However, according to the authors, it would be
incorrect to hold only nationalism responsible for starting wars between states. The causes are much
more complex and diverse (ideology, opposition of interests, the actions of the political leaders). The
central idea portrays nationalism as being a strong “conflict potential”.
The last part, “Au-dela du nationalime” recognizes post-nationalism and brings forward a
new point of view regarding the European construction, “the most ambitious project, even beyond
that of the nation-state”. The authors estimate that the intensification of the democratic practices
within the EU will gradually give an authentic coherence to European citizens. In this new world,
Cosmopolitism will prevail over nationalism and the globalization process will compel ethnic and
nationalist mobility.
The paper accomplishes in portraying the evolution of nationalism starting from the 19th
century until present day. The clarity of each chapter makes this work comprehensible to those not
specialized in this field.
(Alina STOICA, [email protected])
Maria Manuela TAVARES RIBEIRO (Coord.): Mare Oceanus. Atlântico: Espaço
de Diálogos, Coimbra, Almedina, 2007, ISBN-13: 978-972-40-3221-4, 148p.
The latest number of the Collection Studies about Europe, coordinated by Maria Manuela
Tavares Ribeiro and dedicated to the Relations Europe-Atlantic is the result of the reflections
carried out by a group of academics during a Conference that took place at Coimbra’s University,
included on the VIII Cultural Week of Coimbra’s University under the theme From Sea to Sea,
from 2 to 7 March 2006.
It is a work that deserves the attention from all that worry about the European duality.
That is, the attention given by investigators, thinkers, historians, politicians, among others, that
makes a reflection about this crossroads: Europe and the Atlantic.
In what concerns its contents, the present volume puts a provocative challenge that comes
to contribute with an interdisciplinary and critical dialogue, with innovation and stimulus, to the
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European debate. Along the six texts by great national and international experts coming from the
different areas of knowledge (Political Science, History, Law, Economy, Literature) questions
about Atlantic solidarity, transatlantic relations, Atlantic revolution, Atlantic union, the Sea as a
frontier, Atlantic inspirations and identities are put with a particular acuity. It deals with themes
that are always up-to-date and opportune, in a moment when Europe rethinks its destiny and
prepares itself to the new challenges of the “new European Century” (Mark Leonard, 2005), not in
the sense that Europe will rule over the world as an empire, but because the “European way of
doing things will be adopted all over the world.”
In the light of this panorama, the words by Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro achieve a
particular importance: “Europe and the Atlantic are genetically linked”. This same “ocean that
might be understood more as an articulation, more as a link, than as a limit that cannot be
transposed”.
Besides, this connection gives rise to the idea of creation of a new form of power that
Europe has developed through two aspects, which are the dimension of its market and of its
diplomacy.
One might illustrate what has just been said with some particularly clear examples.
Among them, it’s worth stressing the Atlantic as a bridging point of identity, or better, of several
identities, of the European values and of the “European unity” itself that was simultaneously being
constituted with the “Atlantic community”. With this we want to say that the idea of Europe, of an
Atlantic-Europe founded in the occidental values goes back to the notion of mare nostrum, a
repository of Greek and Roman heroes as Cristina Robalo Cordeiro refers.
In this context, it will not be too much to analyze and refer the most relevant aspects of
the articles published in this work.
Adriano Moreira approaches the question of the “Atlantic solidarity” defending that, in a
“panorama of great areas and emerging powers, the Western people need to assume that
Atlanticism is the strong nucleus of a conception of the world and of life ready for dialogue, but
determined to safeguard its values.”
In an article about Los países de la Europa central, suroriental, báltica y balcânica. El
nuevo vínculo euroatlântico en el paso de un siglo a outro (The countries of central Europe,
southeast, Baltic and Balcani. The new Euroatlantic bond in the transition from a century to
another), Guillermo Á. Pérez Sánchez exposes the possible effects in a short, medium and long
term of the new Euroatlantic bond following the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of
the Cold War.
On the other hand, Ricardo Martín de la Guardia defends that the contacts between
officials and politicians of the European Union and the United States have allowed finding a new
and mutual interest in broadening the collaboration between the two margins of the Atlantic. He
also considers that the coordination between the European and North American administrations
was an important landmark to transform the transatlantic agenda in a new reality.
Estêvão de Rezende Martins, in his article entitled “Atlantic Revolution: frontier or hint
of Union?”, draws the evolution of the transatlantic relations from the 15th century to the present
day, revealing the fact that, along the times, the Atlantic functioned as a factor of social and
institutional transformation so deep that, according to the author, one can talk about “Atlantic
Revolution”.
In a specialized article about “Frontier and function: the European case”, Rui Cunha
Martins analyzes the concept of frontier in four problematic levels – definition of frontiers,
mobility of frontiers, articulation of frontiers and regionalization of frontiers and he concludes
that, in the specific case of Europe, the frontier must be “valued not only in its historical sense,
but, above all, in its value as an ordering mechanism of the European construction: a mechanism
with certain functions and, that way, producer of several European scales”.
Cristina Robalo Cordeiro through a careful analysis of the French literature, that, in this
article, she considers as the voice of the Atlantic Europe, uses notions as “classicism”,
“romanticism” and “realism” in the approach to this problematic, doing it in a differential way.
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Here is an important work, innovative and that helps us to understand the relationship of
Europe with the Atlantic, the same is to say that the European space itself that is, as Maria
Manuela Tavares Ribeiro states, “still a space to make. Europe is a territory to be made”.
(Isabel Maria FREITAS VALENTE, e-mail: [email protected])
David DUNKERLEY; Lesley HODGSON; Stanislaw KONOPACKI; Tony
SPYBEY; Andrew THOMPSON, National and Ethnic Identity in the European
Context, Lodz University Press, Lodz, 2001, ISBN 83-7171-448-3, 221p.
The book National and Ethnic Identity in the European Context is a collection of
articles written by several authors (David Dunkerley, Lesley Hodgson, Stanislaw Konopacki,
Tony Spybey, Andrew Thompson). It was published in 2001 and approaches the existing
problems in the European Union at that time such as the future of nation-states in Europe and
the future of European integration.
Articles written by Andrew Thompson (The Nation-State in Europe), Tony Spybey
(The Nation-State and European Integration), Tony Spybey (The Nation-State and European
Institutions), Andrew Thompson (Nationalism in Europe) present the evolution of nation-state
as a European creation, since its birth, at the end of 18th century until contemporary times. The
authors emphasize the European origin of nation-state whose model expanded to the rest of the
world, as the nation-states are represented in the United Nations Organization today. The
European model spread throughout world as a result of colonization and maintained in
administration even after the colonies regained independence. But the nation-state implies the
existence of democratic institutions and modern principles which developed over time. Today’s
state administration has its roots in the administration of centralized state during 16th and 17th
centuries. Over time, the state separated from the monarchy, and democracy was established.
What we know today as the democratic Parliament took shape after the model of British
Parliament. The bureaucracy of contemporary nation-state was inspired after the centralized
state and the reforms of Colbert.
In the chapter People’s Europe?: The Social Dimensions of European Integration
written by Andrew Thompson, several problems are emphasized. The author considers that the
social dimension of European Integration was neglected in favor of economic interests of the
process of integration. The author considers that at its origins, European integration was more
an economic project, but the social dimension of the integration gains more and more
importance. More and more, European Union tends to become a Europe of peoples. Now when
the problem of a European citizenship gains more and more importance it is obvious that
European integration is not anymore a problem of elites, but of all citizens of Europe. The subnational dimension of European integration, the voice of inhabitants living in different regions
of the EU, brings Europe closer to its citizens.
In 2001, when the present book was written, the problem of European enlargement was
in vogue, as the European Union was planning its largest enlargement towards the East. Eastern
Europe countries saw in this enlargement their chance to “return to Europe”. This idea is also
emphasized by David Dunkerley in his article The Enlargement of the European Union. The
author thinks that the first wave of enlargement towards Eastern and Central Europe is “in fact,
providing divisive and exposing current weakness within the EU itself”. Enlargement takes
place in the context of continuous globalization. But in 2001, euroskepticism of certain
European states was noticeable.
In the chapter Citizenship: the Concept and its development written by Stanislaw
Konopacki, the author analyzes the concept of citizenship in the European political thought
starting with Aristotle, who considered human beings as political animals, continuing with
Machiavelli, who considered that people become citizens through “education, religion and
recognition of duty”, referring then to modern citizenship as emphasized by Burke who considers
the family as the main cell of the society and Rousseau who binds the individual of state.
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The discussion around the concept of citizenship is continued by Stanislaw Konopacki
in the chapter European Citizenship –Maastricht and After who describes how European
citizenship is reflected in the Treaty of Maastricht according to which any national of a member
state is a citizen of the European Union and the citizens of the European Union “have the right
to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States” and can candidate for
municipal election in the state where they reside. The treaty excludes external countries
nationals from the possibility of having European Union citizenship.
The present book is worth reading for a better understanding of European contemporary
problems as the future of the nation-state in Europe or the future of the European Union. The
authors debate contemporary problems looking back in the European tradition and history in order
to make the reader perceive the elements of continuity in European concepts and ideas.
(Anca OLTEAN, [email protected])
Cacipen Pal o Roma. A Global Report on Roma in Slovakia, Institute for Public
Affairs, Bratislava, 2002, ISBN 80-88935-46-6, 525p.
The broadest publication about the Roma in Slovakia came into existence with the
support of the Civic Society Development Foundation, Open Society Institute, and United States
Information Service. Institute for Public Affairs decided to publish this book due to the pressure of
the international community, especially the EU, on the one hand, and the significance of the
problematic Roma question for the entire Slovak society on the other hand. This issue became the
thorn in the eye of the Slovak political elites because it remained to be the last obstacle for
Slovakia, at those times, EU candidate country. As the authors indicates in the Preface: “the book
speaks about the potential which Slovakia possesses for the start of the changes”.
The authors of the publication are reputable analysts working for IVO, various think
tanks, NGOs, universities, and public administration. All those 48 people brought to the book
professional experience of high standard while being controlled by 18 lectors. As for the lectors,
they include such renowned personalities of Slovak analytical community such as Iveta
Radicova, Grigorij Meseznikov, or Olga Gyarfasova. The editor, Michal Vašečka, successful
Slovak sociologist, has worked throughout his carrier for several think tanks (including IVO),
and institutions such as The World Bank, Hoover Institute, Stanford University, Open Society
Institute, European Center for Minority Issues etc. Recently, he has served as a professor at the
Masaryk University in Brno, faculty of Social and Economic Sciences of the Comenius
University in Bratislava, and last but not least, in 2006 he became a director of the of the Center
for Research of Ethnicity and Culture.
Cacipen Pal o Roma is trying to post an important message to its readers- that it is
necessary to distinguish among the various subtypes of Roma population and perceive its
heterogeneity in order not to repeat the mistakes of the past. As far as there was missing the
valuable source of information about the Roma issue, which also influenced the international
community to put more pressure on the state, one of the main goals of the book is to provide an
access to he information about Roma for the wide society. Apart from that, it also reveals steps
to possible solutions for the individual problems which are discussed in the chapters.
The book is divided into 8 parts, each focused on different topic: Historical context;
Roma culture and identity; Legislature, politics and public sphere; Roma and majority in the
mutual interaction; Roma demographic situation; Roma social situation and poverty; Education;
International context. Each part is also divided into chapters- the book contains 43 chapters.
Historical context starts with the text by which tries to reveal the Indian origin of
Roma, pointing out the heterogeneity of the castes in the Indian society and the beginning of the
Roma settlement in different parts of Europe. The rest of the historical part follows the life of
Roma on the Slovak territory starting with the reign of Maria Theresa until the period of
transformation which has mostly affected Roma current situation.
199
Second part, Roma culture and identity, deals with the ethnical identity of Roma, their
language, spiritual life, cultural activities comprising arts and various institutions supporting its
development, and finally the Roma media- especially their development after 1989 while
pointing out the role of journalism.
The third part regarding the legislature focuses on the legal status of Roma and their
both active and passive presence in the Slovak political life. One of the crucial chapters is the
one related to the third sector which has been recently making effort to support the changes.
Reading the part Roma and majority in the mutual interaction, the reader is provided by
both the attitudes of majority and Roma while taking into account the results of the surveys,
polls and other empirical data as well as the role of the media in the mutual relations. This part
also emphasizes the dark side of the relations- the discrimination which could not be overseen.
In Roma demographic situation the authors deal with their number and the layout on
the Slovak territory. This part is significant due to the rising fears of the Slovak population
about the growing number of Roma minority which is usually exaggerated by the media. Thus it
was necessary to include accurate data and take into account the mortality and all the factors
affecting Roma demographic development in order to provide the readers with the precise
information.
Next part, Social situation and the poverty analyses social exclusion of Roma in the
Slovak society, the unemployment rising from the exclusion as well as the role of the state
regarding this issue. The part also contains the life strategies of Roma which are being limited
by the entire situation they have to face, it includes the chapter Housing and last but not least
the Health situation of the minority.
Education has been the part of special importance owning to the fact that many analysts
consider this topic as a first step toward the changes. The authors emphasize the development of
the educational system, the problems related to the education of Roma, the ongoing projects as
well as the attitudes of the Roma towards the education while pointing out the significance of
their opinions.
The last part, International Context, deals with the notion of the Roma migration which
had been raising fears of the international community, especially the EU countries, just before
Slovak entering the EU. In addition to this, this part also devotes attention to the phenomena
related to the migration such as asylum or the free movement of persons. In the last chapter the
authors speak about multiculturalism and what needs to be done so that we can speak about the
multicultural society in Slovakia.
Cacipen Pal o Roma has been one of the few publications, if not the only one, which
works with all the so far assembled accessible information about the Roma in Slovakia. It
analyses all the aspects of the present Roma situation, referring to each factor which have been
influencing their status and brings to its readers unbiased information supported by the
empirical data and real evidence.
Slovak society needs such a book in order to gain the knowledge about the biggest
minority it coexists with, especially when it remains to be one of the crucial social problems. As
the editor writes in the Preface, “for solving the social problem one must firstly knows the
problem”. Reading this publication can be considered as an excellent way how to learn more.
(Kristina MORAVKOVA, e-mail: [email protected])
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Our European Projects
202
The implementation of the project “European Parliament to campus for intercultural
dialogue and the european neighborhood policy in the carpathian area”
Mariana BUDA
Manuela POPOVICI
The enlargement of the European Union has changed its historical shape and the role of its
western borders. The European Neighbourhood Policy is the reply which the European Union is
offering to this challenge, meanwhile the objective of this policy is centered on the reinforcement of
the stability and security of the European Union and of its neighbours.
On this purpose, The Jean Monnet European Center of Excellence – Institute for
Euroregional Studies is the promoter of a several actions which are upholding the research in the
new fields of significance of the borders, of the crossborder cooperation and of the intercultural
dialogue on the European Union’s Eastern border. One of these actions consisted in organizing the
international seminar „European Parliament to Campus for Intercultural Dialogue and the European
Neighbourhood Policy in the Carpathian Area”, 4-11 of June 2008, in partnership with the
Association of the Former Members of the European Parliament, the Association of Carpathian
Region Universities and universities from Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia.
This event forgatherd visions of former members of the European Parliament and
researchers from the region, with a strong will of presenting the students, the proffesors and the
general public a new approaching of the intercultural dialogue and as well the fact that barriers
wouldn’t be raised inside the new borders of the European Union, barriers that could slow the
communication beacuse of the enlargement, but on the contrary, they would turn into decks between
the acdemical averages on each side. The international seminary has a strong transnational element,
which is amongst other reasons, due to the fact that it has been organized in 4 states that are members
of the European Union (Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia) and has crossed the western side
of Ukraine. The following members of the European Parliament were part of the seminary: Joke
Swiebel, Marijke van Hemeldonck, Ursula Braun Moser, Michael Elliott, Hugh R. McMahon
and Christine Oddy.
The project promotes debates, reasonings and knowledge in the area of dialogue between
cultures and people and the European Union’s neighbourhood policz; it has two levels at each stage: the
former members of the European Parliament who express their points of view by referring to the
intercultural dialogue and the European Union’s neighbourhood policy, and the young researchers who
express their points of view as derived from their own research. Both levels focus on the nature of this
challenge as an analysis of the realtions between closed and open intercultural dialogues, relations
between memory and identity in the intercultural dialogue, relations between the religious and ethnic
and national borders in the carpathic region, setting out the means of promoting the intercultural
dialogue in the carpathic area, ways to be used by the European Parliament in order to promote the
intercultural dialogue and the European Union’s neighbourhood policy in the Carpathic region.
The projoect also includes the publishing of a book that would contain all the participant’s
works. This book is to have 500 copies, 200 of which are to be placed within at least 200 libraries
and institutions who are interested in this matter.
The seminary ended with an impressive visit to the Auschwith Memorial Museum, leaving
the participants fully touched. Therefore, they came up with a declaration signed by them and the
former members of the European Parliament that they decided to publish in the Official Bulletin of
the Association of the Former Members of the European Parliament.
Following this seminary, the University of Oradea will sign new bilateral Erasmus contracts
with the support of the former members of the European Parliament, who are professors at different
universities throughout Europe, and who in the nearing future will organise a series of conferences at
the universities in Transylvania. Furthermore, it was decided that a summer school would be held
during the summer of 2009 on the topic of multilingvism. During the last session of the seminary, all
the participants were handed diplomas. ([email protected]; [email protected])
203
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
MEDIA AND EUROPEAN DIVERSITY
Oradea, 16-17 October 2008
LuminiŃa ŞOPRONI1, PhD
The peoples of the European Union are increasingly made up of a mosaic of cultures,
languages, traditions, origins and religions. The real challenge is to move from a “multicultural” society to an “inter-cultural” one.
We have identified a clear and growing recognition and awareness in Europe of the
need for deeper and more structured intercultural dialogue involving not only national
authorities but also civil society at large. All these imply the need to become familiar with
different cultures, to involve the media in cultural diversity management, to achieve a dialogue
between cultures in the context of a greater, multinational, and borderless Europe.
The conference was organized by the University of Oradea, Faculty of History,
Geography and International Relations and the Institute for Euroregional Studies, as an activity
within the Module Jean Monnet “Mass-Media and Intercultural Dialogue in Europe Without
Borders”.
The conference, which benefited from a very large participation of specialists in mass
media issues from all over Europe, aims to multiply and disseminate information about the
relationship between mass media and cultural, economic and political diversity, to analyze the
way in which media transmits the information relating to national, regional, and European
identity and to raise awareness about the need to have real efficient dialogue between the
peoples of Europe.
We succeeded in offering a comprehensive overview of both tradition and
transformation in the social, economic, political and cultural relationships at the heart of the
political and socio-economic landscape in Europe today.
The key- issues to discuss were:
the role of mass media in managing the European diversity, the European
Integration and the dialogue between cultures and peoples;
the economic convergence of EU member-states;
economic, political and social regional comparisons among European areas;
the relations between memory and identity in intercultural dialogue;
the relations between cultural and ethno-national frontiers in the EU;
means to promote intercultural dialogue in EU – especially, how it should be
promoted by the EU institutions.
The programme of the conference included besides plenary lectures, the following
workshops:
1. Europe: “Unity in Diversity”. Regional disparities. Managing the European
Diversity
2. Diversity versus convergence in European economic integration
3. Mass media and local/regional/European identity. European citizenship
4. European visibility in the world. Mass media and the image of Europe
1
Academic coordinator of Jean Monnet Module “Mass-Media and Intercultural Dialogue in Europe
without Borders”, University of Oradea.
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About the authors
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Enrique BANÚS, Ph.D., M.A., has studied Comparative Literature, Romance and German
Philology at the Universities of Bonn and Aachen in Germany. After having worked at the
Universities in Aachen, Bonn, Cologne and Paderboen, he was appointed Director of the Centre
for European Studies at the University of Navarra in Spain, where he has taught European
Literature, Cultural Studies and History of European Integration. He has collaborated with the
European Commission in irganising Conferences in Intercultural Dialogue and has been
President of the 9 Conferences "European Culture" organised in Pamplona. Since 2007 he is
Director of the Master's Degree in Cultural Management at the Universitat Internacional de
Catalunya in Barcelona; since 2008 Dean of he Faculty of Humanities and Director of the
Institute for European Studies at the same University. Jean Monnet Chair ad personal
"European Culture". E-mail: [email protected]
Margarita CHABANNA followed the Department of Economic Sciences of the National
University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”, a master in political science at the same University and
has a PhD in political sciences. In 2007 she complete the program “EU Neighbourhood Policy
and Programmes” within the project “Democracy and Public Service Capacity building in
Ukraine”, Kyiv-Brussels. Professional experience: Associate professor of the Department of
Political Science, National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy” (2006); executive secretary
of the journal “Scientific transactions of NaUKMA. Political Science”, University of “KievMohyla Academy” (2006); senior teacher of the Department of Political Science, National
University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy” (2005/6); Assistant of the Department of Political
Science, National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy” (2002/5). E-mail: [email protected]
Georges CONTOGEORGIS, ancien Recteur, directeur de recherche au CNRS de France et
membre correspondant de l’Académie internationale de la culture portugaise, est professeur de
science politique à l’Université Panteion d’Athènes. Parmi ses publications: Nation et
modernité, Athènes, 2006; Le phénomène autoritaire, Athènes, 2003; Citoyenneté et État.
Concept et typologie de la citoyenneté, Athènes, 2004; Histoire de la Grèce, Paris, 1992; Le
cosmosystème hellénique. t. A. La période statocentrique, Athènes, 2006; La démocratie
comme liberté, Athènes, 2007. E-mail: [email protected]
Gábor CSÜLLÖG is an assistant professor at the Eötvös Lorand University, Institute of
Geography and Earth Sciences, Department of Environmental and Landscape Geography. He
graduated as geographical teacher in 1982 at Kossuth Lajos University of Debrecen and as
archaeologist in 1991 at Eötvös Lorand University, where he has been taught since 1988. He
received his PhD in Earth Sciences at University of Debrecen. Education activity: social
geography, cultural geography, historical geography, political geography. Research field:
Historical geography of Carpathian Basin and Balkan, historical spatial structure of Hungary,
types of historical landscape in the Carpathian Basin. Selected publications: “The Revaluation
of Border Regions in the Changing Spatial Structure”, in: Süli-Zakar, I. (Ed.), Borders and
Cross-border Co-operations in the Central European Transformation Countries, Debreceni
Egyetem Kossuth Egyetemi Kiadója Debrecen, 2002, p. 69-79; “The Changes of the Spatial
Structure in the Carpathian Basin”, in: Vaishar, A.; Zapletalova, J.; Munzar, J. (eds.), Regional
Geography and its Applications, Institute of Geonics, Academy of Sciences of the Czech
Republic, Regiograph, Brno 2003, p. 20-25; “Bihar in the Historical Territorial Structure of the
Carpathian Basin”, in: Süli-Zakar, I.; Horga, I. (eds.), Regional development in the RomanianHungarian Cross-border Space – From National to European Perspective, Debrecen, 2006, p.
71-76. E-mail: [email protected]
Cristina DOGOT: PhD (2002-2007) in history and political sciences (European federalism).
Actually she is lecturer at the Faculty of History, Geography and International Relations,
University of Oradea where she taught courses on comparative political analyses, history of
European integration, European institutions. Selected studies: „Central and Eastern Europe, the
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State, and the Challenges of Modernity”, in: Steven Tötösy de Zepetnek, Carmen Andraş,
Magdalena Marsowsky (eds.), New Central and East European Culture, Aachen, Shaker Verlag,
2006, p. 100-112. ISBN-10: 3-8322-5143-X; ISBN-13: 978-3-8322-5143-7; „Regiunile,
fundament al viitoarei federaŃii europene în abordarea propusă de Denis de Rougemont” [The
Regions as fondament for the future European Federation. Denis de Rougemont’ idea], p. 239262, in: Nicolae Păun (ed.) Actualitatea mesajului fondatorilor Uniunii Europene [The Actuality
of the Message of the Founders of European Union]; secretary of redaction Cristina Dogot, ClujNapoca, Editura FundaŃiei pentru Studii Europene, 2006. ISBN (10) 973-7677-21-8; ISBN (13)
978-973-7677-21-1. CNCSIS Project no. 1785 / 2006; La longue histoire d’un « nouveau »
concept: le principe de subsidiarité [The long history of a new concept: the principe of
subsidiarity], p. 33-50, in: Simion Costea (coord.), For a Stronger and Wider European Union,
ED. NAPOCA STAR, Cluj-Napoca, 2005. E-mail: [email protected]
Martin HOFMANN (1977), graduated in sociology (Dipl.-Soz.) at the Darmstadt University of
Technology/Germany, associated researcher and lecturer of the Robert Bosch Foundation at the
University of Oradea, Romania, Department of International Relations and European Studies,
work experiences: German Evangelic Church Budapest/Hungary, Institut Wohnen und Umwelt
(Institute for Housing and Environment) Darmstadt, Deutsches Polen Institut (German Poland
Institute) Darmstadt. Leading educational seminars for youth doing a Voluntary Year of Social
Service. Fields of interest: postmodernity, spatial theory, borders, urban anthropology, cities,
Middle and Eastern Europe. PhD project: The Heritage of the 89 Revolution in Timişoara,
Gdańsk and Leipzig. A Comparism. E-mail: [email protected]
Sándor ILLÉS, PhD is Senior Research Fellow of Demographic Research Institute of
Hungarian Central Statistical Office (Budapest) and Professor Associate at the Kodolányi János
University College (Székesfehérvár). He graduated from the University of Szeged, Hungary in
1990 with a Master degree in Geography and History. He was awarded a Ph.D. in Geography
from the University of Eötvös Lóránd (ELTE) in 1999. He has written on level of internal
migration in Hungary, European perspectives of international migration policy, international
elderly migration. He has published 6 books and more than 60 scientific articles in different
languages. His research outcomes was presented in many international conferences. E-mail:
[email protected]
Gábor MICHALKÓ, PhD, is Senior Research Fellow at the Geographical Research Institute
of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Budapest) and Professor of Tourism at the Kodolányi
János University College, Hungary (Székesfehérvár). He graduated from the University of
Debrecen, Hungary in 1993 with a Master degree in Geography and History. He also received a
BA in Tourism from the Budapest Business School in 2000. He was awarded a Ph.D. in
Geography from the University of Debrecen in 1998. His recent research interests include urban
tourism, shopping tourism, human ecology of tourism and the relationship between tourism and
quality of life. He has published 6 books and more than 100 scientific articles in different
languages. His research outcomes was presented in many international conferences. E-mail:
[email protected]
Kristina MORAVKOVA followed the Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences at the
Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia where she studied European Studies. During the
academic year 2007-2008 she participated in the Erasmus exchange program when she attended
the faculty of International Relations at the University of Oradea, Romania. Her work “The
Roma Population in Slovakia: The Study Case of the Intercultural Dialogue” is her first
published article. Recently she has been working on the paper work related to the topic of
intercultural dialogue called “Islam and Europe”. E-mail: [email protected]
János PÉNZES is assistant lecturer at the Department of Social Geography and Regional
Development Planning, University of Debrecen. He graduated as geographer in 2004 and as
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English-Hungarian geographer special translator in 2007. He had PhD scholarship between
2004 and 2007. He is currently writing his PhD thesis about the income inequalities of NorthEastern Hungary with special attention to the effect of borders on the income pattern. His
special field of interest is the socio-economic problems in the North-Eastern part of Hungary,
especially the regional disparities, the using of mathematical-statistical methods concerning the
spatial analysis. E-mail: [email protected]
Teresa PINHEIRO, PhD, Junior Professor for Cultural and Social Change at the Chemnitz
University of Technology. She graduated at the Universities of Cologne and of Lisbon in
German and Portuguese studies; PhD thesis on the constructions (or images) of Brasil and the
Brasilians in 16th century Portuguese eye-witness reports (University of Paderborn, in 2002).
Research fields: Iberian Cultural Studies; Emigration; Representations of collective Identity.
Recent publications: 2008: „Das ‚Verstummen’ des portugiesischen Tonfilms im Estado Novo“
in: Gisela Febel, Natascha Ueckmann (Hgg.), Europäischer Film im Kontext der Romania:
Geschichte und Innovation (Akten der gleichnamigen Sektion des XXIX. Deutschen
Romanistentages vom 25.9.-29.9.2005 in Saarbrücken). Münster: LIT-Verlag, 45-65; 2008:
“Iberische Sichten der EU-Osterweiterung” in: Mathias Niedobitek / Peter Jurczek (Hgg.),
Europäische Forschungsperspektiven – Elemente einer Europawissenschaft. Berlin: Duncker &
Humblot, 385-408; 2008: „Memória histórica no Portugal contemporâneo” in: Anna Kalewska
(ed.), Diálogos com a Lusofonia. Colóquio comemorativo dos 30 anos do Instituto de Estudos
Ibéricos e Ibero-americanos da Universidade de Varsóvia. Warschau: Instituto de Estudos
Ibéricos e Ibero-americanos da Universidade de Varsóvia, 299-314; 2008: “Die
Gefangenschaftsberichte von Hans Staden und José de Anchieta zwischen Märtyrertum und
Suspense“ in: Franz Obermeier/Wolfgang Schiffner (Hgg.), Die Wahrhaftige Historia – Das
erste Brasilienbuch. Akten des Wolfhager Kongresses zu 450 Jahren Hans-Staden-Rezeption.
Kiel: Westensee-Verlag, 101-119. E-mail: [email protected]
Joke SWIEBEL studied political science and economics at the University of Amsterdam. After
her studies she worked nine years at the same university, first as a researcher in the economics
department and later as head of the political science library. In 1977 she took up policy-making
for women's equality as her profession and joined the staff of the first so-called 'national
machinery' for the advancement of women, the Emancipation Commitee, an advisory body of
the Netherlands government. In 1979 she moved to the Department for the Co-ordination of
Emancipation Policy at the then Ministry of Welfare; in 1982 this department was transferred to
the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment. From 1979 to 1995 Joke Swiebel worked in
this department as a senior civil servant responsible subsequently for socio-economic and legal
affairs, general policy planning and international relations. She was elected Member of the
European Parliament in 1999. As a member of the Netherlands Labour Party Delegation she
belongs to the Parliamentary Group of European Socialists. Within Parliament she participates
in the Committee on Citizens' Freedoms and Rights, Justice and Home Affairs and in the
Committee on Women's Rights and Equal Opportunities. She performs an active role in policy
areas such as human rights, anti-discrimination legislation, asylum and migration policies and
the drugs issue. Joke Swiebel is Chairperson of the EP's Gay and Lesbian Intergroup, i.e. an
informal grouping of MEP's and officials of various political backgrounds working together in
order to promote gay and lesbian rights. Since the sixties, she has also been an activist and a
resource person in both the feminist movement and in the gay and lesbian movement. Joke
Swiebel has published numerous articles, papers etc. on subjects such as equality policy, human
rights, labour market and social security reform and governmental organization. E-mail:
[email protected]
Nadia-Suzana ŞAPTEFRAłI has got her B.A. in political science at the National School of
Political and Administrative Studies, Bucharest, Romania, her M.A. at the Central European
University, Budapest, Hungary and is currently pursuing her PhD studies at Institutum
Studiorum Humanitatis in Ljubljana, Slovenia. She has worked at the Institute of British
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Cultural Studies, Bucharest, Romania, at the University of Bucharest, at the Institute of
Sociology of the Romanian Academy of Sciences, at the Slovene Government and for various
international organizations such as Amnesty International, European Roma Rights Centre or
National Democratic Institute. Her main research interests are ethnicity, immigration,
multiculturalism, gender, labour market in the European Union. E-mail:
[email protected]
Gergely TAGAI is young researcher at Centre for Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of
Science, Budapest. He graduated as geographer in 2004 and he had Ph.D scholarship between
2004 and 2007 at Department of Regional Geography (Regional Science), University Eötvös
Loránd. He is currently writing his Ph.D thesis about the using of Spatial Interaction Models in
regional studies. His special field of interest is spatial inequalities in Hungary and in Central
and Eastern Europe, mathematical models in spatial analysis and spatial theories in philosophy.
He is a member of Hungarian Regional Science Association. E-mail: [email protected]
Octavian łÎCU is Head of International Relations Department at the International Free
University of Moldova. Born at 21.08.1972, Ungheni, Moldova, he developed his PhD studies
in History between 1994-2000 at “Al.I. Cuza” University, Iaşi, Romania with the thesis “The
Bessarabia Problem in the Romanian-Soviet Relationships (1917-1940)“. Between September
2006 - May 2007 he was Fulbright Visiting Professor, Russian, East European and Eurasian
Center, Urbana-Champaign, the United States of America. In 2004 he received National Prize
of Moldova in the Field of Science and Literature for the book Problema Basarabiei şi relaŃiile
sovieto-române în perioada interbelică (1919-1939) (The Bessarabia Problem and SovietRomanian Relationships in the Interwar Period (1919-1939)), Chişinău, Prut InternaŃional,
2004, 269p. E-mail: [email protected]
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Eurolimes
Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies
“Jean Monnet” European Centre of Excellence
Has published
Vol. 1/2006 Europe and its Borders: Historical Perspective
Vol. 2/2006 From Smaller to Greater Europe: Border Identitary Testimonies
Vol. 3/2007 Media, Intercultural Dialogue and the New Frontiers of Europe
Vol. 4/2007 Europe from Exclusive Borders to Inclusive Frontiers
Vol. 5/2008 Religious frontiers of Europe
Vol. 6/2008 The Intercultural Dialogue and the European Frontiers
Will publish
Vol. 7/2009 Europe and the Neighbourhood
Vol. 8/2009 ????????????????