Revue canadienne de l`éducation Canadian Journal of Education

Revue canadienne de l’éducation
Canadian Journal of Education
Volume 28
Numéros / Numbers 1 & 2
2005
Rédacteur
François Larose
Editor
Sam Robinson
Production Editor
Clare Fairbairn
Assistant to the Editor
Diane Favreau
Editorial Advisory Board / Conseil aviseur de rédaction
Michel Laurier, Université de Montréal, CADE/AFDÉC
Lisa Loutzenhweiser, The University of British Columbia, CACS/ACÉC
Rob Tierney, The University of British Columbia, CADE/ACDÉ
Allen Pearson, The University of Western Ontario, CADE/ACDÉ
Robert Sandieson, The University of Western Ontario, CAEP/ACP
Sharon Cook, The University of Ottawa, CAFE/ACÉFÉ
Matthew Meyer, St. Francis Xavier University, CASEA/ACÉAS
Kathy Sanford, The University of Victoria, CASWE/ACÉFÉ
Joyce Castle, Brock University, CATE/ACFE
Virginia Stead, Ontario Institute for the Study of Education of the University of
Toronto, CCSE/CCÉE
Reva Joshee, Ontario Institute for the Study of Education, CIESC/SCÉCI
––––––––––––––––
Nous tenons à remercier vivement le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines
du Canada pour son aide financière ainsi que l’Université de Sherbrooke et
l’University of Saskatchewan qui nous assurent de leur soutien. Nous
reconnaissons l’aide financière du gouvernement du Canada, par l’entremise du
Programme d’aide aux publications (PAP), pour nos dépenses d’envoi postal.
We gratefully acknowledge the financial assistance of the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada and the support of the University of
Sherbrooke and the University of Saskatchewan in the publication of this journal.
We also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada, through
the Publications Assistance Program (PAP), towards our mailing costs.
© Société canadienne pour l’étude de l’éducation/Canadian Society for the Study of Education
ISSN 0380-2361
Numéro d’enregistrement pour la TPS / GST Registration No. R 106866874
Poste-publications enregistrement no / Publications Mail Registration No. 09699
mai / May 2005
RENSEIGNEMENTS GÉNÉRAUX. La Revue canadienne de l’éducation est publiée par la Société
canadienne pour l’étude de l’éducation. Le montant des cotisations versées à la SCÉÉ, en ce qu’elles
donnent droit à l’abonnement annuel à la RCÉ, sont les suivants. Membres réguliers : 80 $ en sus de
la cotisation à au moins une association membre; Étudiantes, étudiants ou individus dont le revenu
annuel ne dépasse pas 30 000 $ : 40 $ en sus du montant de la cotisation à une association membre:
Membres associés internationaux : 48 $ en sus du montant de la cotisation à une association membre;
Membres institutionnels : 150 $ hors tout autre droit. Le tarif d’un abonnement annuel à la revue,
pour toute personne juridique (bibliothèque, organisme public ou privé, etc.) ou pour tout individu
non-membre de la SCÉÉ est de 100 $, taxes en sus. Le prix d’achat unitaire des numéros de la revue
est donc de 25 $. Pour toute demande d’information ou avis de changement d’adresse, prière d’écrire
à la SCÉÉ à l’adresse suivante: 260 rue Dalhousie, No. 204, Ottawa, Ontario, KIN 7E4.
Tous les textes parus dans la RCE sont placés sous la propriété littéraire de la Société. Si
vous désirez reproduire ou photocopier les tableaux, les figures ou plus de 500 mots d’un
texte, vous devez obtenir par écrit la permission de la SCEE. Tous les manuscrits et toute
correspondance se rapportant à la RCE devrait être envoyée à François Larose, Rédacteur de
la RCÉ, Université de Sherbrooke, 2500, boul. de l’Université, Sherbrooke, Québec, J1K 2R1.
GENERAL INFORMATION. The Canadian Journal of Education is published by the Canadian
Society for the Study of Education. Membership fees, which include a subscription to CJE, are:
regular, $80 plus constituent association fee; students and other persons earning under $30,000
annually, $40 plus constituent association fee; international associate, $48 plus constituent
association fee; institutional associate, $150. Annual subscriptions for libraries, institutions,
and individuals who are not members of CSSE are $100 plus GST if applicable. Single issues
are $25. Changes of address and subscription information should be sent directly to CSSE,
#204-260 Dalhousie Street, Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 7E4.
All CJE material is copyrighted by CSSE. Written permission must be obtained from CSSE
for copying or reprinting tables, figures, or more than 500 words of text. Manuscripts and
correspondence about editorial issues should be directed to Sam Robinson, Editor, CJE, College
of Education, University of Saskatchewan, 28 College Drive, Saskatoon, SK, S7N 0X1.
La Revue canadienne de l’éducation est répertoriée dans /
The Canadian Journal of Education is indexed in
Répertoire canadien sur l’éducation/Canadian Education Index, Canadian Magazine Index,
Index des périodiques canadiens/Canadian Periodical Index, Canadian Women’s Periodicals
Index, Contents Pages in Education, Current Index to Journals in Education, Education Index,
Educational Technology Abstracts, Linguistic and Language Behavior Abstracts, PAIS Bulletin,
Public Affairs Information Service, Psychological Abstracts, Research into Higher Education
Abstracts, Sociology of Education Abstracts, Special Education Needs Abstracts, Studies in
Women Abstracts.
Revue canadienne de l’éducation / Canadian Journal of Education
VOLUME 28
NUMÉROS/NUMBERS 1 & 2
2005
Table des matières / Contents
Articles
1
Les caractéristiques d’élèves en difficulté de comportement: placés
en classe spéciale ou intégrés en classe ordinaire
Michèle Déry, Jean Toupin, Robert Pauzé, & Pierrette Verlaan
24
Suivi longitudinal de profils d’adaptation en santé mentale chez
des élèves de niveau primaire
Suzanne Dugré & Marcel Trudel
52
Rural Education and Out-Migration: The Case of a Coastal
Community
Michael Corbett
73
Psychology and the Education of Persons in British Columbia: A
Critical Interpretive Investigation
Ann-Marie McLellan & Jack Martin
92
Reading Beyond School: Literacies in a Neighbourhood Library
Angela Ward & Linda Wason-Ellam
109
Learning Through the Arts: Lessons of Engagement
Katharine Smithrim & Rena Upitis
128
Curriculum, Translation, and Differential Functioning of
Measurement and Geometry Items
Barnabas C. Emenogu & Ruth A. Childs
147
The Practicum: More than Practice
Renate Schulz
168
Inside a Student Cohort: Teacher Education from a Social Capital
Perspective
David Mandzuk, Shelley Hasinoff, & Kelvin Seifert
185
A Seven-Month Practicum: Collaborating Teachers’ Response
Gestny Ewart & Stanley Straw
Essai critique / Review Essay
203
Herbert Grossman. (2004). Classroom Behaviour Management for
Diverse and Inclusive Schools
by S. Anthony Thompson
Recensions / Book Reviews
210
Molly Ness. (2004). Lessons to Learn: Voices from the Front Lines
of Teach for America.
by Roslyn Thomas-Long
213
Mary Beattie. (2004). Narratives in the Making: Teaching and
Learning at Corktown Community High School.
by Helen E. Christiansen
215
Catherine Walker & Edgar Schmidt. (2004). Smart Tests: TeacherMade – Tests That Help Students Learn
by Sonya Corbin Dwyer
219
Rebecca Luce-Kapler. (2004). Writing with, through, and beyond
the text: An ecology of language.
by Trevor J. Gambell
222
Hayhoe, Ruth. (2004). Full circle: A Life with Hong Kong and
China.
by Glen A. Jones
224
P. Dawson & R. Guare. (2004). Executive Skills in Children and
Adolescents: A Practical Guide to Assessment and Intervention.
by John R. Kirby
227
Wim Jochems, Jeroen van Merriënboer, & Rob Koper (Eds.). (2004).
Integrated e-learning: Implications for Pedagogy, Technology &
Organization.
by Peter Wright
230
Daniel Liston & Jim Garrison (Eds.). Teaching, Learning, and Loving:
Reclaiming Passion in Educational Practice.
by Deborah Orr
233
Auteurs / Authors
–IV –
Les caractéristiques d’élèves en difficulté
de comportement: placés en classe spéciale ou
intégrés en classe ordinaire
Michèle Déry
Jean Toupin
Robert Pauzé
Pierrette Verlaan
Malgré les politiques d’adaptation scolaire favorisant l’intégration en classe ordinaire,
le quart des élèves en difficulté de comportement est placé en classe spéciale au Québec.
Afin d’identifier des facteurs déterminants de ce placement, cette étude examine les
caractéristiques comportementales, cognitives, scolaires et sociales d’élèves du primaire
en difficulté de comportement (n=300) dont 26% sont placés en classe spéciale. L’étude
montre que les caractéristiques des élèves sont relativement peu associées au type de
placement scolaire. Ce résultat questionne plus fondamentalement les critères sur lesquels
est basée l’orientation des élèves et milite en faveur d’une meilleure évaluation de leurs
caractéristiques et de leurs besoins.
Mots clés: intégration scolaire, difficulté d’adaptation sociale, évaluation des difficultés
de socialisation, enseignement primaire
Despite the politics on social integration and mainstream in general education, a
substantial proportion of children with behaviour problems are placed in special classes.
In order to identify potential determinants of the educational placement, this study
examined the characteristics of a sample of 300 elementary school students with
behaviour problems. Twenty-six percent of these students attended special classes. The
measures included the nature and severity of the behaviour problems, cognitive abilities,
and social and academic competency. The results suggested that few characteristics were
related to educational placement. These results question the rationale of placement in
special classes and highlight the necessity for a better assessment of children needs.
Keywords: mainstreaming, behavioural problems, social adaptation evaluation,
elementary school teaching
––––––––––––––––
Le mouvement en faveur de l’intégration en classe ordinaire des élèves
présentant des difficultés de comportement1 s’est intensifié dans les écoles
québécoises au cours de la dernière décennie. Depuis 1990, en effet, on
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 1–23
2
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
enregistre au ministère de l’Éducation du Québec (MEQ, 1999) une
diminution substantielle du taux de placement en classe spéciale pour ces
élèves, taux qui semble s’être stabilisé autour de 25% à l’école primaire
(soit environ un élève en difficulté de comportement sur 4). La Politique de
l’adaptation scolaire (MEQ, 1999) recommande que les efforts soient
maintenus pour diminuer encore ce taux.
D’après le texte de la Politique, le placement en classe spéciale devrait
être réservé aux élèves dont l’intégration en classe ordinaire représente une
trop grande contrainte pour l’école ou, encore, lorsque cette intégration
contrevient aux droits des autres élèves. Cependant, la Politique n’est pas
plus explicite quant aux caractéristiques à considérer chez les élèves en
difficulté de comportement pour fonder la décision de les diriger ou non
vers la classe spéciale. Rendre explicite ces informations contribuerait à
enrichir le processus décisionnel visant à la fois la diminution du taux de
placement et l’orientation des élèves vers les meilleures ressources scolaires
pour répondre à leurs besoins. Ceci est d’autant plus important à l’école
primaire où le nombre d’élèves identifiés en milieu scolaire comme ayant
des difficultés comportementales a triplé au cours des dernières années,
passant de 0,78% en 1985 à 2,50% en 2000 (Conseil supérieur de l’éducation,
2001). Pouvoir orienter ces enfants vers les ressources adéquates devient
un impératif dans un contexte où la possibilité d’offrir des services scolaires
complémentaires aux élèves en difficulté est limitée.
CARACTÉRISTIQUES ASSOCIÉS AU TYPE DE PLACEMENT SCOLAIRE DES
ÉLÈVES QUI ONT DES DIFFICULTÉS COMPORTEMENTALES
Relativement peu de recherches ont été réalisées sur les caractéristiques
qui différencient les élèves en difficulté de comportement scolarisés en classe
spéciale ou dans la classe ordinaire. Et, à notre connaissance, aucune étude
québécoise ou canadienne récente n’a porté spécifiquement sur cette
question. Toutefois, bien qu’elles proviennent d’autres pays, les recherches
que nous avons recensées sur cette question ont été réalisées dans des
contextes politiques et idéologiques de l’intégration scolaire relativement
proches des nôtres (elles sont, pour la plupart, américaines, anglaises ou
scandinaves) et auprès d’élèves dont les difficultés comportementales
correspondent sensiblement aux définitions utilisées par le MEQ (2000).
Conséquemment, elles peuvent donner un aperçu des caractéristiques des
élèves possiblement liées au placement en classe spéciale.
Les résultats de ces études ont été regroupés, ici, en trois catégories selon
qu’ils concernent : (1) la nature et la sévérité des difficultés
comportementales; (2) les autres difficultés (cognitives, scolaires ou sociales)
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
3
qui se rajoutent à ces problèmes; (3) les caractéristiques
sociodémographiques des élèves.
Nature et sévérité des difficultés comportementales des élèves
Les difficultés comportementales sont les caractéristiques les plus étudiées
en lien avec le type de placement scolaire des élèves, sans doute en raison
de leur variation parfois substantielle d’un élève à l’autre. En effet, bien
qu’ils soient le plus souvent décrits comme manifestant des conduites
«antisociales» (Conseil supérieur de l’éducation, 2001), les élèves en
difficulté de comportement ne constituent pas un groupe homogène. Ils
forment plutôt différents sous-groupes dont la nature et la sévérité des
difficultés varient grandement (Fortin et Strayer, 2000; Kershaw et SonugaBarke, 1998; Place, Wilson, Martin et Hulsmeier, 2000).
À l’âge scolaire primaire, certains de ces élèves ont des problèmes
comportementaux sévères, de nature essentiellement antisociale, et
rencontrent l’ensemble des critères du trouble de l’opposition avec
provocation, voire du trouble des conduites2 (Déry, Toupin, Pauzé et Verlaan,
2004). D’autres, plus nombreux, présentent un trouble déficitaire de l’attention
avec hyperactivité (TDAH), soit seul, soit en concomitance des troubles de
l’opposition ou des conduites (Déry et coll. 2004sp; Mattison, Gadow, Sprafkin
et Nolan, 2002; Place et coll., 2000). Ce type de concomitance est associé aux
problèmes comportementaux les plus sévères et les plus persistants (Hinshaw,
Lahey et Hart, 1993; Lynam, 1996; Toupin, Déry, Pauzé, Mercier et Fortin,
2000). Enfin, des élèves ne manifestent que quelques symptômes de l’un ou
l’autre de ces troubles sans en rencontrer les critères diagnostiques (Déry et
coll., 2004; Kershaw et Sonuga-Barke, 1998); ils ont, conséquemment, des
difficultés comportementales moins sévères.3
Cette variabilité dans la nature et la sévérité des difficultés est-elle associée
au type de placement scolaire des élèves? Les résultats des études recensées
sur cette question ne permettent pas d’apporter un réponse claire. Un certain
nombre d’entre elles suggèrent que les difficultés de comportement des
élèves des classes spéciales sont plus sévères que celles des élèves orientés
vers les classes ordinaires. Ainsi, des auteurs ont relevé que les élèves des
classes ou des écoles spéciales présentaient davantage de comportements
agressifs ou perturbateurs (Hendrickson, Smith, Frank et Merical, 1998;
Muscott, 1997). D’autres ont observé que ces élèves étaient plus nombreux
à manifester de l’hyperactivité (McClure, Ferguson, Boodoosingh, Turgay
et Stravrakaki, 1989) ou un trouble des conduites (Mattison, Humphrey,
Kales, Handford, Finkenbinder et Hernit, 1986).
Par contre, d’autres études n’ont pas montré d’association entre le type de
4
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
placement scolaire et la nature ou la sévérité des difficultés présentées par
les élèves (Gottlieb et Weinberg, 1999; Mattison, Morales et Bauer, 1991, 1992;
Robertson, Bates, Wood, Rosenblatt, Furlong, Casas et Schwier, 1998). Cette
absence de lien a été particulièrement constatée dans les études qui ont tenu
compte de la présence d’autres variables pouvant avoir un effet confondant
sur les résultats (Mattison et coll., 1991, 1992; Robertson et coll., 1998).
Difficultés additionnelles
Aux difficultés comportementales parfois complexes des élèves, s’ajoutent
souvent d’autres difficultés au plan cognitif, scolaire ou social. Par exemple,
plusieurs études ont montré que le QI moyen des jeunes qui présentent des
difficultés de comportement de nature antisociale est d’environ un demi écart
type inférieur à la moyenne standard (voir sur ce plan la recension des écrits
de Moffitt, 1993)4. La plus faible performance scolaire de ces élèves est aussi
à relever dont, notamment, le fait que plusieurs ont doublé au moins une
année et accusent un retard scolaire important (Fortin, Toupin, Pauzé, Mercier
et Déry, 1996). Enfin, on retrouve des déficits notables sur le plan des habiletés
sociales (Desbiens, Royer, Fortin et Bertrand, 1998; Fortin et coll., 1996).
Les résultats des études recensées sur l’intégration ou le placement des
élèves présentant des difficultés de comportement suggèrent que ces autres
difficultés peuvent être aussi associées au type de placement scolaire. Ainsi,
les élèves qui ont des difficultés sur les plans cognitif et de la communication
se retrouvent plus souvent en classe spéciale (Hendrickson et coll., 1998;
Muscott, 1997). Il en est de même pour ceux qui ont une plus faible
performance scolaire, notamment dans les matières qui ont trait au
développement des habiletés verbales (Gottlieb et Weinberg, 1999;
Hendrickson et coll., 1998).
Caractéristiques sociodémographiques
Enfin, des caractéristiques comme l’âge, le sexe, l’ethnie et le statut socioéconomique sont reconnues pour jouer un rôle dans l’identification des
élèves en difficulté de comportement et leur orientation vers l’enseignement
spécialisé (Singh, Williams et Spears, 2002). En particulier, Frey (2002)
rapporte que le faible statut socio-économique constitue un prédicteur
significatif de la recommandation de placer les élèves en difficulté de
comportement en classe spéciale. Les élèves en difficulté de comportement
de sexe masculin, de minorités ethniques ou plus âgés sont aussi plus
fréquemment scolarisés dans des classes ou des écoles spéciales
(Hendrickson et coll., 1998).
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
5
Limites
Les études recensées sur les liens entre les caractéristiques des élèves en
difficulté de comportement et le type de placement scolaire comportent
certaines limites méthodologiques qui ne permettent pas de porter de
conclusions fermes.
Ainsi, des instruments standardisés n’ont pas toujours été utilisés pour
identifier les difficultés comportementales des élèves, certaines études ne
reposant que sur les notes figurant dans les dossiers scolaires pour estimer
la nature et l’ampleur des difficultés présentées (Hendrickson et coll., 1998).
Il est donc difficile, dans ces conditions, de se prononcer avec exactitude
sur la nature et la sévérité des difficultés comportementales. Une telle limite
peut expliquer, en partie, les résultats contradictoires des études qui ont
porté sur ces aspects. Lorsque des instruments diagnostiques ont été utilisés,
le rôle spécifique de la concomitance du TDAH et d’autres troubles
perturbateurs n’a pas toujours été examiné (Gottlieb et Weinberg, 1999).
Dans la mesure où cette concomitance est associée aux difficultés les plus
sévères, il est possible qu’elle soit reliée au type de placement, ce que tend
d’ailleurs à démontrer l’étude de Mattison et coll. (1991).
Ajoutons, ici, qu’à l’exception de celle de Robertson et coll. (1998), aucune
des études citées n’a eu recours à plus d’une source d’information (soit
habituellement l’enseignant) pour établir les difficultés comportementales
des élèves. Or, en raison des faibles corrélations entre les informations
fournies par différentes personnes sur les comportements d’un même enfant,
plusieurs auteurs ont démontré la pertinence de recourir à plus d’un
informateur pour établir les difficultés comportementales des jeunes
(Achenbach, McConaughy et Howell, 1987; Bird, Gould et Staghezza, 1992;
Jensen, Rubio-Stipec, Canino, Bird, Dulcan, Schwab-Stone et Lahey, 1999;
Mitsis, McKay, Schulz, Newcorn et Halperin, 2000; Verhulst et Van der Ende,
1991). L’utilisation d’une telle stratégie permettrait d’obtenir différents
points de vue sur les difficultés présentées par les élèves.
Enfin, les études recensées sur les liens entre les difficultés additionnelles
(cognitives, scolaires ou sociales) et le type de placement scolaire ne
permettent pas de déterminer si ces différents problèmes demeurent associés
au placement en classe spéciale au delà des difficultés comportementales
elles-mêmes. Il en est de même pour les résultats se rapportant aux
caractéristiques sociodémographiques des élèves qui, elles-aussi, peuvent
être reliées à la nature des difficultés de comportement. Par exemple, des
études épidémiologiques ont montré que des problèmes tels le trouble des
conduites étaient plus fréquemment observables chez les garçons (Breton
et coll., 1999; Lahey, Schwab-Stone, Goodman, Waldman, Canino, Rathouz,
6
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
Miller, Dennis, Bird et Jensen, 2000; Offord, Boyle, Szatmari, Rae-Grant,
Links, Cadman, Byles, Crawford, Blum, Byrne, Thomas et Woodward, 1987)
et chez les enfants plus âgés (Lahey et coll., 2000; Offord et coll., 1987). Le
recours à un modèle d’analyse tenant compte à la fois de la nature des
difficultés comportementales, des problèmes cognitifs, scolaires et sociaux
surajoutés et des caractéristiques sociodémographiques serait donc
nécessaire pour identifier les caractéristiques déterminantes du placement
scolaire.
OBJECTIF DE L’ÉTUDE
Cette étude vise à déterminer parmi un ensemble de caractéristiques
individuelles (comportementales, cognitives, sociales, scolaires,
sociodémographiques) celles qui sont le plus étroitement associées au type
de placement scolaire d’élèves de l’école primaire présentant des difficultés
comportementales. L’étude est basée sur l’utilisation d’instruments
standardisés pour identifier les difficultés comportementales et porte une
attention spécifique à la cooccurrence du TDAH. Elle a également recours
à deux types d’informateurs, l’enseignant et le parent, pour établir la nature
et la sévérité des difficultés présentées. Enfin, un modèle d’analyse
permettant d’examiner la contribution des caractéristiques des élèves les
unes par rapport aux autres est utilisé dans l’étude.
MÉTHODE
Sélection des participants et déroulement de l’étude
Les élèves en difficulté de comportement qui participent à la présente étude
ont été recrutés en trois vagues successives, en 1999, 2000 et 2001, dans le
cadre d’une recherche plus vaste sur la persistance des difficultés
comportementales. Ils proviennent d’écoles primaires de trois Commissions
scolaires situées en Estrie et en Montérégie. L’échantillon a été constitué au
cours du dernier trimestre de chaque année scolaire puisque, dans le cadre
de l’étude, les enseignants devaient être en contact avec les élèves depuis
au moins six mois pour réaliser une entrevue diagnostique structurée sur
leurs difficultés comportementales (voir la section sur les Mesures).
Tous les élèves des écoles participantes inscrits sur la liste des élèves qui
recevaient des services complémentaires de l’école pour difficulté de
comportement (principal diagnostic) ont été ciblés5. De ce bassin, ont été
exclus ceux qui avaient une déficience intellectuelle ou sensorielle et, parce
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
7
qu’une partie des questionnaires de l’étude s’adressaient aux parents, ceux
qui vivaient en famille d’accueil ou en centre de réadaptation. Le nombre
des élèves ainsi ciblés s’élevait à 710.
Pour des raisons de confidentialité, les parents de ces élèves ont d’abord
été contactés par les intervenants psychosociaux des écoles afin qu’ils
consentent à participer à la recherche. Les intervenants ont préalablement
rayé de leur liste les parents qu’ils jugeaient préférables de ne pas contacter
(n = 42), soit parce qu’ils ne les connaissaient pas encore, soit parce qu’ils
craignaient que de contacter le parent ne nuise à leur intervention auprès
de l’enfant. Des 668 cas restant, 520 parents ont pu être contactés avant la
fin de l’année scolaire et 62,3% (n = 324) ont consenti à participer à la
recherche.
L’échantillon recruté s’est avéré représentatif de l’échantillon initial sur
l’ensemble des données que les Commissions scolaires ont pu nous fournir
sans nuire à l’anonymat des élèves non participants, soit sur la provenance
des élèves, le ratio garçons-filles, la répartition des élèves dans chaque
niveau scolaire et, surtout, le taux d’élèves scolarisés en classe spéciale. Ce
taux est de 26%, ce qui correspond sensiblement aux données du MEQ
(1999). Notre échantillon inclut 20% de filles, une proportion également
similaire à celle habituellement observée pour les élèves du primaire en
difficulté de comportement (Conseil supérieur de l’éducation, 2001).
Mentionnons, enfin, que 4% des élèves recrutés étaient identifiés en milieu
scolaire comme ayant des troubles graves du comportement (codes 13 ou
14) et qu’ils étaient tous scolarisés en classe spéciale. Les analyses préalables
que nous avons réalisées ont toutefois montré que ces enfants ne se
distinguaient pas statistiquement des autres élèves en difficulté de
comportement placés en classe spéciale sur l’ensemble des caractéristiques
mesurées dans l’étude. Ils ont donc été conservés dans l’échantillon.
Pour documenter les différentes caractéristiques des élèves, les parents,
les enseignants principaux et les élèves eux-mêmes ont été sollicités. Les
élèves et un de leurs parents ont été rencontrés séparément à domicile par
des interviewers pour la réalisation des entrevues et la passation des tests.
Les enseignants de 309 élèves ont accepté de participer à l’étude et ont
passé une entrevue téléphonique sur la nature et l’ampleur des difficultés
comportementales présentées en classe. Des données complètes sur
l’ensemble des caractéristiques mesurées dans l’étude et incluant, pour
chaque participant, les réponses du parent, de l’enseignant et de l’élève ont
pu être obtenues pour 300 élèves, soit 218 élèves des classes ordinaires et
82 élèves des classes spéciales. Cette attrition n’a pas modifié la
représentativité de l’échantillon.
8
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
MESURES
Difficultés comportementales
Le Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children – Revised (Shaffer, SchwabStone, Fisher, Cohen, Piacentini, Davies, Conners et Regier, 1993) est un
instrument traduit en français et validé pour la réalisation de l’Enquête
québécoise sur la santé mentale des jeunes (Breton et al., 1999; Breton,
Bergeron, Valla, Berthiaume et St-Georges, 1998). Il s’agit d’une entrevue
structurée développée à partir des critères du Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III-R; American Psychiatric Association,
1987) pour détecter les symptômes de différents troubles mentaux chez les
enfants. Cette entrevue a été réalisée auprès des parents et auprès des
enseignants. Pour les besoins de la présente étude, seules les sections sur le
TDAH et les troubles perturbateurs (trouble de l’opposition avec
provocation et trouble des conduites) que les élèves ont pu manifester au
cours des six derniers mois ont été retenues.
Nous avons légèrement modifié le protocole d’entrevue pour qu’il
englobe aussi les critères figurant dans le DSM-IV (American Psychiatric
Association, 1994, 2000), une version plus récente de ce manuel. Les valeurs
des Kappas que nous avons calculées pour les diagnostics établis avec les
versions DSM-III-R ou DSM-IV de l’entrevue se sont avérées très bonnes :
elles varient de 0,67 à 0,90 lorsque l’enseignant est l’informateur et de 0,65
à 0,88 lorsqu’il s’agit du parent.
Afin de tenir compte à la fois de l’absence ou de la présence de troubles
chez les élèves et de leur cooccurrence, les trois diagnostics ont été réunis
en une seule variable catégorielle à quatre niveaux mutuellement exclusifs:
1 = absence de TDAH et absence de troubles perturbateurs (incluant le
trouble de l’opposition avec provocation et le trouble des conduites); 2 =
présence d’un TDAH uniquement; 3 = présence de troubles perturbateurs
uniquement; 4 = présence d’un TDAH et présence de troubles perturbateurs.
Une telle variable a été créée pour les diagnostics établis à l’aide des réponses
données par les enseignants et une autre pour ceux établis à partir des
réponses des parents. Le nombre total de symptômes rapportés et de ceux
observés pour chaque diagnostic ont également été retenus comme variables
à l’étude.
Difficultés additionnelles
Trois variables ont été mesurées sur ce plan : les habiletés cognitives, la
compétence sociale et le retard scolaire d’un an ou plus.
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
9
L’Échelle de vocabulaire en images Peabody (ÉVIP, Dunn, ThériaultWhalen et Dunn, 1993) a été utilisée avec les élèves pour estimer leurs
habiletés cognitives. Il s’agit d’un test de vocabulaire réceptif validé au
Canada français. L’ÉVIP permet le calcul d’un score standardisé qui peut
être employé comme indicateur des habiletés cognitives des élèves en raison
des très bonnes corrélations que ce score entretient avec les échelles
d’intelligence Stanford-Binet et Wechsler (Dunn et coll., 1993).
L’Échelle de compétence sociale du Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL,
Achenbach et Edelbrock, 1983) a été employée auprès des parents. Très
connue, cette échelle du CBCL concerne la fréquentation des amis et la
participation de l’enfant à des groupes et à des associations. Elle permet,
elle aussi, le calcul d’un score.
Les parents ont également donné l’information, le cas échéant, sur le
nombre d’années scolaires doublées par l’enfant, ce qui a permis de créer
une variable discrète reflétant l’absence ou la présence d’un retard scolaire
d’au moins une année.
Caractéristiques sociodémographiques.
Ces caractéristiques incluent l’âge et le sexe des enfants ainsi que leur statut
socio-économique. Les informations sur le statut socio-économique ont été
recueillies à l’aide d’un questionnaire mis au point par le Centre de recherche
de l’Hôpital Rivière-des-Prairies (1992) pour l’Enquête québécoise sur la
santé mentale des jeunes et porte sur le revenu familial, la scolarité et le
statut d’emploi des parents. Ces informations sont utilisées pour calculer
un indice de statut socio-économique en 8 points (Toupin, 1993). Nous
n’avons pas considéré l’ethnie des élèves dans l’étude puisque très peu de
différences existaient sur ce plan dans la population d’élèves des
commissions scolaires participantes.
ANALYSES
Bien qu’il n’y ait pas de différence statistiquement significative entre les
caractéristiques de la population de référence et de l’échantillon final, les
données ont néanmoins été pondérées selon le niveau scolaire, le sexe et la
provenance des élèves afin d’éliminer les biais attribuables aux légères
différences sur ces variables. L’effet de plan de 1,02 a été utilisé dans la
procédure de pondération avant la réalisation des analyses statistiques.
L’analyse des données a été faite en deux temps. Des analyses statistiques
unidimensionnelles (test-t et c-carré) ont d’abord été réalisées afin de décrire
et comparer les caractéristiques des élèves scolarisés en classe ordinaire ou
10
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
en classe spéciale. Nous avons procédé ensuite à une analyse de régression
logistique sur l’ensemble des caractéristiques qui discriminaient
significativement les groupes (à p < 0,05) pour tenir compte des
corrélations entre les variables et déterminer les meilleurs “prédicteurs”
du placement actuel des élèves en classe spéciale. La méthode de sélection
des variables qui a été retenue pour cette analyse est la méthode “par
étape”. Bien que controversée pour vérifier un modèle théorique, cette
méthode s’avère particulièrement appropriée lorsque le but de l’analyse
est uniquement l’identification des prédicteurs d’un phénomène à des
fins pratiques (Menard, 2001), comme c’est le cas ici.
RÉSULTATS
Analyses unidimensionnelles
Le tableau 1 présente les résultats relatifs aux difficultés
comportementales des élèves scolarisés en classe ordinaire ou en classe
spéciale. Les analyses statistiques réalisées montrent, tout d’abord, que
la fréquence des différents diagnostics établis à l’aide des réponses des
enseignants se distribue différemment selon le groupe d’appartenance
des élèves (c2 = 14,25; d.l. = 3; p < .01). Les résultats obtenus sont, toutefois,
contre-intuitifs. En effet, comparativement aux enseignants des classes
spéciales, les enseignants des classes ordinaires rapportent des difficultés
comportementales qui atteignent plus fréquemment les seuils cliniques
pour l’établissement de diagnostics. Ceci semble concerner
particulièrement le TDAH puisque les taux calculés lorsque ce trouble
est présent chez les élèves de la classe ordinaire (soit seul ou en
cooccurrence avec des troubles de l’opposition ou des conduites) sont
systématiquement plus élevés, contrairement au taux estimé pour les
troubles de l’opposition ou des conduites, assez similaire à celui observé
pour les élèves des classes spéciales. Les analyses réalisées sur le nombre
de symptômes manifestés vont dans le même sens. Les enseignants des
classes ordinaires rapportent, en moyenne, plus de symptômes de TDAH
chez leurs élèves que les enseignants des classes spéciales (t = 4,33; d.l. =
292; p < .001), mais un nombre comparable de symptômes perturbateurs,
ce qui contribue à rendre compte du nombre total de symptômes
significativement plus élevé manifestés par les élèves en classe ordinaire
(t = 3,49; d.l. = 292; p < .001).
Ces différences de diagnostics entre les groupes s’estompent, toutefois,
lorsque les difficultés comportementales des élèves sont rapportées par les
parents. En effet, lorsque ces derniers agissent à titre de répondant, il n’y a
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
11
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
TABLEAU 1
Difficultés comportementales des élèves scolarisés en classe ordinaire ou
en classe spéciale (n=300; n’=294)
Difficultés comportementales
Diagnostic (selon l’enseignant):
-sans OPP/CD ni TDAH
%
-TDAH uniquement
%
-OPP/CD uniquement
%
-OPP/CD et TDAH
%
Nb de symptômes (selon l’enseignant):
-de TDAH
M (é.t.)
-d’OPP et de CD
M (é.t.)
-totaux
M (é.t.)
Diagnostic (selon le parent):
-sans OPP/CD ni TDAH
%
-TDAH uniquement
%
-OPP/CD uniquement
%
-OPP/CD et TDAH
%
Nb de symptômes (selon le parent):
-de TDAH
M (é.t.)
-d’OPP et de CD
M (é.t.)
-totaux
M (é.t.)
Classe
ordinaire
(n=218;
n’=213)
Classe
spéciale
(n=82;
n’=81)
24,9
31,0
11,7
32,4
45,7
18,5
14,8
21,0
9,8 (4,6)
4,3 (3,7)
14,1 (6,0)
7,1 (5,0)
3,7 (4,0)
10,8 (8,0)
41,1
17,8
14,5
26,6
45,1
12,2
17,1
25,6
9,6 (4,8)
3,6 (3,5)
13,2 (7,1)
9,5 (5,2)
4,2 (3,5)
13,7 (7,5)
p
0,002
0,000
n.s.
0,001
n.s.
n.s.
n.s.
n.s.
Note: n’ = n pondéré; TDAH = trouble déficitaire de l’attention avec hyperactivité;
OPP = trouble de l’opposition avec provocation; CD = trouble des conduites;
n.s. = différence non significative.
pas de différence significative entre les groupes en ce qui a trait à la
distribution des différents diagnostics (c2 = 1,6; d.l.= 3; n.s.) et aux nombres
moyens de symptômes manifestés par les élèves (t = 1,4; d.l. = 292; n.s.).
Les taux calculés à partir des réponses des parents rejoignent sensiblement
ceux établis à partir des réponses données par les enseignants des classes
spéciales. Ils montrent que dans chaque groupe, plus de la moitié des élèves
ont des difficultés comportementales suffisamment sévères pour rencontrer
les seuils diagnostiques de l’un ou l’autre des troubles évalués dans l’étude.
Entre autres, environ le quart des élèves ont un TDAH en concomitance
d’un trouble de l’opposition ou d’un trouble des conduites.
En ce qui a trait aux difficultés surajoutées et aux caractéristiques
sociodémographiques (tableau 2), les résultats obtenus montrent que les
12
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
élèves des classes spéciales sont nettement plus nombreux que leurs pairs
des classes ordinaires à accuser un retard scolaire d’au moins un an (c2 =
40,1; d.l. = 1; p < .001) : plus de la moitié d’entre eux présentent un tel retard
(54,3%) comparativement à moins de 20% de leurs pairs. À l’échelle utilisée
pour estimer les habiletés cognitives, l’ÉVIP, les élèves des classes spéciales
obtiennent un score moyen inférieur d’un demi écart type à celui obtenu
par leurs pairs. Cette différence est statistiquement significative (t = 3,2;
d.l. = 292 ; p < .01).
Enfin, les élèves des classes spéciales sont, en moyenne, légèrement plus
âgés que les élèves qui fréquentent la classe ordinaire (t = –2,1 ; d.l. = 292 ;
p < .05). Il n’y a pas de différence au plan statistique entre les groupes pour
ce qui est de la compétence sociale (t = 0,8 ; d.l. = 292 ; n.s.), du statut socioéconomique (t = –0,9 ; d.l. = 292 ; n.s.) et de la répartition des garçons et des
filles (c2 = 0,3; d.l. = 1; n.s.).
Régression logistique
Comme nous l’avons mentionné dans la section méthodologique, seules
les caractéristiques différenciant significativement les deux groupes d’élèves
ont été introduites dans un modèle de régression logistique en tant que
variables indépendantes ou “prédicteurs”. La variable dépendante (à
prédire) est le fait d’être actuellement scolarisé ou non en classe spéciale. Il
est à noter qu’en ce qui a trait aux difficultés comportementales des élèves,
seule la variable “diagnostic” selon l’enseignant (et non pas le nombre de
symptômes) a été retenue pour cette analyse de régression, le diagnostic
TABLEAU 2
Autres caractéristiques des élèves scolarisés en classe ordinaire ou en
classe spéciale (n=300; n’=294)
Classe
ordinaire
(n=218;
n’=213)
Caractéristiques
Habiletés cognitives
Compétence sociale
Retard scolaire (un an ou plus)
Sexe (garçons)
Age
Statut socioéconomique
M (é.t.)
M (é.t.)
%
%
M (é.t.)
M (é.t.)
Classe
spéciale
(n=82;
n’=81)
109,0 (12,2) 104,0 (12,4)
6,2 (3,4)
5,8 (3,2)
17,4
54,3
81,2
84,0
9,8 (1,8)
10,2 (1,7)
5,2 (1,2)
5,4 (1,3)
Note: n’ = n pondéré; n.s. = différence non significative.
p
0,002
n.s.
0,000
n.s.
0,04
n.s.
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
13
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
établi selon les données du parent ne permettant pas de distinguer
statistiquement les groupes au seuil de 0,05. Cette variable a été introduite
dans l’équation en étant codée comme indicateur (Menard, 2001), c’est-àdire en utilisant les valeurs 0 et 1 pour coder les différents niveaux de cette
variable les uns par rapport aux autres, le premier niveau (absence de TDAH
et absence de troubles perturbateurs) servant, ici, de catégorie de référence.
L’autre variable discrète, le retard scolaire, a également été codée avec les
valeurs 0 ou 1 de manière à ce que la valeur 1 représente le facteur de
risque (avoir au moins une année de retard scolaire). Les autres variables
utilisées comme “prédicteurs” (âge de l’élève et score à l’ÉVIP) ont été
conservées telles quelles.
Deux variables sont ressorties de l’analyse comme ayant une contribution
significative au modèle (tableau 3) : la variable “retard scolaire” entrée
dans l’équation à la première étape de l’analyse et la variable “diagnostic”
entrée à la seconde étape. L’association entre le score à l’ÉVIP et le type de
placement scolaire n’est plus apparue comme significative dès la première
étape de l’analyse à la suite de l’effet de régression, tout comme celle
impliquant l’âge des élèves.
Le retard scolaire est associé à une probabilité accrue d’être scolarisé en
classe spéciale. Et sur la base de cette seule variable, comme on peut
TABLEAU 3
Résultat de l’analyse de régression logistique (n=300; n’=294)
Variables retenues dans l’équation
ß (e.s.)
Retard scolaire d’au moins une année 1,69 (0,30)
Diagnostic (selon l’enseignant)
—
– TDAH uniquement
–1,04 (0,38)
– OPP/CD uniquement
–0,42 (0,45)
– TDAH + OPP/CD
–1,12 (0,37)
Table de classification
Placement actuel
Classe ordinaire
Classe spécial
Total (%)
–––Placement prédit–––
Classe
Classe
ordinaire
spéciale
196
57
17
24
Wald
d.l.
p
32,52
12,44
7,54
0,90
9,05
1
3
1
1
1
0,000
0,007
0,006
n.s.
0,003
n’
Prédiction
correcte (%)
213
81
294
92,1
29,8
74,9
Note: n’ = n pondéré; TDAH = trouble déficitaire de l’attention avec hyperactivité;
OPP = trouble de l’opposition avec provocation; CD = trouble des conduites;
n.s. = différence non significative.
14
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
l’observer au tableau 2, on pourrait classer correctement 54% des élèves
actuellement en classe spéciale (soit le pourcentage d’élèves de ce groupe
qui ont un retard scolaire) et 83% des élèves des classes ordinaires (soit le
pourcentage d’élèves de ces classes qui n’ont pas de retard). Par contre, le
fait de présenter un TDAH, soit seul ou concurremment, diminue la
probabilité d’être placé en classe spéciale comme l’indiquent les valeurs
négatives des coefficients de régression (ß) calculées pour ces deux
catégories diagnostiques (tableau 3). Conséquemment, comme on peut le
constater dans la table de classification du tableau 3, l’ajout dans le modèle
de la variable “diagnostic” augmente substantiellement le pourcentage de
classification correcte des élèves en classe ordinaire, mais réduit à 29,8% la
détection des élèves scolarisés en classe spéciale. Et bien que l’ensemble du
modèle soit statistiquement significatif (c2 = 48,80 ; d.l. = 4 ; p < 0,001), sa
capacité prédictive totale n’est guère beaucoup plus élevée que celle
attendue aléatoirement : le modèle prédit correctement le type de
placement des élèves dans 74,9% des cas, alors qu’en raison de la proportion
d’élèves dans chaque groupe, un tirage au hasard permettrait théoriquement
de classer adéquatement 72,5% d’entre eux.
DISCUSSION
En réalisant cette étude sur les caractéristiques d’élèves de l’école primaire
en difficulté de comportement, nous cherchions à rendre explicites des
éléments sous-jacents au placement en classe spéciale ou en classe ordinaire.
Ces éléments sont potentiellement utiles pour orienter les élèves vers les
ressources les plus adéquates pour répondre à leurs besoins éducatifs.
L’étude se justifiait par le peu de données québécoises entourant cette
question et en raison des résultats contradictoires des études sur l’association
entre les difficultés comportementales et le type de placement scolaire.
L’étude proposée était basée sur une méthodologie permettant d’estimer
la nature et la sévérité de ces difficultés à partir de critères diagnostiques
reconnus, tenant compte de la cooccurrence possible de différents troubles
et faisant initialement appel à deux informateurs pour identifier les
difficultés de l’élève.
En dépit des stratégies méthodologiques déployées, l’étude montre
relativement peu de liens entre les difficultés comportementales des élèves
et le type de placement scolaire, à l’instar d’autres études déjà citées en
introduction (Gottlieb et Weinberg, 1999; Mattison et coll., 1991, 1992;
Robertson et coll., 1998). Ainsi, le placement en classe spéciale n’est pas
associé au fait que les élèves présentent des difficultés suffisamment sévères
pour rencontrer les critères diagnostiques d’un trouble de l’opposition ou
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
15
des conduites, selon les données rapportées par les parents et par les
enseignants. Il en est de même pour le nombre de conduites antisociales
manifestées par les élèves, toujours selon les deux types d’informateurs.
Aucun lien n’est observé, non plus, entre le type de placement scolaire et le
TDAH lorsque le nombre de symptômes et la présence de ce trouble sont
établis du point de vue des parents. Mais, les enseignants des classes
ordinaires rapportent plus fréquemment les manifestations de ce trouble
que les enseignants des classes spéciales, de telle sorte que la présence du
TDAH seule ou concomitante aux difficultés comportementales devienne
une caractéristique déterminante du “non placement” en classe spéciale.
Qu’une différence significative ne s’observe que sur le TDAH et, surtout,
qu’elle ne soit constatable que du point de vue des enseignants nous amène
à nuancer un tel résultat. D’une part, les études épidémiologiques ayant
recours aux parents et aux enseignants pour établir la prévalence des
problèmes de santé mentale chez les enfants tendent à démontrer que le
contexte scolaire est particulièrement sensible à la détection des symptômes
du TDAH chez les élèves (voir, par exemple, Breton et coll., 1999; Offord,
Boyle et Racine, 1989). Dans ces études menées en population générale, les
enseignants rapportent systématiquement plus de symptômes de TDAH
chez les enfants que ne le font les parents. D’autre part, des chercheurs ont
observé que les évaluations des difficultés comportementales des élèves
faites par les enseignants pouvaient être tributaires de l’environnement
scolaire (Hudley, Wakefield, Britsch, Cho, Smith et DeMorat, 2001; Maas,
2000). Ainsi, Maas (2000) observe que les enseignants se basent davantage
sur les caractéristiques “relatives” d’un élève (c’est-à-dire par rapport à
celles des autres élèves de la classe) plutôt que sur ses caractéristiques
“absolues” pour établir la présence de difficultés comportementales : les
conduites inadéquates de l’élève sont jugées d’autant plus inadéquates par
l’enseignant qu’elles s’écartent de façon importante de celles des autres
élèves. Considérant la sensibilité du contexte scolaire au TDAH et le fait
que la classe ordinaire soit surtout composée d’élèves sans difficultés
comportementales particulières, il n’est peut-être pas étonnant que les
enseignants des classes ordinaires rapportent davantage de symptômes de
ce trouble chez les élèves en difficulté de comportement que les enseignants
des classes spéciales.
Que le résultat se rapportant au TDAH soit, ou non, un artefact lié à
l’environnement scolaire, notre étude n’en montre pas moins que les
difficultés de comportement des élèves scolarisés en classe spéciale ne sont
pas plus sévères que celles des élèves intégrés en classe ordinaire. Ce qui
suggère que ces difficultés ne constituent pas des caractéristiques
déterminantes de leur placement en classe spéciale.
16
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
Par contre, l’étude suggère que le fait d’avoir du retard scolaire peut
être une condition déterminante d’un tel placement chez les élèves en
difficulté de comportement. En effet, un peu plus de la moitié des élèves
placés en classe spéciale (45 des 82 élèves) ont un retard scolaire.
Considérant les résultats de l’analyse de régression suggérant que les
moins bonnes habiletés cognitives des élèves des classes spéciales sont à
relier au retard scolaire et non au type de placement, et, aussi, qu’il s’agit
d’un retard d’au moins un an, ce retard scolaire pourrait représenter des
difficultés d’apprentissage selon les critères utilisés antérieurement par
le MEQ (1992).
Or, dans l’ensemble de notre échantillon, 83 élèves ont un retard scolaire.
Et bien que cette caractéristique soit associée à une probabilité accrue d’être
scolarisé en classe spéciale, 38 d’entre eux – soit près de la moitié aussi –
sont intégrés en classe ordinaire. Nous avons tenté de déterminer, a
posteriori, en quoi ces 38 élèves se différenciaient des 45 autres scolarisés
en classe spéciale. Les analyses réalisées montrent qu’il ne se distinguent
pas sur les autres caractéristiques mesurées dans l’étude, si ce n’est que par
un nombre légèrement supérieur de symptômes de TDAH rapportés par
les enseignants des élèves des classes ordinaires. Par contre, le retard scolaire
cumulé par les 38 élèves intégrés en classe ordinaire n’est que d’un an dans
la plupart des cas, alors qu’il est de deux ans, parfois plus, chez le tiers de
leurs pairs des classes spéciales.
Il s’agit donc d’une différence très importante sur le plan scolaire qui
peut exposer ces élèves à de nombreuses difficultés à suivre le programme
scolaire régulier. Sur ce plan, mentionnons que Toupin, Dubuc et Audette
(1997) ont observé que la fréquentation, année après année, de la classe
spéciale était associée au cumul du retard scolaire et à une plus faible
probabilité de perdre le statut de trouble du comportement. Le placement
en classe spéciale et le retard scolaire constitueraient, ainsi, un système en
boucle. Nous ne disposons pas de données sur le placement scolaire
antérieur des élèves pour étayer cette hypothèse. Néanmoins, les
informations que nous avons pu recueillir sur le parcours des élèves l’année
suivante montre que 58 % des élèves des classes spéciales qui ont un retard
scolaire seront placés de nouveau en classe spéciale, alors que cette
proportion est de 25 % chez les élèves des classes ordinaires. Un tel résultat
suggère plutôt que le fait d’être déjà placé en classe spéciale, plus que de
présenter un retard scolaire important, rend compte de ce placement
subséquent.
Enfin, dans notre échantillon, les caractéristiques sociodémographiques
sont ressorties comme peu associées au type de placement scolaire. Les
élèves des classes spéciales ne sont que légèrement plus âgés que les élèves
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
17
des classes ordinaires – ce qui va dans le sens des résultats rapportés dans
la littérature (Hendrickson et coll., 1998) –, mais cette différence est plutôt
associée au retard scolaire qu’au type de placement actuel, comme le suggère
l’analyse de régression effectuée. Rappelons que la recension des écrits faisait
ressortir que des caractéristiques telles l’âge, le sexe, le statut socioéconomique et l’ethnie pouvaient être associées au placement scolaire, ces
caractéristiques étant, toutefois, présentées comme peu pertinentes, voire
subjectives, pour fonder une décision relative au type de placement scolaire
(Robertson et coll., 1998; Singh et coll., 2002).
LIMITES DE L’ÉTUDE ET CONCLUSION
Au delà du retard scolaire important qui caractérise une portion d’élèves
des classes spéciales, l’ensemble des résultats obtenus porte à conclure que
les caractéristiques personnelles des élèves en difficulté de comportement
s’avèrent relativement peu déterminantes de leur placement scolaire.
Bien entendu, les variables que nous avons retenues dans l’étude se
rapportaient essentiellement aux caractéristiques des élèves, de manière à
ce que l’étude soit davantage centrée sur leurs besoins éducatifs et
psychoéducatifs. Il serait sans doute important, dans une étude ultérieure,
de considérer aussi les caractéristiques du milieu scolaire (par exemple, la
suffisance des ressources complémentaires ou le nombre de places
disponibles en classe spéciale) qui, bien qu’elles entraînent des
considérations d’un autre ordre, peuvent être associées elles aussi au type
de placement scolaire. Ne pas considérer de telles caractéristiques peut
constituer une limite dans la mesure où elles peuvent masquer des
différences entre les élèves des classes ordinaires et spéciales. Ainsi, il est
possible que certains élèves ne soient pas orientés vers des classes
spécialisées faute de places disponibles pour les accueillir, ce qui aurait
pour effet de réduire les différences entre les groupes. Pour tenir compte de
cette éventualité dans notre propre étude, nous avons refait les analyses
après avoir exclu de l’échantillon les élèves des classes ordinaires qui ont
été orientés vers la classe spéciale dès l’année scolaire suivante (soit 14%
des élèves de ce groupe). Les résultats obtenus ont été similaires à ceux
observés avec l’ensemble de l’échantillon, ce qui suggère que la suffisance
des ressources d’accueil n’a pas influencé substantiellement les résultats.
Rappelons que notre étude s’est déroulée au cours du dernier trimestre
scolaire et que, de ce fait, il est possible que le peu de différence entre les
groupes au plan des difficultés comportementales reflète l’effet des
interventions dont les élèves ont bénéficié à l’école. Ceci peut être
particulièrement vrai pour les élèves des classes spéciales dont
18
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
l’encadrement est plus intensif. Cette explication apparaît, toutefois,
moins probable. Les enseignants, tout comme les parents, devaient
identifier les symptômes manifestés fréquemment par les élèves au cours
des six mois précédant l’évaluation. Conséquemment, cette évaluation
devrait donner davantage un portrait à long terme des difficultés des
élèves que refléter la situation à la fin de l’année scolaire. Qui plus est, les
données que nous avons obtenues sur le placement scolaire l’année
suivante montrent que les élèves des classes spéciales qui ont les difficultés
de comportement les moins sévères (c’est-à-dire ceux qui n’ont pas eu de
diagnostic de TDAH ou de troubles antisociaux) n’ont pas une probabilité
plus élevée que les autres élèves d’être intégrés en classe ordinaire l’année
suivante. Cette observation contribue également à démontrer que la
sévérité des difficultés comportementales n’est que peu déterminante du
type de placement scolaire des élèves.
Mentionnons, enfin, qu’en dépit de sa similitude avec la population de
référence en ce qui concerne le niveau scolaire, le sexe, le type de placement
scolaire et la provenance des élèves, la représentativité de notre échantillon
d’étude demeure incertaine puisque, pour des raisons éthiques, nous ne
disposons d’aucune donnée sur les difficultés comportementales des nonparticipants. La généralisation des résultats à plus large échelle au Québec
doit se faire également avec prudence puisque l’étude n’a été menée que
dans des commissions scolaires de deux régions administratives. D’autres
études menées auprès d’autres échantillons et dans d’autres régions seraient
nécessaires pour pouvoir tirer des conclusions fermes. Enfin, toutes les
variables pertinentes à l’explication du placement en classe spéciale n’ont
peut-être pas été mesurées. Par exemple, les habiletés sociales des élèves
identifiées comme associées aux difficultés comportementales dans diverses
études (Desbiens et coll., 1998; Fortin et coll., 1996) n’ont pas nécessairement
été mesurées dans cette étude. De plus, l’interaction entre diverses variables
mériterait d’être étudiée dans une prochaine recherche.
Dans le cadre de ces limites, l’étude questionne plus fondamentalement
les critères sur lesquels est basée l’orientation des élèves vers la classe
spéciale. Les résultats obtenus ici suggèrent, en effet, que ces critères ne
relèvent pas nécessairement des caractéristiques comportementales des
élèves, ni de leurs besoins psychoéducatifs et sociocognitifs. Ceci peut
questionner, entre autres, les modalités d’évaluation des caractéristiques
des élèves avec, au premier plan, celles de leurs difficultés
comportementales. À l’heure actuelle, il n’y a pas de consensus sur
l’utilisation d’un même instrument d’évaluation dans les écoles, faisant en
sorte que les informations sur la nature et la sévérité des difficultés des
élèves ne sont pas comparables d’une commission scolaire à l’autre, ni même
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
19
d’une école à l’autre. Un telle disparité ne facilite pas la formulation de
principes directeurs pouvant conforter le jugement dans la prise de décision
entourant le type de placement scolaire.
De notre point de vue, la collecte systématique de données sur les
caractéristiques des élèves devrait servir de base à l’organisation des services
scolaires complémentaires qui leur sont destinés. Dans ce processus, le
recours à plus d’un informateur pour l’évaluation des difficultés
comportementales serait hautement souhaitable, comme l’a illustré cette
étude, afin de porter des jugements plus nuancés sur la situation d’un élève
et de ses besoins.
REMERCIEMENTS
Les auteurs tiennent à remercier les parents, les enfants et les enseignants qui ont
participé à la recherche et expriment leur gratitude aux intervenants psychosociaux
pour leur collaboration remarquable.
NOTES
Cette étude a bénéficié de l’appui du Conseil de recherche en sciences humaines
du Canada (subvention no. 410-201-1353), du Conseil québécois pour la recherche
sociale (subvention no. RS-3338) et d’une subvention d’équipe de l’Université de
Sherbrooke.
1 Pour éviter l’utilisation de termes pouvant être préjudiciables aux enfants, le
Conseil supérieur de l’éducation (2001) recommande l’emploi de «difficulté de
comportement» au lieu de «trouble du comportement» pour décrire les problèmes
de ces élèves.
2 Le trouble de l’opposition avec provocation et le trouble des conduites sont décrits
parmi les troubles mentaux de l’enfance et de l’adolescence, dans la catégorie
des troubles perturbateurs (American Psychiatric Association, 1994; 2000). Le
premier fait référence à une façon d’être négative et hostile chez l’élève,
caractérisée par l’argumentation, le refus d’obéir aux règles, l’irritabilité et les
crises de colère. Le second consiste en un ensemble de conduites répétitives et
persistantes d’agression envers les autres, de destruction de biens matériels, de
mensonges, de vols ou de violation des règles établies. Généralement reconnu
comme un problème plus sévère que le trouble de l’opposition, le trouble des
conduites s’observe plus fréquemment chez les adolescents que chez les enfants
(Breton, Bergeron, Valla, Berthiaume, Gaudet, Lambert, St-Georges, Houde,
Lépine, 1999).
3 Les élèves en difficulté de comportement devraient aussi inclure des enfants
dont les difficultés entrent dans la catégorie des problèmes intériorisés
(dépression, anxiété, retrait social, etc.) (MEQ, 1999). Or, nos propres travaux
20
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
(Déry et al., 2004) comme ceux d’autres auteurs (Kershaw et Sonuga-Barke,
1998; Place et al., 2000) suggèrent que, dans les faits, ce n’est qu’une faible fraction
de ces élèves qui est signalée pour ce type de problèmes.
4 Il est loin d’être question, ici, de déficience intellectuelle, le QI devant être d’au
moins deux écarts types inférieurs à la moyenne pour que l’hypothèse d’une
déficience soit envisagée (American Psychiatric Association, 2000).
5 Il s’agissait, en fait, dans la quasi-totalité des cas, d’élèves dont les difficultés
rencontraient les critères du code 12 pour «trouble du comportement». Ce code
a été aboli récemment et les élèves qu’il décrivait sont maintenant identifiés
dans la catégorie «à risque» (MEQ, 2000). Les autres élèves répondaient aux
critères du code 13 ou du code 14 pour «troubles graves du comportement» qui,
eux, sont toujours en vigueur.
RÉFÉRENCES
Achenbach, T. M., & Edelbrock, C. (1983). Manual for the Child Behavior Checklist
and Revised Child Profile. USA : Queen City Printers Inc.
Achenbach, T. M., & McConaughy, S. H., Howell, C.T. (1987). Child/adolescents
behavioral and emotional problems: Implications of cross-informant correlations
for situational specificity. Psychological Bulletin, 101, 213–232.
American Psychiatric Association (1987). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders (3rd ed. revised). Washington, DC : APA.
American Psychiatric Association (1994). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders (4th ed.). Washington, DC : APA.
American Psychiatric Association (2000). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders (4th ed. Text Revision). Washington, DC : APA.
Bird, H., Gould, M., & Staghezza, B. (1992). Aggregating data from multiple
informants in child psychiatry epidemiological research. Journal of the Academy
of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 31, 78–85.
Breton, J.-J., Bergeron, L., Valla, J.-P., Berthiaume, C., Gaudet, N., Lambert, J., StGeorges, M., Houde, L., & Lépine, S. (1999). Quebec Child Mental Health
Survey : Prevalence of DSM-III-R Mental Health Disorders. Journal of Child
Psychology and Psychiatry, 40, 375–384.
Breton, J.-J., Bergeron, L., Valla, J.-P., Berthiaume, C., & St-Georges, M. (1998). The
Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children (DISC 2.25) in Quebec. Reliability
findings in the light of the MECA study. Journal of American Academy of Child
and Adolescent Psychiatry, 37, 1167–1174.
Centre de recherche de l’Hôpital Rivière-des-Prairies (1992). Questionnaire pour
les parents. Montréal: CRHRDP.
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
21
Conseil Supérieur de l’Éducation (2001). Les élèves en difficulté de comportement à
l’école primaire : comprendre, prévenir, intervenir. Québec : CSE.
Déry, M., Toupin, J., Pauzé, R. & Verlaan, P. (2004). Frequency of mental health
disorders in a sample of elementary school students receiving special educational
services for behavioral difficulties. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 49, 769–775.
Desbiens, N., Royer, É., Fortin, L., & Bertrand, R. (1998). Compétence sociale, statut
socioéconomique et réseaux affiliatifs des élèves en trouble du comportement:
perspectives d’intervention à l’école. Science et comportement, 26, 107–127.
Dunn, L. M., Thériault-Whalen, C. M., & Dunn, L. M. (1993). Échelle de vocabulaire
en images Peabody. Toronto : Psychan.
Fortin, L. Toupin, J., Pauzé, R., Mercier, H., & Déry, M. (1996). Les facteurs associés
aux difficultés d’apprentissage des élèves en trouble du comportement de niveau
primaire. In L. Barbliro & R. Vieira (Eds), Precursos de aprendizageme praticas
educativas (pp. 204–224). Escola Superior de Educaçae de Leiria.
Fortin, L., & Strayer, F.F. (2000). Caractéristiques de l’élève en troubles du
comportement et contraintes sociales du contexte. Revue des Sciences de
l’Éducation, 26, 3–16.
Frey, A. (2002). Predictors of placement recommendations for children with
behavioral or emotional disorders. Behavioral Disorders, 27, 126–136.
Gottlieb, J., & Weinberg, S. (1999). Comparison of students referred and not referred
for special éducation. Elementary School Journal, 99, 187–199.
Hendrickson, J., Smith, C. R., Frank, A.R., & Merical, C. (1998). Decision making
factors associated with placement of students with emotional and behavioral
disorders in restrictive educational settings. Education and Treatment of
Children, 21, 275–302.
Hinshaw, S. P., Lahey, B. B., & Hart, E. L. (1993). Issues of taxonomy and comorbidity
in the development of conduct disorder. Development and Psychopathology, 5,
31–49.
Hudley, C., Wakefield, W., Britsch, B., Cho, S.-J., Smith, T. & DeMorat, M. (2001).
Multiple perceptions of children’s aggression : Differences across
neighbourhood, age, gender, and perceiver. Psychology in the Schools, 38, 43–
56.
Jensen, P., Rubio-Stipec, M., Canino, G., Bird, H., Dulcan, M., Schwab-Stone, M.E.,
& Lahey, B.B. (1999). Parent and child contributions to diagnosis of mental
disorder : Are both informants always necessary? Journal of the Academy of
Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 38, 1569–1579.
Kershaw, P., & Sonuga-Barke, E. (1998). Emotional and behavioural difficulties: Is
this a useful category? The implications of clustering and co-morbidity, the
relevance of a taxonomic approach. Educational and Child Psychology, 15, 45–55.
22
MICHÈLE DÉRY, JEAN TOUPIN, ROBERT PAUZÉ, & PIERRETTE VERLAAN
Lahey, B. B., Schwab-Stone, M., Goodman, S. H., Waldman, I. D., Canino, G.,
Rathouz, P. J., Miller, T. L., Dennis, K. D., Bird, H., & Jensen, P. S. (2000). Age
and gender differences in oppositional behavior and conduct problems: A crosssectional household study of middle childhood and adolescence. Journal of
Abnormal Psychology, 109, 488–503.
Lynam, D. (1996). The early identification of chronic offenders : Who is the fledgling
psychopath ? Psychological Bulletin, 120, 209–234.
Maas, C. J. M. (2000). The interaction process between teacher and students: The
labelling of students on the basis of relative characteristics. Social Behavior and
Personality, 28, 515–528.
Mattison, R. E., Humphrey, F., Kales, S., Handford, H., Finkenbinder, R., & Hernit,
R. (1986). Psychiatric background and diagnoses of children evaluated for special
class placement. Journal of the American Academy of Child Psychiatry, 25, 514–
520.
Mattison, R., Morales, J., & Bauer, M. (1991). Elementary and secondary socially
and/or emotionally disturbed girls : Characteristics and identification. Journal
of School Psychology, 29, 121–134.
Mattison, R. Morales, J., & Bauer, M. (1992). Distinguishing characteristics of
elementary schoolboys recommended for SED placement. Behavioral Disorders,
17, 107–114.
Mattison, R. E., Gadow, K. D., Sprafkin, J., & Nolan, E. E. (2002). Discriminant
validity of a DSM-IV-based teacher checklist : Comparison of regular and special
education students. Behavioral Disorders, 27, 304–316.
McClure, G., Ferguson, H., Boodoosingh, L., Turgay, A., & Stravrakaki, C. (1989).
The frequency and severity of psychiatric disorders in special education and
psychiatric programs. Behavioral Disorders, 14, 117–126.
Menard, S. (2001). Applied logistic regression analysis. (Sage university papers
series on quantitative applications in the social sciences, series no. 07-106).
Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage.
Ministère de l’éducation du Québec (1992). Interprétation des définitions des élèves
handicapés ou en difficulté d’adaptation ou d’apprentissage. Québec : M.E.Q.
Ministère de l’éducation du Québec (1999). Une école adaptée à tous ses élèves.
Politique de l’adaptation scolaire. Québec : M.E.Q.
Ministère de l’éducation du Québec (2000). Élèves handicapés ou élèves en difficulté
d’adaptation ou d’apprentissage (EHDAA) : définitions. Québec : M.E.Q.
Mitsis, E. M., McKay, K. E., Schulz, K. P., Newcorn, J. H., & Halperin, J. M. (2000).
Parent-teacher concordance for DSM-IV Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity
Disorder in a clinic-referred sample. Journal of the Academy of Child and
Adolescent Psychiatry, 39, 308–313.
LES CARACTÉRISTIQUES D’ÉLÈVES EN
DIFFICULTÉ DE COMPORTEMENT
23
Moffitt, T. E. (1993). The neuropsychology of conduct disorder. Development and
Psychopathology, 5, 135–151.
Muscott, H. S. (1997). Behavioral characteristics of elementary and secondary
students with emotional/behavioural disabilities in four different cascade
placements. Education and Treatment of Children, 20, 336–356.
Offord, D. R., Boyle, M. H., & Racine, Y. (1989). Ontario Child Health Study :
Correlates of disorder. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent
Psychiatry, 28, 856–860.
Offord, D. R., Boyle, M. H., Szatmari, P., Rae-Grant, N., Links, P. S., Cadman, D. T.,
Byles, J. A., Crawford, J. W., Blum, H. M., Byrne, C., Thomas, H., & Woodward,
C.A. (1987). Ontario child health study: II. Six-months prevalence of disorder
and rates of service utilization. Archives of General Psychiatry, 44, 832–836.
Place, M., Wilson, J., Martin, E., & Hulsmeier, J. (2000). The frequency of emotional
and behavioural disturbance in an EBD school. Child Psychology and Psychiatry
Review, 5, 76-80.
Robertson, L. M., Bates, M. P., Wood, M., Rosenblat, J. A., Furlong, M. J., Casas, J.
M., & Schwier, P. (1998). Educational placements of students with emotional
and behavioural disorders served by probation, mental health, public health,
and social services. Psychology in the Schools, 35, 333–345.
Shaffer, D., Schwab-Stone, M., Fisher, P., Cohen, P., Piacentini, J., Davies, M., Conners,
C.K., & Regier, D. (1993). The diagnostic interview schedule for children-revised
version (DISC-R) : I. Preparation, field testing, interrator reliability, and
acceptability. Journal of American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry,
32, 643–650.
Singh, N. N., Williams, E., & Spears, N. (2002). To value and address diversity:
From policy to practice. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 11, 35–45.
Toupin, J. (1993). Échelle de statut socioéconomique. Sherbrooke: Groupe de
recherche sur les inadaptations sociales de l’enfance (GRISE).
Toupin, J., Dubuc, C., Audette, S. (1997). Étude des résultats des élèves ayant un
diagnostic de troubles du comportement à la Commission Scolaire Catholique
de Sherbrooke entre les années 1992–1997. Sherbrooke : CSCS.
Toupin, J., Déry, M., Pauzé, R., Mercier, H., & Fortin, L. (2000). Cognitive and social
contributions to conduct disorder in children. Journal of Child Psychology and
Psychiatry, 41, 333–344.
Verhulst, F. C., & Van der Ende, J. (1991). Assessment of child psychopathology:
relationship between different methods, different informants and clinical
judgment of severity. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavia, 84, 155–159.
Suivi longitudinal de profils d’adaptation en santé
mentale chez des élèves de niveau primaire
Suzanne Dugré
Marcel Trudel
L’objectif de cette étude consiste à dégager une typologie longitudinale, à court et long
termes, des trajectoires d’adaptation en santé mentale à partir de l’auto-évaluation
d’enfants de niveau primaire. La méthodologie retenue utilise l’analyse de
regroupements hiérarchiques pour identifier des sous-groupes d’enfants à partir d’une
population générale. Peu d’études empiriques ont été menées pour développer et
appliquer les méthodes statistiques centrées sur la personne, en complémentarité avec
les approches traditionnelles, dans le but de mieux comprendre les processus
développementaux en termes de patrons d’adaptation (Magnusson, 1998). Les résultats
obtenus diffèrent en fonction du type de stabilité observée mais ils confirment
l’importance de la continuité comportementale en dépit des variations individuelles. Ils
ont permis d’identifier certains profils qui semblent être précurseurs de troubles
ultérieurs tout en éclairant la notion de continuité/discontinuité.
Mots clés: élèves à risque, primaire, adaptation sociale, étude longitudinale
The objective of this study was to determine the short- and long-term trajectories of
school-aged children’s self-reported mental health adjustment. The person-oriented
approach employed is this study combined traditional statistical methods with
hierarchical cluster analyses to identify subgroups of children from an unselected
population and follow-up their adjustment across time. Results suggest that profiles
may vary as a function of the kind of stability observed, and point to the importance of
understanding developmental trajectories in predicting maladaptive risk.
Keywords: students at risk, elementary school, social adaptation, longitudinal study
––––––––––––––––
INTRODUCTION
Les études longitudinales actuelles démontrent que la plupart des troubles
qui débutent pendant l’enfance ont des répercussions majeures et prolongées
sur le fonctionnement de l’enfant ainsi qu’un impact négatif sur les relations
familiales et sociales qui peuvent persister, même si une partie des difficultés
observées dans l’enfance sont disparues (Harrington, 1997). Malgré cet état
de fait, les évidences empiriques qui permettraient de répondre à des
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 24–51
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
25
questions de base sur le développement et le pronostic de la pathologie
chez l’enfant reste limitées (Visser, van der Ende, Koot et Verhulst, 1999) et
les prédictions comportementales en restent souvent au niveau de
probabilités (Cairns et Rodkin,1998).
Certains enfants à risque développeront des symptômes de détresse
psychologique, d’autres des problèmes de conduite ou d’agression alors
qu’un certain nombre d’entre eux s’en sortiront indemnes (Steinberg et
Avenevoli, 2000). Les études longitudinales permettent de mieux
appréhender les processus sous-jacents reliés à la résilience ou à la
persistance d’une adaptation problématique.
Intérêt des études longitudinales
L’état des connaissances en psychopathologie développementale a
rapidement évolué depuis les dernières années et continue de le faire en
grande partie grâce aux études longitudinales sur la santé mentale menées
dans divers pays (Egeland, Pianta et Ogawa, 1996). Les résultats de ces
études indiquent que la continuité comportementale n’est pas une simple
illusion (Tremblay, Masse, Perron et LeBlanc, 1992) et, en dépit de la
variabilité intraindividuelle et des contingences environnementales, les
études prospectives commencent à acquérir une certaine légitimité
scientifique (Cairns et al., 1998).
Les études longitudinales dressent un portrait beaucoup plus riche et
plus complexe des difficultés qui entravent le développement de nombreux
enfants qu’un bilan diagnostique peut le faire pour tenter d’élucider si ce
comportement persiste après la période qui a provoqué certaines réactions
d’adaptation. Elles permettent de tracer la trajectoire développementale
de l’enfant et de déterminer si elle diffère de celle d’enfants sans difficultés.
Elle aident à identifier quels désordres semblent être précurseurs de troubles
ultérieurs tout en éclairant la notion de continuité/discontinuité. Chez
l’enfant, un fonctionnement problématique doit être compris dans le
contexte d’un processus développemental c’est-à-dire qu’un même
comportement peut être approprié dans le développement à un âge donné
et indiquer un dysfonctionnement à une autre période. La psychopathologie
est vue comme une déviation développementale qui perdure dans le temps
(Wakefield, 1997) et serait considérée comme un désordre seulement si elle
prédit un désordre ultérieur. Cette continuité est l’objet principal des études
longitudinales puisque, quand le même enfant est évalué à différentes
reprises, au moyen d’instruments comparables, il devient possible de tracer
l’évolution de son fonctionnement dans le temps et d’en percevoir les écueils
éventuels.
26
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
Alors que peu d’études sont menées auprès d’enfants dans la
population générale, cette orientation est cruciale pour mieux comprendre
le parcours typique de l’enfant à travers les aléas de l’adaptation et arriver
à déterminer quels problèmes spécifiques, présents à un certain moment
du développement, prédisent la présence ultérieure de psychopathologie
et lesquels sont le produit de l’adaptation à de nouveaux défis
développementaux et sont appelés à disparaître. Par exemple, le trouble
de conduite à l’adolescence semble relativement commun. S’il apparaît pour
la première fois à l’adolescence, il indique généralement une exacerbation
du développement normal dans une tentative de faire face à une nouvelle
tâche développementale. Dans ce cas, on retrouve une continuité presque
nulle de troubles de conduite chez l’adulte après que la période d’adaptation
ait été résolue. Au contraire, un jeune enfant qui manifeste précocement
des problèmes de conduite illustre un tableau qualitativement différent,
généralement associé à d’autres troubles d’adaptation et indicateur d’un
pronostic plus négatif (Bennett, Lipman, Racine et Offord, 1998). S’attarder
aux trajectoires d’adaptation chez l’enfant, dans la population générale,
apparaît donc pertinent parce que cette orientation permet de comprendre
les changements habituels qui ponctuent le développement et rend
disponibles des informations applicables à l’étude des facteurs causaux dans
le cours du développement individuel (Bergman et Magnusson, 1997).
Comme le développement implique automatiquement des changements
dans les trajectoires développementales, le défi pour la psychopathologie
développementale consiste à expliquer à la fois la continuité et le
changement.
Examen de la notion de stabilité
Le point de vue «continuiste» dans l’ontogénèse a été défendu, en particulier
par Kagan (1969) dans les études sur la personnalité, avec les propositions
suivantes: 1) la continuité développementale doit être considérée sur toute
la durée de la vie; 2) plusieurs formes de continuité peuvent être
appréhendées chez un même individu: continuité homotypique qui réfère
à la continuité d’un même comportement à travers le temps, continuité
hétérotypique qui implique la persistance d’un trait, d’une qualité
psychologique (ex. l’introversion, l’impulsivité) et qui s’exprime par un
taux de changement très faible au cours du temps ou encore dans une
progression sans sauts ni régressions. Ces considérations rendent difficile
la construction d’un cadre conceptuel pour l’évaluation de la continuité
hétérotypique (Pulkkinen, 1998) qui fait référence à la constance d’une
organisation adaptative au cours des années.
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
27
S’intéresser à la stabilité du fonctionnement affectif et comportemental
suppose donc d’importantes implications sur les processus évaluatifs à
mettre en place. Doit-on s’attarder à l’homogénéité de symptômes d’un
stade de développement à un autre ou tenir compte davantage que ces
symptômes évoluent avec le temps et tracent une trajectoire problématique
qui différencie l’enfant de ses camarades sans difficultés? La façon de
concevoir l’adaptation de l’enfant à travers les étapes de développement
détermine le type de stabilité qui retiendra l’attention du chercheur. La
diversité des perspectives théoriques est sans doute à l’origine de la disparité
des résultats se rapportant à la stabilité comportementale.
Même si stabilité et changement ont été observés dans les analyses
longitudinales, de nombreuses études soulignent que, considérées dans leur
ensemble, les données épidémiologiques longitudinales démontrent
clairement l’importance et la stabilité des troubles psychologiques de l’enfant
et de l’adolescent ainsi que les coûts qu’ils entraînent (Verhuslt et van der
Ende, 1992). Par exemple, une étude longitudinale (de 3 à 5 ans) chez des
enfants de 6 à 18 ans, de Costello, Angold et Keeler, (1999) démontre une
forte continuité dans la psychopathologie, particulièrement chez les enfants
qui manifestaient de troubles de comportement lors de la première
évaluation. La stabilisation dans le temps de plusieurs systèmes dynamiques
ainsi que l’amoindrissement de la plasticité dans le développement avec
l’âge suggèrent que chez l’enfant bien ajusté initialement, l’émergence de
nouveaux problèmes avec l’âge est moins fréquente que chez les jeunes
enfants. De plus, on retrouve une stabilité plus grande chez les enfants qui
ont de multiples problèmes (Bergman et al., 1997). À long terme, une telle
trajectoire tend à prédire des problèmes d’adaptation beaucoup plus graves,
suggérant que les profils de comorbidité seraient distincts du syndrome
simple (Trudel, Rascalon, Ouellet et Dugré, 2003). Par exemple, dans une
étude a posteriori auprès d’un groupe d’enfants présentant une cooccurrence
de troubles entre 5 et 11 ans, Egeland et al. (1996) retrouvent 100% de
comorbidité de troubles intériorisés à l’âge adulte. Le comportement
comorbide tendrait à être plus stable qu’un syndrome unique dans le même
sens que l’augmentation du nombre d’items dans une mesure en augmente
la cohérence interne (Ghiselli, Campbell et Zedeck, 1981).
Cette hypothèse semble particulièrement fondée pour les enfants
présentant des troubles de conduite et de dépression combinés. Lambert,
Wahler, Andrade et Bickman, (2001) dans leurs résultats à une étude
longitudinale (5 ans d’écart) concluent que les enfants présentant un
trouble de conduite dans l’enfance, montrent les plus hauts taux
d’inadaptation ultérieurs. Comparés à leurs pairs, ces enfants ont les plus
hauts scores sur 15 des 16 syndromes à l’étude incluant le retrait social et
28
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
la dépression majeure.
Parmi les problèmes de comportement, les profils agressifs demeureraient
les plus stables à travers le temps chez les individus. Les données recueillies,
provenant de différentes sources, suggèrent que le comportement antisocial
chez les garçons et chez les filles serait stable à travers le temps et qu’après
20 ans, garçons et filles occupent le même rang au niveau des problèmes
antisociaux quand ils sont comparés à leurs pairs du même sexe (Moffitt,
Caspi, Rutter et Silva, 2001). Toutefois, les comportements antisociaux chez
l’adulte sont présents seulement si l’agressivité diagnostiquée chez le jeune
enfant avait été co-morbide (Bergman et al., 1997). Le meilleur prédicteur
de criminalité chez l’adulte demeure un profil multiproblématique sévère
chez le jeune enfant (Pulkkinen, 1998).
Chez les filles, les troubles intériorisés et extériorisés précoces prédisent
des problèmes intériorisés à l’âge adulte. Chez les garçons, la présence de
troubles intériorisés précoces prédit des troubles similaires à l’âge adulte
mais n’accroît pas les risques de troubles extériorisés alors que la présence
de troubles extériorisés précoces augmente le risque de trouble de conduite
et de troubles intériorisés à l’âge adulte (Quinton, Rutter et Gulliver,1990).
En ce sens, la stabilité comportementale absolue serait moins grande chez
les filles que chez les garçons.
Enfin, les suivis longitudinaux qui s’intéressent à la stabilité du
comportement chez le jeune enfant, sont obtenus généralement auprès de
tiers. Or, les résultats de l’auto-évaluation de l’enfant devraient démontrer
davantage de stabilité puisque c’est le même individu qui s’évalue à chaque
fois alors que différentes personnes sont impliquées dans l’évaluation
externe de l’enfant; les enfants sont, dépendamment de l’âge, susceptibles
de mieux se connaître que leur entourage alors que les manifestations
comportementales de malaises internes peuvent être interprétées plus
superficiellement par un tiers.
Avantages de l’auto-évaluation
La corrélation entre les différents informateurs (parents ou professeurs)
qui évaluent l’enfant est relativement faible (.28) puisque ces adultes voient
évoluer l’enfant dans des contextes différents. La corrélation s’élève en effet
à .60 quand l’évaluation est obtenue auprès de deux personnes qui côtoient
l’enfant dans les mêmes situations (Achenbach, McConaughy et Howell,
1987). Cette constatation démontre bien la variabilité du comportement de
l’enfant en fonction des contextes. Toutefois, peu d’études tiennent compte
de l’auto-évaluation de l’enfant puisque certains chercheurs indiquent que
celui-ci ne possède pas la maturité suffisante pour s’évaluer correctement.
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
29
Les résultats obtenus dans des études antérieures, à partir de l’autoévaluation de l’enfant (Valla, Bergeron, Bidault-Russel, St-Georges et
Gaudet, 1997; Dugré, Trudel et Valla, 2001; Trudel et al., 2003), démontrent
pourtant une bonne cohérence et confirment, de manière générale, les
résultats retrouvés dans la littérature sur la santé mentale de l’enfant.
Différents auteurs rapportent que les adultes seraient de meilleurs
informateurs en ce qui concerne les troubles extériorisés alors que les enfants
seraient plus aptes à décrire correctement les troubles intériorisés (Loeber,
Green et Lahey, 1990). Comme les troubles intériorisés dérangent moins
l’entourage, ils risquent de passer inaperçus. Interroger l’enfant sur la
perception qu’il a de son adaptation à un moment donné de son parcours
peut nous donner des informations que nous n’aurions pu obtenir autrement
et qui seront précieuses pour permettre de considérer cet enfant dans sa
globalité à travers une approche orientée vers la personne. L’instrument
d’évaluation doit toutefois être adapté à l’âge et à l’étape de développement
de l’enfant.
Contributions de l’approche orientée vers la personne
Dans une approche par variables, chaque donnée recueillie prend sa
signification en fonction de sa position relative au groupe de référence.
Dans une approche orientée vers la personne, chaque donnée tire sa
signification de la place occupée par cette dimension par rapport à
l’ensemble des données recueillies chez cet individu (Magnusson, 1998).
Dans une perspective interactionnelle, l’approche par variables devient
limitative puisque la description des variables peut être difficile à traduire
en terme de propriétés caractérisant l’individu dans sa globalité (von Eye
et Bergman, 2003).
Au contraire, dans une vision holistique, l’approche centrée vers la
personne considère que l’individu est un tout organisé, se développant et
fonctionnant comme une totalité porteuse de sens (Bergman, 1998). Ses
caractéristiques propres sont donc étudiées empiriquement en terme de
patrons d’adaptation.
Plusieurs orientations peuvent être adoptées pour répondre à une
approche centrée vers la personne. Pourtant, comme le soutient Magnusson
(1998), peu d’études empiriques ont été menées pour développer et
appliquer ces méthodes statistiques, en complémentarité avec les approches
traditionnelles, dans le but de mieux comprendre les processus
développementaux en termes de patrons d’adaptation. L’analyse
hiérarchique, par exemple, est une approche multidimensionnelle qui
permet de classifier différents types d’individus en catégories à partir
30
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
d’indices de similarités tout en minimisant la ressemblance de membres
d’un sous-groupe aux membres d’un autre sous-groupe (Hokanson et Butler,
1992). Les techniques employées permettent de recueillir également des
informations conventionnelles sur les trajectoires des groupes par des
comparaisons groupe et individu tout en permettant d’améliorer la
compréhension des processus sous-jacents au développement de l’enfant
(Cairns et al., 1998).
Objectifs de l’étude
Dans le contexte de l’étude de la stabilité des problèmes de comportement
chez l’enfant, l’objectif principal de cette recherche est de dégager une
typologie longitudinale des profils d’adaptation en santé mentale à partir
de l’auto-évaluation d’enfants de niveau primaire dans une approche
orientée vers la personne. La méthodologie utilisée est basée sur une
conception multidimensionnelle des composantes de la santé mentale et
utilise l’analyse hiérarchique pour identifier des sous-groupes d’enfants
qui représentent à la fois des profils adaptés et d’autres plus problématiques.
Le présent article propose, à partir de deux études longitudinales, l’examen
des profils d’enfants à un an et à trois ans d’intervalle. Le Dominique-R
(Valla, Bergeron, Bérubé, Gaudet et St-Georges, 1994), sera utilisé pour
recueillir les données. Cet instrument permet d’évaluer la perception qu’a
l’enfant de sa santé mentale, de manière systématique et standardisée, avec
une bonne fidélité. Il sera utilisé dans une perspective dimensionnelle
puisque le nombre de symptômes et non la pathologie sera pris en compte.
L’instrument retenu est employé depuis plus de 10 ans dans des études
épidémiologiques (Santé Québec, 1994), pour l’évaluation d’enfants et de
groupes d’enfants ainsi que pour mesurer les effets des interventions (voir
Trudel et al., 2003). Nous avons précédemment réalisé une étude
transversale des typologies de l’adaptation à partir du Dominique et les
résultats nous apparaissent apporter des informations pertinentes pour
appréhender la santé mentale de l’enfant (Dugré et Trudel, 2003).
Les études sur la stabilité comportementale présentent des résultats
souvent contradictoires bien que la majorité d’entre elles soutiennent une
stabilité plus grande pour les troubles extériorisés. La diversité des méthodes
de cueillette de données, les sources multiples d’évaluation (parents, enfants,
enseignants) contribuent sans doute à ce manque d’uniformité. L’apparente
instabilité dans certaines formes de troubles de l’adaptation peut être
fonction de l’observation d’un comportement isolé plus visible (ex.
hyperactivité) plutôt que de la compréhension d’un profil global
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
31
d’adaptation. Egeland et al., (1996) soutiennent que, peu de chercheurs
se sont penchés sur la stabilité des trajectoires développementales ellesmêmes. Plus fondamentalement, nous pourrions suggérer que l’étude de
la stabilité n’est pas assez orientée vers l’examen des processus sousjacents à l’émergence d’une continuité ou d’une discontinuité dans le
développement des problèmes d’adaptation (Trudel et al, 2003).
Dans la présente recherche, nous nous attarderons principalement à
différents aspects de la stabilité homotypique en référence à la constance
de la manifestation d’un attribut à travers le temps pour l’ensemble des
enfants, à la stabilité ipsative qui réfère à la stabilité des caractéristiques
comportementales d’un même individu à travers les mesures répétées
(Bergman et al., 1997) et à la stabilité des trajectoires développementales.
Nous voulons également examiner dans quelle mesure les différences liées
à l’appartenance sexuelle interfèrent avec la prévalence de symptômes et
avec les changements longitudinaux. Les résultats sur l’auto-évaluation de
l’enfant de niveau primaire sont très peu illustrés dans la littérature
scientifique et nous apparaissent représenter un apport intéressant à la
compréhension de la vie intérieure de celui-ci et du lien établi avec la
manifestation des troubles.
MÉTHODOLOGIE
Sujets
L’échantillon original comprend 217 enfants de 6 à 9 ans, fréquentant une
école primaire régulière des Laurentides et une se situant en AbitibiTémiscamingue. Selon le classement effectué par le ministère de l’éducation,
l’école des Laurentides appartient à l’une des régions les plus défavorisées
des Laurentides. L’école d’Abitibi-Témiscamingue regroupe principalement
des enfants de milieu socio-économique moyen. Ces écoles ont été retenues
sur la base d’une collaboration déjà en place depuis quelques années entre
les chercheurs et les intervenants, dans le cadre de recherches fondamentales
et appliquées. Comme toute étude longitudinale, celle-ci n’a pas échappé à
l’attrition et, en temps 2, on retrouve 183 enfants (perte de 16%).
Le groupe court terme (CT) comprend 93 élèves (45 filles) évalués à un
an d’intervalle (automne) alors que le groupe long terme (LT), composé de
90 élèves (41 filles) a participé à deux sessions d’évaluation à un intervalle
de 3 ans (entre 34 et 40 mois). Soixante-quatre (64) enfants proviennent des
Laurentides, 26 d’Abitibi-Témiscamingue. À l’évaluation initiale, les enfants
du groupe CT sont âgés de 6 à 9 ans alors que ceux du groupe LT, sont âgés
de 7 à 9 ans.
32
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
Procédures d’évaluation
Après avoir obtenu les autorisations nécessaires, les enfants sont évalués
collectivement dans leur classe respective. Chaque enfant reçoit son cahier
individuel comprenant les dessins et questions ainsi qu’une feuille réponse
où il doit inscrire «oui» ou «non» à chaque item. Les questions sont inscrites
dans le cahier mais sont également lues à haute voix par l’examinateur
pour compenser d’éventuelles difficultés de lecture. Les enfants sont assurés
du respect de la confidentialité de leurs réponses et sur le fait qu’il n’y a
pas de bonnes ou de mauvaises réponses.
Instrument
Le Dominique-R est la version 6 du questionnaire original Dominique (Valla
et al., 1994). Il a été extensivement validé, a fait l’objet de plusieurs
publications dans des revues scientifiques (Valla et al., 1994, 1997). Il montre
le personnage principal, Dominique, confronté à une variété de situations
concrètes qui illustrent les différents symptômes émotionnels ou
comportementaux contenus dans le DSM-III-R (Valla et al., 1994). L’enfant
doit indiquer s’il est comme Dominique. Les scores obtenus à chacune des
dimensions de la santé mentale sont de bons indicateurs de la perception
qu’a l’enfant de sa situation émotionnelle à ce moment de sa vie.
Cet instrument nous a permis d’évaluer plus de 1500 enfants de 6-9 ans
depuis quelques années en France et au Québec. Nos analyses démontrent
une bonne cohérence interne aux 7 dimensions de la santé mentale (de .72
à .87). Les analyses factorielles en composantes principales identifient deux
facteurs: troubles intériorisés (anxiété, phobie, angoisse de séparation) et
troubles extériorisés (trouble des conduite, hyperactivité et opposition) qui
expliquent 70% de la variance. L’indice de dépression corrèle
systématiquement avec les deux facteurs ce qui peut s’expliquer par la
propension d’une partie des enfants à manifester par des troubles de
comportement leur malaise interne. Ce résultat original milite en faveur de
prendre en considération la vision de l’enfant dans l’évaluation car elle
permet d’apporter des informations qui enrichissent notre connaissance
des processus sous-jacents à son développement.
Analyse des données
Les analyses sont abordées selon deux volets. Les changements
symptomatiques interindividuels chez les enfants des deux groupes sont
d’abord analysés pour chacune des 2 périodes d’évaluation (T1 vs T2) pour
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
33
l’ensemble des enfants puis, en fonction du sexe. Le second volet s’intéresse
à la dimension intraindividuelle et à la stabilité du comportement. À partir
de la proportion de symptômes, la démarche de classification utilise des
analyses de regroupements hiérarchiques en privilégiant la méthode Ward.
Cette méthode a pour but de minimiser la variabilité à l’intérieur des
différents profils identifiés. Chacune des variables à l’étude obtient un score
et permet de dresser un portrait global à partir de scores extrêmes comme
de scores faibles puisque c’est la configuration de l’ensemble de ces
dimensions qui donnent un sens à la typologie. Les différences de
symptômes entre les divers profils de santé mentale sont analysées à l’aide
de l’analyse de variance univariée et du test a posteriori Newman-Keuls.
Les scores obtenus à chaque dimension permettront de construire les profils
qui soulignent des variations d’auto-évaluation de la santé mentale de ces
enfants. La trajectoire développementale est considérée comme un patron
commun de développement partagé par un groupe d’individus; ce patron
est distinct des patrons comportementaux révélés par les autres individus
(Loeber, 1991). De cette manière la construction de trajectoires devient une
heuristique pour la recherche sur le développement de l’enfant dans sa
diversité. À notre connaissance, cette étude représente la première occasion
de produire une analyse typologique longitudinale de la santé mentale de
jeunes au cours des premières années de scolarisation en s’appuyant sur
l’auto-évaluation de l’enfant. Cette orientation méthodologique ne vise pas
à se substituer aux approches classiques. Elle se veut un complément qui
vise à mieux comprendre les changements et la stabilité chez les différents
types d’enfants au plan de la santé mentale.
RÉSULTATS
Analyse descriptive de la stabilité des proportions de symptômes
La proportion moyenne de symptômes rapportée lors de la première
évaluation (T1) est comparée à la proportion moyenne de symptômes de la
seconde évaluation (T2) pour les conditions de délai court et long termes
(voir tableau 1). Les moyennes de symptômes se comparent tout à fait aux
autres études ayant utilisé le même instrument (Trudel et al., 2003; Valla et
al., 1997).
Pour les garçons et les filles réunis, nos analyses descriptives font ressortir
que, dans les différentes conditions, les moyennes de symptômes entre les
deux temps d’évaluation restent stables, particulièrement aux troubles
extériorisés où on retrouve un seul changement significatif soit à
l’hyperactivité où il y a augmentation à court terme. Les symptômes liés à
34
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
TABLEAU 1
Analyse comparative des taux moyens de symptômes aux différentes
périodes d’évaluation, globalement et pour les filles et les garçons à court
et long termes
Global
Court terme (n =93)—————
Long terme (n = 90)—————
Périodes
——T1—— ——T2——
MoyMoyenne É.T enne É.T.
——T1—— ——T2——
MoyMoyenne É.T. enne É.T.
Tr. conduite
Hyperactivité
Opposition
Phobie
Anxiété
Ang./séparation
Dépression
Filles
Tr. conduite
Hyperactivité
Opposition
Phobie
Anxiété
Ang./séparation
Dépression
Garçons
Tr. Conduite
Hyperactivité
Opposition
Phobie
Anxiété
Ang./séparation
Dépression
6,5
12,9
18,9
7,7
25,6
31,5
17,2
16,7
17,6
23,9
12,9
23,3
26,9
17,7
10,7
18,1
20,8
5,6
22,9
27,4
19,4
23,3
23,3
26,1
8,7
20,7
26,8
18,2
t
-1,8
-2,7*
-,83
1,9
1,3
1,9
-1,2
Court terme (n=45)
2,8
12,5
16,0
10,3
29,7
36,5
17,9
9,2
15,5
21,4
14,6
23,4
24,9
16,3
6,4
17,7
17,6
6,4
26,3
32,5
23,2
21,0
19,5
25,9
10,7
21,2
28,2
19,1
15,1
18,4
23,9
4,0
19,7
22,6
16,0
16,6
21,7
24.0
12,8
24,7
24,9
17,6
5,7
20,3
19,2
7,8
17,7
16,7
18,5
14,7
22,0
22,8
12,3
19,8
22,9
20,8
0,7
-0,8
-0,8
0,3
4,9 *
5,1*
0,2
14,0
22,7
19,8
14,4
22,6
26,5
25,0
0,9
-1,5
-0,2
-1,5
2,1†
2,5*
-1,5
15,3
21,6
25,2
8,9
13,1
17,7
15,0
0,0
0,2
-0,8
1,8
5,1*
5,3*
-1,5
Long terme (n=41)
13,3
23,2
23,6
9,1
19,4
26,0
18,4
-1,3
-2,4†
-0,5
1,3
1,1
1,1
1,7
Court terme (n=48)
9,9
13,3
21,7
5,3
21,7
26,9
16,6
7,1
18,1
17,2
8,2
30,1
29,6
18,9
t
7,15
16,3
16,7
9,1
34,4
34,3
19,1
17,9
19,7
26,0
11,4
25,8
26,4
16,0
4,1
21,6
17,4
12,4
25,9
23,5
24,2
Long terme (n=49)
29,3
23,6
28,1
7,9
21,6
27,0
17,5
-1,4
1,6
-0,7
1,2
0,7
1,6
0,3
7,1
19,6
17,6
7,6
26,6
25,7
18,7
15,7
23,3
22,5
13,9
23,5
23,1
19,0
7,1
19,1
20,7
3,9
10,8
11,0
13,8
Test-t: † = p< .05; * = p< .01.
l’angoisse de séparation diminuent à long terme. Le groupe LT comprend
des enfants de 10 à 11 ans au temps 2 et, à cet âge, l’angoisse de séparation
est beaucoup moins manifeste étant donné que l’adaptation au milieu
scolaire est généralement assumée. La moyenne de symptômes à l’anxiété
diminue également ce qui correspond aux résultats habituels pour les
enfants de cet âge (Santé Québec, 1994).
À court terme, les garçons démontrent une stabilité interindividuelle
absolue; c’est le cas également pour les filles, à l’exception de l’hyperactivité
qui se révèle plus élevée à la seconde évaluation. Cette stabilité apparaît à
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
35
LT assez similaire chez les filles et les garçons où l’anxiété et l’angoisse de
séparation diminuent de manière significative.
Stabilité temporelle sur les indices de santé mentale
Des analyses de corrélation (Pearson) ont été effectuées entre les deux
conditions de délai pour l’ensemble des enfants (global), puis pour les filles
et pour les garçons (voir tableau 2). À court terme, globalement, chaque
mesure de la santé mentale met en évidence des corrélations significatives
entre les 2 temps d’évaluation. Les garçons démontrent une stabilité
significative sur l’ensemble des dimensions alors que chez les filles, le trouble
de conduite ne s’avère pas stable et que la dépression montre un seuil de
stabilité moindre.
À long terme, pour l’ensemble des enfants, on observe une bonne stabilité
temporelle pour 6 des 7 catégories de symptômes. Seules les variations au
trouble de conduite au temps 1 ne sont pas prévisibles des variations au
temps 2. Les résultats indiquent que la stabilité est plus apparente chez les
filles que chez les garçons. Ainsi, le profil des filles est stable dans le temps
pour 6 des 7 catégories de symptômes alors que chez les garçons, on relève
3 effets majeurs liés aux symptômes intériorisés et 2 effets secondaires liés
à l’hyperactivité et au trouble d’opposition.
Considérant l’ensemble des effets pour les court et long termes, les
résultats démontrent un degré de stabilité plus important chez les filles. La
seule catégorie qui fait exception est reliée au trouble de conduite. Chez les
TABLEAU 2
Stabilité globale et selon le sexe entre les mesures de santé mentale aux 2
temps d’évaluation (T1-T2) pour chacune de conditions de délai.
Conditions
Conduite
Hyperactivité
Opposition
Phobie
Anxiété
Séparation
Dépression
Court terme –—————
Global Filles Garçons
(n: 93) (n: 45) (n: 48)
,43*
-,06
,49*
,62*
,77*
,52*
,62*
,54*
,66*
,57*
,45*
,70*
,62*
,60*
,62*
,70*
,56*
,79*
,46*
,30†
,60*
Pearson: † = p< .05; * = p< .01.
Long terme –——————
Global
Filles Garçons
(n: 90) (n: 41) (n: 49)
,09
,34
,15
,35*
,44*
,30†
,40*
,51*
,33†
,34*
,41*
,28
,44*
,42*
,43*
,33*
,44*
,57*
,28†
,50*
,41*
36
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
garçons, la stabilité révélée à CT s’est estompée à LT au niveau des
symptômes extériorisés; ils maintiennent toutefois un profil assez stable
pour les symptômes intériorisés.
Identification des typologies longitudinales d’adaptation en santé mentale
La phase d’analyse suivante utilise une approche typologique qui vise à
identifier différents types d’enfants sur la base des indices aux sept
dimensions de la santé mentale. Les typologies obtenues proviennent de
l’examen des similitudes entre les enfants des divers sous-groupes qui
partagent des variations intraindividuelles communes. Même si certaines
typologies pourraient faire ressortir un nombre de symptômes supérieur à
la moyenne retrouvée habituellement chez les enfants de cet âge, on ne
peut présumer d’emblée qu’ils soient nécessairement en difficulté. Nous
pourrons, par l’examen des différentes trajectoires dans le temps, déterminer
si cette approche multidimensionnelle fournit un éclairage différent ou
complémentaire en regard des configurations ou des patrons de symptômes.
Analyse des regroupements à court terme chez les filles : Pour le court
terme, aux deux temps d’évaluation (T1-T2), l’analyse de regroupements
hiérarchiques identifie 3 profils chez les filles: adapté, mixte et intériorisé
(voir tableau 3). L’analyse du degré d’appartenance aux types de
regroupement (variations qualitatives) en fonction du temps d’évaluation
indique une forte stabilité des différentes configurations de symptômes (c2
= 20,2 = p < ,000). Les filles du profil intériorisé ont vu leurs symptômes
TABLEAU 3
Proportion de symptômes aux 2 temps d’évaluation en fonction des
différentes typologies chez les filles à court terme*
Adapt闗——
Temps 1 Temps 2
n=17
n=22
Conduite
Hyperactivité
Opposition
Phobie
Anxiété
Séparation
Dépression
0,5
5,5
1,4
1,2
8,6
11,8
7,1
2,3
8,4
5,0
6,8
11,6
11,9
12,4
Mixte————–
Temps 1 Temps 2
n=8
n=3
1,04
25,0
49,8
7,5
22,8
37,1
25,0
51,3
72,9
76,9
0,0
39,4
43,6
49,1
*Les scores supérieurs à la moyenne sont en italique.
Intérioris闗–
Temps 1 Temps 2
n=20
n=20
5,5
13,4
15,0
19,1
50,4
25,0
24,3
3,3
19,7
22,6
9,0
40,5
53,5
31,1
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
37
d’angoisse de séparation augmenter de manière importante en une seule
année alors que c’est la dimension qui a le moins augmenté chez le profil
mixte. Par ailleurs, ce dernier comptait initialement des enfants avec des
moyennes des symptômes relativement modérés alors qu’en temps 2, on
ne retrouve que 3 enfants avec des scores extrêmes à toutes les dimensions
de la santé mentale sauf à la phobie où les enfants ne déclarent aucun
symptôme.
Analyse des regroupements pour l’intervalle long terme chez les filles :
L’analyse fait ressortir les trois mêmes profils pour la condition LT chez les
filles: adapté, intériorisé et mixte (voir tableau 4). Des trajectoires semblables
ont été identifiées aux deux temps d’évaluation démontrant une bonne
stabilité des patrons comportementaux (c2 = 9,2 = p < ,05) bien que
légèrement inférieure à celle retrouvée à CT. En temps 1, le profil mixte se
caractérise par de l’opposition et de l’angoisse de séparation
particulièrement élevées alors qu’en temps 2, l’hyperactivité et la dépression
ont augmenté. Les filles du profil intériorisé font voir un taux de symptômes
d’hyperactivité légèrement supérieur à la moyenne en temps 1 et un niveau
relativement élevé de symptômes intériorisés, particulièrement à l’angoisse
de séparation et à l’anxiété. En temps 2, seuls les symptômes intériorisés se
maintiennent au-dessus de la moyenne. Quant aux valeurs du profil mixte,
elles sont supérieures à la moyenne aux 2 temps d’évaluation incluant la
dépression particulièrement élevée à la seconde mesure. Comme pour
l’évaluation CT, le profil adapté des filles à la condition LT révèle une faible
proportion de symptômes aux 2 mesures.
TABLEAU 4
Proportion de symptômes aux 2 temps d’évaluation en fonction des
différentes typologies chez les filles à long terme*
Adapt闗——
Temps 1 Temps 2
n=20
n=20
Conduite
Hyperactivité
Opposition
Phobie
Anxiété
Séparation
Dépression
2,6
5,9
3,5
4,5
17,7
15,0
7,6
1,3
8,8
10,4
7,5
10,5
2,7
5,5
Mixte————–
Temps 1 Temps 2
n=13
n=8
28,1
33,6
65,4
10,3
51,1
36,1
40,1
10,9
46,2
33,7
18,5
44,8
34,3
54,4
* Les scores supérieurs à la moyenne sont en italique.
Intérioris闗–
Temps 1 Temps 2
n=8
n=13
1,28
21,6
7,1
15,4
49,7
62,7
23,9
0,0
14,1
8,7
15,0
57,7
57,7
21,7
38
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
Analyse des regroupements à court terme chez les garçons : Pour le court
terme, quatre profils ressortent à l’évaluation initiale: adapté, intériorisé,
extériorisé et mixte alors qu’en temps 2, le profil extériorisé n’apparaît plus
(voir tableau 5). On retrouve une stabilité significative des trajectoires entre
les deux temps d’évaluation (c2 = 9,9 = p < ,05). Alors que le profil intériorisé,
chez les filles, fait voir une augmentation à l’angoisse de séparation, pour
une période relativement courte, chez les garçons, c’est le trouble
d’opposition qui subit une importante augmentation de la proportion de
symptômes pour ce même profil. Ce dernier maintient également un taux
relativement important de symptômes d’anxiété et d’angoisse de séparation.
Le profil mixte affiche, quant à lui, un taux élevé de symptômes à toutes les
dimensions avec un taux plus élevé de symptômes intériorisés en temps 1
et, inversement, de symptômes extériorisés en temps 2.
Analyse des regroupements pour l’intervalle long terme chez les garçons :
Quatre profils ressortent également pour la condition LT chez les garçons:
adapté-I (symptômes intériorisés dominants), adapté-E (symptômes
extériorisés dominants), intériorisé et mixte (voir tableau 6). Des trajectoires
semblables ont également été identifiées aux deux temps d’évaluation
démontrant ainsi une bonne stabilité (c2 = 22,42 = p < ,01). Les garçons
affichent des trajectoires plus stables à long terme. En temps 1, malgré le
faible nombre de symptômes, dans le profil adapté-I, l’angoisse de
séparation s’avère supérieure à la moyenne et redevient très basse en temps
2. Le profil intériorisé a un niveau presque nul de symptômes de conduite
mais un taux relativement élevé de symptômes intériorisés en temps 1 qui
TABLEAU 5
Proportions de symptômes aux 2 temps d’évaluation en fonction des
différentes typologies chez les garçons à court terme*
Adapt闗
Intériorisé–
Extériorisé–
Mixte——–
Temps 1 Temps 2
Temps 1 Temps 2
Temps 1 Temps 2
Temps 1 Temps 2
n=23 n=24
Conduite
Hyperactivité
Opposition
Phobie
Anxiété
Séparation
Dépression
1,1
3,3
6,0
2,2
7,1
6,4
5,7
2,1
6,5
2,6
1,3
8,7
8,0
6,1
n=9 n=15
0,9
6,3
8,5
6,7
29,3
37,6
13,5
5,8
13,8
35,9
7,3
31,5
32,8
16,5
n=7
n=0
20,2
20,5
59,3
0,0
14,4
19,8
18,8
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
*Les scores supérieurs à la moyenne sont en italique.
n=9
n=9
33,6
40,3
45,6
16,1
57,1
74,1
45,6
65,4
57,6
60,7
5,6
29,3
44,7
44,2
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
39
TABLEAU 6
Proportions de symptômes aux 2 temps d’évaluation en fonction des
différentes typologies chez les garçons à long terme*
Adapté-I—
Adapté-ɗ
Intériorisé–
Mixte——–
Temps 1 Temps 2
Temps 1 Temps 2
Temps 1 Temps 2
Temps 1 Temps 2
n=15 n=12
Conduite
1,1 2,1
Conduite
0,0 0,0
Hyperactivité 1,3 1,0
Opposition
5,1 0,0
Phobie
2,7 0,0
Anxiété
24,0 0,0
Séparation
32,3 4,5
Dépression
8,4 0,9
n=18
0,9
5,6
15,3
12,8
0,0
8,06
6,0
9,9
n=12
5,8
7,4
19,6
12,8
0,8
6,8
0,6
14,5
n=9
20,2
1,9
25,0
21,6
21,1
52,8
45,3
31,6
n=14
–
1,2
22,3
13,7
7,1
20,1
23,7
13,9
n=7
33,6
33,3
63,4
51,6
20,0
44,2
37,4
46,6
n=11
65,4
22,0
34,1
60,8
7,3
14,8
13,3
26,8
*Les scores supérieurs à la moyenne sont en italique.
diminue en temps 2 même si ces dimensions restent légèrement
supérieures à la moyenne. Le profil mixte se caractérise par des symptômes
élevés à l’opposition, l’angoisse de séparation et la dépression,
particulièrement en temps 1 alors qu’en temps 2, on note une diminution
substantielle à ces dimensions, sauf pour les symptômes d’opposition qui
demeurent importants. En temps 2, trois des profils des garçons ont
tendance à se regrouper autour de la moyenne alors qu’un seul profil
(mixte) s’en écarte résolument avec des taux supérieurs à la moyenne sur
toutes les dimensions.
Stabilité des trajectoires développementales
Le calcul de la distribution en pourcentage des types d’enfants au temps
2 par rapport au profil initial nous a permis de déterminer la stabilité des
trajectoires pour les garçons et les filles.
Stabilité à court terme des trajectoires des filles : À court terme chez les
filles, la stabilité du profil adapté s’avère particulièrement élevée avec 82%.
La trajectoire intériorisée démontre également une bonne stabilité avec 75%.
Seule la trajectoire mixte modérée démontre une forte multifinalité et peu
de stabilité puisqu’on retrouve un nombre plus restreint d’enfants qui
demeurent dans le même profil au temps 2. (voir figure 1)
Stabilité à long terme des trajectoires des filles : Ainsi, 70% des filles qui
faisaient partie du profil adapté en début de scolarisation s’y retrouvent
40
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
Temps 1
Temps 2
Adapté
n=17
Adapté
n=22
,82
,18*
,50*
,20*
Intériorisé
n=20
,75
Intériorisé
n=20
,5
,25
Mixte modéré
n=8
Mixte
n=3
,25
Figure 1: Stabilité à court terme des trajectoires des filles
Temps 1
Temps 2
Adapté
n=20
Adapté
n=20
,70
,10*
,38*
,24
Intériorisé
n=13
,38
Intériorisé
n=8
,5
,20
,12
Mixte modéré
n=8
,50
Mixte
n=13
Figure 2: Stabilité à long terme des trajectoires des filles
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
41
encore en début d’adolescence (voir figure 2). Comme à court terme, c’est
ce profil qui démontre le plus de constance. En second lieu, c’est le profil
mixte qui montre une stabilité relativement importante avec 50%. Par
ailleurs, 38% des filles qui en faisaient partie en temps 1 se retrouvent au
profil adapté en temps 2. Le profil intériorisé révèle la plus faible stabilité
avec 38% alors que la même proportion se retrouve au profil mixte et 24%
au profil adapté. Conséquemment, soixante-seize pour cent (76%) des
enfants de cette trajectoire feraient partie des profils problématiques en
temps 2. En ce sens, les fillettes de ce profil présentent une importante
multifinalité mais une forte continuité de fonctionnement problématique.
Stabilité à court terme des trajectoires des garçons : À court terme chez
les garçons, la stabilité du profil adapté s’avère élevée avec 74% (voir figure
3). Toutefois, la trajectoire du profil intériorisé en temps 1 conduit également
Temps 1
Temps 2
Adapté
n=23
Adapté
n=24
,70
,66
,26
,14
Intériorisé
n=9
Intériorisé
n=15
,57*
,33*
Extériorisé
n= 7
,29*
,55*
Mixte modéré
n=9
,45
Mixte
n=9
Figure 3: Stabilité à court terme des trajectoires des garçons
42
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
au profil adapté puisque 66% s’y retrouvent. Ce sont les enfants du profil
extériorisé qui se retrouvent majoritairement au profil intériorisé en temps
2. Enfin, la trajectoire du type mixte présente une faible dispersion (55%
profil intériorisé, 44% profil mixte) et aucun de ces enfants ne se retrouve
au profil adapté en temps 2.
Stabilité à long terme des trajectoires des garçons : À long terme, chez
les garçons, il apparaît plus difficile de déterminer la stabilité des trajectoires
adaptées en temps 1 et en temps 2 puisqu’elles illustrent des profils
différents. Malgré un nombre relativement bas de symptômes (sous la
moyenne), la trajectoire adaptée-I démontre une faible proportion de
troubles extériorisés et un taux plus élevé de troubles intériorisés (voir figure
4). La seconde se présente à l’inverse. Toutefois, si l’on tient compte de la
relative adaptation de ces 2 trajectoires, elles démontrent une stabilité de
Temps 1
Temps 2
Adapté-I
n=15
,27
Adapté-I
n=12
,28
Adapté-É
n=12
,47
,27*
,33
Adapté-É
n=18
,11*
,28
,13*
Mixte
n= 7
,60*
Mixte
n= 11
,09
,27
,23*
Intériorisé
n=9
,70
Intériorisé
n=14
Figure 4: Stabilité à long terme des trajectoires des garçons
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
43
67% (22/33) qui s’apparente aux résultats des filles et des garçons plus
jeunes. Près de la moitié des enfants du profil adapté-I en temps 1 se
retrouvent au profil adapté-E en temps 2 et n’évoluent pas vers un profil
mixte (0%). Le profil adapté-E démontre un grande multifinalité et semble
devenir plus problématique que le profil adapté-I avec le temps.
Contrairement au groupe CT, c’est la stabilité du profil intériorisé qui
s’avère la plus élevée avec 70%. Moins de garçons que de filles auraient été
identifiés à ce profil initialement mais ceux qui l’ont été y demeurent en
forte proportion. À peine 9% des garçons de cette trajectoire se retrouvent
dans un profil adapté en temps 2. Cette situation s’apparente aux enfants
du profil mixte qui restent stables à 60% et où peu d’enfants évoluent vers
un profil adapté. Il apparaît donc que les profils problématiques à l’entrée
à l’école chez les garçons le demeurent en grande partie en début
d’adolescence.
DISCUSSION
L’objectif principal de cette étude consistait à dégager une typologie
longitudinale des profils d’adaptation en santé mentale à partir de
l’évolution des représentations de l’état comportemental et émotionnel
d’enfants de niveau primaire. Plusieurs études longitudinales portent sur
la stabilité des problèmes de comportement chez l’enfant mais peu d’entre
elles visent à développer une meilleure compréhension des processus qui
permettent de saisir comment les fonctions émergentes, les compétences et
les tâches développementales peuvent influencer le comportement de
l’enfant. La démarche analytique centrée sur la signification des coefficients
de corrélation a pour effet de sous-estimer la variabilité potentielle des
processus qui caractérisent les différents profils que peuvent emprunter
les enfants en cours de développement. L’approche méthodologique
sélectionnée nous a permis de recueillir des informations traditionnelles
pour l’ensemble des échantillons par des comparaisons groupe et individu,
mais également d’enrichir notre compréhension du développement du
l’enfant par une approche centrée sur la personne.
Le profil de résultats appuie l’idée que les enfants sont de bons
informateurs pour décrire leur état de santé mentale et que l’instrument
utilisé leur permet d’exprimer leur état émotionnel de façon nuancée et
cohérente. En effet, les résultats varient en fonction de l’âge et du sexe et on
retrouve une forte corrélation entre les différentes évaluations chez les
mêmes participants. Nos résultats, comme ceux obtenus par Kamphaus et
al. (1999), démontrent qu’un échantillon d’enfants de la population générale
produit, à la fois des trajectoires adaptées et des profils d’enfants à risque.
44
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
Approche centrée sur les variables
L’examen de la stabilité tient compte de la proportion moyenne de
symptômes à court et à long termes pour l’ensemble des enfants et, en
fonction de la variation liée à l’appartenance sexuelle. Les résultats
démontrent une forte stabilité à court terme sur l’ensemble des catégories
sauf à l’hyperactivité qui a augmenté. Les symptômes intériorisés restent
particulièrement stables. À long terme, les symptômes d’angoisse de
séparation et d’anxiété ont diminué sensiblement alors que les symptômes
extériorisés demeurent de nouveau stables.
Les garçons font voir une forte stabilité à court terme sur l’ensemble des
catégories de symptômes. Les dimensions extériorisées restent également
stables à l’analyse du contexte court et long termes. Quant aux filles, peu
importe le contexte temporel considéré, on observe une bonne stabilité pour
l’ensemble des dimensions à l’exception d’une augmentation de symptômes
d’hyperactivité à court terme. On retrouve une moins grande stabilité aux
troubles intériorisés puisque les scores à long terme affichent, au temps 2,
des baisses significatives à l’angoisse de séparation et à l’anxiété pour les
garçons et les filles. Ces résultats confirment la diminution de l’angoisse de
séparation et de l’anxiété avec l’âge chez les enfants d’âge moyen (après 89 ans) retrouvée dans la littérature (Santé Québec, 1994; Visser et al. 1999).
En résumé, nos résultats mettent en évidence une grande stabilité
interindividuelle aux troubles extériorisés et une plus faible stabilité aux
symptômes intériorisés. Ces effets confirment les conclusions de plusieurs
chercheurs dans le domaine (voir Verhulst et al., 1992) mais infirment
également les travaux de Visser et al. (1999) qui retrouvent un même niveau
de constance aux 2 composantes lorsque l’enfant s’auto-évalue. Les
participants de cette étude étaient des enfants référés à un système de santé
ce qui explique peut-être cette différence.
Sur la base des indices de corrélation, les analyses portant sur les
proportions de symptômes aux 7 dimensions de la santé mentale, pour
l’ensemble de l’échantillon, mettent en évidence des effets significatifs entre
les deux évaluations, indiquant une bonne stabilité individuelle pour les
deux conditions d’évaluation. La stabilité à CT apparaît supérieure chez
les garçons pour toutes les dimensions alors que chez les filles la dimension
trouble de conduite n’est stable ni à court, ni à long termes. Malgré une
stabilité probante sur 5 des 7 dimensions à long terme, ce sont les garçons
qui démontrent le moins de continuité.
Globalement, les résultats démontrent une forte continuité
comportementale si on tient compte de l’approche centrée sur les
variables. Toutefois, ces informations ne nous permettent pas de
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
45
caractériser l’enfant dans sa singularité. Il nous est donc apparu important
de discriminer les typologies illustrant la diversité de trajectoires que
prennent les enfants aux prises avec les difficultés liées aux étapes de
développement. Ceci nous a permis d’identifier certains groupes qui
présentent des risques de problèmes et de déterminer lesquels présentent
davantage de stabilité.
Approche centrée sur la personne
Comme le souligne Egeland et al. (1996), peu d’auteurs se sont penchés
sur l’analyse de la stabilité des trajectoires développementales. Ce constat
rejoint les propos de Gottlieb (1991) en psychobiologie du développement
suggérant d’examiner le rôle de l’expérience précoce sur l’émergence des
différentes formes de canalisation du développement. Il nous apparaît que
cette approche est susceptible de nous aider à mieux comprendre les
processus sous-jacents à l’émergence de la continuité ou de la discontinuité
dans le développement de problèmes d’adaptation.
Trois profils similaires apparaissent chez les filles à chacun des deux
temps d’évaluation démontrant ainsi une bonne stabilité, particulièrement
à court terme: adapté, intériorisé et mixte. Cependant, peu de filles
identifiées au profil mixte y demeurent après un an. Cette période (entre 7
et 8 ans), apparaît particulièrement mouvementée pour les filles qui ne
sont pas dans le groupe adapté. À LT, les profils intériorisé et adapté chez
les filles changent peu alors que le profil mixte montre une diminution de
symptômes, contrairement à ce qui avait été identifié à la prise initiale de
données. Les symptômes de dépression restent toutefois très élevés.
Pour les garçons, des profils similaires sont également identifiés aux deux
temps d’évaluation, particulièrement à long terme. Contrairement aux filles,
les profils chez les garçons diffèrent quelque peu selon les conditions de
délai. En effet, on retrouve à CT un profil adapté, intériorisé, extériorisé et
mixte à l’évaluation initiale, le profil extériorisé n’apparaît plus en temps 2.
Alors que chez les filles on observe davantage de stabilité à court terme, on
retrouve l’inverse chez les garçons.
À long terme, deux variations de profils adaptés apparaissent chez les
garçons dont l’un avec un taux supérieur de symptômes extériorisés et
l’autre avec un taux supérieur de symptômes intériorisés. Un profil
intériorisé et un mixte complètent la typologie. Le profil adapté-I présente
un taux de symptômes très minime en temps 2. Il semblerait que l’adaptation
à la période initiale (7-8 ans) avait initié un certain niveau d’anxiété qui ne
se retrouve plus en temps 2. Le profil adapté-E demeure très semblable en
T2 démontrant davantage de stabilité aux symptômes extériorisés. En
46
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
début d’adolescence, les garçons se regroupent dans 3 profils qui se situent
en deçà ou autour de la moyenne alors que le profil mixte affiche des scores
supérieurs à la moyenne à toutes les dimensions. On retrouverait donc
chez les garçons, une stabilité comportementale plus hâtive que chez les
filles. Une étude antérieure portant sur une typologie transversale (Dugré
et al., 2003) nous avait permis de retrouver une uniformité supérieure
chez les garçons à partir de 8-9 ans chez qui, l’oscillation entre l’angoisse
de séparation et l’opposition, typique du développement chez les filles (6
à 9 ans) et les garçons (6-7 ans) était révolue. Leurs profils apparaissaient
alors plus polarisés.
A partir de l’analyse typologique, nous avons vérifié combien d’enfants
appartiennent au même profil en temps 1 et en temps 2 et déterminé la
situation des autres. Les analyses indiquent qu’on retrouve un très forte
stabilité entre les trajectoires individuelles à court terme pour les garçons
et les filles. À long terme, la stabilité s’avère de nouveau supérieure chez
les garçons.
Les parcours différent en fonction du sexe. À CT, les fillettes des
trajectoires adaptées le demeurent en grande majorité et aucune d’entre
elles ne se retrouve au profil mixte à la deuxième évaluation. Bien que 50%
des fillettes du profil mixte se retrouvent au profil adapté, celles qui
demeurent dans ce profil problématique en proviennent. On peut donc dire
que, sauf pour le profil mixte, on retrouve peu de dispersion entre le temps
1 et le temps 2 chez les filles à l’intérieur d’une année démontrant ainsi une
relative équifinalité.
À long terme, une forte majorité des filles intégrées au profil adapté vers
7 ou 8 ans, s’y retrouvent encore en début d’adolescence (70%) alors que
20% d’entre elles sont intégrées au profil mixte. Cette dernière trajectoire,
malgré un fort taux de symptômes, conserve la moitié des enfants de
l’évaluation initiale. Contrairement aux filles plus jeunes (CT), la trajectoire
internalisée s’avère la moins stable (38%). Ce profil affiche une dispersion
relativement importante mais une forte continuité de fonctionnement
problématique (38% intériorisé, 38% mixte). Egeland et al. (1996) concluent
également à une importante multifinalité à long terme pour les trajectoires
intériorisées précoces.
Comme chez les filles, une forte proportion des garçons du profil adapté
y demeurent à court terme (74%), les autres se retrouvent au profil mixte.
Aucun enfant de la trajectoire intériorisée initiale ne s’y trouve en temps 2
démontrant le peu de stabilité à court terme de cette trajectoire pour les
garçons. La majorité de ceux qui y étaient en T1, appartiennent au profil
adapté en temps 2 (66%). D’autre part, 86% des enfants du profil extériorisé
demeurent dans des profils plus problématiques (57% intériorisé, 29%
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
47
mixte). Cette constatation avait été faite par Quinton et al. (1990) à propos
des effets de troubles extériorisés précoces chez les garçons qui augmentent
le risque de troubles de conduite et de troubles intériorisés à l’âge adulte.
Enfin, à CT, tous les garçons du groupe mixte se situent dans des profils à
risque à la seconde évaluation (55% intériorisé, 45% mixte).
À long terme, 67% des garçons demeurent dans un profil adapté aux
deux conditions de délai. Chez eux, les trajectoires problématiques
demeurent relativement stables puisqu’elles conservent 60% des enfants
du profil mixte et 70% du profil intériorisé. Ces résultats vont également
dans le même sens que ceux obtenus par Quinton et al. (1990) qui soulignent
que, chez les garçons, la présence de troubles intériorisés précoces prédit
des troubles semblables à l’âge adulte. Une situation similaire apparaît chez
ces garçons de 11 ans. Il semble donc que les profils problématiques dépistés
en début de scolarisation chez les garçons le demeurent à l’aube de
l’adolescence.
Cette étude longitudinale nous a permis de constater que stabilité et
changement se retrouvent chez les enfants de niveau primaire; ils diffèrent
selon le sexe, selon les délais entre les évaluations mais également en fonction
des profils identifiés. Toutefois, on ne peut ignorer qu’on retrouve une bonne
persistance de troubles chez les enfants qui présentent au départ des
problèmes multiples, particulièrement les garçons, même si certains d’entre
eux, retrouvent leur équilibre à plus long terme. Les résultats obtenus nous
ont permis de constater, comme le prétendent Bergman et al. (1997), que
chez l’enfant bien ajusté initialement, l’émergence de nouveaux problèmes
est moins fréquente que chez les jeunes enfants et qu’on retrouve une
stabilité plus grande chez les enfants qui ont de multiples problèmes. De
manière générale, la trajectoire adaptée présente une forte stabilité (variant
de ,67 à ,82). La trajectoire mixte, bien que moins stable à court terme, montre,
par ailleurs, une inquiétante continuité à long terme, si on considère
l’ampleur des symptômes de ce profil. Les résultats de Lambert et al, (2001),
dans leur étude longitudinale (5 ans d’écart) mettent en évidence que les
enfants présentant un trouble de conduite dans l’enfance, montrent les plus
hauts taux d’inadaptation ultérieurs. Nos résultats vont dans le même sens
puisque les enfants, avec un taux initial élevé de trouble de conduite, se
retrouvent au profil mixte en T2 avec de forts taux de problèmes intériorisés
et extériorisés. Seules les filles y échappent à CT puisqu’à la prise de données
initiale, on retrouve un taux presque nul de problème de conduite chez ces
dernières. La situation évolue rapidement et, après un an, les fillettes du
profil mixte ont, elles aussi un haut taux de trouble de conduite. Comme le
meilleur prédicteur de criminalité chez l’adulte, demeure une profil
multiproblématique chez l’enfant (Pulkkinen, 1998), et que les troubles de
48
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
comportement deviennent plus difficiles à modifier avec le temps, il est
important de miser rapidement sur l’intervention auprès de ces enfants. Ils
profiteront d’autant plus de l’intervention qu’on aura pris en compte la
diversité des trajectoires parmi les enfants à haut risque. En ce sens, le
développement d’une typologie à partir de la population générale, qui inclut
à la fois des enfants aux profils adaptés et d’autres plus problématiques,
devrait permettre de développer une meilleure compréhension des facteurs
de protection dont profitent les enfants des trajectoires adaptées et qui le
demeurent à long terme. Nous pourrons ainsi tenir compte des compétences
que construit l’enfant en situation de déséquilibre faisant suite aux pressions
de l’environnement.
Les mérites relatifs de l’approche orientée vers les variables et orientée
vers la personne supposent la poursuite des recherches. Il est probable
qu’une combinaison des deux soit nécessaire pour permettre de répondre
aux multiples défis de la recherche et de l’intervention en santé mentale de
l’enfant dans une perspective développementale. Les tenants de l’approche
centrée vers les variables ont développé, avec le temps, des outils de plus
en plus sophistiqués qui ont permis de tester différents modèles statistiques
tout en réduisant les risques d’erreurs. Ce n’est pas encore le cas pour
l’approche centrée sur la personne (Bergman et al., 1997). Toutefois, il nous
apparaît que cette orientation, en permettant de classifier différemment les
problèmes d’adaptation, ouvre des voies intéressantes pour l’évaluation
de l’enfant en développement, donc nécessairement partiellement instable.
Par exemple, les résultats de l’analyse statistique traditionnelle nous
démontrent que les symptômes liés à l’angoisse de séparation et à la
dépression diminuent chez les garçons et les filles en début d’adolescence
(voir tableau 1). Avec l’approche centrée sur la personne, on se rend compte,
que c’est vrai pour les enfants qui font partie de profils adaptés mais non
pour ceux des profils mixtes ou intériorisés. S’attarder uniquement à des
moyennes de symptômes fait en sorte que ces nuances sont occultées.
Dans la mesure où l’appartenance à un type soutient une prédiction à
plus ou moins long terme, il nous semble, comme l’affirment LeBlanc et
Morizot (2000), que l’efficacité du dépistage des problèmes d’adaptation
peut être améliorée et que des interventions différentielles peuvent être
proposées avec une efficacité accrue.
RÉFÉRENCES
Achenbach, T. M., McConaughy, S. H., Howell, C. T. (1987). Child/adolescent
behavioral and emotional problems: Implications of cross-informant correlations
for situational specificity. Psychological Bulletin, 101, 213–232.
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
49
Bennett, K. J., Lipman, E. L., Racine, Y., Offord, D. R. (1998). Annotation : Do
measures of externalizing behaviour in normal populations predict later
outcome ? Implications for targeted interventions to prevent conduct disorder.
Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 39(8), 1059–1070.
Bergman, L. R., (1998). A pattern-oriented approach to studying individual
development. In R. B. Cairns, L. R. Bergman, J. Kagan (Eds.) . Methods and
models for studying the individual (p. 83–122) Thousand Oaks. Ca.: Sage
Publications.
Bergman, L. R., Magnusson, D. (1997). A person-oriented approach in research on
developmental psychopathology. Development and Psychopathology, 9, 291319.
Cairns, R. B., Rodkin, P. C. (1998). Phenomena regained. In R. B. Cairns, L. R.
Bergman, J. Kagan (Eds.). Methods and models for studying the individual (p.
83–122) Thousand Oaks. Ca.: Sage Publications.
Cicchetti, D., Toth, S. (1991). A developmental perspective on internalizing and
externalizing disorders. In D. Cicchetti et S. Toth (Eds.) Internalizing and
externalizind expressions of dysfonction (pp. 1–20). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates.
Costello, E. J., Angold, A., Keeler. G. P. (1999). Adolescent outcomes of childhood
disorders: The consequences of severity and impairment. Journal of the American
Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 38, 121-128.
Dugré, S., Trudel, M., Valla, J. P. (2001). Considérations individuelles et culturelles
en santé mentale des enfants : le Dominique à l’épreuve. Revue canadienne de
psychoéducation, 30, 119–138.
Dugré, S., Trudel, M. (soumis). Approche transversale de profils d’adaptation en
santé mentale des filles et des garçons de 6–9 ans: une analyse typologique.
Revue canadienne des sciences du comportement.
Egeland, B., Pianta, R., Ogawa, J. (1996). Early behavior problems: Pathways to
mental disorders in adolescence. Development and Psychopathology, 8, 735–
749.
Ghiselli, E. E., Campbell, J. P., Zedeck, S. (1981). Measurement theory for the
behavioral sciences. San Francisco: W.H. Freeman.
Gottlieb, G. (1991). Experiential canalization of behavioural development: Theory.
Developmental Psychology, 27, 4–13.
Harrington, R. (1997). Évolution de la dépression. In M. C. Mouren-Simeoni et
R. G. Klein (Eds.). Les dépressions chez l’enfant et l’adolescent (177–186). Paris:
ESP.
50
SUZANNE D UGRÉ & M ARCEL TRUDEL
Hokanson, J. E., Butler, A. C. (1992). Cluster analysis of depressed college students’
social behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 62(2), 273–280.
Kagan, J. (1969). Inadequate evidence and illogical conclusions. Harvard Educational
Review, 39, 274–277.
Kamphaus, R. W., Petoskey, M. D., Cody, A. H., Rowe, H. W., Huberty, C. J. (1999).
A typology of parent rated child behavior for a national U.S. sample. Journal of
Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 40(4), 607–616.
Lambert, E. W., Wahler, R. G., Andrade, A. R., Bickman, L. (2001). Looking for the
disorder in conduct disorder. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 110(1), 110–123.
LeBlanc, M., Morizot, J. (2000). Le dépistage des problèmes d’adaptation: Stratégies
et instruments. In F. Vitaro et C. Gagnon (Éds.). Prévention des problèmes
d’adaptation chez les enfants et les adolescents. Québec: PUQ
Loeber, R., Green, S. M., Lahey, B. B. (1990). Mental health professionals’ perception
of the utility of children, mothers, and teachers informants on childhood
psychopathology. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 19, 136–143.
Loeber, R. (1991). Antisocial behavior: More enduring than changeable? Journal of
the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 30, 393–397.
Magnusson, D. (1998). The logic and implications of a person-oriented approach.
In R.B. Cairns, L.R. Bergman, J. Kagan (Eds.) . Methods and models for studying
the individual (pp. 33–82). Thousand Oaks. Ca.: Sage Publications.
Moffit, T. E., Caspi, A., Dickson, N. Silva, P., Stanton, W. (1996). Childhood-onset
versus adolescent-onset antisocial problems in males: Natural history from ages
3 to 18. Development and Psychopathology, 8, 399–424.
Pulkkinen, L. (1998). Levels of longitudinal data differing in complexity and the
study of continuity in personality characteristics. In R. B. Cairns, L. R. Bergman,
J. Kagan (Eds.). Methods and models for studying the individual (161–182).
Thousand Oaks. Ca.: Sage Publications.
Quinton, D., Rutter, M., Gulliver, L. (1990). Continuities in psychiatric disorders
from childhood to adulthood in the children of psychiatric patients. In L. N.
Robins et M. Rutter (Eds.). Straight and devious pathways from childhood to
adulthood. NY: Cambridge University Press.
Santé Québec (1994). Enquête québécoise sur la santé mentale de l’enfant de 6 à 14
ans. Hôpital Rivière-des-Prairies. Montréal: Bibliothèque nationale du Canada.
Sroufe, L.A. (1997). Psychopathology as an outcome of development. Development
and Psychopathology, 9, 251–268.
Steingberg, L., Avenevoli, S. (2000). The role of context in the development of
psychopathology : A conceptual framework and some speculative propositions.
Child Development, 71(1).
SUIVI LONGITUDINAL DE PROFILS D’ADAPTATION EN SANTÉ MENTALE
51
Tremblay, R. E., Masse, B., Perron, D., LeBlanc, M. (1992). Early disruptive behaviour,
poor school achivement, delinquent behaviour and delinquent personality :
Longitudinal analyses. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 60, 64–
72.
Trudel, M., Rascalon, E., Ouellette, R., Dugré, S. (2003). Analyse longitudinale de
l’effet d’un programme d’intervention précoce sur la santé mentale d’élèves
provenant de milieu socioéconomiquement faible. In F. Larose (dir.). Difficultés
d’adaptation sociale ou scolaire et intervention éducative (pp. 11–138).
Sherbrooke-Paris: Éditions du CRP/ L’Harmattan. Collection l’Intervention
éducative.
Valla, J. P., Bergeron, L., Bérubé, H., Gaudet, N., St-Georges, M. (1994). A structured
pictorial questionnaire to assess DSM-III-R-based diagnoses in children (6–11
years): Development, validity and reliability. Journal of Abnormal Child
Psychology, 22, 403–423.
Valla, J. P., Bergeron, L., Bidaut-Russel, M., St-Georges, M. Gaudet, N. (1997).
Reliability of the Dominic-R: A young child mental health questionnaire
combining visual and auditory stimuli. Journal of Child Psychology and
Psychiatry, 38(6), 717–724.
Verhulst, F. C., Van der Ende, J. (1992). Six-year stability of parent-report problem
behavior in a épidemiological sample. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology,
20 (6), 595-610.
Visser, J. H., van der Ende, J., Koot, H. M., Verhulst, F.C. (1999). Continuity of
psychopathology in youths referred to mental health services. Journal of the
American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 38, 1560–1568.
Von Eye, A., Bergman, L. R. (2003). Research strategies in developmental
psychopathology: Dimensional identity and the person-oriented approach.
Development and Psychopathology, 15(3), 553–580.
Wakefield, J. C. (1997). When is developmental disordered ? Developmental
psychopathology and the harmful dysfunction analysis of mental disorder.
Development and Psychopathology, 9, 269–290.
Rural Education and Out-Migration:
The Case of a Coastal Community
Michael Corbett
In this article, I report on findings from a case study examining the relationship between
formal education and out-migration in a Canadian coastal community from the early
1960s to the late 1990s. Although high rates of village-level out-migration were chronic,
most migration trajectories were short-range. Contrary to large-scale quantitative
analyses of rural depopulation, I found a geographically stable population and
persistently low high-school graduation rates among those who stayed in the proximal
area. In the analysis of educational attainment and migration, schools served their
traditional role of sorting and selecting youth for out-migration.
Keywords: rural education, educational attainment, geographic mobility, school to work
transition, coastal communities
Dans cet article, l’auteur présente les conclusions d’une étude de cas portant sur la
relation entre l’éducation formelle et l’exode au sein d’une communauté côtière
canadienne du début des années 60 à la fin des années 70. Si les taux élevés de migration
hors des villages ont été chroniquement élevés, la plupart des migrants ne sont pas allé
très loin. Contrairement aux résultats des analyses quantitatives de l’exode rural sur
une grande échelle, l’auteur a constaté ici que la population était demeurée relativement
stable et que les taux d’obtention du diplôme de secondaire étaient d’ordinaire peu
élevés chez les personnes qui sont restées dans la région. Dans son analyse du rendement
scolaire et de l’exode, l’auteur a noté que les écoles ont assuré leur fonction traditionnelle
de sélection scolaire ainsi que de filtrage de celles et ceux qui iraient étudier à l’extérieur.
Mots clés: éducation rurale, rendement scolaire, mobilité géographique, transition de
l’école au travail, communautés côtières
––––––––––––––––
LEARNING AND LEAVING
It is common to think of universal access to secondary schooling as a
feature of modernity, well established by the 1920s and 1930s (Sutherland,
1995). Yet, as spatially sensitive historical analysis has shown, time does
not transform all spaces and places equally. In many of Canada’s rural
communities, the routines of secondary schooling were not effectively
established until at least the postwar period (McCann, 1994; Perry, 2003).
CANADIAN JOURNAL
OF
EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 52–72
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
53
In rural Canada, such factors as diverse uneven development, local labour
markets, patterns of informal education, and direct socialization to adult
roles offered an educational alternative to the school and the oftenquestionable training it offered (Davey, 1978; Gaffield, 1987; McCann, 1982;
Wilson and Stortz, 1993). Rural communities have also offered active and
sustained resistance to early efforts to impose schooling on children, with
little regard for the social, economic, or cultural composition of communities
(Corbett, 2001b; Curtis, 1988; Popkewitz, 1998; Scott, 1985). Indeed, the
normalization process of making protracted schooling and higher education
automatic and habitual is not yet well established in some Canadian rural
and coastal communities (Corbett, 2001a; McCann, 1994). As a southwest
Nova Scotia fisherman pointed out to me, it is easy to say that young people
“need” an extended formal education, “but the argument has never been
proven.” As a result, schooling in coastal communities, and in rural and
northern places, remains a significant challenge for youth, for those who
educate them, and for the Canadian state (Government of Canada, 1999;
Rural Communities Impacting Policy, 2003). One core problem is that by
implicitly defining educational success in terms of a mobile population of
youth exported to urban areas, rural schools may tacitly promote the erosion
of their own human capital (DeYoung, 1995; Theobald, 1997). On the other
hand, many urban-centric policy analysts like Richard Florida (2002) see
contemporary migrations of educated, uprooted people into vibrant cities
as a principal motor of economic and social development. The relationship
between modernization of economies, rural to urban migration, and formal
education has long been the subject of policy discourse, often in the absence
of clear evidence about how learning and leaving are related in specific
locations in time and space. In this article, I have presented the results from
a case study in which I investigated the link between formal education and
out-migration in a coastal community in southwest Nova Scotia. The central
questions driving this study are: who leaves, who stays, and what level of
formal education credentials does each of these groups have?
As an elementary and secondary teacher in coastal and northern
communities through the 1980s and 1990s, I strongly sensed that a great
many youth, and the majority of young men, remained close to home. Many
of those people who remained in rural areas seemed to exhibit significant
entrepreneurial resilience to survive and prosper using family economic,
social, and cultural capital, with or without credentials, to maintain a lifestyle
and make a living in a familiar place. A persistent conundrum for state
educational policy is that many rural people stay in their communities and
find ways to survive without very much formal education (Corbett, 2001a;
House, 1989; Matthews, 1976; Jensen, 2002; Jones, 1999a, 1999b; Pocius,
54
MICHAEL CORBETT
1991; Smyth and Hattam, 2004). Yet rural people often find themselves
cast as redundant rustics who resist modernization by staying in the
“wrong places,” blocking what is considered progress (Berry, 1977; Ching
& Creed, 1997). Implicit here is the notion that formal schooling provides
a mobile form of capital and that education is an institution of what
Anthony Giddens (1990, pp. 21–29)) calls “disembedding,” severing
attachments to traditions and particular locales.
The quantitative literature on both internal migration in Canada and
international migration shows a strong link between education and the
propensity to migrate. For instance, using Canadian census, labour force
survey, and T-1 taxation data, Dupuis, Meyer, and Morissette (2000) found
a consistent correlation between educational credentials and the propensity
for out-migration from rural communities. Tremblay (2001) found essentially
the same pattern in his analysis of Statistics Canada data. In a related study,
Bollman (1999) also found that, in rural Canada, the economic “returns” on
education were significantly less than in urban communities. The general
picture is that people who possess higher levels of formal education are
more prone or more able to leave rural communities; similarly those who
stay, without higher education credentials, do not reap significant economic
benefits from their schooling.
Several recent studies of migration and mobility have suggested that
the traditional structural adjustment and push-pull models of migration
decision making are less than adequate for understanding why, when, and
how people move from one place to another (Jones, 1999a, 1999b;
Papastergiadis, 2000; Settles, 2001). These researchers make the case that
an analysis of the complex nuances of culture, human agency, and
subjectivity must be incorporated into migration studies to gain a clearer
picture of the character of geographic mobility. Although structural push
and pull mechanisms are clearly important, they are experienced in the
context of culture, community, and family, influencing some people to move
and others to stay. Such analysis foregrounds the need for research that
takes a closer look at the cultural dimensions of the way formal education
and out-migration are linked in places outside the urban mainstream.
METHODOLOGY
This investigation was situated in ten coastal villages in southwestern
Nova Scotia, along a 30-kilometre peninsula known as Digby Neck. These
villages ranged in population from 29 to 206 residents, totalling 1055 for
the entire “Neck” (Statistics Canada, 1993). Several larger villages have
working wharves as their economic focal points, and evidence of fisheries-
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
55
related work (work trucks and fishing gear) is visible around most houses.
Most of Digby Neck’s inhabitants are in some way connected to the
economy of the fishery.
I chose Digby Neck for this study because the area has experienced
relatively little in-migration in the past 40 years, and because with the
consolidation of elementary schools in 1957, I could identify through school
records every person who grew up in the villages that comprise Digby Neck.
Because families are tight economic and social units (Davis, 1991; Kearney,
1993), I could, with the support of local informants, trace individuals to
their present locations and answer the central questions: who stays and
who leaves? My own position in this research is important because as a
public school teacher in the community for ten years I was able to use my
network of community contacts to accomplish this work.
To establish actual patterns of migration I conducted a Basic Information
Survey (between November 1999 and March 2000) of individuals who left
the consolidated elementary school to attend secondary school 20 to 35
kilometres away in the town of Digby between 1957 and 1992. I obtained
school records from former administrators and teachers as well as from the
Nova Scotia Provincial Archives to establish this target population (756
people). This population corresponds with the potential high-school
graduating classes of 1963–1998, a 36-year period. The individuals in this
population ranged in age from 19 to 56 as of 1999; this population
represented virtually all native-born inhabitants. With local informants
(typically extended family matriarchs), I developed the Basic Information
Survey with which I tracked each student in the population to his or her
present location, either on Digby Neck or elsewhere. I was able to locate all
but 3 of the 756 students (99%) for whom I could find grade-6 attendance
records. This survey showed that a majority (70.9%) of people born on Digby
Neck through the study period left the community (see Table 1).
I then conducted a second survey that investigated work and educational
histories for this population. I was able to find basic educational attainment
data for approximately 70 per cent (511 individuals) of the total
population (the Community, Education and Migration Survey carried out
between November 1999 and April 2000). From these data, I established
out-migration rates and correlated these rates with two key variables:
educational attainment and gender.
Space
My initial problem for this research was to establish the boundaries of the
community and what counted as leaving. In the fieldwork that preceded
56
MICHAEL CORBETT
TABLE 1
Historic Graduates of DNCS Remaining on Digby Neck by Percentage
N
Cohort 1 (1963–74)
Cohort 2 (1975–86)
Cohort 3 (1987–98)
Total (1963–98)
306
236
214
756
Deceased or
N
Digby Neck Percenunknown Revised
1999
tage
25
12
5
42*
281
224
209
714
73
66
69
208
26.0%
29.6%
33.0%
29.1%
* 39 were deceased, 3 unknown.
Source: Basic Information Survey (99 per cent data).
the surveys, I classified or located informant’s proximity to “home” (Digby
Neck) in three spatial circles. The first group were “stayers” who had
remained throughout their lives on Digby Neck or who had returned to
live after a period of absence. However, most informants identified people
living within 50 kilometres as still being “around here,” given that the
economic and cultural characteristics of surrounding communities were
generally considered to be similar to those of Digby Neck.
With the establishment of improved transportation and communication
grids as well as the consolidation of many essential services (including
secondary school to which all children have been bused daily since the
early 1950s) in the local magnet community of Digby, most Digby Neck
village dwellers travelled regularly and extensively within the “around
here” circle for shopping, children’s schooling and activities, and a variety
of services. People who stayed within the 50-kilometre circle were also able
to maintain regular contact for family-based employment, mutual aid, and
social gatherings. They drew on many of the same networks of community
and family resources as people who had actually remained in their home
villages. Thus, the “around here” group were considered to have stayed.
Those who had moved within Nova Scotia, into the Annapolis Valley,
southwestern Nova Scotia (the “South Shore” in local terms), or to Halifax
(within 250 km) were considered to have migrated, but to have remained
“not far.” It was more difficult for these people to maintain regular social
and economic contact with home. Those living beyond Halifax were
generally considered true migrants who have “gone away.” From this
preliminary work, I constructed the four spatial categories used in this
analysis (see Figure 1).
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
57
Non-migrants
1. Stayers
– living on Digby Neck in 2000
2. Around here – living within 50 km of Digby Neck in 2000
Migrants
3. Not far
4. Away
– living more than 50 km but not more than 250 km
from Digby Neck in 2000
– living more than 250 km from Digby Neck in 2000
Figure 1. Categories used to describe spatial status
Time
Informants who helped me develop this analysis of space identified the
importance of differentiating the population by the “generation” or time
period in which individuals “came of age.”1 People growing up on Digby
Neck in the 1960s faced a very different set of life choices and institutional
expectations compared to 1990s youth. I established three 12-year age cohort
groups representing what key informants defined as significant stages in
the development of the social and economic history of the community
(see Figure 2).
The first cohort came of age between the mid-1960s and the mid-1970s
(1963–1974). Through this period, the community experienced a transition
from an almost exclusive economic reliance on the small-boat fishery and
multi-occupational practices (Hughes, Tremblay, Rapoport & Leighton,
1960) to an emerging state-regulated industrial fishery (Davis, 1991). The
period was described as one in which plentiful manual work was available
in the fishery for most men, and stable opportunities for women as
homemakers and in fisheries support work. Few youth were thought to
have “gone on” beyond high school.
The second cohort came of age between the mid-1970s and mid-1980s
(1975–1986). This period is described as the boom period when the fishery
industrialized, shifting significantly from a strong reliance on small-boat,
Cohort 1 (1963–1974)
Cohort 2 (1974–1986)
Cohort 3 (1987–1998)
Figure 2. Age cohorts
Transition Period
Industrialization “Boom” Period
Period of Decline and Uncertainty
58
MICHAEL CORBETT
inshore, fixed-gear fishing to a mixture of inshore and offshore fishing
with mobile gear and using larger and more powerful boats (Davis, 1991).
This period was also marked by enhanced general living standards on
Digby Neck and multiple lucrative employment opportunities for able
young fishers, plus educational opportunities for young women in the
expanding post-secondary system, particularly for those in wellpositioned, licence-holding fishing families. Both my informants and Davis
(1991) contend that this period is also marked by an increasingly
differentiated social class structure on Digby Neck as wealth concentrated
disproportionately in the hands of particular families.
The third cohort came of age between the late 1980s and the late 1990s
(1987–1998). By the late 1980s the boom period in the industrial fishery
came to an end, ushering in a period of declining catches in the offshore
scallop and ground fishery as well as a general pessimism about the future
of the industry and of the community.2 Through this period, the inshore
lobster fishery grew and prospered but the small-boat, hook-and-line fishery
suffered significant decline. I decided to cut off the final age cohort in 1998
to allow the youngest single age group (the “class” of 1998) to have nearly
two years post high school to set educational and career direction.
FINDINGS
Although most people who grew up on Digby Neck between the 1950s
and 1990s left their home villages (see Table 1), the majority remained
within the 50-kilometre “around here” circle (see Table 2). This percentage
remaining within the space of “around here” actually grew from 55% in
Cohort 1, to nearly 66 per cent in Cohort 3, at least tentatively
TABLE 2
Out-migration from Digby Neck by Cohort and Destination, Potential
Graduating Classes of 1963–1998
Cohorts
N
N
Revised
Stayers &
Around here
Not far
Away
Cohort 1
Cohort 2
Cohort 3
Total
306
236
214
756
281
224
209
714
155 (55.2%)
144 (64.3%)
137 (65.6%)
436 (61.1%)
62 (22.1%)
53 (23.7%)
39 (18.7%)
154 (21.6%)
64 (22.8%)
27 (12.0%)
33 (15.8%)
124 (17.4%)
Source: Basic Information Survey (99% data)
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
59
demonstrating that the population as a whole appeared to be becoming
less geographically mobile through time. This observation appears to
complicate the common perception that rural communities are
experiencing massive depopulation. A limitation of this finding is the
relative age of Cohort 3, particularly some of the younger members who
were out of school fewer than two years when surveyed.
The Basic Information Survey also revealed that women were more
mobile than men in terms of leaving Digby Neck, but that their migration
tended to be relatively short range into the “around here” and “not far”
spatial regions. Among the group that remained in the villages of Digby
Neck, men outnumbered women by more than 2:1 (see Table 3). However,
a higher percentage of women moved into nearby villages within the 50kilometre circle, and the women who migrated into the intermediate “not
far” region outnumbered men by more than 2:1. Men were slightly more
likely than women to migrate beyond 250 km, into the “away” region.
Data from this study give support to the general notion that migration is
positively associated with formal educational attainment. Those individuals
who remained within 50 km of Digby Neck had levels of educational
attainment similar to stayers (see Table 4). Similarly, those individuals who
migrated into the median “not far” region had educational profiles similar
to those living “away.” In terms of educational attainment, the key division
was the 50-km circle. Those who moved beyond its boundaries were four
to eight times more likely to have post-secondary credentials.
Education was powerfully associated with out-migration only when that
migration took the individual outside the 50-kilometre circle. Inside this
circle, these data suggest that formal credentials were much less common,
TABLE 3
Out-migration Rates from Digby Neck by Gender and Present Location,
Potential Graduating Classes of 1963–1998
Stayers
Around here
Not far
Away
Total
Male (%)
Female (%)
145
101
46
66
358
60
130
108
58
356
(40.5)
(28.2)
(12.8)
(18.4)
(99.9)
Source: Basic Information Survey (99% data)
(16.9)
(36.5)
(30.3)
(16.2)
(99.9)
60
MICHAEL CORBETT
TABLE 4
Highest Level of Education Achieved by Migration Status and Gender
Less than grade 10
Some high school
High school grad.
Post-secondary
Total
–———Stayers———–
Male
Female
36 (30.2)
4 (08.2)
44 (37.0)
15 (30.6)
34 (28.6)
28 (57.1)
5 (04.2)
2 (04.2)
119 (99.9)
49(100.1)
–——Around here——–
Male
Female
22 (32.3)
10 (10.3)
23 (33.8)
17 (17.5)
19 (27.9)
62 (63.9)
4 (05.9)
8 (08.2)
68 (99.9)
97 (99.9)
–———Not far———–
Male
Female
————Away————
Male
Female
Less than grade 10
Some high school
High school grad.
Post-secondary
Total
1
5
9
8
23
(04.3)
(21.7)
(39.1)
(34.8)
(99.9)
4 (05.9)
10 (14.7)
33 (48.5)
21 (30.9)
68(100.1)
5
13
9
14
41
(12.2)
(31.7)
(22.0)
(34.1)
(100)
0
7
24
15
46
(15.2)
(52.2)
(32.6)
(100)
Source: Community, Migration and Education Survey (70% data)
and presumably much less necessary, for men to possess. As informants
put it, “You didn’t need much education if you wanted to stay around here.”
An analysis of high school dropout rates3 makes the point another way.
Even in Cohort 3, the male dropout rates continued to exceed 50 per cent.
The female dropout rate in this cohort was slightly less than 12 per cent
(see Table 5). Women’s higher rates of out-migration from Digby Neck mirror
higher levels of formal educational credentials, reflecting among other
TABLE 5
Dropout Rates by Age Cohort, Present Location and Gender
Cohort 1
Cohort 2
Cohort 3
Inside 50 km
M
F
Beyond 50 km
M
F
Totals
M
F
70.9%
77.8%
58.3%
51.6%
31.6%
8.3%
64.5%
51.9%
51.4%
30.6%
29.9%
11.9%
42%
35.2%
16.7%
18.8%
0%
0%
Source: Community, Migration and Education survey (70% data)
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
61
things, a lack of access to local fisheries employment related resources
and paid employment. These data show that education serves as a form
of mobile capital that has a very different value beyond the 50-km circle
both for men and for women. However, women who stayed in the local
area also stayed in school longer, acquiring more educational credentials
than men.4
By the 1990s the vast majority of those individuals who left “around
here” had acquired at least a high-school diploma. At the same time most
men (51.8%) and a minority (16.7%) of women who remained within the
“around here” circle had not graduated from high school at the time of
the interviews. These data show that most people who left Digby Neck
required at least minimal formal educational credentials. This is
apparently not the case for men who remain “around here” and whose
dropout rates remain high and for whom educational capital is apparently
still not necessary to make a local life.
INTERPRETATION OF FINDINGS
Digby Neck may not be growing in terms of population, but its boundaries
appear to be opening up to include a wider geographical space. Residents
describe a sense of community that has broadened from relatively isolated
village life in the 1950s through to the expanded community “around here”
of the late 1990s. Almost universal access to short-range car travel allows
residents to remain in their “community” while at the same time leaving it.
Although Digby Neck remains distinct (“a special place” in the words of
informants), residents’ lived sense of community has expanded to
encompass a surrounding area where an expanding variety of goods and
services are available.
Although the community expanded spatially and in terms of its
transportation and communication linkages through the 1980s and 1990s,
the industrial economies of western and central Canada were contracting
apace. Out-migration is always fuelled by opportunity elsewhere and it
has become increasingly difficult for many Atlantic Canadian youth to
make the transition to western and central Canadian cities because of
uncertain employment conditions and high urban living expenses
(Corbett, 2001a; O’Grady, 1995). My data show that more than 40 per
cent of men in Cohort 1 migrated outside the 50-km circle, while in Cohort
3 fewer than 24 per cent did so. In other words, Digby Neck men were
much less likely to pull up stakes and settle outside the “around here”
region in the 1980s and 1990s than they were in the 1960s or 1970s. This
observation suggests that the local economy continues to provide some
62
MICHAEL CORBETT
form of survival opportunities to a significant and apparently growing
population of young men.
Young men can “stay home,” access vehicles, and get meals and lodging,
but staying “around home” means being limited to work “around here.”
These young workers have relatively low levels of formal education, forming
an easily exploitable pool for low-wage, often temporary and part-time
work in the tourist and local service industries. They also fulfil more
traditional on-call occupational roles by being available when needed in
the fishery. A good example of this is in the recent revival of the Bay of
Fundy scallop fishery, where record catch values were recorded in 2001
and 2002 (Nova Scotia Department of Fisheries and Agriculture, 2004).
Another example is in the still-prosperous lobster fishery that also registered
record catch values in 2001 and 2002.
The costs and risks of leaving also increased in the 1980s and 1990s.
University and college tuition and living costs skyrocketed, pushing the
chance of attendance beyond the means of many families. Even when this
was not the case, the returns on educational investment were dubious
compared to projected returns from more “down to earth,” small business
ventures or in other endeavours in known local fields. As Bourdieu (1990)
argues so well, families whose traditions have been rooted in labour and
pragmatics make a virtue of necessity and find new ways to do “what
they have to” in order to survive. For more successful fishing families,
tourism, emerging fisheries in “underutilized” species (e.g. crab, shrimp,
or sea urchin), or aquaculture allowed young people to use family financial
resources in ways that are at least partly familiar and which typically focus
on familiar place-based knowledge of markets and resources. For instance,
whale watching requires similar knowledge sets to those required in smallboat fishing. For the children of successful fishing families, the
entrepreneurial path is familiar and supported by parental experience and
knowledge.
Gender has played and continues to play a central role in the relationship
between education and migration. Young women have limited opportunities
in family-based fishing operations. Consequently, young women face
relatively more pressure to leave Digby Neck simply because the main
sources of well-paid local employment are not open to them. Women also
face greater pressure to succeed and conform in school because of the
migration imperative most of them face. The need for at least a high-school
diploma appears to extend into most aspects of work in locally based service
industry work, which is predominantly done by women, typically for
minimum or low wages. Some women live on Digby Neck and commute
to work in the 50-km circle, but for the great majority of young women
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
63
growing up on Digby Neck, few opportunities for work exist outside the
home. Furthermore, traditional marriage, educational, and mobility patterns
have meant that women grow up in an established tradition of leaving the
community for higher education or to marry men from other nearby
communities (Hughes et al., 1960; Kearney, 1993).
As such, women’s relative success in institutions of formal education is
both a result of their economic marginality in the local space, as well as a
passport out of the space and the limited opportunity structure it offers
them. Women “around here” are also able to secure service industry
employment with their relatively better educational credentials in the
expanding service sector economy in and around the rural magnet
community of Digby. The economic transformation of the town of Digby
into a rural service centre and the development of a small but expanding
tourist industry have created employment in low-waged, seasonal, and parttime work within commuting distance of Digby Neck. The expansion of
consumer options in the “around here” circle increases short-range
consumer mobility and diminishes pressure for longer-range, long-term
relocation. For instance, with the establishment in Digby of a large
hardware/automotive chain, two large mega-grocery stores, movie rental
outlets, along with more than a half-dozen multinational fast food outlets,
the town with a population of less than 2200 is now said to have “just about
everything you can get in a city.” At the same time, new people seek to
consume the space as tourists, summer residents, and as industrial
developers. These phenomena generate some form of employment, much
of it temporary and part-time, and virtually all of it poorly paid.
Educational capital remains crucial to women on Digby Neck whether
they stay or leave. High-school graduation is now a minimum requirement
for most “around here” cashier and clerical work which is dominated by
women. With limited professional opportunities available locally, it is
generally understood that post-secondary education leads one out of the
community and significantly more women than men have used educational
credentials to move beyond the around here circle (see Table 4).
In his analysis of the relationship between education and income in rural
communities, Bollman (1999) found a negative relationship between
education and income in rural communities, supporting the idea that there
is a lower “payoff” for formal education among those who remain in rural
communities. For those who wish to remain in rural communities, the
decision to forego higher education may contain elements of economic
rationality. Using 1940–1990 United States census data, Pittman, McGinty,
and Gersti-Pepin (1999) found similar results. Although they reported a
positive correlation between education and 1998 income, it was much
64
MICHAEL CORBETT
weaker in rural than urban areas, leading them to conclude that “rural
educators and citizens should treat as doubtful, claims that educational
improvement will lead to improvement in rural economies” (p. 29). The
residents of Digby Neck appear to understand this imperfect rural learningearning equation, particularly for young men, expressing scepticism about
the uncertain economic payoff for formal education, supporting instead
the known importance of hard manual work, entrepreneurial acumen, and
multiple occupational skills (Corbett, 2004).5
Table 6 shows that both the quantitative analysis of Bollman and Pittman
et al. and the common perception that education is not directly related to
income “around here” is supported by Census Canada data for 1996.
Western Digby Neck, the area with the highest average family incomes
“around here” (including the census enumeration area of the municipality
of Digby which closely matches the “around here” circle), also has the
highest percentage of high-school dropouts. When this sentiment and the
economic reality it reflects are repeatedly presented to young people in
coastal communities (not only in rhetoric, but in the living example of
virtually all male role models), it undoubtedly has consequences for school
performance. This understanding, no doubt, explains something of the
continuing phenomenon of high male dropout rates, particularly among
that cadre of young men most well connected to the local economy and
culture.
TABLE 6
Average Family Income and Percentage of the Population Whose Highest
Educational Attainment is Less than a High School Diploma, 1996
Canada
Nova Scotia
Digby Town
Digby Municipality
East Digby Neck
Central Digby Neck
West Digby Neck*
Average
family
income
Percentage of
population less than
high school diploma
$54,583
$46,110
$38,195
$35,311
$28,805
$30,735
$40,118
36.8
41.0
46.8
51.3
58.7
50.8
70.4
Source: 1996 Canadian Census Micro data.
* This census enumeration area includes the communities on Digby Neck west of
Little River and Tiverton and Central Grove on Long Island.
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
65
The question perhaps is not so much whether education is beneficial
to people in coastal communities, but rather, what are its benefits for
differently placed individuals? It may be true that secondary education
is very important for a mobile, elite group, and for many women, but not
necessarily for those men who remain. In places like Digby Neck, proeducational discourse may paradoxically be read as an attempt to subvert
the economic prospects of a young man and lure him into an uncertain
future where his own cultural capital has limited value.
DISCUSSION
To understand ironic findings such as declining out-migration, continuing
high dropout rates for males, and the apparently irrational ambivalence
that continues to mark secondary and post-secondary education, the context
of the contemporary coastal community needs examination. Contrary to
romantic notions of isolation from modernity (McKay, 1994), Digby Neck
is an example of a Nova Scotia coastal community intimately caught up in
contemporary transformations that do not necessarily support stronger
commitment to schooling or provide youth better options and economic
prospects.
My data suggest that, rather than becoming more geographically mobile
than were previous generations, youth in contemporary coastal communities
(and possibly, in many rural and northern communities) may actually be
facing a more restricted set of options and opportunities. In addition to the
mismatch between rural/working class homes and school, which has been
well established by educational sociologists, additional factors such as rising
tuition costs, the centralization of educational and other services in rural
areas, the high cost of leaving, and the expansion of low-wage, low-skilled
work in the expanding rural service economy may help to explain continuing
high dropout rates and low post-secondary participation rates in rural
communities. A rough life in a known community among family and friends
may look better to many youth than taking a very expensive shot at an
educational journey that represents an expensive, unproven, and uncertain
path.
It could be that rural youth, like their elders, need to see a connection
between higher education and the cultural and geographic spaces they
inhabit. My data support common local perceptions about how education
functions as preparation for out-migration. Many youth may not possess
the necessary cultural (e.g. family living near post-secondary institutions
or traditions of leaving home for higher education) and economic
resources and linkages to make what one educator I interviewed called a
66
MICHAEL CORBETT
“leap of faith.”
Diminishing opportunity in western Canada and in Ontario for work
requiring little formal education since the 1970s has also made it difficult
for rural Atlantic Canadians to work in the classic “reserve army” fashion,
moving in and out of coastal communities to serve the needs of capital
(Veltmeyer, 1979). This compression of opportunity has been accompanied
by increased living costs in western and central Canada. My data suggest
that the new reserve army moving out of the rural hinterlands is comprised
of formally educated, flexible workers required in a post-Fordist economy
as opposed to the traditional multi-skilled, manual, “hard-working” migrant
labourers who have been replaced by an urban-based, “bloated irregular
workforce comprised primarily of minorities and the poorest segments of
the population — a geographically concentrated and subservient reserve
army of labour” (Soja, 1989, 181). The traditional Atlantic Canadian reserve
army labourer is now considered to be “stuck” close to home, mixing service
industry work with primary resource harvesting and state transfers, never
having to leave home. If there is a rationalization these days for formal
education, it is to provide a labour force for the symbolic factory work of
call centres, on-line support, and other forms of poorly paid, post-industrial
work that cannot easily be shipped offshore because they required an
inexpensive, fluent Anglophone workforce. It appears as though Nova
Scotian rural women fill this bill nicely. As I write this article, a call centre
has recently (2004) opened in Cornwallis, a small, around-here community
with a decommissioned military base.
One part of the ambivalence that formal education generates is rooted
in questions about ability of both formal education, and the state more
generally, to improve life on Digby Neck. Few adults currently living on
Digby Neck have used formal education to achieve what is defined as a
quality of life comparable to that of people educated in what one fisherman
called “the University of the Bay of Fundy.” Another marker of ambivalence
is the sense that the need for education is part of the juggernaut of forces
that impinging on rural life. Families in coastal communities understand
that their children need education, but the source of this need is ironically
nested in the very forces that are conspiring to destabilize the life they know.
Formal education sits uneasily with corporate concentration in resource
industries, unwanted development, the denigration of landscape, pollution,
rural depopulation/disembedding, and other unsavoury features of late
modernity. In other words, young people’s need for formal education has
been created by the same global change forces that are seen to be
jeopardizing the traditional way of life in coastal and rural villages. Thus,
education, along with other forms of state intervention, has come to be
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
67
viewed with scepticism and ambivalence.
The sense of a loss of control generates multiple forms of resistance in
rural places. Resistance to some forms of industrial development like an
American corporate rock quarry planned for Digby Neck is, I think, not
entirely separate from resistance to many of the implications of formal
education. Resistance takes many forms, ranging from continuing high
dropout rates, to school violence and adolescent hopelessness and
frustration, to the strong unfocused desire to “get out of here” that many
rural, northern, and coastal youth exhibit, to a variety of attempts to organize
coalitions to control the rural space. I would further argue that staying in
what is a known, if not entirely safe coastal place (Kelly, 1993) is also a
response to ambivalence and ontological insecurity of mobile modernity
described by social theorists like Zygmunt Bauman (1991), John Urry (2000),
and Anthony Giddens (1990). Elsewhere appears to be no less secure than
here.
I suggest that rural educational institutions continue to serve their
traditional role of sorting and selection for out-migration (Lotz & Welton,
1997). In Atlantic Canada, educational policy makers have not yet begun to
give serious consideration to the broader role of schooling in non-urban
spaces. The role formal education could play in helping rural places resist
large social forces of community disintegration is a question for the future,
one that challenges the role of the state educational machinery in the whole
process of generic normalization, standardization, and accountability
initiatives that continue to haunt efforts to develop educational
programming concerned with more than displacement of redundant people
living in redundant places. My data show that the educational displacement
process has worked very well and the formally educated do indeed leave,
yet Foucault’s (1986) modernizing “pious descendents of time” have not
yet completely mobilized “determined inhabitants of space” (p. 22). As
Wotherspoon (1998) has pointed out, rural residents’ support for community
schools may have more to do with supporting community survival than
with supporting the kind of schooling contemporary educational policy
imagines.
What role does formal schooling play in rural and coastal communities,
and is it possible to imagine an education that is about something other
than leaving? If the answer to the latter question is yes, this will undoubtedly
mean reassessing the mobile liberal individualism that Paul Theobald (1997)
finds at the heart of the way the purposes of education are typically
constructed. It will also involve a similar reassessment of what contemporary
global capitalism is doing in and to that vast space outside the city that
historical development should have depopulated ages ago. It is my
68
MICHAEL CORBETT
contention here that in rural, northern, and coastal communities, formal
education and out-migration are intimately linked and if policy makers
and educators want to come to grips with the contemporary challenges
facing education in rural communities, the ambivalence generated by this
learning-leaving link must be taken seriously. I sense that the ideas of placebased education (Gruenwald, 2002; Smith, 2002; Theobald, 1997) and a
contextually sensitive curriculum (Comber, Thomson, & Wells, 2001;
Kincheloe, Steinberg & Slattery, 2000) might provide a place to start.
NOTES
1 I define “came of age” as the year in which an individual would have graduated
high school given a normal, uninterrupted school career. This was determined
by simply adding six years to the year in which school records showed that
individuals left grade 6 in the consolidated elementary school. For instance, if
an individual left the elementary school in 1959, the “coming of age” or potential
high-school graduation year would be 1965.
2 By the end of the 1990s, however, many fish stocks had begun to rebound and
by 2000 and 2001 record catch values were recorded in the core fisheries of Digby
(scallop) and Digby Neck (lobster).
3 I defined a “dropout” as a person whose highest level of educational achievement
was less than high-school graduation at the time s/he was surveyed in the
Community, Migration and Education Survey.
4 This finding is consistent with the analysis of the Nova Scotia Advisory Council
on the Status of Women (2002, p. 4) who demonstrate that women rely more on
formal educational credentials for economic security than do men. In 1999, for
example, nearly two-thirds of Nova Scotian women (64.6%) between the ages
of 18 and 21 were enrolled in university compared to a national rate of 35.3 per
cent (2002, p. 18).
5 Other international studies confirm the tenuous link between education and
income in rural areas (Banerjee, 1996; Demerath, 1999; Jolliffe, 1998; Hare, 2002).
REFERENCES
Banerjee, B. (1996). Migration, motivation, family links and job search methods of
rural and urban migrants in India. In R. E. Bilsborrow (Ed.), Migration,
urbanization and development: New directions and issues (pp. 187–219). Norwell
Park, MA: Kluwer/United Nations Population Fund.
Bauman, Z. (1991). Modernity and ambivalence. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press.
Berry. W. (1977). The unsettling of America: Culture and agriculture. New York: Avon.
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
69
Bollman, R. D. (1999). Human capital and rural development: What are the linkages?
In N. Walford, J. C. Everett & D. E. Napton (Eds.) Reshaping the countryside:
Perceptions and process of rural change. New York: CABI Publishing.
Bourdieu, P. (1990). The logic of practice, (Richard Nice, trans.). Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press.
Ching, B., & Creed, G. W. (Eds.) (1997). Knowing your place: Rural identity and
cultural hierarchy. New York: Routledge.
Comber, B., Thomson, P., & Wells, M. (2001). Critical literacy finds a ‘place’: Writing
and social action in a low-income Australian grades 2/3 classroom. The
Elementary School Journal, 101, 450–464.
Corbett, M. (2001a). Learning to leave: The irony of schooling in a coastal community.
Unpublished doctoral Dissertation, University of British Columbia.
Corbett, M. (2001b). A protracted struggle: Rural resistance and normalization in
Canadian educational history, Historical Studies in Education, 13(1), 19–48.
Corbett, M. (2004). It was fine, if you wanted to leave: Educational ambivalence in
a Nova Scotian coastal community, 1963–1998. Anthropology and Education
Quarterly, 35(4), 451–471.
Curtis, B. (1988). Building the educational state: Canada West, 1836–71. London, ON:
Althouse.
Davey, I. (1978). The rhythm of work and the rhythm of school. In N. McDonald &
A. Chaiton (Eds.), Egerton Ryerson and his times: Essays on the history of education.
Toronto: Macmillan.
Davis, A. (1991). Dire straits, the dilemma of a fishery: The case of Digby Neck and the
Islands. St. John’s NL: Institute for Social and Economic Research.
Demerath, P. (1999). The cultural production of educational utility in Pere Village,
Papua New Guinea. Comparative Education Review, 43(2), 162–196.
DeYoung, A. (1995). Constructing and staffing the cultural bridge: The school as
change agent in rural Appalachia. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 26(2),
168–192.
Dupuis, R., Meyer, F., & Morissette, R. (2000). Rural youth: Stayers, leavers and
return migrants. Statistics Canada, Catalogue 11F0019MPE no. 152.
Florida, R. (2002). The rise of the creative class: And how it’s transforming work, leisure,
community and everyday life. New York: Basic Books.
Foucault, M. (1986). Of other spaces. Diacritics, 16(1), 22–27.
Gaffield, C. (1987). Language, schooling and cultural conflict: The origins of the Frenchlanguage controversy in Ontario. Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen’s
University Press.
70
MICHAEL CORBETT
Gaskell, J. (1992). Gender matters from school to work. London, UK: Falmer.
Giddens, A. (1990). The consequences of modernity. Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press.
Government of Canada - Rural Secretariat (1999). Rural solutions to rural concerns:
National rural workshop, final report. Catalogue A22-171/1998-2E. Ottawa:
Minister of Public Works and Government Services.
Gruenwald, D. (2002). Teaching and learning with Thoreau: Honoring critique,
experimentation, wholeness and the places where we live. Harvard Educational
Review, 72(4), 515–541.
Hare, D. (2002, April). The determinants of job location and its effect on migrants’
wages: Evidence from rural China. Economic Development and Cultural Change,
50(3), 557–579.
House, D. (1989). Going away and coming back: Economic life and migration in
small Canadian communities. St. John’s, NL: ISER Research report no. 2.
Hughes, C., Tremblay, M., Rapoport, R., & Leighton, A. H. (1960). People of cove
and woodlot: Communities from the viewpoint of social psychiatry. Volume 2
of the Stirling County Study of psychiatric disorder and sociocultural
environment. New York: Basic Books.
Jensen, J. M. (2002). Post secondary education on the edge: Self improvement and
community development in a Cape Breton coal town. New York: Peter Lang.
Jolliffe, D. (1998). Skills, schooling and household income in Ghana. The World
Bank Economic Review, 12(1), 81–104.
Jones, G. (1999a). The same people in the same places?: Socio-spatial identities and
migration in youth. Sociology, 33(1), 1–22.
Jones, G. (1999b). Trail blazers and path followers: Social reproduction and
geographical mobility in youth. In S. Arber & C. Attias-Donfut (Eds.), The myth
of intergenerational conflict: The family and state in ageing societies. New York:
Routledge.
Kearney, J. (1993). Diversity of labour process, household forms, and political
practice: A social approach to the inshore fishing communities of Clare, Digby
Neck and the Islands. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Université Laval.
Kelly, U. (1993). Marketing place: Cultural politics, regionalism and reading. Halifax,
NS: Fernwood Press.
Kincheloe, J., Steinberg, S., & Slattery, P. (2000). Contextualizing teaching. New York:
Addison, Wesley, Longman.
Lotz, J., & Welton, M. (1997). Father Jimmy: The life and times of Jimmy Tompkins.
Wreck Cove, NS: Breton Books.
RURAL EDUCATION AND O UT-M IGRATION
71
Matthews, R. (1976). ‘There’s no better place than here’: Social change in three
Newfoundland communities. Toronto: Peter Martin Associates.
McCann, P. (Ed.) (1982). Blackboards and briefcases: Personal stories by Newfoundland
teachers, educators and administrators. St. John’s, NL: Jesperson.
McCann, P. (1994). Schooling in a fishing society. St. John’s, NL: Institute of Social
and Economic Research.
McKay, I. (1994). The Quest for the folk: Antimodernism and cultural selection in
twentieth century Nova Scotia. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s
University Press.
Nova Scotia Advisory Council on the Status of Women. (2002). Learners and
teachers: Women’s education and training. Halifax NS: Nova Scotia Advisory
Council on the Status of Women. Retrieved October 4, 2004, from http://
www.gov.ns.ca/staw/pubs2002-03/learners2002.pdf
Nova Scotia Department of Fisheries and Agriculture (2004). Statistics: NS
Commercial Fish Landings. Retrieved October 4, 2004, from http://
www.gov.ns.ca/nsaf/marketing/statistics/landings/.
O’Grady, W. (1995). A long holiday with pay?: Youth unemployment on the edge.
In L. Felt & P. Sinclair (Eds.). Living on the edge. St John’s, NL: Institute for Social
and Economic Research.
Papastergiadis, N. (2000). The turbulence of migration: Globalisation, deterritorialisation
and hybridity. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.
Perry, G. (2003). “A concession to circumstances”: Nova Scotia’s “unlimited supply”
of women teachers 1870–1960. Historical Studies in Education, 15(2), 327–360.
Pittman, R. B., McGinty, D., & Gersti-Pepin, C. I. (1999). Educational attainment,
economic progress and the goals of education in rural communities. Journal of
Research in Rural Education, 15(1), 19–30.
Pocius, G. (1991). A place to belong: Community order and everyday spaces in
Calvert, Newfoundland. Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Popkewitz, T. (1998). Struggling for the soul: The politics of schooling and the construction
of the teacher. New York: Teachers College Press.
Rural Communities Impacting Policy Project. (2003). Painting the landscape of rural
Nova Scotia. Halifax, NS: Atlantic Health Promotion Research Centre.
Settles, B. (2001). Being at home in a global society: A model for families’ mobility
and immigration decisions. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 32(4), 627–
645.
Scott, J. C. (1985). Weapons of the weak: Everyday forms of peasant resistance. New
Haven, CN: Yale University Press.
72
MICHAEL CORBETT
Smith, G. (2002). Place-based education. Phi Delta Kappan, 83, 584–594.
Smyth, J., & Hattam, R. (2004). ”Dropping out,” drifting off, being excluded: Becoming
somebody without school. New York: Peter Lang.
Soja, E. (1989). Postmodern geographies: The reassertion of space in critical social theory.
New York: Verso.
Statistics Canada. (1993). Unincorporated Places. Census of Canada 1991. Catalogue
93-306.
Sutherland, N. (1995). Reflections on a century of childhood. In J. Barman, N.
Sutherland, & J. D. Wilson (Eds.), Children, teachers and schools in the history of
British Columbia. Calgary AB: Detselig.
Theobald, P. (1997). Teaching the commons: Place, pride and the renewal of community.
Boulder CO: Westview Press.
Tremblay, J. (2001). Rural youth migration between 1971 and 1996. Statistics Canada
working paper no. 44, Catalogue 21-601-MIE01044.
Urry, J. (2000). Sociology beyond societies: Mobilities for the twenty-first century.
New York: Routledge.
Veltmeyer, H. (1979). The capitalist underdevelopment of Atlantic Canada. In R. J.
Brym & R. J. Sacouman (Eds.), Underdevelopment and social movements in
Atlantic Canada. Toronto: New Hogtown Press.
Wilson, J. D., & P. Stortz. (1993). Education on the frontier: Schools, teachers and
community influence in North Central British Columbia. Histoire sociale/Social
History, 26(52), 265–290.
Wotherspoon, T. (1998). Education place and the sustainability of rural communities
in Saskatchewan. Journal of Research in Rural Education, 14(3), 131–141.
Psychology and the Education of Persons in British
Columbia: A Critical Interpretive Investigation
Ann-Marie McLellan
Jack Martin
Psychological theory and research assume conceptions of the self that are highly
individualistic and instrumental. When incorporated into educational theory and
practice, such conceptions serve to elevate goals and strategies of self-fulfilment and
individual freedom over goals and practices that emphasize citizenship and civic virtue.
We present a brief, critical history of self studies in psychology as applied to education,
as well as an example of the influence of psychological conceptions of the self on
elementary school curricula in British Columbia. We conclude that the autonomous,
self-governing individual is celebrated at the expense of the socially dependent,
committed citizen.
Keywords: self conceptions, psychological theory, school curricula
Certaines théories et des courants de recherche en psychologie postulent l’existence
d’images de soi très individualistes et instrumentales. Intégrées dans la théorie et la
pratique en éducation, de telles images ont pour effet de placer les buts et les stratégies
de l’actualisation de soi et la liberté personnelle au-dessus des buts et des pratiques
qui mettent l’accent sur la citoyenneté et le civisme. Les auteurs présentent une courte
histoire critique des auto-observations en psychologie dans leur application à
l’éducation. En étudiant l’influence des conceptions de soi sur les programmes du
primaire en Colombie-Britannique, ils ont trouvé que les programmes privilégiaient
le sujet autonome aux dépens du citoyen engagé et socialement engagé.
Mots clés: images de soi, théorie psychologique, curriculums scolaires
––––––––––––––––
Whereas disciplinary psychology is committed to the study of individuals,
formal education is dedicated to the preparation of persons as productive
citizens. Psychology does not share directly in the societal mandate of
education to produce certain kinds of citizens capable of contributing to
the common good. Nonetheless, education has been of considerable interest
to psychologists from the time of William James (1901). A summary of
proceedings from the inaugural Education Leadership Conference
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 73–91
74
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
convened by the American Psychological Association in October 2001
(Belar, Nelson, & Wasik, 2003) reflects the extent of this interest:
“Psychology as a discipline is important to teacher education; knowledge
of learning, development, and behavior is essential for effective classroom
teaching” (p. 681). At first blush, it seems reasonable that psychological
investigations might guide educational policy about the development and
understanding of individual competence. However, the education of
persons and psychology’s impact on education go well beyond a concern
for individual achievement.
Recent critical scholarship has illuminated the significant role that
psychology has played in the construction and social administration of
persons in Western cultures, and how psychology has constructed and
managed personhood in ways amenable to current liberal notions of
freedom, equality, and self-governance (e.g., Danziger, 1990, 1997; Rose,
1998). For example, Popkewitz (2000) contends that since the nineteenth
century, the governing of the individual in Western societies has been
carried out through “the social sciences, [which] were to organize the
thinking, feeling, hoping, and ‘knowing’ capacities of the productive
citizen” (p. 19). In the early twentieth century, the shaping of the citizen
was related to external morals and obligations, whereas today it is related
to “a set of practices through which the self works on the self” (Popkewitz,
2001, p. 4).
These and other critical studies (e.g., Herman, 2001; Martin, in press;
Rose, 1999) have examined the interrelationships among society,
psychology, and the development and education of persons. Given these
relationships, it is of considerable interest to examine and understand
the manner and extent of psychology’s influence on educators’
understandings of learners as persons. To this end, we present evidence
of changing psychological conceptions of the self in the psychological
literature on children and schooling. We then describe an example in a
Canadian context to show how these conceptions of self have influenced
elementary school curricula and shaped understandings of educated
persons. This example illuminates relationships between psychology and
educational policies concerning the social, personal, and intellectual
development of school-aged children in British Columbia from 1872 to
2002. More generally, we show how psychological conceptions of the self
reflect the construction and management of personhood in ways amenable
to current liberal notions of freedom, equality, and self-governance, but
also argue that these same conceptions frequently are inappropriately
devoid of historical, sociocultural consideration (Cushman, 1990, 1995;
Martin, in press).
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
75
A CRITICAL HERMENEUTIC FRAMEWORK
Disciplinary psychology is often characterized as a science that is largely
value-free in its inquiry into human experience and action. This traditional
view of psychological investigation reflects the natural science perspective
that real knowledge can only be acquired through direct observation and
experimentation. On this understanding of inquiry, anything outside the
individual, including social context, is reduced to the status of external factor
separated from the core individual. In contrast, we have taken an
approach based in critical hermeneutic psychology. This approach to
investigations of psychological phenomena situates psychology (i.e.,
organized, disciplinary, and professional psychology), including its objects
and methods of inquiry, within relevant sociocultural, historical contexts.
In other words, understanding a particular behaviour is not possible
without understanding the context within which it takes place (Packer,
1985). In critical hermeneutic psychology, various methods of inquiry are
employed, including the uncovering of what is present and what is not
present, tacking between the specific and general contexts and
understandings, and the inclusion of moral and political contexts as
necessary contexts of the psychological object of study. Moreover, not just
any interpretation of phenomena will do. Rather, interpretive findings
must fit coherently with interpretations of similar contexts and the
methods that define them (Martin, 2002; Packer & Addison, 1989).
The hermeneutic approach seeks to elucidate and make explicit our practical
understanding of human actions by providing an interpretation of them. It is a historically
situated approach, regarding explanation as first and foremost the giving of an account
that is sensible in the way it addresses current interests and concerns, not a search for
timeless and ahistorical laws and formal structures. (Packer, 1985, p. 1088)
Foucault (1988), Rose (1998), Popkewitz (1997), and others contend that
the social sciences in general, and the “psy” disciplines (Rose, 1998) in
particular, have provided ways of thinking about selves consistent with
the progressive ideology of the Enlightenment, but which also serve to
manage and control individuals. According to Martin (in press), psychology
and other “psy” disciplines and professions (e.g., psychiatry) are
technologies of the self that emphasize individuality “in ways amenable to
its management, both by individuals themselves and by others” (p. 9).
Psychological practices “lend a visibility, stability, and seeming simplicity
to aspects of persons that otherwise might remain hidden, shifting, and
mired in complexities” (Martin, in press, p. 9). For example, through the
languages and practices of psychology, contemporary persons are now
76
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
aware of a person’s tendency to extroversion, or another’s learning
disability, and so on. In general, psychological practices support and
perpetuate the notion of autonomous, self-governing, and self-concerned
individuals who freely choose to participate in a liberal democratic society.
Psychology has influenced practices such as child rearing, personal
relations, business, and school organizations to emphasize ways of thinking,
acting, and feeling that place personal fulfilment and freedoms alongside
more traditional civic virtues of sacrifice and dedication to common causes.
The resultant tension between individual freedom and civic virtue demands
a blend of governance and self-governance. Rose (1998) contends that the
key issue concerns “how free individuals can be governed such that they
enact their freedom appropriately” (p. 29). This neo-Foucauldian analysis
of power is not about domination and repression of subjectivity, but about
the ways in which power works through subjectivity. Subjectivity, aided
and abetted by disciplinary psychology, has become a source of techniques
of regulation. These techniques
permit individuals to effect by their own means or with the help of others a certain
number of operations on their own bodies and souls, thoughts, conduct and way of
being, so as to transform themselves in order to attain a certain state of happiness, purity,
wisdom, perfection, or immortality. (Foucault, 1988, p. 18)
Given the foregoing, it is of considerable interest to examine the infusion of
psychological conceptions of the self in educational contexts as technologies
of the self that promote the self-fulfilling, autonomous individual at the
expense of the socially committed citizen.
PSYCHOLOGY, EDUCATION, AND THE SELF
School may be understood as a social institution that educates or trains
persons in particular technologies of self. School attempts to maximize
certain abilities of persons and constrain others in accordance with
pedagogic knowledges, and toward certain aims of discipline, responsibility,
and so on. However, the technology of school does not operate on its own.
Psychological products and understandings have been transported into
contemporary Western schooling practices on various levels. For example,
psychological procedures of authoritative observation and normalizing
judgment have resulted in the adoption of these practices by persons to
govern their own conduct (Rose, 1998). Thus, an individual’s attributes and
experiences can be compared to those deemed normal and can be adjusted
accordingly. In this way, psychology has become a technique for human
management (Danziger, 1997; Rose, 1998) that has expanded far beyond
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
77
psychological laboratories and investigations to the management and
education of selves. To understand the influence of psychological
conceptions of the self on the education of persons, we present evidence of
changing conceptions of the self in psychology, and a Canadian example of
the infusion of these conceptions in school curricula that have helped shape
understandings of learners as persons.
CONCEPTIONS OF SELF IN PSYCHOLOGY
We conducted a search of psychological studies on self, children, and
schooling from 1850 to 2002 in the PSYCINFO database. The search
requested title keywords that included self and child, school, pupil, or
elementar. Because few titles contained both self and one of the other terms
prior to 1930, we broadened the search for the period 1850–1930 to include
all title keywords that included the term self.
William James’ chapter on “The Consciousness of Self” in Principles of
Psychology (1890) is widely accepted as the first influential work on the
self in modern psychology. James presented a theory of self as knower (I)
and known (Me). His divided conception of the self provided a framework
for investigations of the self by the new science of psychology. Initial
investigations of the self in the modern psychological literature centred on
philosophical, theoretical, and biological questions regarding the self and
the appropriateness of psychology as a method for examining it. Popular
topics included self-realization, self and mental illness, self-consciousness,
and self-report measures. The earliest empirical investigation of the self
recorded in PSYCINFO was conducted by G. Stanley Hall (1898). He
presented findings from self-report questionnaires concerning children’s
sense of self, and recommended the “objective” study of self according to
the scientific method. Titchener (1911) also examined the nature of selfconsciousness via introspective reports. On the other hand, Mary Calkins
(1915) questioned the appropriateness of the investigation of self in
psychology via such “scientific” methods. She also examined psychologists’
understandings of self as a psychological or physiological phenomenon
(1916), and compared the concepts of self and soul (Calkins, 1917).
With the new science of psychology, researchers and scholars relied
heavily on scientific methods in their investigations of the self. For example,
Titchener’s (1911) work in the early 1900s advocated an examination of self
through observable, measurable behaviour. This “objective” study of
psychological phenomena allowed for the eventual domination of
behaviourism, with its focus on observable stimuli and responses. Studies
of self construed as inner experience were practically nonexistent from
78
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
the 1920s to the mid-twentieth century. However, a small stream of studies
explored young children’s identification of self, by noting such occurrences
as the onset of the use of self words and pronouns (e.g., Goodenough, 1938),
and employing pictorial ratings of the physical self (e.g., Clark & Clark,
1939; Horowitz, 1943). Other studies examined the behavioural management
of the self, commonly labelled as “self-discipline” or “self-control,” and
emphasized external factors such as daily schedules that contributed to a
child’s developing sense of self-regulation (e.g., Brooks, 1949; Hunt, 1959).
In the 1950s and 1960s, the humanistic revolt in psychology, led by Abraham
Maslow (1954), took hold. This movement, a backlash against behaviourism,
called for a return to internal processes and experiences. Numerous studies
during the 1950s and 1960s examined self development, often in terms of
the congruency between self and ideal-self (e.g., Long, Henderson, & Ziller,
1967; Soares & Soares, 1969). Much of this research concluded that as
children gain an understanding of human behaviour in general, they
develop a greater congruency between their actual and ideal conceptions
of themselves (e.g., Griggs & Bonney, 1970).
In concert with the post-1950s resurgence of interest in the self by
humanists and others, the number of self studies documented in PSYCINFO
greatly increased. In the 1960s and 1970s, the use of self-concept scales to
examine self, self-concept, and self-esteem flourished. Investigations
primarily examined relationships between these constructs and others such
as intelligence and academic achievement (e.g., Bledsoe, 1964; Engel &
Raine, 1963; Phillips, 1964). Piers and Harris (1964) developed a children’s
self-concept measure that was subsequently revised and expanded, and is
still widely used. Numerous studies examined correlates of self-concept,
with results often indicating a moderate to strong relationship between selfconcept and academic achievement (e.g., Ozehosky & Clark, 1970; Sears,
1970).
The interchangeability of esteem and concept scales in research studies
during this period indicates a fuzzy distinction between the constructs of
self-esteem and self-concept. Several studies examined self-concept using
Coopersmith’s Self-Esteem Inventory (e.g., Trowbridge, 1974; Zirkel &
Moses, 1971), while others examined self-esteem using the Piers-Harris
Children’s Self Concept Scale (e.g., Harris & Braun, 1971). Several studies
reported on methodological issues related to self, (e.g., Cicirelli, 1971;
Richmond & White, 1971), including the reliability and validity of factor
structures of self-concept scales and self-esteem scales (e.g., Battle, 1976;
Michael, Smith, & Michael, 1975). The apparent need for the development
of more accurate assessments of the self indicated the continuing dominance
of the scientific method in psychology.
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
79
The measurement of self-esteem and self-concept continued into the 1980s
through to 2002, and many studies have continued to use the Piers-Harris
Self-Concept Scale and other standard, self-report measures of self-concept
and self-esteem. Maslow’s self-actualization theory was sometimes used
as a framework for examinations of the self in children in the 1980s (e.g.,
Farmer, 1982; Nystul, 1984; Parish & Philip, 1982). A number of other studies
focused on self-control (e.g., Humphrey, 1984; Mischel & Mischel, 1983). At
the same time, the cognitive revolution in psychology gathered full force
and many studies viewed self in relation to information processing, problem
solving, and general skill acquisition. The number of investigations of
children’s academic achievement and self-efficacy (e.g. Schunk, 1982;
Schunk & Hanson, 1985) and self-perceptions of ability (e.g., Altermatt,
Pomerantz, Ruble, Frey, & Greulich, 2002; Pintrich & Blumenfeld, 1985)
increased noticeably. Other studies examined relationships among
achievement, classroom behaviour, self-regulation, self-monitoring, and selfinstruction (e.g., Arnold & Clement, 1981; Fish & Pervan, 1985; Stright &
Supplee, 2002; see also Harris, 1990).
This brief historical review reveals a number of trends related to
investigations of self, children, and schooling since the beginning of modern
psychology. Initial interest in the self was limited, and focused on
philosophical and theoretical concerns. In the middle part of the twentieth
century, investigations shifted to particular aspects of self, especially selfesteem and self-concept, with a focus on ways to improve the self-esteem
and self-concepts of children in school settings. Current investigations
continue to examine the functions and potential means of enhancing self
esteem, self-efficacy, and self-regulation in academic settings. These trends
are consistent with Martin’s (in press) review of self studies from 1900 to
2001 in the PSYCINFO database. His search revealed that the number of
articles during this entire period containing the word self in their titles
totalled 45,594. The number of such articles prior to 1950 (1,434 entries)
was easily eclipsed during the 1960s (2,904 entries), with a steady surge in
the number of works on self in psychology since then. Martin’s (in press)
examination of psychological studies of self within educational contexts in
the ERIC database showed a similar trend in the latter part of the twentieth
century. The period from 1960 to 2000 contained over 14,000 entries with
the word self in their titles. The top two areas of study were self-concept
and self-esteem, followed by self-efficacy, self-regulation, and self-control
respectively.
From a critical hermeneutic perspective, this overview of self, children,
and schooling uncovers an empirical self that has dominated psychological
inquiry for over 100 years. Scientific investigations of self have been
80
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
prominent since the beginning of modern psychology. In keeping with
the scientific method of inquiry, researchers developed and applied selfreport measures to gain a more accurate understanding and measurement
of the self. Scientific investigations of the self greatly increased in the
mid-twentieth century, when researchers expanded and applied selfreport scales and developed new measures to better assess the inner
experiences of individuals. The use of self-report scales also allowed for
an increasing division of the self into components, such as self-esteem
and self-concept. Today, psychologists investigate children’s self-esteem,
self-concept, self-efficacy, and self-regulation in reading, mathematics,
physical education, and other specific school domains; many focus on
ways to improve children’s self-regulation and increase their self-esteem.
The ever-increasing refinement of the self through scientific classification
and measurement has produced an empirical self that is structurally
fragmented, measurable, and amenable to the interventions of psychologists
and educators. Psychological investigations have produced relatively
unproblematic, theoretically straightforward conceptions of a
compartmentalized, accessible self that are confirmed through simplified
practices of assessment, such as ratings on self-concept measures
SELF IN ELEMENTARY SCHOOL CURRICULA: A CANADIAN EXAMPLE
In North America, formal schooling has the explicit sociopolitical mandate
to produce persons who are autonomous, self-governing, able to freely and
equally participate in a democratic society. In addition, the goals of education
aid in the development of individuals in a manner broadly consistent with
the collective good to contribute to the interests of the state. Psychology
has been a major contributor to the efforts to balance individual fulfillment
and responsible citizenship through its investigations and theories of the
self (Rose, 1999). To understand further and more concretely how
psychological theory and research on the self have influenced the education
of persons, we present a critical, historical examination of relationships
between psychological works on the self and curricular policies and practices
pertaining to elementary education in British Columbia.
In many facets of life in the early twentieth century in North America
efficiency was seen as a panacea for the social ills of the day (Dunn, 1980).
To this end, a mass school system modelled on the ordered, centralized
manner of industry was created, and the aims and goals of school curricula
reflected the new social order, valuing children as productive future
members of society. Elementary school curricula for British Columbia at
the turn of the century conceived of individuals as cogs fitting the wheels
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
81
of society, consistent with then extant notions of efficiency and utility
(British Columbia Department of Education [B.C.D.E.], 1913). Educators
“aimed to shape students to conform to society’s needs, and instructing
individuals to regard their primary duty as unselfish service to the
community” (Dunn, 1980, p. 24).
The 1925 B.C. curricula relied on psychological theory to guide teachers’
understandings of learning, development, and personhood, and promoted
teachers as professionals who could and should aid children’s developing
sense of self. For example, the curricula provided Thorndike’s Laws of
Learning as an aid to teachers in their development of school lessons
(B.C.D.E., 1925, p. 2). At the same time, the health curriculum embraced a
progressive view of childhood that began with the immediate self in young
children and expanded outward to other persons and the larger community.
Throughout this developmental path, these curricula emphasized the needs,
skills, and interests of individuals. It was the school’s obligation to aid
children’s growing sense of self, one that was personally meaningful, yet
dutiful and community focused. The motto of the day might have been, “I
am what I can do for others.” Generally, this philosophy conveyed the
development of individuals through an adaptation to their environment in
a manner capable of enhancing the growth of the self and contributing to
the collective good. The emphasis on character education in the 1930s also
reflected the view of the individual in terms of self-other relations.
“Character education finds its goal in the realization of two great ideals,
social welfare and individual development” (B.C.D.E., 1936, p. 95). A
primary aim of education was “to develop the child as an individual through
instruction, training and experience based upon his needs, interest and
abilities” (B.C.D.E., 1936, p. 13).
Toward the middle of the twentieth century, B.C. school curricula began
to acknowledge more explicitly the central place of psychology in the
development of the child. The 1951 health education program provided
teachers with a philosophical view of children that reflected the
psychological emphasis of the day, and was prescriptive in its direction to
teachers with respect to their students’ mental health. For example, this
curriculum directed teachers to “be strong in your belief that there are no
truly ‘bad’ children,” and to have “a certainty that there are causes for all
behaviour” (B.C.D.E., 1951, p. 223). A “Chart of Child Needs” from the
Canadian National Committee for Mental Hygiene was part of the
curriculum, which listed self-esteem as a need defined as the “feeling of
being worth while.” Teachers were expected to fulfill this need by “Making
[the] child feel a worthwhile person . . .” (B.C.D.E., 1951, p. 274).
From the 1960s onward, educational aims emphasized the
82
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
psychological development of the individual over social duty and
responsibility. For example, the B.C. Ministry substantially revised the
1973 kindergarten program to emphasize the importance and value of
the self. The first explicit reference to “self” in B.C. school curricula cited
Dinkmeyer’s work, “Child Development: The Emerging Self,” which was
published in 1965.
Dinkmeyer suggests that this process of learning is directed by an ever-growing, everchanging view of Self that is an agent in the child’s own development. The child’s selfconcept — how he feels about himself and his relationship to his world — is the most
important factor in his development. By assuming responsibility for enhancing the child’s
view of himself, the teacher then provides a success-oriented environment in which all
children are accepted and valued as persons of worth. Further, she will, through positive
reinforcement, aid the children to gain self confidence without fear of failure. (B.C.D.E.,
1973, p. 2)
These curricular aims promoted a developmental view that placed much
emphasis on the teacher’s role in nurturing a child’s sense of self. The
objective of deep involvement and self-direction in learning on the part of
the child highlighted his or her uniqueness and individuality that resulted
from a holistic compilation of various self components This new vision of
the child indicated a general turning inward to the experience of the
individual, and reflected the humanistic conception of the self.
A major revision to the B.C. elementary school curricula, begun in 1979,
stretched over the following decade, through to 1990. Educational
psychology generally, and cognitive educational psychology, in particular,
influenced curricular aims during this period. For example, the 1981 science
curriculum highlighted the importance of the scientific method in all areas
of life.
It would be short-sighted and foolhard [sic], in the latter years of this century, to deny
the significance of science in our lives and hence to undervalue the teaching of science
to our children. The desire to encourage a thinking citizenry, a society in which members
have developed their logical abilities to face and solve science-related problems,
necessitates the inclusion of science in the elementary school program. Elementary school
science will open many avenues of inquiry, questions, and future choices while providing
students with opportunities to collect data and make decisions related to every aspect
of their daily life. Such experiences will provide students with the techniques which can
be used to make decisions regarding their lifestyles, careers, and other critical issues.
(B.C.M.E., 1981, p. 5)
The 1983 social studies curriculum also emphasized both these science
skills and citizenship skills. This curriculum included self-worth skills
under citizenship skills, delineated as to “demonstrate evidence of
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
83
concern for self; display self-confidence; seek help when required; make
choices and decisions; be aware that needs for attention, acceptance,
approval and affection are common to all” (B.C.M.E., 1983, p. 57).
These curricula promoted a view of the individual as a scientist,
knowledge producer, and rational problem solver. Indeed, these curricula
suggested that the practice of science in the classroom would enable children
to some day make proper decisions about the direction of their own lives.
At the same time, confidence, acceptance, affection, and concern for the
self were vital. These curricula described all these developmental goals as
skills, implying that such aspects of self-worth might easily be observed,
trained, and learned. Moreover, the placement of self-worth skills under
the general label of citizenship skills implied that gratification of one’s own
interests and skills would somehow move the individual closer to the goal
of an active, participating, responsible citizen.
In 1988 the B.C. Ministry initiated another major revision to the B.C.
curricula entitled Year 2000 (see B.C.M.E., 1989). Numerous position
statements, resource books, and research-based documents were published
to guide teachers in implementing instruction consistent with the goals and
aims of the program. The draft curriculum laid out a mission statement.
The purpose of the British Columbia school system is to enable learners to develop their
individual potential and to acquire the knowledge, skills, and attitudes needed to
contribute to a healthy society and a prosperous and sustainable economy. . . . [Moreover],
schools in the province assist in the development of citizens who are thoughtful, able to
learn and to think critically, and who can communicate information from a broad
knowledge base; creative, flexible, self-motivated and who have a positive self image;
capable of making independent decisions; skilled and who can contribute to society
generally, including the world of work; productive, who gain satisfaction through
achievement and who strive for physical well being; cooperative, principled and
respectful of others regardless of differences; aware of the rights and prepared to exercise
the responsibilities of an individual within the family, the community, Canada, and the
world. (B.C.M.E., 1989, p. 11)
The focus, rationale, and aims for schooling across all curricula (now
referred to as Integrated Resource Packages) up to 2002 reflect the Year
2000 plan. For example, the 1998 Fine Arts program was designed to
“nurture the emotional, social, intellectual, physical, and spiritual self” (B.C.
Ministry of Education, 1998, p. 1). The 1999 Personal Planning curriculum
emphasized the need for children to develop “skills such as timemanagement, self-assessment, [and] goal-setting . . . that can enhance their
personal well-being” (p. 1). Another aim was to develop in children the
ability to “maintain an appropriate sense of personal worth, potential, and
individuality” (B.C. Ministry of Education, 1999, p. 3).
84
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
The Year 2000 plan makes a clear distinction between the individual
and the citizen, yet they are inextricably entwined in the notion that
working to develop one’s own potential will somehow produce a
responsible citizen. The self is independent, self-determining, strategic,
and striving toward its own potential through the acquisition of certain
quantifiable skills and abilities. Moreover, through the acquisition of such
skills, the self is somehow able to move gradually toward the exercise of
the rights and responsibilities of committed citizenship required in a
complex, democratic society.
In summary, the changing conceptions of the self and personhood in the
elementary school curricula of British Columbia illustrate the application
of psychological conceptions of the self to the schooling of children. In the
first half of the twentieth century, there was an evolving view of persons as
fitting the wheels of society (“I am what I can do for others”), to persons as
unique, but within the context of society (“I am what I can be”). In the latter
part of the twentieth century, persons came to be identified in terms of
more fragmented self-processes, such as self-esteem, self-concept, and selfregulation, and also in terms of individual potential (“I am what I want to
be”). In recent years, the curricula have divided the self even further into a
compilation of quantifiable skills that together make up a self that is strategic,
self-governed, and technical, yet striving toward its own self-determined
possibilities in ways somehow connected to common societal goals (which
are seldom articulated clearly).
As the Year 2000 plan illustrates, the modern educated self seems to
have everything. This self is independent, self-determined, self-fulfilled,
and constantly moving toward greater possible self-potential. However,
this modern self remains tied to the radical, autonomous self borne of
Enlightenment ideals. Martin’s (in press) examination of two distinct
conceptions of the self — scientific and humanistic — in educational
psychology reveals an underlying masterful self, and offers a concise
description of the composite self that has emerged in B.C. school curricula.
Martin writes:
Both academic tasks and social experience can be mastered by the masterful self’s
attention to its own basic organismic tendencies and potentials on the one hand and to
its metacognitive, strategic ruminations on the other. This is a self that already knows
its business, one that requires only a facilitative grooming to become more fully socialized
and intellectually engaged. (p. 20)
The autonomous, masterful self that has become infused in curricular
aims, goals, and practices informs the individual’s understanding of his or
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
85
her self as a self-governing, self-regulating, and goal-oriented agent. This
self is a problem solver who is engaged in life-long learning toward selfactualization. At the same time, it is entirely possible that the technology
of schooling has been made more progressive and democratic through
such psychological (re)constructions of this self. According to Popkewitz
(2001), the teacher administers the child who is able to “construct and
reconstruct his or her own ‘practice,’ participation, self management of
choice, and autonomous ethical conduct of life” (p. 6). However, whether
or not such enhanced individual governance is truly capable of setting
and achieving personal goals consistent with some defensible notion of
the collective good is not clear. Indeed, questions of this kind are seldom
raised.
CONCLUSION
The parallel development of changing conceptions of the self in the general
psychological literature and in the B.C. school curricula demonstrates the
powerful influence that disciplinary psychology has had on the education
of persons for over 100 years. The critical hermeneutic investigation
presented here shows how the goals and aims of modern school curricula
can be understood “as the cultural production of individuals who work on
themselves through self-improvement, autonomous and ‘responsible’ life
conduct, and ‘lifelong’ learning” (Popkewitz, 2001, p. 7; also see Rose, 1999).
The goals of education are to inculcate in children the social and political
conventions of a liberal democratic society, and to teach them what is “real
and true” in the world, at least as revealed through extant traditions of
knowing. Since the inception of the formal school system in British
Columbia, curricula have explicitly mandated the production of active
responsible citizens as the overarching goal in the education of persons.
However, changing conceptions of the self in school curricula, drawn from
psychological theory and research, have increasingly merged the interests,
skills, and abilities of the autonomous self with the production of the
responsible citizen. The result has been the celebration of the autonomous,
self-governing individual at the expense of the socially dependent,
committed citizen.
Psychological discourses and practices that advance a radically
autonomous self have been incorporated into school curricula and have
shaped understandings of selves as educated persons. Such conceptions of
the self in psychology and education are inescapably entwined with the
values and interests of individualistic Western societies. According to Rose
86
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
(1999), “the consolidation of psychology into a discipline and its social
destiny was tied to its capacity to produce the technical means of
individualization, a new way of construing, observing and recording
human subjectivity” (p. 133). Psychology has aided our individualistic
conceptions of the self through technical procedures that shape selves as
objects of development, schooling, and so on (Rose, 1998, 1999).
The radical autonomous self that we reveal in this article falls short of
the interdependent, socially committed citizen required in a complex
democratic society. The autonomous self is able, through technologies that
have spread into all facets of contemporary life, to act upon itself to achieve
happiness and self-fulfillment (Rose, 1998). This self is appealing because
of the great value that Western liberal societies place on self-determination
and self-governance. At the same time, the obligation to be autonomous, to
fulfill one’s self, and to strive for the “good life” also entails a loss of
“dependency, mutuality, fraternity, self-sacrifice, [and] commitment to
others” (Rose, 1998, p. xxiv).
In summary, it seems reasonable to suggest that psychology’s service to
the individual is insufficient to meet the educational mandate to shape
citizens for collective participation. Yet educators increasingly rely on
psychological conceptions of personhood to guide educational policy. For
example, B.C. curricular packages provide a proliferation of psychoeducational kits, in the form of learning resources, to help teachers improve
students’ capabilities, such as self-esteem. These kits, often self-contained
modules aimed at individual success within specific programs, include titles
such as 100 Ways to Enhance Self-concept in the Classroom: A Handbook for
Teachers and Parents (Canfield & Well, 1976) and Self-Esteem, Sport and
Physical Activity (Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women
and Sport and Physical Activity, 2002). Psycho-educational products
designed to build or fill up the masterful, bounded, empty self (Cushman,
1990) may work to a limited extent toward the attainment of specific skills
and strategies. However, they almost always are devoid of an appropriate
conception of the self as constituted within the sociocultural world through
communal exchanges and practices.
Psychology, through its discourses and practices, has become infused in
contemporary lives as individuals search for their selves. Changes to
psychological discourses and practices can be expected to stimulate changes
in our broader conceptions of ourselves as persons and citizens. Although
our liberal ideals celebrate an individualistic, autonomous self, they also
can celebrate dependency, mutuality, collective action, and commitment to
others, and it is important that psychology and education have something
to say about the latter as well as the former.
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
87
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Correspondence concerning this article should be directed to Jack Martin, Faculty
of Education, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, B.C, V5A 1S6 ([email protected]).
The scholarship for this article was supported by Grant #410-2000-0448 from the
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
REFERENCES
Altermatt, E. R., Pomerantz, E. M., Ruble, D. N., Frey, K. S., & Greulich, F. K. (2002).
Predicting changes in children’s self-perceptions of academic competence: A
naturalistic examination of evaluative discourse among classmates. Developmental
Psychology, 38, 903–917.
Arnold, J. H., & Clement, P. W. (1981). Temporal generalization of self-regulation
effects in undercontrolled children. Child Behavior Therapy, 3(4), 43–68.
Battle, J. (1976). Test-retest reliability of the Canadian Self-Esteem Inventory for
Children. Psychological Reports, 38, 1343–1345.
Belar, C. D., Nelson, P. D., & Wasik, B. H. (2003). Rethinking education in psychology
and psychology in education: The inaugural Educational Leadership Conference.
American Psychologist, 58, 678–684.
Bledsoe, J. C. (1964). Self concepts of children and their intelligence, achievement,
interests, and anxiety. Journal of Individual Psychology, 20, 55–58.
British Columbia Department of Education. (1913). Courses of study for the public,
high and normal schools. Victoria, BC: King’s Printer.
British Columbia Department of Education. (1925). Programme of studies for the
elementary schools of British Columbia. Victoria, BC: King’s Printer.
British Columbia Department of Education. (1936). Programme of studies for the
elementary schools of British Columbia, Grades I to VI, Bulletins I , II, III. Victoria,
BC: King’s Printer.
British Columbia Department of Education. (1951). Programme of studies for the
elementary schools of British Columbia. Programme for the intermediate grades.
Victoria, BC: King’s Printer.
British Columbia Department of Education. (1973). Programme of studies for the
elementary schools of British Columbia. Kindergarten curriculum guide. Victoria,
BC: Queen’s Printer.
British Columbia Ministry of Education. (1981). Programme of studies for the
elementary schools of British Columbia. Elementary science curriculum guide, Grades
1–7. Victoria, BC: Queen’s Printer.
88
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
British Columbia Ministry of Education. (1983). Programme of studies for the
elementary schools of British Columbia. Social Studies curriculum guide, Grade one–
grade seven (Rev. ed.). Victoria, BC: Queen’s Printer.
British Columbia Ministry of Education (1989). Language Arts — English Grades 1–
12. Curriculum Guide Response Draft. Victoria, BC: Queen’s Printer.
British Columbia Ministry of Education (1998). Fine Arts K to 7 integrated resource
package 1998. Victoria, BC: Queen’s Printer.
British Columbia Ministry of Education (1999). Personal planning K–7 integrated
resource package. Victoria, BC: Queen’s Printer.
Brooks, M. H. (1949). Training the child for self-discipline. Individual Psychology
Bulletin, 7, 75–86.
Calkins, M. (1915). The self in scientific psychology. American Journal of Psychology,
26, 495–524.
Calkins, M. (1916). The self in recent psychology. Psychological Bulletin, 13, 20–27.
Calkins, M. (1917). The case of self against soul. Psychological Review, 24, 278–300.
Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women and Sport and Physical
Activity. (2002). Self esteem, sport and physical activity. In B.C. Ministry of
Education, P.E. Grade 5. Personal and Social Responsibility. Recommended
Learning Resources. Victoria, BC: Ministry of Education, Province of British
Columbia. Retrieved October 20, 2004, from http://www.caaws.ca/
Publications/docs_pdfs/Self_Esteem.pdf.
Canfield, J., & Wells, H. C. (1976). 100 Ways to enhance self-concept in the classroom:
A handbook for teachers and parents. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Retrieved October 20, 2004, from http://www.bced.gov.bc.ca/specialed/gifted/
additional.htm.
Cicirelli, V. G. (1971). Measures of the self-concept, attitudes, and achievement
motivation of primary grade children. Journal of School Psychology, 9, 383–391.
Clark, K. B., & Clark, M. K. (1939). The development of consciousness of self and
the emergence of racial identification in Negro preschool children. Journal of
Social Psychology, 10, 591–599.
Cushman, P. (1990). Why the self is empty: Toward a historically situated psychology.
American Psychologist, 45, 599–611.
Cushman, P. (1995). Constructing the self, constructing America: A cultural history
of psychotherapy. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
Danziger, K. (1990). Constructing the subject: Historical origins of psychological
research. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
89
Danziger, K. (1997). Naming the mind: How psychology found its language. London,
UK: Sage Publications.
Dunn, T. A. (1980). The rise of the mass public schooling in British Columbia, 19001929. In J. D. Wilson & D. C. Jones (Eds.), Schooling and society in twentieth
century British Columbia (pp. 23–52). Calgary, AB: Detselig Enterprises Ltd.
Engel, M., & Raine, W. J. (1963). A method for the measurement of the self-concept
of children in the third grade. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 102, 125–137.
Farmer, R. (1982). Children’s rights and self-actualization theory. Education, 103,
82–89.
Fish M. C., & Pervan, R. (1985). Self-instruction training: A potential tool for school
psychologists. Psychology in the Schools, 22, 83–92.
Foucault, M. (1988). Technologies of the self. In L. H. Martin, H. Gutman, & P. H.
Hutton (Eds.), Technologies of the self (pp. 16–49). London, UK: Tavistock.
Goodenough, F. L. (1938). The use of pronouns by young children: A note on the
development of self-awareness. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 52, 333–346.
Griggs, J. W., & Bonney, M. E. (1970). Relationship between “causal” orientation
and acceptance of others, “self-ideal self” congruency and mental health changes
for fourth and fifth grade children. Journal of Educational Research, 63, 471–
477.
Hall, G. S. (1898). Some aspects of the early sense of self. American Journal of
Psychology, 9, 351–395.
Harris, K. R. (1990). Developing self-regulated learners: The role of private speech
and self-instructions. Educational Psychologist, 25, 35–49.
Harris, S., & Braun, J. R. (1971). Self-esteem and racial preference in black children.
Proceedings of the Annual Convention of the American Psychological
Association, 6, 259–260.
Herman, E. (2001). How children turn out and how psychology turns them out.
History of Psychology, 4, 297–316.
Horowitz, R. E. (1943). A pictorial method for study of self-identification in preschool children. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 62, 135-148.
Humphrey, L. (1984). Children’s self-control in relation to perceived social
environment. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 46, 178–188.
Hunt, J. H. (1959). Developing self-discipline in child is modern elementary teacher’s
goal. New York State Education, 47, 34–35.
James, W. (1890). Principles of Psychology. 2 vols. New York: Henry Holt.
James, W. (1901). Talks to teachers. New York: Henry Holt.
90
ANN -M ARIE MCLELLAN & JACK M ARTIN
Long, B. H., Henderson, E. H., & Ziller, R. C. (1967). Developmental changes in the
self-concept during middle childhood. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 13, 201–215.
Martin, J. (2002). Hermeneutic psychology: Understandings and practices. In S. P.
Shohov (Ed.), Advances in psychology research: Volume 14 (pp. 97–118).
Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science.
Martin, J. (in press). The educational inadequacy of conceptions of self in educational
psychology. Interchange: A Quarterly Review of Education.
Maslow, A. H. (1954). Motivation and personality. New York: Harper & Row.
Michael, W. B., Smith, R. A., & Michael, J. J. (1975). The factorial validity of the
Piers-Harris Children’s Self-Concept Scale for each of three samples of
elementary, junior high, and senior high school students in a large metropolitan
school district. Educational & Psychological Measurement, 35, 405–414.
Mischel, H. N., & Mischel, W. (1983). The development of children’s knowledge of
self-control strategies. Child Development, 54, 603–619.
Nystul, M. S. (1984). Positive parenting leads to self-actualizing in children.
Individual Psychology: Journal of Adlerian Theory, Research & Practice, 40,
177–183.
Ozehosky, R. J., & Clark, E. T. (1970). Children’s self-concept and kindergarten
achievement. Journal of Psychology: Interdisicplinary & Applied, 75, 185–192.
Packer, M. J. (1985). Hermeneutic inquiry in the study of human conduct. American
Psychologist, 40, 1081–1093.
Packer, M. J., & Addison, R. B. (1989). Entering the circle: Hermeneutic investigations
in psychology. Albany NY: SUNY Press.
Parish, T. S., & Philip, M. K. (1982). The self-concepts of children from intact and
divorced families: Can they be affected in school settings? Education, 103, 60–
63.
Phillips, A. S. (1964). Self concepts in children. Educational Research, 6, 104–109.
Piers, E., & Harris, D. B. (1964). Age and other correlates of self-concept in children.
Journal of Educational Psychology, 55, 91–95.
Pintrich, P. R., & Blumenfeld, P. C. (1985). Classroom experience and children’s
self-perceptions of ability, effort, and conduct. Journal of Educational Psychology,
77, 646-657.
Popkewitz, T. S. (1997). A changing terrain of knowledge and power: A social
epistemology of educational research. Educational Researcher, 26(9), 18–29.
Popkewitz, T. S. (2000). The denial of change in educational change: Systems of
ideas in the construction of national policy and evaluation. Educational
Researcher, 29(1), 17–29.
PSYCHOLOGY AND
THE
EDUCATION OF PERSONS IN BRITISH C OLUMBIA
91
Popkewitz, T. S. (2001). Pacts/partnerships and governing the parent and child.
Current Issues in Comparative Education, 3(2), 1–8. Retrieved October 20, 2004
from http://www.tc.columbia.edu/cice/articles/tsp132.htm
Richmond, B. O., & White, W. F. (1971). Sociometric predictors of the self concept
among fifth and sixth grade children. Journal of Educational Research, 64, 425429.
Rose, N. (1998). Inventing ourselves: Psychology, power, and personhood.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Rose, N. (1999). Governing the soul: The shaping of the private self (2nd Ed.).
London, UK: Free Association Books.
Schunk, D. H. (1982). Effects of effort attributional feedback on children’s perceived
self-efficacy and achievement. Journal of Educational Psychology, 74, 548–556.
Schunk, D. H., & Hanson, A. R. (1985). Peer models: Influence on children’s selfefficacy and achievement. Journal of Educational Psychology, 77, 313–322.
Sears, R. R. (1970). Relation of early socialization experiences to self-concepts and
gender role in middle childhood. Child Development, 41, 267–289.
Soares, A. T., & Soares, L. M. (1969). Self-perceptions of culturally disadvantaged
children. American Educational Research Journal, 6, 31–45.
Stright, A. D., & Supplee, L. H. (2002). Children’s self-regulatory behaviors during
teacher-directed seat-work, and small-group instructional contexts. Journal of
Educational Research, 95, 235–244.
Titchener, E. B. (1911). A note of the consciousness of self. American Journal of
Psychology, 22, 540–552.
Trowbridge, N. (1974). Self-concept and IQ in elementary school children. California
Journal of Educational Research, 25, 37–49.
Zirkel, P. A., & Moses, E. (1971). Self-concept and ethnic group membership among
public school students. American Educational Research Journal, 8, 253–265.
Reading Beyond School: Literacies in a
Neighbourhood Library
Angela Ward
Linda Wason-Ellam
This ethnographic study describes family and community literacy practices in a
neighbourhood public library. As an intercultural research team, we observed patterns
of library use and held extended conversations with librarians and neighbourhood
parents about literacy activities in the library. The neighbourhood public library was a
hub of contiguous communities of practice. It has emerged as a setting with shifting
boundaries between formal and informal literacies and between traditional print media
and multimodal literacies. The study reveals the dynamic nature of literacy practices in
a setting that supported both formal and informal literacies.
Keywords: community literacy, multimodal literacies, neighbourhood libraries
Les auteures présentent une étude ethnographique portant sur les pratiques de littératie
familiales et communautaires mises en œuvre dans une bibliothèque publique de
quartier. Formant une équipe de recherche interculturelle, les auteures ont observé les
habitudes quant à l’utilisation de la bibliothèque et conversé longuement avec les
bibliothécaires et les parents du quartier au sujet des activités de la bibliothèque en
matière de littératie. La bibliothèque forme un réseau de communautés de pratiques
contiguës. Elle apparaît comme un lieu présentant des frontières mobiles entre les
littératies formelles et informelles et entre les médias imprimés traditionnels et les
littératies multimodales. L’étude révèle la nature dynamique des pratiques en matière
de littératie dans un contexte qui favorise les littératies formelles et informelles.
Mots clés: littératie communautaire, littératies multimodales, bibliothèques de quartier
––––––––––––––––
The ambience of public libraries is familiar: hushed voices, tidily
organized bookshelves, complex smell of old books; all may evoke
pleasurable reminiscences of childhood reading. In the public libraries of
memory, adults browsed gently through dusty volumes, while children
sat at low tables, almost hidden behind piles of vividly illustrated picture
books. Older men visited the magazine section, smoking while reading
newspapers and the latest edition of Time. Public libraries reflect the society
that sustains them, providing insight into currently acceptable
interactions with literacy. For some of us, the public libraries of our youth
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 92–108
LITERACIES IN A N EIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
93
were a quiet haven that encouraged private reading.
Retirees still enjoy newspapers and magazines in public libraries, but
almost everything else has changed. At Westside Park library,1 where we
(Angela, Linda and other members of our team) have visited frequently
over the last three years, children still enjoy Curious George and young
people seek resources for homework projects. In another part of the library,
university student tutors explain math homework to puzzled adolescents.
One father persuades his four-year-old son to move away from the collection
of Disney videos and examine a display of picture books, but the video is
eventually taken home.
The library has emerged as a fascinating context in which to study family
and community literacy practices. As we studied how families accessed
literacy materials in their community, we became especially interested in
the use of public libraries. In this article, we document our observations of
formal and informal literacy practices in one neighbourhood library, and
include parents’ reflections on their own and their families’ library use.
Using a critical ethnographic approach, we fully utilized our status as
outsiders/insiders in the library context. Because most of our previous
research has been in schools, our perspective here is that of literacy
researchers exploring the library as one site where families in our larger
ethnographic study accessed literacy. 2 We bring our backgrounds of school
and community literacy to a context that was new for us; we hope to help
readers re-experience the ordinary and look with fresh eyes at literacy
practices in an ubiquitous public institution.
THEORETICAL CONTEXT
Researchers who have studied literacy from a sociocultural perspective do
not consider it to be a formally learned series of autonomous skills, but
regard it as demonstrated in interactions between people (for example,
Barton, Hamilton & Ivanic, 2000). Schools have most typically espoused
the autonomous view of literacy, with teaching organized into hierarchically
arranged, decontextualized activities (Street, 1995). Literacy skills, in this
view, are neutral and unaffected by their context.
Street (2001, p. 7), however, suggests that particular literacies are learned
through participation in social activities. For example, the literacy required
for participation in an electronic on-line community differs from the literacy
developed between inmates of a prison. We are all members of several
different literacy communities, practising different genres of formal,
academic writing, jotting reminder notes, writing greeting cards, crafting
letters to the editor of a newspaper. People learn situated literacies through
94
ANGELA W ARD & LINDA W ASON -ELLAM
apprenticeship in a community of practice (Lave & Wenger, 1991).
Communities of practice associate informally where members “develop
shared ways of pursuing their common interests” (Wenger, 1998, p. 7). These
shared ways may include particular discourses and particular ways of using
literacy found in communities of work (teaching, carpentry), home (sending
greetings, organizing menus and shopping), and leisure (being a car
enthusiast or movie fan, or gardener). Communities of practice may be
virtual or real; it is possible to be part of a world community of Tolkien
movie followers, for example, even though no face-to-face meetings ever
occur.
Using ethnographic methods to study literacy practices researchers can
“reflect broader social relationships” (Barton, Hamilton & Ivanic, 2000, p.
12), studying through qualitative methods, literacy in different societal
contexts: home, school, or workplace. Data for ethnographic studies of
literacy include descriptions of literacy events, which are activities where
literacy has a role (Barton, Hamilton, & Ivanic, 2000, p. 8). Literacy practices,
comprising patterns of literacy events, define how literacy is habitually
used. These patterns give rise to broader understandings of how in a
particular community, literacy is regarded and practised. Literacy serves a
range of functions for individuals and for groups; changes occur across
time in social uses of literacy (Gregory, 2000). Moss (2003) describes informal
literacies as “tied to the exigencies of the moment” (p.14), and in the case of
children, almost literally ephemeral. In one example of informal literacy,
Moss details four young boys’ fascination with reading and discussing
magazines about WWE wrestling, intensely lived for a season, that had
disappeared almost completely from memory when she re-interviewed
them several years later.
Gee (2000) has contrasted the informal literacies of home and community
with the formal literacies of school and the professions. Formal literacies
encompass a range of genres, but are characterized by use of standard
language forms and discipline-specific text organization. Formal and
informal literacies can exist together in many contexts, including the public
library.
RESEARCH FOCUS AND METHOD
The research team included two university researchers (Angela Ward and
Linda Wason-Ellam) and four graduate students. Two of our team
members brought an Aboriginal perspective to the interpretation of our
data, enriching our findings, while another team member lived in an innercity neighbourhood close to our research site.
LITERACIES IN A N EIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
95
Research Site: Exploring the Neighbourhood
The research team chose Westside Park as the site for our study partly for
opportunistic reasons (the principal investigators have frequently worked
with teachers and students in the community school), and partly because it
represents a typical urban prairie mix of immigrants, Aboriginal people
from different backgrounds, and descendants of European farm settler
families. In 2002, about 7000 people lived in this community; in 1996, 86
per cent claimed English as their first language. Neatly painted small
houses are looked after by long-time residents of the community, while
nearby apartment blocks are home to many new arrivals in Canada: from
the former USSR, Cambodia, Vietnam, the Philippines, and other Asian
countries. Of the Aboriginal families who live in this neighbourhood, some
have lived all their lives in an urban environment, while visiting
Northerners live in affordable housing here during their attendance at a
variety of postsecondary institutions. This area is not the risky downtown,
but neither is it suburbia as constructed in more affluent areas of the city.
The city library system, of which Westside Park is a branch, is highly rated
in comparison with public libraries across Canada. Clearly the local population
is supportive of its library services. Almost half the population of Westside
Park have a library card, but not all families we visited and interviewed were
regular library users. The Westside Park library, built as part of the recreation
centre, is visually very similar to the shopping mall. Its external blandness,
making it barely distinguishable from the centre and mall, signals its role as a
municipal service, alongside the swimming pool and gym.
Data Collection and Analysis
The ethnographic data for this study included maps, photographs,
participant and non-participant observations, document analysis, and semistructured and conversational interviews. We spent many hours, not
meticulously counted, “hanging out” in local stores, and walking the
residential areas to understand the physical spaces of the neighbourhood.
We collected a wealth of information in our interview transcripts, field notes,
and reflective pieces written and shared among the team members. To study
the neighbourhood library, we visited it approximately thirty times. The
visits varied in length, deliberately planned to take snapshots of literacy
activity at different times of day. Because the after school times were
especially busy, we had an excellent opportunity to observe homework
activities. Two younger researchers on our team took their children along
five or six times to visit the library, affording them ways to engage with
96
ANGELA W ARD & LINDA W ASON -ELLAM
other parents in informal conversations about literacy and childrearing.
On several mornings, some team members participated in storytime
programs; others were able to sit and observe for several hours in the
evenings when adults and families typically used the library.
We conducted semi-structured interviews with the city’s literacy librarian
and the branch librarian; these were audiotaped and transcribed. We also
interviewed in-depth thirty parents and conducted two focus groups with
parents and teachers together. In the interviews, we asked parents and
teachers about their own library use as well as that of their families. The
interviews took place in parents’ homes and typically lasted between one
or two hours. In several instances, because of parents’ commitments to work
or their children’s activities, we interviewed them in two separate sessions.
During the interviews, which were designed to be wide-ranging and
conversational, parents recalled personal experiences with library-going,
which stretched back to their own childhoods. The focus groups with
teachers and parents took place in the local community school. Each of the
three focus groups had six or seven participants, with the majority being
parents. These sessions raised questions we had previously discussed with
parents individually, including ideas of how to improve home-school
communication about literacy and broader literacy issues such as access to
public libraries and other literacy activities and materials.
As a research team, we met weekly over a three-year period to discuss
and analyze the data. Sessions often took the form of sharing and discussing
fieldnotes, transcribed interview data, and individual thematic analyses
The interpretation of our data was enriched by Aboriginal perspectives
brought by two of our team members. All five team members observed in
the library, writing fieldnotes during and after their visits; we synthesized,
categorized, and organized these observations to describe and elucidate
literacy practices within the library. The syntheses resulting from our team
discussions themselves became data. The team’s own experiences with
literacy and libraries as children, and later as teachers and parents, provided
a further context for our understandings of the role of libraries in supporting
a variety of literacies.
RESEARCH FINDINGS
We used two major sources of data for this article. In the first section, based
on multiple observations and fieldnotes contributed by all research team
members, we have built an ethnographic picture of Westside Park and its
public library. In the second section, we have used parent interview data to
provide a perspective on families’ use of Westside Park Library.
LITERACIES IN A N EIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
97
Observations and Interviews in the Library
An interview carried out with the system’s head librarian reinforced our
observation of the close relationship between libraries and literacy programs.
The library system in the city where we live had, at the time of the study, a
literacy librarian responsible for creating literacy initiatives in the library
system, often in partnership with other provincial organizations. A typical
outcome of her work is support of family literacy programs. The city’s
literacy librarian sees the library as providing access to free public meeting
rooms for literacy organizations, resources for literacy tutors, and materials
for English as an Additional Language learners. She spends much of her
time writing grant applications in collaboration with literacy organizations.
Current library-sponsored programs in the city provide outreach services
to prisons, to teen parents, city drop-in centres, as well as secondary schools
in the city. The on-site librarian can waive fines for participants in these
programs, recognizing that bureaucracy can be a barrier for some potential
library users: “If you don’t have a fixed address and are forced to move
every two months, returning library books may not be high on your priority
list” (Literacy librarian).
Westside Park Library Programs
Westside Park offers story hours and supports early reading by providing
materials for preschoolers and parents. The library provides family story
times, preschool story times for children aged three to six, summer reading
programs, parenting programs, and computer sessions. Westside Park has
well-attended “Toddler Times” for children aged 18 to 36 months and their
caregivers. Shelley, the parent of a toddler, expressed her enthusiasm for
storytime.
[I value] the story time that the library has in the morning. It was something that I tried
to work into my schedule, just make it part of the morning routine. We would take the
girls there. Even downtown library’s story corner, I remember doing that as a child and
enjoying it, and trying to incorporate that, too, into my days off, and make it part of the
day that we share together. (Shelley, parent)
The children’s librarian shared books, sang songs and used puppets and
other items to focus the toddlers’ attention. The branch librarian noted that
the literacy “label” tended to discourage some people from participating
in some library programs.
We’d like to do something for literacy. You advertise it as a literacy program, but who’s
98
ANGELA W ARD & LINDA W ASON -ELLAM
going to come? If somebody is really illiterate, they can’t read it anyway. . . . Story
times are a really important part of our programming, although we don’t advertise
them as literacy. (Branch librarian)
Because the library took on computers from the Bill Gates Foundation,
it has been obligated by the terms of the endowment to offer computer
education to library users. The successful programs include “Computers
for the Totally Terrified,” which enrols mostly seniors, as well as sessions
on e-mail and Internet searching. The branch librarian, aware of the diversity
in the Westside Park neighbourhood, attempts to match community needs
through both library resources and programming. Groups who use the
library use its spaces in different ways.
OBSERVED PATTERNS OF LIBRARY USE
On busy days (Sundays, Mondays, and Saturdays) there were 1300 users,
600 on slow days. The busiest hours are between 3:00 and 5:00 p.m.
Cynthia, a graduate student researcher, provides the flavour of a typical
evening in Westside Park neighbourhood library in her fieldnotes.
There are about 40 people in the library on this visit. The study area in the back is
being fully used. Ten people surround the photocopier and others surround the
computers. It looks like people are doing their homework. There is a friendly buzz in
the room. Nobody is looking at the handouts at the door when they come in or leave.
Nobody is looking at the posters on the walls. They seem focused on books, videos,
sewing patterns, music, and computers. It looks busier than a busy day at the Education
Library! Three staff are working in the evening. One talks with a Grade 12 student
doing her homework. Three small children are playing in the storytime area in the
back. (research assistant’s fieldnotes).
This snapshot encapsultes the range of literacy activities we observed.
Family Orientation of Library Holdings
There were 30,000 children’s books (hardcover and paperback); 34,000
adult/young adult books; 2,000 audio cassettes, 3,000 compact disks, 6,600
videos, and several hundred DVDs. The free-standing shelves close to the
entrance held career and consumer education materials. There were six
shelves of “Books in Languages other than English.” These were popular
literature (judging by the cover illustrations) in Spanish, Polish, Chinese,
Vietnamese, Ukrainian, and Arabic. The library provided books in languages
other than English if patrons asked for them, which were ordered from
the main branch. According to the branch librarian, books in Chinese and
LITERACIES IN A N EIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
99
Vietnamese are most frequently used. There were also some bilingual
children’s books. The library also provided a special room for the use of
volunteer literacy tutors and their adult students where the small “Adult
Basic Education and ESL” section is housed. This comprised many
workbooks and some easy versions of short fiction (“The Laubach Way to
Reading”; “How to prepare for the TOEFL test”).
Five of the six Gates Foundation computers have Internet access; the
one reserved for children does not. There is one CD-ROM unit with games
for children, and two computers for searching library catalogue and
databases. The computers came with software (interactive books — Barney’s
Circus, Barney’s Farm, Barney’s Sea, The Cat in the Hat, Mercer Mayer,
Microsoft programs, Internet access, Encarta World Dictionary and Atlas),
some of which the branch librarian considered “too American.” Another
downside of the project from the library’s point of view was that furniture
and infrastructure (training) had to be provided (some rural areas
throughout the province turned down computers because of this).
Multimodal Literacies at the Library
We observed both virtual and physical interactions with text. Parents and
children demonstrated multimodal responses to reading and storytelling.
During sessions for preschoolers, the librarian reading the story encouraged
children to join in by singing songs, incorporating bodily actions, and
entertaining with puppetry. Because the children were toddlers, the librarian
encouraged the adults to stay for the sessions. Many adults participated
eagerly with the children, clapping in time to song rhythms and calling out
in response to questions about story characters. Some parents held children
on their laps to reduce fidgeting and squirming.
After storytime, children engaged in craft activities in a room sealed off
from the general public. The crafts typically involved cutting and gluing or
weaving with brightly colored yarn. The children’s corner at the back of
the library included toys, board books, tapes, and small-sized chairs. During
our visits, we only occasionally observed parents reading to their children.
Library users developed distinct patterns when interacting with paper
materials. It was here that we noted generational differences in patrons’
choices. Magazine readers might sit for 30 minutes in the comfortable seating
area set aside for them, piling up six or seven magazines on related topics,
such as motorcycles or trucks. Serious readers took time to read through
one or two articles per magazine. In other instances, magazine reading was
auxiliary to another activity; for example, a young girl was observed flipping
through a teen magazine while talking to a friend. In some interactions,
100
ANGELA W ARD & LINDA W ASON -ELLAM
books were almost incidental, as when two boys around 13 years old sat
across from one another at a table and talked about skateboarding. After
about half an hour, one boy started to read a comic book and the other
picked up a thin paperback to read.
Library users also had different approaches in choosing a book. Some
stood at one bookshelf and looked through a short section of books; others
walked up and down the fiction section to find an author alphabetically
shelved; still others looked through new acquisitions prominently displayed
at the front of the library. In some cases, users’ book choices were constrained
by the amount of time available for browsing. A young mother came in one
day at about 8:30 p.m. with her baby on her shoulders and a four-year-old
at her side. She headed over to the children’s section, quickly chose a book,
and darted out before the 9:00 p.m. closing.
Some adults doing homework studied in the separate seating section
designated for Adult Basic Education materials; we observed adolescents
searching for information on the Internet or occasionally in encyclopedias.
High-school students sat at large wooden tables with their university tutors,
for example discussing algebra problems. High-school students used
computers for specific homework tasks that involved searching the Internet
for information. They also spent time checking e-mail. We observed one
woman figuring out mortgage payments as a class assignment. Young
people were heavy users of those computers hooked up to the Internet.
When one of our researchers tried to sign up to use a computer, she found
that they were all booked two days ahead. The librarian noted that “It is
best to call at least a day or two ahead.”
Young children with their parents puzzled out computer programs based
on television characters. The most popular computer games were Arthur’s
Brainsteasers, Arthur’s Math Carnival, Arthur’s Spellathon, Barney’s Sea,
Green Eggs & Ham, and Magic School Bus. Parents usually chose videos
for their children. The children’s videos were much more frequently browsed
than those for adults. Parents (usually, but not always, mothers) typically
checked out four or five videos for their children. Animated movies, such
as those produced by the Disney Corporation, were favourites. Families
visiting the library responded to multiple forms of text and symbolic
representation.
Observed Patterns of Literacy
These patterns can provide insights into how library interactions shape
families’ literacy practices. Major categories of literacy practices in the library
— finding and choosing materials, reading, writing, and checking out books
LITERACIES IN A N EIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
101
— have not changed significantly over the last five decades. The striking
differences occur in the media currently available to library users, and the
proportion of the library’s holdings of computers, videos, and book
materials.
In Westside Park library, library users exhibited several ways to find
and choose materials. Some people knew what they were looking for,
perhaps finding more books by a favourite fiction writer, or working from
a list made prior to the library visit. Some patrons came in with “top seller”
book lists from a newspaper. These people went directly to a shelf, chose
one or two books, often within minutes, and checked them out. We also
observed some patrons choosing only from a favourite section in the library
(for example, languages other than English, children’s books, mystery
stories, new fiction). Librarians, when asked, would also lead readers to
particular areas, usually when they needed specific information (for example
on setting up an aquarium, finding information for a homework project on
the Middle Ages in Britain). We frequently observed parents reaching over
their young children to cull piles of chosen books, making choices for their
children. Perhaps predictably, we observed senior patrons browsing more
than young people, possibly because they had more available time.
During their book selection, library users read information on the inside
flaps and back cover (usually a brief synopsis of the book and information
about the author). Some would flip rapidly through the book, determining,
in the case of one teenage reader, the print size. Because books were being
used as homework resources, students would take several books to a table
for further perusal. Because the books for homework were (somewhat
ironically) not usually taken home, students spent only a few minutes in
making their initial selections.
We observed writing in the library much less frequently than reading;
writing was usually associated with formal, schooled tasks. Much writing
observed at computer stations was in the form of e-mail (for older library
users) and chat room activity (for teens). Occasionally, computer users made
notes from Internet sites, but they more frequently downloaded and printed
information. Both adults and adolescents wrote at the tables provided; this
writing seemed to be mostly note-taking associated with homework activities.
Many routines for checking out books are “fossilized” sets of behaviours,
rather than literacy practices. The task of applying for a library card no
longer demands the ability to fill out a form because the librarian asked for
personal information (name, address, phone number) and entered it into
the computer database. Users received cards immediately. Book and video
checkout was also computerized, and the limit on borrowing was high (50
books; up to 10 videos, depending on the type and demand), so checking
102
ANGELA W ARD & LINDA W ASON -ELLAM
out materials was relatively painless. We observed patrons paying fines
for overdue books. Local people discussed this issue in the interviews we
carried out following the library observations, stating that worry about
paying fines had led them to purchase secondhand books rather than use
the library.
Although barriers such as the fine system discouraged some patrons,
many local people used the library to access information for school and
study purposes. Patrons used books and computers and also asked librarians
and homework tutors to help them with schooled literacy tasks. They used
informal literacies in computer communication and in conversations about
computer games and magazine articles. The demarcation between formal
and informal literacies blurred in a number of activities: young people read
fashion magazines and did homework at the same time; a parent helped
her child label animals on the computer screen, asking questions in a schoollike manner. The users also saw the library as a source of entertainment,
through programs for children and its holdings of audio and videotapes.
FAMILIES’ EXPERIENCE WITH THE NEIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
In the conversational interviews we conducted with Westside Park
neighbourhood parents, they revealed that they did not access books solely
through the public library. Taking the bus to the library, while carrying
groceries and dealing with small children, was a challenge. Some parents
relied on the school library for materials; others ordered books from clubs
organized through classroom teachers and volunteers. A large discount
department store in the mall or even the local supermarket became the
source of children’s books for many families, and, more surprisingly, a local
secondhand bookstore (which has subsequently relocated) took on some
traditional library functions. Families bought books there for their children,
often on a trade-in basis. Several parents suggested that this gave them
cheaper access to books than paying library fines. One parent noted,
I don’t use the library. I have a lot of books that I purchase and then I’ll take them back
to the used bookstore and once my daughter reads them and we’ve read them, then we
take them back and sell them off and get different ones. So we recycle them a lot that
way. (Susan, parent)
The storeowner recognized that she was offering a public service by doing
this.
Many parents in the school community had positive experiences with
the library, making it a significant part of their daily lives. One mother noted
LITERACIES IN A N EIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
103
that it was harder to find time to visit the library now her children were
older and had become more involved in formal activities.
We started going to the library when our son was very, very young. We go to the
library a lot, more so during the summertime than during the regular season, because
I find with the demands that are on kids now, and they seem to have all their activities
in the evenings, there’s less time by the time they have homework to do, have supper,
do their activity, it’s time to go to bed.” (Ellen, parent)
Immigrant families were especially appreciative of the library services
available to them. Maria, an immigrant mother from the Philippines, told
us: “I go to the library and get books so my children have books to read. It
helped me to learn English when I read to them when they were little. I
looked at the pictures then I could figure out what the books said.” In more
detail, Mohammed, newly arrived from Afghanistan, describes what the
availability of library books has meant for him and for his children.
When I first came to Canada, I teach my children English. We don’t have any kinds of
books, and we don’t have any samples to teach them. Each thing that I see in my eyes,
I tell them that this is a glass, this is a table, this is a chair, this is a lamp, this is a window,
this is a door. When I got my library card which is free for me, I bring books home and
I explain them. Only I read and I translate for them what’s the meaning of this sentence.
But I think that they don’t know at the first time what is a book for, because a book has
a lot of paper and they did not see these kinds of things for children before in my
country. I see that a book is better for them as I have pictures to show them in the books.
I explain to them in English. ‘This is a deer. This is a horn. This is his eyes’ and my
children learn. It is very good for my children to get books from the library. We go every
day. (Mohammed, parent).
In another conversation, Miklos, a 10-year old from Bosnia, interpreted
for his mother, who described how she took books about Canada from the
library so she could learn about her new country. Reading children’s books
also helped her to learn English. Lorna, an Aboriginal parent, used the
library to help her children develop pride in their culture: “I don’t know a
whole lot of native stories, because that was something I wasn’t taught, so
I use the library so my children will know their native heritage and be
proud of who they are.”
Several parents, including Mary, had memories of being library users as
children, but felt that, because they were now financially better off than in
their early years, they preferred to purchase books: “I find I can afford to
go out and buy the books, and I prefer to do that.” Somehow, for Mary,
using the library had become associated with memories of poverty. Susan,
one of several parents who recognized that her children “were into” series
104
ANGELA W ARD & LINDA W ASON -ELLAM
books, preferred to own and reread them. Jackie strongly preferred to
read paperback books rather than the hardcovers she associated with the
library: “I don’t care for hard covers because I read in bed, and you can’t
hold them right.”
Arguing from another point of view, Denise noted: “If the library has
it, why spend six bucks on a book when you can go there [to the store])
every couple of weeks and get new books.” Barbara recreated her own
childhood experiences for her own children, using the library, but also
providing personal stories of books: “There were lots of books in our toy
cupboard, so we were reading on our own. . . . Every night my brother
and I were in the toy cupboard, going through them. I try to do this for
my ‘little person.’” Barbara had experiences as a single parent in difficult
circumstances and found that at that time even getting to the library was
not easy: “Maybe you didn’t have enough money to put the plates on, or
you were driving an unregistered vehicle.” These practical issues also
surfaced in Eileen’s comments: “Mike is really into the library now, but
when he was younger it was not quite so nice to take him to the library.
One of us would stay home with him and the other would take the two
older boys to the library.”
Even though for some users Westside Park library had become a place
where they hung out with their friends and used computers, some parents
noted that not all children preferred computer media to print. Penny, when
asked whether her son was using technology at the library or borrowing
books, replied:
He is pretty much into the print media. I give him the choice. What he’s selecting now is
mysteries. A series that I’ve never heard of really. Paperbacks. It seems they like
paperbacks more than a hard cover. Ghosts and goblins, Goose Bumps. Things that are
more, again, not reality. Things that really wouldn’t happen in real life like if there’s
ghosts in the school. (Penny, parent)
The parents with whom we spoke were aware of the importance of
supporting their children as readers, but did not necessarily agree on the
role of the public library in their children’s literacy lives.
DISCUSSION AND INTERPRETATION
The range of formal and informal literacies seen in the library is not
unexpected; the balance between the use of books and other media reflects
a changing world. Parents reported to us that they and their children used
home computers to access information, and even to learn to read. The
multimodal realities of literacies in Westside Park library are reflected in
LITERACIES IN A N EIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
105
family literacy interactions as well; however, recognition of this dramatic
change in informal literacy use is just beginning among teachers,
librarians, and parents.
In using the library, some parents were looking for support to develop
formal, schooled literacies with their children. Others saw the library as a
repository of Canadian or Western cultural knowledge; borrowing books
opened the door to understanding their new culture. Some parents
believed the library’s major purpose was to provide users with
information, perhaps recognizing that information today might be
accessed via the Internet rather than through books, but in essence the
library’s role was to safeguard society’s important cultural knowledge.
Formal literacy practices, associated with schools and other institutions,
were evident in Westside Park library. Programs offered in the library were
organized in school-like ways, including homework and preschool
programs specifically designed to support school learning. Literacy practices
in this library occurred in particular physical contexts; elderly magazine
users and Internet browsers, young children clicking through Barney stories,
and teenagers doing homework existed in separate clusters in demarcated
spaces.
The practices carried out day-to-day in Westside Park neighbourhood
library are shaped by institutionalized practices and spaces, the influence
of schooled literacy, and multimodal communication. The public library,
with its long tradition of providing a commons where all citizens may access
knowledge for no cost, is a democratic institution. However, the rules for
borrowing and returning books may exclude the poorest members of society,
transportation is often an issue for those with young children, and the
physical organization of the library can be intimidating to those unfamiliar
with its operations. Westside Park library, like all other libraries, organized
material through complex categorization schemes (for example, the Dewey
system), and also organized space in particular ways. The patrons and their
activities varied according to the time of day. Library activities were
organized by space and, in the case of the computer games and activities,
by the structure of the medium and the limited time available for their use.
Parents in our study understood the potential of libraries to help their
children become successful users of dominant, schooled, literacies, as their
comments on library use make clear. However, they described the computer
and the Internet as simply another source of information rather than as a
challenge to mono-modal book literacy. Some Westside Park library users
were producing and reproducing the traditional library context, the quiet
haven, while others, especially young people, were remaking the library
through multimodal literacy practices associated with computers and other
106
ANGELA W ARD & LINDA W ASON -ELLAM
electronic media. The librarians with whom we spoke were aware of these
contiguous communities of practice, one reproducing the dominant/
academic /hierarchical literacy model and the other engaging in informal
literacies more closely allied to popular culture, utilizing a range of semiotic
systems (Gee, 2003). The presence of computers and other electronic media
in the library carries symbolic weight. Wenger (1998) describes how the
tools used for a task can change the nature of the task. “Reification shapes
our experience. It can do so in very concrete ways” (p. 59). For the branch
librarian, the presence of computers and their frequent use signaled the
library’s continuing relevance in a changing society, while for us as literacy
researchers the heavy use of computers in the library gave evidence that in
public life at least, media literacies rate equally with traditional print
literacies. Gee (2003) argues that teachers and parents should recognize
that powerful learning takes place through interaction with multimedia.
The potentially anarchic nature of electronic communication puts librarians
in an uneasy spot because it is problematic for anyone in democratic
institutions to control access to computer text. One snapshot study of Internet
use in the Burnaby public library (Curry, 2000) showed that patrons were
using computers to access e-mail, news-oriented websites, and chat rooms
in many languages, and to gather information about shopping and
entertainment. Although librarians are “Internet savvy” and concerned
about children’s access to research and critical skills, the patrons tend to
use computers to communicate with each other, as well as for school-related
projects. Behrman (1996) sees librarians in the 21st century as advocates for
information equality, and beyond that as champions of traditional values
governing the privacy and confidentiality of technology users in the
electronic age. This is an oversimplification of the dilemmas libraries will
encounter as access to knowledge and its interpretation is transformed in
the twenty-first century.
CONCLUSION
What did we learn as literacy researchers about families’ library experiences
and practices? Because the library has a role as a public service for all citizens,
less overt control of literacy use occurs there than in the school setting. The
glimpses of current literacies in this study, more accessible to observation
than in schools, illuminate questions of the relationship between formal
and informal literacies in education systems and other institutions.
Some community members used the library to access formal literacies
through information in printed and electronic form; young patrons engaged
in informal conversation and literacy events with peers while working
LITERACIES IN A N EIGHBOURHOOD LIBRARY
107
together on the more formal literacies of homework. The families in our
study not only borrowed library materials, but also used books, videos,
and computer programs in the library. As researchers, we observed a wide
range of formal and informal literacy activities.
Some literacy researchers (for example, Gallego & Hollingsworth, 2000)
have asserted that schools should support a range of community literacies
in their curriculum, but Moss (2003) counters this suggestion by noting that
pedagogical intent can change informal literacies. According to Moss, the
process of schooling renders informal literacies more formal, as they become
subject to curricular organization. If indeed the structure of knowledge is
being transformed by multimodal discourse, as Kress and van Leeuwen
(2001) and Gee (2003) believe, then critical study of the ways in which
students engage with electronic media should also be part of school
curricula.
Observing patterns of library use and talking to school families in
Westside Park has given us a preview of literacy issues more encompassing
than discussions about reading methodology. Re-experiencing the ordinary
through our time in a familiar institution enabled us as researchers to explore
the boundaries between formal and informal literacies in school, family,
and community. We have come to regard Westside Park neighbourhood
library, not in its traditional sense as an organized collection of reading
materials, but as a dynamic microcosm of community and family literacies.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada funded this
research. As principal researchers, we (Angela Ward and Linda Wason-Ellam)
gratefully acknowledge the enthusiastic cooperation of library personnel and
community parents. We also acknowledge the contributions of research assistants
Cynthia Fey, Anna-Leah King, Lynne Townsend, and Brenda Gilchrist, who
participated in this research, collecting and analyzing data, at various stages.
NOTES
1 All names used in this article, except those of the authors and researchers, are
pseudonyms.
2 We collected the data reported here within a larger, three-year ethnographic project
in an ethnically diverse neighbourhood (Wason-Ellam & Ward, 2001), which
describes how families in Westside Park, a neighbourhood served by a large
elementary school, understood and used literacy as part of their lives out of school.
108
ANGELA W ARD & LINDA W ASON -ELLAM
REFERENCES
Barton, D., Hamilton, M., & Ivanic, R. (Eds.). (2000). Situated literacies: Reading and
writing in context. London, UK: Routledge.
Behrman, S. (1996). Free and equal access to library services and technology. In S.
Gardner Reed, (Ed.), Creating the future: Essays on librarianship in an age of great
change (pp. 244–251). Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company Inc.
Curry, A. (2000). What are public library customers viewing on the Internet? An analysis
of Burnaby transaction logs. Office of Learning Technology, Human Resources
Development Canada. Retrieved September 20, 2004, from http://
www.bpl.burnaby.bc.ca/weblog.pdf
Gallego, M. A., & Hollingsworth, S. (2000). The idea of multiple literacies. In M. A.
Gallego & S. Hollingsworth (Eds.), What counts as literacy: Challenging the
school standard (pp. 1–23). New York: Teachers College Press.
Gee, J. P. (2000). The new literacy studies: From “socially situated” to the work of
the social. In D. Barton, M. Hamilton, & R. Ivanic (Eds.), Situated literacies:
Reading and writing in context (pp. 180–196). London, UK: Routledge.
Gee, J. P. (2003). What video games have to teach us about learning and literacy.
New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Gregory, E. (2000). City literacies: Learning to read across generations and cultures.
London, UK: Routledge.
Kress, G., & van Leeuwen, T. (2001). Multimodal discourse: The modes and media
of contemporary communication. London, UK: Arnold Press.
Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Moss, G. (2003). Informal literacies and pedagogic discourse. (Seminar 3, March
19, 2003.) Retrieved September 20, 2004,, from the Children’s Literacy and
Popular Culture Series website, University of Sheffield: http://www.shef.ac.uk/
literacy/ESRC/seminar3.html
Street, B. (1995). Social literacies: Critical approaches to literacy in development,
ethnography and education. London, UK: Longman.
Street, B. (Ed.) (2001). Literacy and development: Ethnographic perspectives. London,
UK; New York: Routledge.
Wason-Ellam, L., & Ward, A. (2001). Cross-cultural literacies as social practice.
Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Research Grant
#410-2000-068.
Wenger, E. (1998). Communities of practice: Learning, meaning and identity. Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University Press.
Learning Through the Arts: Lessons of Engagement
Katharine Smithrim
Rena Upitis
In this article, we describe the effects on student achievement and attitudes of a
Canadian school-wide, arts education approach, Learning Through the Arts (LTTA). Our
sample included over 6000 students and their parents, teachers, and principals. We
gathered data, both at the outset and after three years of involvement in LTTA on
student achievement, student attitudes towards arts and schooling, and out-of-school
activities. We found no baseline differences in achievement nor in socioeconomic status
in the LTTA and control schools. At the end of three years, the grade-6 LTTA students
scored significantly higher on tests of computation than students in control schools.
We conclude the article with suggestions for extending this longitudinal research.
Keywords: arts-based learning, arts-based schooling, engagement, arts and achievement
Dans cet article, les auteures décrivent les effets sur le rendement scolaire et les attitudes
des élèves du programme Apprendre par les arts (APLA) implanté dans un réseau
scolaire. L’échantillon regroupait plus de 6000 élèves, les parents, les enseignants et les
directeurs des écoles canadiennes participantes. Les auteurs ont colligé, au début
d’implantation du programme APLA et après une période de trois ans d’application,
des données sur le rendement des élèves, leurs attitudes envers les arts et l’école et les
activités extrascolaires. Il n’y avait aucune différence de base quant au rendement ou
au statut socioéconomique entre les écoles ayant recours au programme APLA et les
écoles témoins. Au terme de l’étude de trois ans, les élèves qui ont appris avec le
programme APLA ont obtenu en mathématiques des notes nettement supérieures à
celles des élèves des écoles témoins.
Mots clés: enseignement et apprentissage par les arts, participation, arts et rendement
des élèves.
––––––––––––––––
In recognition of the importance of the arts and in response to the declining
support for arts programs in schools, some public schools have become
specialized arts schools with teachers and students selected for their arts
interests and experiences. Although students benefit from attending such
schools, Pitman (1998) observes that, “Setting up elite arts schools for those
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 109–127
110
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
who see their future employment in the arts does not address the main
concern — that every child must be brought to a level of arts literacy that
will make life joyful and productive” (p. 60).
Several models have been developed to increase the level of arts literacy
in public schools across Canada (Vagianos, 1999), but empirical research
assessing such models is scarce. The research reported in this article
describes a few aspects of an extensive empirical study on one such model:
Learning Through the Arts (LTTA). In the LTTA elementary education
model, professional artists work directly with students after developing
curricula with teachers (for a full description of the program, see Elster,
2001). Our research reports on the effectiveness of the LTTA program for
the revitalization of elementary education as experienced by students and
their parents, teachers, administrators, and artists.
RELATED LITERATURE
Over the past century, the arts have enjoyed prominence during times of
progressive reforms, but regarded as an extra during the “back-to-basics”
movements (Oreck, 2002). Between 1950 and 1980, arts education, under
the mantle of aesthetic education, was justified by aesthetic or intrinsic ends
and not, for example, to enhance self-esteem or improve reading skills
(Reimer, 1970). To conduct research on the non-arts effects of arts education
was “out of vogue at best, out of touch at worst” (Cutietta, Hamann, &
Walker, 1995, p. 5).
In the mid-1970s, Eisner (1974) called for the evaluation of arts programs.
As a result, a growing body of evidence suggests that arts education
positively affects aspects of living and learning beyond the intrinsic values
of the arts themselves. Reported benefits of the arts include the development
of the imagination (Greene, 1995), greater motivation to learn
(Csikszentmihalyi, 1997), increased student creativity, lower dropout rates,
and increased social skills (Catterall, 1998; Luftig, 1995). Researchers also
report that students involved in the arts exhibit higher academic
achievement than their peers who are not involved in the arts (Catterall,
1998; Catterall, Chapleau, & Iwanaga, 1999; Deasy, 2002; Fowler, 1996;
Hetland, 2000; Luftig, 1995; Murfee, 1995; Welch & Greene, 1995). Because
much of this research is correlational in nature, Winner and Cooper (2000)
caution researchers and others not to go beyond the evidence to make causal
claims about the arts and academic achievement.
There is another concern associated with research on the arts and
academic achievement. By suggesting that the arts might serve as
handmaidens to other subjects, a danger exists that the arts will not be
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
111
valued for their distinct contributions to education (Winner & Hetland,
2000). Although arts educators have tried to strengthen the position of the
arts by claiming that the arts enhance learning in other subjects, Winner
and Cooper (2000) argue that it is foolhardy to expect the arts to be as skilled
in teaching of those subjects themselves. They further argue that “advocates
should refrain from making utilitarian arguments in favor of the arts
[because] as soon as we justify arts by their power to affect learning in an
academic area, we make the arts vulnerable” (pp. 66–67). Justification for
the arts comes from the important and unique contributions that arise from
arts education. For example, Eisner (1994, 2002) and Greene (1995) note the
importance of the arts for experiencing the joy of creating, developing
attention to detail, and learning ways to express thoughts, knowledge, and
feelings beyond words.
The LTTA national research reported here both complemented and
extended prior research on arts education in several ways. First, the inclusion
of control schools with another school-wide special curriculum focus, and
regular schools without a specific school-wide curriculum focus, allowed
for comparisons between LTTA schools and other types of schools. Winner
and Cooper (2000) recommended this quasi-experimental design for studies
on arts education and achievement. Second, the research takes into account
the effect of socioeconomic status on achievement. Third, the research was
designed to explore links between school achievement and attitudes toward
school with out-of-school activities. And finally, with our qualitative data
we could explore possible reasons for positive quantitative outcomes. We
were particularly interested in the possibility of increased student
engagement in school as a result of the LTTA curriculum. By engagement,
we mean the involvement of the sensorimotor or physical, emotional,
cognitive, and social dimensions (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997; Noddings, 1992).
In addition, Csikszentmihalyi (1997) describes a transcendent dimension
as “the very real feeling we have after an aesthetic encounter that some
kind of growth has taken place, that our being and the cosmos have been
realigned in a more harmonious way” (p. 25). We paid particular attention
to engagement because we expected that any contributions made by the
arts to achievement in other subjects were likely to be based on a variety of
complex reasons, such as those offered by the notion of engagement as
described above. Of course, it could also be that there are specific cognitive
links between some of the arts disciplines and other subjects, such as the
often-touted link between music and mathematics (Vaughn, 2000), and the
less well-known links between the arts and language (Butzlaff, 2000; Parks
& Rose, 1997). However, the exploration of such cognitive links is beyond
the scope of this research.
112
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
We established six research objectives over the course of the three-year
study that encompassed issues related to students and their parents,
teachers, artists, principals, LTTA site co-ordinators, and school district
superintendents (Upitis & Smithrim, 2003a). We consider two of these
research objectives in this article.
1. To determine if students in LTTA schools benefited from the program as
evidenced by positive changes in attitudes towards the arts and learning
and by achievement in mathematics and language.
2. To link students’ school achievement with views and experiences of
school subjects and out-of-school activities.
METHODOLOGY
Sites and Subjects
In 1999, The Royal Conservatory of Music extended letters to every school
board or district in Canada describing the LTTA program and inviting
interested boards and districts to identify schools that might take part.
Schools were accepted (a) if they were willing to make a three-year
commitment to the program and to the research, (b) if they agreed that all
students and their teachers, from grades 1 through 6, would be involved
by the end of the three years, and (c) if the teachers were provided with
release time (equivalent to 2.5 days/year) for professional development.
By this process, six sites were established with multiple schools at each site.
The sites were in the Vancouver area, Calgary, Regina, Windsor, Cape Breton,
and Western Newfoundland.
At the beginning of the study (July 1999), there were 8 to 11 LTTA schools
at each site. From these schools, we selected a random sample of
approximately 650 students per grade, with a staggered entry by grade
over the three-year period, corresponding to the pattern by which the LTTA
program was introduced. Students and teachers in grades 1 and 4 received
LTTA programming in the first year (1999-2000), with grades 2 and 5 being
added in the second year (2000-2001), and grades 3 and 6 added in the final
year (2001-2002). The testing and survey schedule corresponded to the
program structure, in that only grade 1 and 4 students were surveyed and
tested in Year 1, with grades 1, 2, 4, and 5 students being surveyed and
tested in Year 2, and students in grades 1 through 6 being surveyed and
tested in Year 3. By the end of Year 3 there were 4063 LTTA students sampled
from 55 LTTA schools.
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
113
At each site, we also selected control schools, almost half of which had
a school-wide initiative in place that was not related to the arts. Most of
them had an initiative focusing on the integration of technology across
the curriculum. Other control schools had no special initiative in place.
We matched control schools as closely as possible with the LTTA schools
for size, location (e.g., urban vs. rural), and socioeconomic status. We
sampled an additional 2602 students in total from the six sites from the
two types of control situations. There were 15 special initiative and 20
regular schools involved in the study.
After parents/guardians consented to having their children involved in
the research, we issued each student an identification code containing
information about grade, type of school, and sex, maintaining confidentiality
and anonymity throughout the process. Teachers indicated which students
had special programs/accommodations in effect. We made accommodations
for data collection for these students, and this information was coded along
with other individual student information.
We had an overall attrition rate of approximately 32 per cent in the student
population from year 1 to year 3 of our research program.
Instruments
We used both quantitative and qualitative instruments to gather data from
students, parents, teachers, artists, and administrators. The quantitative tools
included standardized achievement tests, holistically scored writing
samples, and surveys regarding attitudes and practices. We gathered the
qualitative data through open-ended survey questions, one-on-one
interviews, and focus group interviews. A full compendium of instruments
appears in Learning Through the ArtsTM: Assessment Tools (Upitis &
Smithrim, 2003b).
We used a number of instruments as indicators of achievement. For
students in grades 1 and 2, we used two problem-solving, criterionreferenced, constructed, response tasks for mathematics from the Canadian
Achievement Tests. For grade 1, one task dealt with manipulating
mathematical figures and the other with money concepts and attention to
detail. For grade 2, one task involved interpreting graphs, and the other
was a patterning problem. Students in grades 3 through 6 completed the
appropriate levels of the Canadian Achievement Tests (CAT•3) for their
grade. The reading tests measured abilities in comprehension, story
sequencing, vocabulary, and grammar. The mathematics tests measured
abilities in geometry, application of mathematical concepts, computation,
and estimation. All students (grades 1 through 6) wrote letters of
114
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
appreciation according to a standardized prompt. These letters were used
as writing samples, and were criterion-referenced and scored centrally (see
Upitis & Smithrim [2003b] for the complete scoring rubrics).
We developed survey instruments for grades 1 through 6 to determine
students’ attitudes towards school and learning in general terms, and
towards the arts and other subjects in particular. We also used the surveys
to gather information regarding students’ interests and activities outside
school (e.g., reading for pleasure, playing videogames, watching television,
playing sports, taking music lessons).
In years 2 and 3, researchers conducted focus group interviews for
selected students in grades 5 and 6 at most of the sites. We designed these
focus groups to help us understand and enlarge upon the achievement and
survey data.
ANALYSIS
We entered the quantitative data into computer files for analysis with SPSS
software (Norusis, 1993). We carried out double data entry for 10% of the
data to ensure accuracy and consistency in data entry. Based on the double
entry, we estimate that 97 per cent of the data were entered accurately.
We made group comparisons between those students in the LTTA
program and those students in the two control conditions. In addition, we
conducted factor analyses for students in grades 1 through 6, to help
characterize their views and experiences with the arts, both within and
outside school settings. We used student focus-group interviews to identify
underlying reasons for differences in students’ attitudes, interests, and
achievement levels. We transcibed and analyzed focus group field notes
and audiotapes using ATLAS.ti software, designed to parallel traditional
methods of theory building based on a grounded theory approach to
qualitative analysis (Glaser, 1978; Muhr, 1997). Several researchers in the
research project coded the data from the focus group interviews; at least
two members of the research team analyzed these data.
Baseline Results
We found no significant baseline differences on the comparison measures
among students in the three types of schools in terms of socioeconomic
status, achievement, attitudes towards school, participation in the arts, and
parental values toward the arts (Upitis, Smithrim, Patteson, & Meban, 2001).
This was also the case for teacher and principal beliefs and practices. Because
of the lack of significant baseline differences, we could make legitimate
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
115
and meaningful comparisons between the different types of schools in
Year 3 of the study.
FINDINGS
Student Achievement: Year 3 Results
We conducted simple statistical analyses and descriptions, such as crosstabulations and t-tests, to determine possible group differences in year 3 of
our research project. Analyses of means appear in the Table 1.
In the two cases where significant group differences were found in the
means analyses, we conducted regression analyses to determine effect sizes.
When the regression analyses were completed, we found higher
performance for LTTA students only on the test of computation and
estimation. This finding is now addressed in greater detail.
TABLE 1
Differences in Group Means in Pre- and Post-test Canadian Achievement
Test Scores for Mathematics and Language and Writing Samples
N
mean
S.D.
Reading Comprehension
LTTA schools
Non-LTTA schools
431
300
22.40
22.03
6.1
6.2
Vocabulary
LTTA schools
Non-LTTA schools
429
300
19.47
18.98
6.0
5.9
Writing
LTTA schools
Non-LTTA schools
311
253
3.50
3.43
.85
.90
Geometry and Applications
LTTA schools
Non-LTTA schools
432
291
21.25
20.24
7.0
6.4
Computation and Estimation
LTTA schools
Non-LTTA schools
429
286
12.80
11.44
5.0
4.8
* p < .05
t
Df
sig.
.801
729
N.S.
1.107
727
N.S.
.480
439
N.S.
1.969*
721
p=.049
3.619*
713
p<.001
116
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
Mathematics: Computation and Estimation. At the end of three years of
LTTA programming, the grade-6 LTTA students (10- to 12-year-olds) scored
significantly higher on tests of computation and estimation than students
in the two types of control schools (p < .05). In terms of percentile differences,
calculated by using the standard deviation of the LTTA group and the mean
of the comparison group, the difference was equivalent to approximately
11 percentile points.
The single most important factor that determines scores on achievement
tests is the ability of the individual child. In fact, the correlations between
each of the five language and mathematics measures were very high (p <
.001 in each case, with correlations ranging from 54 per cent to 75 per cent
within subjects and 20 per cent to 57 per cent between subjects). In other
words, children who scored well on one language measure likely scored
well on both the other language measures and the math measures. In a
related study, Ma and Klinger (2000) have shown that factors associated
with the individual child account for up to 90 per cent of the variability in
test scores. For this reason, we used performance on the mathematics tests
in grade 4 (year 1 of the study) as the first step in the regression analyses.
That the LTTA program accounts for any of the variance in one of the
mathematics scores is not trivial. As can be seen from the regression table,
the LTTA program accounted for approximately 1.2 per cent of the variance.
This was after previous performance in mathematics was considered, which
accounted for most of the explained variance (24.3%), and after household
income and mother’s education had been taken into account, which together,
accounted for another 1.3 per cent of the variance. Of the various out-ofschool activities, music lessons also accounted for a small portion of the
variance. No interaction effect occurred between socioeconomic factors and
program type. Thus, insofar as there was a program effect, the benefits of
the LTTA program occurred for children of all socioeconomic classes. The
regression table summarizing the explained variance in computation and
estimation scores appears in Table 2 (N=408).
School Subjects and Out-of-School Activities
To characterize students’ views and experiences with the arts, both within
and outside of the context of school-based arts activities, and their views
and experiences of school subjects and schooling in general, we combined
students in all three types of schools for factor analyses and employed
standard methods for data reduction. That is, we used a principal component
analysis as the extraction method for the various components, with Varimax
notations. We report factor loadings for components at values of .30 or
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
117
TABLE 2
Regressions Predicting Mathematics Scores from Earlier Mathematics Scores,
Household Income, LTTA Program and Music Lessons Out of School
Computation
and Estimation:
Step 1
Grade 4 math score
Step 2
Grade 4 math score
Household income
Mother’s education
Step 3
Grade 4 math score
Household income
Mother’s education
LTTA program
Step 4
Grade 4 math score
Household income
Mother’s education
LTTA program
Music lessons
r2
r2 change
ß
p
F
.243
.243
.493
.000
136.06*
.256
.013
.474
.121
.037
.000
.008
.414
48.32*
.012
.471
.104
.028
.110
.000
.022
.528
.010
38.42*
.007
.466
.101
.041
.112
.084
.000
.026
.364
.008
.047
31.74*
.268
.275
* p < .001
greater. Eigenvalues were all greater than 1. We removed all double
loading factors and have not reported them. Once we determined the
factors, we correlated them to various other measures, including gender,
household income, and achievement.
The factor analyses indicated strong patterns of practice and views on
the arts and schooling held by children as young as six years of age. These
patterns appeared to deepen over time, and, although some diversification
occurred as children aged, many basic patterns were in place by grade 1.
The general factors, as described below, correspond to all grades. However,
we report correlations only for the grade-6 students.
When considering school and school subjects across the various grades,
we found that three factors emerged. The first related to the enjoyment of
the so-called “core” subjects. This factor did not correlate with gender, but
positively correlated with achievement (r = .11 through .18, p < .01). The
118
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
second related to enjoyment of the arts. This factor correlated with gender
(r = .46, p < .01), with girls more likely to be associated with this profile.
This factor also positively correlated with language achievement (r = .17, p
< .01). The third related to enjoyment of gym, computers, and working
with friends, with boys more likely associated with this factor (r = .16, p <
.01). This factor correlated negatively with one of the language measures (r
= –.11, p < .01) and with household income (r = –.14, p < .01). The results of
this factor analysis appear in Table 3 (N = 614).
TABLE 3
Views of School and School Subjects: Principal Component Analysis with
Varimax Rotation
Component
Factor 1:
Core
I like language arts
0.58
I like math
0.57
I like social studies
0.74
I like science
0.75
I would like to do more language arts
0.58
I would like to do more math
0.62
I would like to do more social studies
0.72
I would like to do more science
0.74
Factor 2:
Arts
I like music
0.65
I like drama
0.78
I like dance
0.80
I would like to do more music
0.67
I would like to do more drama
0.80
I would like to do more dance
0.82
Factor 3:
Computer/
Gym/Friends
I like gym
0.70
I like to use the computer
0.54
I like working in groups with
my friends
0.43
I would like to do more gym
0.75
I would like to spend more time
using computers at school
0.64
Reliability Co-efficients
.85
.86
.65
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
119
Consideration of the students’ out-of-school activities produced similar
patterns of results: girls were more likely to engage in arts activities (r = .21,
p < .01), while boys were more likely to engage in solitary or screen-related
activities (r = .27, p < .01). The latter factor also correlated negatively with
language achievement (r = –.14, p < .01) and household income (r = –.14, p
< .01). A third factor for out-of-school activities described those students
who read for pleasure, took music lessons, or belonged to clubs. This factor
correlated weakly with all four achievement measures (r = .10 through .14,
p < .01) and household income (r = .14, p < .01). The results of this factor
analysis, for grade-6 students only, appears in Table 4 (N=614).
Of the three sets of factors analyzed, the factors relating to the arts,
both in and out of school, were the most complex, and varied most from
grade to grade. It would require a separate paper to describe these factors
fully. Generally speaking, however, those students who enjoyed school
arts were not involved in arts activities outside of school, and those who
were engaged in the arts outside of school indicated no desire for more
school arts instruction. The one exception to this pattern was a factor
relating to music: students who were engaged in music outside of school
were also likely to enjoy music in school.
TABLE 4
Out-of-school Activities: Principal Component Analysis with Varimax
Rotation
Component
Factor 1:
Core
Out of school I take drama lessons
0.80
Out of school I take visual arts lessons
0.70
Out of school I take dance lessons
0.72
Out of school I sing in a group
0.66
Factor 2:
Solitary
Out of school I listen to music
0.53
Out of school I play video games
0.72
Out of school I watch TV
0.69
Out of school I play alone
0.47
Factor 3:
Reading/
Music
Out of school I read for fun
0.57
Out of school I take part in clubs
0.52
Out of school I take music lessons
0.65
Reliabity Co-effiecients
.70
.47
.37
120
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
Engagement
Our analysis provided strong indications that involvement in the arts
went hand-in-hand with engagement in learning at school. In interviews
and on surveys, LTTA students, teachers, parents, and administrators talked
about how the arts engaged children in learning, referring to the cognitive,
physical, emotional, and social benefits of learning in and through the arts.
The cognitive benefits of the LTTA program were described in the following
kinds of ways:
They are so attentive during the artist’s stay and therefore learn more. (teacher)
She is more diligent about doing homework and remembering important information.
She is more excited about school and her subjects, even the ones she isn’t particularly
fond of. (parent)
A high percentage of students (78%) expressed a strong desire for more
physical education in school. Because most LTTA activities involved
movement, it was not surprising that many people commented on the
benefits of physical activity. A sample of such comments appears below:
The dramatics — being able to act out the life cycles of the frog and butterfly — the
children really learned those lessons — experiencing it physically made the difference.
(teacher)
LTTA reinforced the fact that all children, even those with physical and mental limitations,
can learn and enjoy through movement. (artist)
There is evidence that learning requires emotional involvement (Goleman,
1995). Comments like these show how important this aspect of the program
was for participants:
LTTA opens up the door for how you can express yourself. (grade-6 student)
The arts taught us how to bring out inner feelings, how to cooperate, listen, and express
ourselves through movement. (grade-6 student)
Students, parents, teachers, and administrators valued the social benefits,
such as the growth of self-esteem, which they attributed to LTTA.
Arts are important to meet new people, make friends, stay out of trouble, and be with a
“good group.” (grade-6 student)
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
121
My daughter is more interested in everything going on. She seems to be more outgoing
and interested in the other students. (parent)
LTTA got a whole bunch of people working together. Willingly. This increases their
teamwork; everyone walks in the same direction for a while. (teacher)
In a few cases, effects of the LTTA program could be described as
transcendent, that is, going beyond the perceived limits of physical,
cognitive, social, and emotional experience and moving towards deep
transformation of personal beliefs and practices (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997).
For example, in one case, an elective mute student chose to speak for the
first time in the school year when the drama artist was in the class doing a
drama unit on traditions.
In addition to the qualitative evidence, quantitative findings also
supported the speculation that LTTA children were engaged at school (and
may therefore have performed better on tests of computation and
estimation). For instance, by the end of the three-year study, grade-6 girls
in LTTA schools were happier to come to school than their peers in the
other kinds of schools (p < .05). This difference did not exist at the beginning
of the study when the children were in grade 4.
CONCLUSION
The purpose of art is not the release of a momentary ejection of adrenaline but rather
the gradual, lifelong construction of a state of wonder and serenity. — Glenn Gould
In our view, one of the most important findings was that students’
involvement in the arts in the LTTA schools did not come at the expense of
achievement in mathematics and language. Further, the results indicated
that the LTTA program had a modest but statistically significant positive
effect on student achievement on the math test dealing with computation
and estimation. Equally important was the fact that this difference did not
occur until three years of programming had taken place. These kinds of
effects are not sudden, but gradual.
Why did the changes occur in mathematics scores? The survey and
interview data provided strong evidence that students in the LTTA schools
were highly engaged at school. This observation has led us to speculate
that the differences in computation scores were due to the students’ being
more engaged, generally, in the LTTA schools than in the comparison schools.
Given this, it is not altogether surprising that there would only be a change
in the achievement scores dealing with computation. Computation is the
kind of task that can be improved by paying closer attention to the material
122
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
at hand — by being more fully awake and engaged in the task. It is much
easier to improve a computation score than, for example, a reading score,
where much more language knowledge and comprehension is needed to
make a significant change.
The trends that were revealed regarding students’ views of school
subjects, of schooling, and of the arts both within and outside of school,
indicated that subject preferences are present as early as grade 1 and remain
stable through the elementary grades. Of the three school-related factors
(core subjects, arts, and gym/computers/friends), the second and third
factors most fully embody the visual-spatial, interpersonal, and bodilykinaesthetic forms of knowledge as described by Gardner (1993). However,
schools tend to emphasize other forms of knowledge, most notably
linguistic and logical-mathematical knowledge, both of which are
contained in the first factor. If we are to engage all students fully in school,
then it would be wise to pay particular attention to the second and third
factors, and to the forms of knowledge that are embedded in those factors.
Students’ views of the arts, both in and out of school, added another
dimension to the profiles arising from an examination of the arts as part of
the school experience. With the exception of music, those students who
enjoyed school arts were not involved in arts activities outside of school,
and those who were engaged in the arts outside of school indicated no
desire for more school arts instruction. A deeper understanding of these
factors or profiles is essential in terms of modifying arts experiences in
schools so that all children are engaged by some form of the arts at school.
The complexity of this factor points to the importance of arts programs that
are responsive to meeting the needs of children with differing experiences
and preferences. This is entirely possible, even within the context of
elementary schooling. Indeed, even though some students reported that
they didn’t like the arts in schools, teachers and artists commented over
and over again how surprised they were that all students were able to
involve themselves in the LTTA activities. Several reasons for this
discrepancy between the self-reported data and the response to the LTTA
arts experiences come to mind. First, conformity to a group of peers can
have a strong effect on self-reported preferences. It could be that students
surprise themselves when they find they enjoy certain kinds of arts activities,
even though they claim that they don’t like the arts. Many students
commented that the artists were interesting, happy, and enthusiastic about
their work. It could be that arts in the context of professional artists seem
real and worthwhile, while other school arts experiences may appear
contrived and trivial.
In any case, it is obvious that a variety of arts experience is necessary to
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
123
engage all individual and groups of students. In a study of music education
practices in England, Sloboda (2001) concluded that the key concept in a
viable arts education for today’s students is variety — variety in providers,
in funding, in locations, in roles for educators, in trajectories, in activities,
in accreditation, and in routes to teacher competence. Sloboda suggested
that teachers must take on a wider range and variety of roles. In the case of
music education, Sloboda suggested that those roles might include teacher,
animateur, coach, mentor, impresario, fund-raiser, programmer, composer,
arranger, and studio manager.
It is also important for arts educators to expand their own views of what
constitutes art. For example, Barone (2001) describes an Appalachian art
teacher who taught the following in his high school visual arts program:
macramé, pottery, fibres, weaving, drawing, photography, silk-screening,
papermaking, batik, stitchery, quilting, lettering, and airbrushing. Music
education now includes, in addition to the traditional trio of choir, band,
and orchestra, computer-assisted composition, steel band, fiddle, folk music,
popular music, soundscapes, music from many cultures, jazz band, jazz
choir, Orff, Kodaly, Dalcroze Eurhythmics, guitar, synthesized music,
technological enhancement of sound, and more. With enough variety in
arts curricula and modes of arts experience, gender differences in arts
preferences may well decrease, and student preferences, engagement, and
achievement in general could be further altered for the better.
Implications for Further Research
One issue worthy of immediate investigation is whether the modest gains
in mathematics achievement will be robust over time: further longitudinal
research will determine whether the positive change in mathematics scores
for LTTA students was momentary or long lasting. Part of the cohort of
grade-6 students who have been described in this article will be followed
for an additional two years to determine whether they perform significantly
higher on tests of computation than their peers when all of the students are
in grade 8. In a similar vein, although no statistical differences occurred in
language measures (reading and writing), such differences might emerge
over time. This is another issue that is now being studied in one of the
original sites in the extended (5-year) longitudinal study.
Replication of the present study is also desirable. Although the present
study adds substance to the growing body of literature, providing both
correlational and causal evidence of the association between arts and
achievement in other subjects, any study of this type and scope needs to be
replicated in a variety of situations to draw any further conclusions. Further
124
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
investigations should also explore the reasons why girls appear more likely
to engage in and enjoy the arts. A related area for investigation might involve
determining if school cultures and existing teaching practices contribute to
these gender trends, and how arts programs might consequently be
modified to engage all students more deeply in arts experiences.
The issue of engagement requires further elaboration. By engagement,
we mean the sense of being wholly involved. This word comes from the
French term engagé, which, when used to describe a writer or artist, means
morally committed. It is this commitment — the physical, emotional,
intellectual, and social commitment — that emerged again and again in
written and oral reports of the LTTA experience by students, teachers,
administrators, parents, and artists. Thousands of comments noted such
things as joy, attentiveness, and motivation. The eloquence of one student’s
comment may reflect the essence of the relationship between involvement
in the arts and learning: “Music brightens up the mind. When you learn
something new, you feel good, and that makes you feel good in other subjects
like math” (grade-6 student). Given the compelling evidence about
engagement collected thus far, it is important to delve more deeply into
how engagement might explain any gains in academic achievement, relating
such gains to the particular contributions of the arts, and how such
contributions might affect transfer and/or engagement. This could be done
in a number of ways. One way would be to focus on the students who have
exhibited the greatest changes. Another approach would be to design a
research study to test the engagement hypothesis, that is, to see if students
are actually more engaged during arts activities than during other school
activities and whether there are higher levels of overall engagement,
independent of subject and activity, in arts-rich schools. This hypothesis
could be tested by using an experience sampling method, such as the one
employed by Csikszentmihalyi (1993).
There may be other general factors — beyond engagement — that the
arts nurture. Comments by research participants regarding the importance
of the arts as a form of motivation for taking other academic work more
seriously, and the importance of the discipline required in pursuing the
arts (both within and outside school) would suggest a number of general
benefits to arts study that can have positive influences on other pursuits.
Further, the research literature, along with our findings, suggests that there
may be domain specific links — such as those between mathematics and
music, or movement and reading — and such links bear further exploration.
Despite the limitations inherent in any single research study — even one of
this scope — it is abundantly clear that the students in the LTTA program
benefited from the experience in myriad ways. Some of these benefits lent
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
125
themselves to measurement such as gains in computation test scores. Others
were more ephemeral, but perhaps even more important in the long term.
It is our hope that the students, artists, and teachers involved in this project
will, as Glenn Gould so eloquently put it, be involved in the “lifelong
construction of a state of wonder and serenity.“
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors of this report gratefully acknowledge the assistance provided by all of
the members of the national research team. We are especially grateful to Angela
Elster, Eric Favaro, Janice Finkle, Sandra Falconer Pace, Marg Guillet, Kit Grauer,
Rita Irwin, Catherine Jordan, Matt King, Cathy MacNeil, Ann Patteson, Alison
Pryer, and Jun Qian. We are also grateful to our Queen’s colleagues, John Kirby,
Don Klinger, and Lesly Wade-Woolley, and for the financial support of the Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and The Royal Conservatory
of Music through the generosity of the George C. Metcalf Foundation, and the
Canadian Pacific Charitable Foundation.
REFERENCES
Barone, T. (2001). Touching eternity: The enduring outcomes of teaching. New York:
Teachers College Press.
Butzlaff, R. (2000). Can music be used to teach reading? The Journal of Aesthetic
Education, 34(3-4), 167–178.
Catterall, J. (1998). Does experience in the arts boost academic achievement? Art
Education, 51(3), 6–11.
Catterall, J., Chapleau, R., & Iwanaga, J. (1999). Involvement in the arts and human
development: Extending an analysis of general association and introducing the
special cases of intensive involvement in music and in theater arts. Unpublished
manuscript. The Imagination Project, Graduate School of Education and
Information Studies, University of California at Los Angeles.
Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1993). Talented teenagers: The roots of success and failure.
Cambridge, UK, & New York: Cambridge University Press.
Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1997). Assessing aesthetic education. Grantmakers in the
Arts, 8(1), 22–26.
Cutietta, R., Hamann, D., & Walker, L. M. (1995). Spinoffs: The extra-musical
advantages of a musical education. Elkhart, IN: United Musical Instruments.
Deasy, R. J. (2002). Critical Links: Learning in the arts and student academic and social
development. Washington, DC: Arts Education Partnership. Available on line at
http://www.aep-arts.org
126
KATHARINE SMITHRIM & RENA U PITIS
Eisner, E. W. (1974). Is the artists-in-the-schools program effective? Art Education,
27(2), 19–23.
Eisner, E. W. (1994). Cognition and curriculum reconsidered. New York: Teachers
College Press.
Eisner, E. W. (2002). The state of the arts and the improvement of education. Art
Education Journal, 1(1), 2–6.
Elster, A. (2001). Learning Through the Arts™: Program goals, features, and pilot
results. International Journal of Education and the Arts, 2(7). Retrieved January
3, 2005 from http://ijea.asu.edu/v2n7/
Fowler, C. (1996). Strong arts, strong schools: The promising potential and
shortsighted disregard of the arts in American schooling. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Gardner, H. (1993). Multiple intelligences: The theory in practice. New York: Basic
Books.
Goleman, D. (1995). Emotional intelligence. New York: Bantam.
Glaser, B. G. (1978). Theoretical sensitivity: Advances in the methodology of
grounded theory. Mill Valley, CA: Sociology Press.
Greene, M. (1995). Releasing the imagination: Essays on education, the arts, and
social change. New York: Teachers College Press.
Hetland, L. (2000). Listening to music enhances spatial-temporal reasoning:
Evidence for the “Mozart Effect.” Journal of Aesthetic Education, 34(3-4), 105–
148.
Luftig, R. (1995). The schooled mind: Do the arts make a difference? Year 2. Oxford,
OH: Center for Human Development, Learning, and Teaching, Miami University.
Ma, X., & Klinger, D. A. (2000). Hierarchical linear modeling of student and school
effects on academic achievement. Canadian Journal of Education, 24, 41–55.
Muhr, T. (1997). Atlas.ti, The Knowledge Workbench (Version 4.2) [Computer
software]. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Murfee, E. (1995). Eloquent evidence: Arts at the core of learning. Washington, DC:
President’s Committee on the Arts and Humanities.
Noddings, N. (1992). The challenge to care in schools: An alternative approach to
education. New York: Teachers College Press.
Norusis, M. J. (1993). SPSS for Windows base system: User’s guide release 6.0.
Chicago, IL: Microsoft Corporation.
Oreck, B. (2002, April). The arts in teaching: An investigation of factors influencing
teachers’ use of the arts in the classroom. Paper presented at the AERA Annual
Conference, Seattle.
LEARNING THROUGH THE A RTS: LESSONS OF ENGAGEMENT
127
Parks, M., & Rose, D. (1997). The impact of Whirlwind’s Reading Comprehension
through Drama Program on 4th grade students’ reading skills and standardized
test scores. (Technical Report #2102), Data Driven Decisions, Berkeley, CA: 3D
Group.
Pitman, W. (1998). Learning the arts in an age of uncertainty. Toronto: Arts Education
Council of Ontario.
Reimer, B. (1970). A philosophy of music education. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall.
Sloboda, J. (2001, April). Emotion, functionality, and the everyday experience of
music: Where does music education fit? Paper presented at the International
Research in Music Education Conference, Exeter University, England.
Upitis, R., & Smithrim, K. (2003a). Learning through the ArtsTM National Assessment
Final Report. Toronto: The Royal Conservatory of Music.
Upitis, R., & Smithrim, K. (2003b). Learning Through the ArtsTM: Assessment Tools.
Toronto: The Royal Conservatory of Music.
Upitis, R., Smithrim, K., Patteson, A., & Meban, M. (2001). The Effects of an enriched
elementary arts education program on teacher development, artist practices,
and student achievement: Baseline student achievement and teacher data from
six Canadian sites. International Journal of Education and the Arts, 2(8),
Retrieved January 3, 2005, from http://ijea.asu.edu/v2n8/
Vagianos, A. (1999). Professional development and training for teachers and artists.
A preliminary proposal for a Laidlaw Foundation arts education program.
Unpublished proposal. Laidlaw Foundation, 365 Bloor Street East, Suite 2000,
Toronto, M4W 3L4.
Vaughn, K. (2000). Music and mathematics: Modest support for the oft-claimed
relationship. The Journal of Aesthetic Education, 34(3-4), 149–166.
Welch, N., & Greene, A. (1995). Schools, communities and the arts: A research
compendium. Tempe, AZ: Morrison Institute for Public Policy, Arizona State
University.
Winner, E., & Cooper, M. (2000). Mute those claims: No evidence (yet) for a causal
link between arts study and academic achievement. The Journal of Aesthetic
Education, 34(3-4), 11–75.
Winner, E., & Hetland, L. (2000). The arts in education: Evaluating the evidence for
a causal link. The Journal of Aesthetic Education, 34(3-4), 3–10.
Curriculum, Translation, and Differential
Functioning of Measurement and Geometry Items
Barnabas C. Emenogu
Ruth A. Childs
A test item exhibits differential item functioning (DIF) if students with the same ability
find it differentially difficult. When the item is administered in French and English,
differences in language difficulty and meaning are the most likely explanations. However,
curriculum differences may also contribute to DIF. The responses of Ontario students to
Measurement and Geometry items from the content subtest of the 2001 School
Achievement Indicators Program Mathematics Assessment were analyzed using item
response theory-based procedures. DIF between the French and English versions was
investigated. Attempts to interpret the DIF found in terms of translation and curriculum
influences were partially successful. Alternative explanations and suggestions for
additional research are provided.
Keywords: differential item functioning, curriculum, translation, mathematics
assessment, large-scale assessment
Un item de test donne lieu à un fonctionnement différencié d’item (FDI) si des élèves
ayant les mêmes aptitudes le trouvent difficile de façon différente. Lorsqu’un item est
administré en français et en anglais, les différences quant aux difficultés de la langue et
au sens sont les explications les plus vraisemblables. Or, les différences d’ordre
curriculaire peuvent aussi contribuer au fonctionnement différencié des items. Les
réponses des élèves ontariens à des items de mesure et de géométrie tirés du sous-test
de contenu du Programme d’indicateurs du programme scolaire 2001 pour l’évaluation
en mathématiques ont été analysées à l’aide de procédures fondées sur la théorie de la
réponse aux items. Le FDI entre les versions française et anglaise a été étudié. Les
tentatives d’interpréter le FDI en termes de traduction et de programmes ont été
partiellement couronnées de succès. D’autres explications et des suggestions de
recherches complémentaires sont données.
Mots clés: fonctionnement différencié des items, curriculum, traduction d’instruments,
évaluation en mathématiques, évaluation à grande échelle.
––––––––––––––––
Two students with the same level of mathematics understanding should
have equal probabilities of answering a mathematics test item correctly. If
their probabilities are different, the item is said to exhibit differential item
functioning (DIF). Understanding the extent to which items function
CANADIAN JOURNAL
OF
E DUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 128–146
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
129
differently across groups of students and explaining these differences has
motivated much recent psychometric literature (e.g., Allalouf, Hambleton,
& Sireci, 1999; Gierl & Khaliq, 2001; Gierl, Rogers, & Klinger, 1999; Swanson,
Clauser, Case, Nungester, & Featherman, 2002; Zwick, Thayer, & Lewis
2000). Studies have compared the functioning of items for females and
males, for students of different ethnicities or cultural backgrounds, and for
students taking tests in different languages.
In studies of items administered in two languages, explanations for DIF
are typically sought in terms of differences in language difficulty and
meaning. Guidelines for translating tests have been suggested (e.g., van de
Vijver & Hambleton, 1996) to minimize translation DIF. Although language
differences are the most obvious explanation for DIF between translated
test forms, other explanations are also possible. For example, school curricula
may differ across languages, students may be taught to solve mathematics
problems using different methods, or schools may differ in the availability
of textbooks or other resources.
DIF is a particular concern for tests such as those in the School
Achievement Indicators Program (SAIP) because of the diversity of
educational jurisdictions in which they are administered. In the SAIP, French
and English versions of each test are administered to samples of 13- and
16-year-olds across Canada. Recent analyses by Boiteau, Bertrand, and StOnge (2002); Ercikan, Gierl, McCreith, Puhan, and Koh (2002); and Koh
and Ercikan (2002) found evidence of DIF between French and English
versions of SAIP mathematics, science, and language assessments. Some of
these differences may be due to differences in precise meaning or in
vocabulary difficulty between the two language versions (translation DIF).
It is also possible that some of the differences are due to differences in
curricula across populations taking the tests in French and in English. Other
possible factors include curriculum differences between provinces, which
are complicated by the presence of both French- and English-language
schools in some provinces.
To control for interprovincial differences in curricula, this study focused
on the responses of Ontario students. Ontario presents a unique opportunity
for exploring the impact of language and curriculum differences, both
because the mathematics curriculum in Ontario has recently been replaced,
so that the 13- and 16-year-old students participating in the assessment
were studying under different curricula, and because differences of curricula
and resources exist between Ontario’s French- and English-language schools.
This study explored the possible sources of DIF for the Measurement and
Geometry subset of items from the 2001 SAIP Mathematics Assessment for
students in Ontario schools who responded to those items.
130
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
Differential Item Functioning
Dorans and Holland (1993) defined DIF as a psychometric difference
between groups that are matched on the ability or the achievement measured
by an item. That is, an item exhibits DIF if it provides a consistent advantage
or disadvantage to members of a group, not because of differences in the
trait of interest, but because of differences in other traits or because different
versions (e.g., translations) of an item measure different traits. More simply,
when examinees in different groups have different probabilities of
answering an item correctly after controlling for overall ability, the item is
said to exhibit DIF (Gierl et al., 1999; Shepard, Camilli, & Averill, 1981).
Although broad agreement exists on the definition of DIF, less agreement
exists for which methods best detect DIF. These methods include the MantelHaenszel (MH), SIBTEST, standardization (STD), logistic regression, and
item response theory (IRT) methods. A judgmental review approach,
described by Gierl et al. (1999) and Holland and Thayer (1993), is sometimes
used to identify the sources of DIF.
DIF can be thought of as differences in relative item difficulty that
exaggerate or distort the actual group differences in ability (Camilli &
Shepard, 1994). In IRT, the item parameters and the item characteristic curve
for each item are assumed to be invariant across sub-populations. This
property of invariance in item characteristic functions is tested in studies
of DIF using IRT. As Thissen, Steinberg, and Wainer (1993) expressed it, the
question to be answered is whether the estimated parameters for individual
items differ significantly between the focal group and the reference group.
According to Holland and Thayer (1988), in differential item functioning
analysis, the group whose performance is of primary interest is the focal
group, while the performance of the reference group is the standard against
which the performance of the focal group is compared.
Translation and Curriculum as Sources of DIF
It has been well documented that even when rigorous processes of
translation, verification, and field-testing are followed, translation may
introduce measurement nonequivalence (Allalouf, 2000; Price & Oshima,
1998; Sireci & Swaminathan, 1996). Allalouf (2000), Allalouf, Hambleton,
and Sireci (1999), and Gierl and Khaliq (2001), among others, have
demonstrated approaches to identifying sources of translation DIF.
As Sireci and Swaminathan (1996) observed, the need to distinguish the
effects of item language differences from those of language group differences
complicates analyses of translated tests. For example, curriculum differences
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
131
such as the sequence of mathematics courses or the time spent on topics
may cause DIF. Differential availability of textbooks and other materials
for the language groups may also compound such differences.
Beyond differences in curriculum, the match between the curriculum
and the content of the test is important. Other testing programs have
examined this match. For example, Harnish and Linn (1981), Lawson,
Bordignon, and Nagy (2002), Leinhardt and Seewald (1981), Mehrens and
Phillips (1986), and Muthén, Kao, and Burstein (1991) investigated the effects
of differences in instructional experiences of students on the resulting
achievement estimates, latent trait definitions, and observed item
difficulties. Indeed, several studies (e.g., Mehrens & Phillips, 1986; Miller
& Linn, 1988) have suggested that the degree of match between an
assessment and the curriculum can have a large impact on achievement
test scores.
This Study
The data from Ontario students responding to the content subtest of the
2001 SAIP Mathematics Assessment provided a unique opportunity to
investigate possible causes of DIF because Ontario has English- and Frenchlanguage school boards. Not only did the language of instruction differ
between these schools, but the curricula and available textbooks were also
different. In addition, both 13- and 16-year-old students participated in the
test and a new Ontario curriculum was introduced during the three years
since the 16-year-old students were 13 years old. This study, therefore,
addressed the following questions:
1. Do any items exhibit DIF between the English-language and Frenchlanguage versions?
2. Can translation effects explain the DIF exhibited by any of these items?
Can it be related to differences between the English-language and Frenchlanguage curricula?
METHOD
The SAIP Mathematics Assessment
The Council of Ministers of Education, Canada (CMEC) develops and
administers SAIP Mathematics, Science, and Language assessments to 13and 16-year-old students across Canada in three- or four-year cycles.
According to Fournier (2000), the SAIP provides insight into the factors
affecting students’ performances to determine whether the students in
132
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
different educational jurisdictions across Canada attain similar levels of
performance at about the same age.
CMEC has administered the SAIP Mathematics Assessment three times:
in 1993, 1997, and 2001. The data from the content subtest of the 2001 SAIP
Mathematics Assessment were used for this study. The content subtest
assesses student achievement in (a) Numbers and Operations, (b) Algebra
and Functions, (c) Measurement and Geometry, and (d) Data Management
and Statistics, and consists of 125 items comprising 75 multiple-choice items
with four response options and 50 short-answer items. Both types of items
were scored dichotomously. Students who wrote the content subtest received
27 background questions in addition to the 125 content items, which were
administered in two stages. With the exception of the first 15 multiple-choice
items, the remaining content items were organized by difficulty. Students
were first administered a placement test, which consisted of the first 15
multiple-choice items in the full test. An exam proctor immediately scored
these items. Based on the score on the placement test, each student was
told to continue the test from one of three “starting points” — Item 16, Item
41, or Item 66 — and to work as far as possible within the test time (CMEC,
2001). To permit detailed analyses, this study focused on the 31
Measurement and Geometry items.
Sample
For the administration of the 2001 SAIP Mathematics Assessment, students
were sampled from each participating province and, within some provinces,
by language of instruction. To facilitate the examination of DIF caused by
curriculum and language differences, we found it important to define two
groups for comparison: the Ontario students in English-language and in
French-language schools.
Of the Ontario students who took the test, those who omitted all 15
placement test items or did not provide their age were excluded. The
resulting data set consisted of 793 13-year-olds and 677 16-year-olds from
English-language schools and 487 13-year-olds and 546 16-year-olds from
French-language schools.
For the analyses, students were divided by age and language. Missing
items after the student’s last response were treated as though the items had
not been administered. For missing items before the student’s last response,
we assumed that the student read the item and chose not to respond. Because
the placement test determined each student’s starting point in the rest of
the test, students responded to different subsets of the test items. The test
developers expected that students would complete the 15 placement test
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
133
items plus 60 items from their assigned starting point. For this study,
students’ responses to Measurement and Geometry items on the placement
test and within 60 items of their starting points were analyzed.
Predictions of Curricular and Translation Differences
In 1999, Ontario introduced a new high-school curriculum, which that year’s
grade-9 students used; this curriculum did not apply to earlier cohorts of
students in grade 10 or higher in 1999. According to Ontario’s “context
statement,” at the time of the 2001 SAIP Mathematics Assessment,
most 13-year-old students were enrolled in either grade-8 or grade-9 mathematics, both
of which are mandatory core subjects in the new curriculum . . . [however] most of the
16-year-old students in the assessment would have studied the old mathematics
curriculum and taken a grade 11 course at one of the three possible levels of difficulty or
would have taken no mathematics course since grade 10. (CMEC, 2001, p. 57)
The new curriculum differed from the old both in its content and in how
it was developed. Before 1997, the provincial mathematics curriculum in
Ontario was developed in English, and then translated into French (Ontario
Ministry of Education, 1985a, 1985b). As a result, the defined curricula
contained the same content in both languages, although differences existed
in how the content was presented in textbooks and other resource materials,
and different resources were available in English and in French. In contrast,
the post-1997 mathematics curricula (Ontario Ministry of Education, 1997a,
1997b, 1999a, 1999b, 2000a, 2000b) were developed separately for Frenchlanguage and English-language schools. The curriculum development teams
worked in parallel and developed similar expectations for most of the
content. However, a few expectations differed.
We had two important documents available to support our comparison
of the curricula. The first, “SAIP 2001 Alignment with Ontario’s Mathematics
Curriculum,” commissioned by the Ontario Ministry of Education, reported
an analysis of each item on the 2001 SAIP Mathematics Assessment,
indicating whether 13-year-old and 16-year-old students would have
encountered it in the mathematics curricula. This analysis identified several
items that addressed content that students would not have covered. For
example, the SAIP assessment included several questions that could be
solved using the sine or cosine formulas; neither 13- nor 16-year-old students
would have been taught these formulas before taking the test. The document
did not compare the English- and French-language curricula, however.
The second document, prepared by Ontario’s Education Quality and
Accountability Office (EQAO), was “Grade 9 Mathematics Curriculum
134
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
Ontario 1999 Expectation Mapping Chart for Developers.” EQAO is
responsible for developing and administering mathematics assessments
based on Ontario’s grade-9 French and English mathematics curricula. To
support development of items for the assessments, EQAO staff created a
document comparing the grade-9 English- and French-language curricula.
This document identified the differences between the curricula of the
English- and French-language schools.
In addition, three fluently bilingual mathematics educators reviewed
the geometry items both for differences in difficulty of wording and
curriculum differences.
IRT Calibration
We used BILOG-MG software (Zimowski, Muraki, Mislevy, & Bock, 1996),
which performs multiple-group item response theory analysis for
dichotomously-scored items, to compute two-parameter logistic (2PL)
model maximum likelihood item parameter estimates for the 31
Measurement and Geometry items. The use of an IRT model allowed us to
model both the relative difficulty of each item and its ability to distinguish
among students with different levels of knowledge. The 2PL model was
used because it provides clearer indications of DIF than do more complex
models. The IRT calibrations were performed separately for the focal group
(in this case, the students taking the French-language version of the test)
and for the reference group (the students taking the English-language
version). In the IRT calibration and scoring analyses, omitted items were
counted as incorrect, and “not presented” items (i.e., items skipped because
of placement test assignment or beyond the last mark on the answer sheet)
were not included in the analyses. We used BILOG-MG to compute
examinee score estimates, based on the obtained item parameter estimates.
Expected a posteriori (EAP) scoring was used, so that a N(0,1) population
prior was incorporated into the estimates.
DIF Analyses
We used LINKDIF (Waller, 1998) to compute DIF indices. LINKDIF linked
the separate item parameter estimates to a common metric using the test
characteristic curve method of Stocking and Lord (Stocking & Lord, 1983).
The Stocking and Lord procedure is a characteristic curve equating method
that estimates linking coefficients (to be applied to the a and ß parameters
in the secondary calibration) by minimizing the difference between the
original test characteristic curve (TCC) and that based on the transformation.
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
135
Once the item parameters were linked, LINKDIF computed the Lord’s χ2
(Lord, 1980) and associated significance levels.
Lord’s chi-square statistic is an index of DIF. It is computed as
χi2 = vi’ Σ–1 vi
where
vi’ is a vector of the differences in the estimated item parameters for the ith
item between the focal and reference groups, and
Σi is the asymptotic variance-covariance matrix for the differences in item
parameter estimates (Lord, 1980).
It follows a chi-square distribution, so that values of the index can be
compared to the critical value corresponding to a specified alpha level with
3 degrees of freedom under the null hypothesis of no DIF. Because tests
were performed for 31 items, we used an alpha level equal to .0016 (.05/
31).
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Predictions of Curricular and Translation Differences
Curricula. The second and third columns of Table 1 summarize the
Ontario Ministry of Education’s analysis of the extent to which the
knowledge and skills required to answer each of the SAIP items were taught
in the old curriculum (for 16-year-old students) and the new curriculum
(for 13-year-old students). These columns predict which items may be
difficult both for students taking the French-language version and those
taking the English-language version. A similar item-by-item analysis of
curriculum-based differences in difficulty between the French- and Englishlanguage versions provided only a few specific predictions because, as
described above, the differences are not in the content specified, but in the
level of detail with which it is specified. For example, in Analytical Geometry,
the curriculum for French-language, grade-9 applied courses requires
students to “communiquer et justifier, de façon claire et concise, les étapes
de son raisonment dans le dévelopment d’une solution” and to “utiliser la
terminologie et la notation appropriée au plan cartésien” (Ontario Ministry
of Education, 1997a, p. 20), while that of English language schools simply
requires students to “communicate solutions in established mathematical
form, with clear reasons given for the steps taken” (Ontario Ministry of
Education, 1997b, p. 23). As this example illustrates, the differences are
generally not in the content to be taught, but rather in the level of detail
with which it is described.
136
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
TABLE 1
Measurement and Geometry Items on the Content Subtest of the 2001 SAIP
Mathematics Assessment: Predicted Curricular and Translation Differences
SAIP to Ontario
Curriculum Alignment1
13-Year- 16-YearItem
Olds
Olds
1
No
Yes
10
Yes
Yes
12 Not quite Not likely
15 Not quite
Yes
23
Yes
Yes
24
26
33
Yes
Yes
Yes
Not quite
Yes
Yes
35
Yes
Yes
36
42
47
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
49
Not quite
Yes
53
Yes
Yes
64
65
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Grade 9
Expectation Mapping2
Comments
Prediction
Review for Translation and
Taught Curriculum Differences 3
Comments
Prediction
Item refers to pencils.
Teachers in Frenchlanguage schools tend
to encourage students
to use pencils.
Easier
in
French
The use of the word
“lignes” in French to
mean both straight
and curved lines may
be confusing.
Item includes a map of
Quebec City. Students
in French-language
schools are more
likely to be familiar
with Quebec City.
Easier
in
English
Easier
in
French
Item includes a drawing Difficult
of a triangular prism.
in
Students may be more
both
used to seeing prisms
drawn as “nets” than
as solid objects.
Item requires knowledge Easier
of the terms edges, faces,
in
and vertices. FrenchFrench
language schools tend
to place more emphasis
on terminology.
Item mixes centimeters
Easier
and meters. Frenchin
language schools tend
French
to drill more on units.
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
TABLE 1,
137
CONTINUED
SAIP to Ontario
Curriculum Alignment1
13-Year- 16-YearItem
Olds
Olds
69
Yes
Yes
74
Yes
Yes
83
Yes
Yes
84
No
Yes
86
No
Maybe
88
No
No
94
No
Maybe
96
Yes
Yes
100
No
Not likely
101
105
108
No
No
Not quite
No
No
Yes
109
110
Yes
No
Yes
Yes
125
No
No
Grade 9
Expectation Mapping2
Comments
Prediction
Can be solved
using the
Pythagorean
theorem
Can be solved
using the
Pythagorean
theorem
Easier
in
French
Can be solved
using the
Pythagorean
theorem
Easier
in
French
Can be solved
using the
Pythagorean
theorem
Review for Translation and
Taught Curriculum Differences 3
Comments
Prediction
Item requires more reading Easier
than most items and the
in
vocabulary in the French English
version is more difficult
than in the English.
Easier
in
French
Easier
in
French
Item requires an
Difficult
application of the
in
Pythagorean theorem
both
to variables d, w, x, y,
and z. Students may not
have encountered the
square-root sign with
variables before.
Item requires drawing
a diagram, then
performing a difficult
calculation.
Difficult
in
both
Notes
1 Based on an analysis commissioned by the Ontario Ministry of Education.
2 Based on an analysis by Ontario’s Education Quality and Accountability Office.
3 Based on a review by three bilingual mathematics teachers.
138
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
The fourth and fifth columns in Table 1 summarize relevant predictions
based on the comparison of the grade-9 mathematics curricula. Although
the Pythagorean theorem is taught to all students, it is mentioned explicitly
in both the overall and specific expectations for the French-language
curriculum for grade 9, but nowhere in the English-language curriculum
for grade 9. It is possible that the items that can be solved using the
Pythagorean theorem may be easier for students taking the French-language
version because they may have had more instruction on that content.
Columns six and seven summarize the review of the items by the bilingual
mathematics educators. They identified some differences in classroom
practice unrelated to the curriculum. For example, they suggested that
teachers in French-language schools spend more time drilling students on
the use of measurement units. Because Item 53 mixes centimetres and metres,
they predicted that students taking the French-language version might find
it slightly easier. In addition, they noted that differences in what students
know are not always related to the curriculum. Item 35, for example,
includes a map of the Quebec City area, which is likely to be more familiar
to students in French-language schools than to students in English-language
schools.
Translation. Each item on the SAIP tests was developed in either English
or French and then translated into the other language. As the report of the
1997 mathematics assessment (CMEC, 1997) describes,
A linguistic analysis of each question and problem was also conducted to make sure
French and English items functioned in the same manner. For the marking sessions,
francophone and anglophone coders were jointly trained and did the marking together
in teams working in the same rooms. (p. 4)
We would expect these efforts to minimize the possible sources of translation
DIF. As other studies (e.g., Allalouf et al., 1999; Gierl & Khaliq, 2001) have
shown, however, it is very difficult to achieve perfect agreement in the
meaning and vocabulary difficulty of translated materials.
Beyond vocabulary difficulty, more subtle translation differences may
occur. As summarized in columns six and seven of Table 1, the teachers’
reviews of the items suggested some possible differences. For example, Item
49 involves edges, faces, and vertices of a three-dimensional object. The
teachers reported that, in their experiences, the French-language schools
emphasize knowledge of terminology more than do the English-language
schools. In addition, the term “side” is often used instead of “face” in the
materials for the English-language students, which may make the item
particularly confusing for English-language students.
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
139
Items Exhibiting DIF
Table 1 also summarizes predicted curriculum and translation differences
between 13- and 16-year-old students and between English- and Frenchlanguage students. It shows that the bilingual educators predicted that eight
of the Measurement and Geometry items would be easier for students taking
the French-language version of the test while two items would be easier for
students taking the English-language version. We found that 7 of the 10
items predicted to have differential difficulty by the bilingual educators or
the curriculum comparison show statistically significant DIF in the direction
predicted.
The DIF analyses flagged seventeen of the thirty-one Measurement and
Geometry items as exhibiting DIF for the 13-year-olds, while five were
flagged as exhibiting DIF for the 16-year-olds. Table 2 presents these results.
Thirteen of these items are the last thirteen Measurement and Geometry
items. All but two of the items flagged were easier for students taking the
French-language version of the test. Four of the five items exhibiting DIF
for 16-year-old students are the last four Measurement and Geometry items.
All five items are easier for students taking the French-language version of
the test. Of the seventeen items that showed DIF for the 13-year-olds, eleven
are multiple-choice items while six are short-answer items. Four of the five
DIF items for the 16-year-old students are multiple-choice items. Only four
items were flagged for both 13- and 16-year-old students.
Table 3 summarizes the differences predicted by the bilingual teachers
and the curriculum mapping and those found based on the DIF analyses.
As this table illustrates, some correspondence occurred between the
predictions and the DIF analysis results. Ten items were predicted by the
bilingual educators or the comparisons of the English- and French-language
curricula to exhibit DIF; seven of these (70%) exhibited DIF in the predicted
direction. Eighteen items exhibited statistically significant DIF for 13-yearolds, 16-year-olds, or both; only 7 (39%) were predicted to exhibit DIF in
the found direction.
A Plausible Alternative Explanation for DIF
Examination of the positions in the test of the items exhibiting DIF suggested
an alternative explanation. As Figure 1 illustrates, 13-year-old students
taking the English-language version of the test attempted more items than
did students taking the French-language version. The pattern is also similar
for 16-year-old students. This makes the interpretation of the DIF analysis
results difficult. Although more students taking the English-language
140
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
TABLE 2
Measurement and Geometry Items on the Content Subtest of the 2001
SAIP Mathematics Assessment: DIF Analysis Results
Item Item
Order Type
Achievement
Level
Target
Ability
— 13-Year-Old Students —
English
a
English
b
French
a
French
b
— 16-Year-Old Students —
Lord’s English
χ2 Index
a
English
b
French
a
French
b
Lord’s
χ2 Index
1
MC
3
C
0.71
–1.03
0.51
–1.82
7.09
0.85
–2.15
0.78
–2.28
0.18
10
MC
3
PS
0.84
–0.14
0.79
–0.04
1.28
0.59
–0.93
0.78
–0.78
3.08
12
MC
3
C
0.51
0.48
0.58
0.29
1.69
0.85
–0.25
0.86
–0.12
2.01
15
MC
3
C
0.48
0.48
0.62
0.22
4.31
0.74
–0.38
1.16
–0.44
12.39
23
MC
1
C
0.48
–2.76
0.03
–4.73
33.24*
0.74
–1.92
0.56
–2.47
2.08
24
MC
1
C
0.03
–9.60
0.03
–4.95
0.32
0.65
–2.40
0.56
–2.65
0.40
26
MC
1
C
0.03
–9.57
0.03
–4.73
0.33
0.67
–3.05
0.77
–2.73
0.30
33
SA
1
C
0.51
–3.28
0.04
–4.37
24.84*
0.99
–2.22
1.02
–1.88
5.45
35
SA
1
P
0.59
–1.62
0.05
–3.95
59.17*
1.02
–1.60
0.93
–1.65
0.36
36
SA
1
P
0.35
–2.43
0.29
–2.33
4.36
0.44
–2.04
0.79
–1.71
10.43
42
MC
2
C
0.48
–2.81
0.04
–6.29
30.00*
0.86
–1.87
0.97
–1.76
0.43
47
MC
2
PS
0.54
–0.91
0.64
–0.72
1.67
0.82
–1.14
1.39
–1.02
14.18
49
MC
2
C
0.49
–1.34
0.46
–1.08
3.72
0.64
–1.09
0.72
–1.42
11.79
53
MC
2
PS
0.74
–0.28
0.61
–0.24
2.02
0.85
–0.67
0.91
–0.96
11.24
64
SA
2
P
0.89
–0.67
0.93
–0.65
0.13
1.10
–1.04
0.94
–1.16
1.48
65
SA
2
PS
0.38
1.14
0.35
0.99
1.66
0.63
–0.20
0.89
–0.21
5.77
69
SA
3
PS
0.55
–0.71
0.59
–0.89
2.79
0.82
–0.84
1.08
–1.06
16.12*
74
SA
3
C
0.77
0.69
0.90
0.48
3.65
0.83
–0.14
1.22
–0.25
10.19
83
MC
4
C
0.80
1.82
0.44
1.46
43.82*
0.96
0.54
1.44
0.33
11.75
84
MC
4
PS
0.47
1.90
0.24
0.86
57.46*
0.62
0.55
0.74
0.32
3.36
86
MC
4
C
0.49
3.90
0.12
4.27
20.86*
1.09
1.61
0.81
1.95
2.72
88
MC
4
C
0.58
2.05
0.26
1.56
51.65*
0.90
1.27
0.79
1.13
4.92
94
SA
4
P
0.70
3.14
0.20
3.51
27.11*
0.87
1.90
1.10
1.79
2.21
96
SA
4
P
0.79
2.13
0.17
2.00
59.50*
1.08
0.90
1.01
0.81
2.00
100
SA
4
PS
0.28
6.13
0.15
101
MC
5
C
0.29
1.20
0.20
105
MC
5
P
0.32
2.12
0.15
0.48
40.19*
1.04
1.01
0.72
0.87
16.39*
108
MC
5
C
0.34
2.18
0.18
–0.11
46.01*
1.21
1.22
0.63
0.78
59.09*
109
MC
5
PS
0.43
2.91
0.18
–0.04
87.68*
1.18
1.42
1.10
0.98
23.96*
110
MC
5
PS
0.27
2.28
0.17
0.11
32.71*
0.73
1.70
0.63
1.21
21.65*
125
SA
5
PS
0.29
2.32
0.19
–0.15
39.34*
0.47
1.69
0.47
1.48
1.21
3.05 126.97*
–0.43
20.96*
1.14
1.65
0.80
1.88
5.07
0.66
0.40
0.57
0.65
2.36
Notes:
MC = multiple-choice; SA = short-answer; C = conceptual; P = procedural; PS =
problem solving; * p < .0016. The a and b parameters for the English and French
versions of the test have been equated. Item classifications were provided by
the Council of Ministers of Education, Canada.
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
141
TABLE 3
Measurement and Geometry Items on the Content Subtest of the 2001
SAIP Mathematics Assessment: Comparison of Predictions and Statistical
Analysis Results
Item
Order
Grade 9
Bilingual
Educators’
Prediction:
Easier in…
Expectation
Mapping
Prediction
Easier in…
DIF
–— Statistics —–
1316YearYearOlds
Olds
1
Even though 13-year-old students had not
been taught this content, they performed well.
10
12
Even though this content is not in Ontario’s
old or new curriculum, both 13- and 16-yearold students performed well.
Even though 13-year-old students had not
been taught this content, they performed well.
Very low a parameter for 13-year-old students
in French-language schools
Very low a parameters for 13-year-old
students in French- and English-language
schools
Very low a parameters for 13-year-old
students in French- and English-language
schools
Very low a parameter for 13-year-old students
in French-language schools
Very low a parameter for 13-year-old students
in French-language schools
15
23
French
French
33
English
French
35
French
French
24
26
36
42
47
49
53
64
65
69
74
83
84
86
88
94
96
100
101
105
108
109
110
125
Comments
French
Very low a parameter for 13-year-old students
in French-language schools
French
French
French
English
French
French
French
French
French
French
English
French
English
French
French
French
French
French
French
French
French
This item was very difficult for all examinees.
French
French
French
French
142
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
Figure 1. Percentages of English- and French-language 13-year-old students
assigned to answer each item who attempted the item and who answered
it correctly.
version attempted the later items and also tended to answer more of these
items correctly, the percentages of students answering each item correctly
out of those who attempted it are generally higher for students taking the
French-language version, indicating that they were more likely, if they
responded to an item, to respond correctly. Different explanations are
possible. It may be that the Ontario students taking the French-language
version found the vocabulary used difficult which in turn resulted in slower
responding. However, it is also possible that other factors, such as experience
with similar tests or a lesser propensity to guess, contributed to a different
test-taking approach. These possibilities merit further investigation.
Limitations and Future Directions
These results must be interpreted with caution because the need to limit
the analyses to students in one province so as to permit close comparisons
of the curricula by languages resulted in small sample sizes. The sizable
proportions of students not attempting items increased the difficulty of
fitting the models. The model fit was particularly problematic for the 13year-old students taking the French-language version.
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
143
This study has other limitations. The correspondence between the
prescribed curriculum and what is actually taught in the classroom is rarely
perfect, complicating the prediction of which items are likely to exhibit
DIF. Although few differences were found between mathematics curricula
for the two languages of instruction in Ontario, it is not easy to dismiss
curriculum as a possible source of DIF without analyzing actual classroom
experiences of the two groups. A survey of teachers in both French- and
English-language schools regarding their perceptions of the difficulty of
the items and of the differences in the taught curriculum might provide
additional information about what items might function differentially.
The results suggest areas for further exploration. Curricular differences
might be better understood in combination with information about teachers’
classroom practices. Teachers’ academic training, experience, and the
materials available to them might well influence practices. Such contextual
information would help us understand how the curriculum is being
understood and presented. In addition, an examination of the patterns of
items attempted by students taking the English- and French-language
versions suggests a difference in test-taking approaches. Further research
on the test-taking approaches of these two groups might well explain some
of the differences in test results.
CONCLUSION
The purpose of this study was to investigate the possible impacts not only
of language, but also of curriculum differences, on how students from
different subpopulations performed on test items. By focusing on
Measurement and Geometry items and students in Ontario who took
French- and English-language versions of the test, we were able to explore
such differences more closely than would have been possible had we used
more diverse sets of items and samples of students. The results illustrate
the complexity of the factors that contribute to how items are understood
and answered by different groups of students. Although the results are not
conclusive, this study demonstrates the importance of such analyses and,
we hope, will provide a starting point for future studies.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors would like to thank the Council of Ministers of Education, Canada for
providing the data, and the Ontario Ministry of Education and the Education Quality
and Accountability Office for the use of their documentation. Also, thanks are due
to Alana Cote, Hervé Jodouin, Kelsey Saunders, and Jacques Theoret of Ontario’s
Education Quality and Accountability Office and to Gilles Fournier of the CMEC
144
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
for their helpful suggestions throughout this study.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ruth A. Childs,
OISE/UT, 252 Bloor Street West, 11th Floor, Toronto, Ontario M5S 1V6. E-mail:
[email protected].
REFERENCES
Allalouf, A. (2000, April). Retaining translated verbal reasoning items by revising DIF
items. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational
Research Association, New Orleans, LA.
Allalouf, A., Hambleton, R., & Sireci, S. (1999). Identifying the causes of DIF on
verbal items. Journal of Educational Measurement, 36, 185–198.
Boiteau, N., Bertrand, R., & St-Onge, C. (2002, May). Evolution of French-English
DIF items in SAIP math data. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the
Canadian Society for Studies in Education, Toronto.
Camilli, G., & Shepard, L. A. (1994). Methods for identifying biased test items.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Council of Ministers of Education, Canada. (1997). School Achievement Indicators
Program (SAIP) 1997 Mathematics II Assessment. Toronto: Author.
Council of Ministers of Education, Canada. (2001). Report on Mathematics
Assessment III. School Achievement Indicators Program (SAIP) 2001. Toronto:
Author.
Dorans, N. J., & Holland, P. W. (1993). DIF detection and description: MantelHaenszel and standardization. In P. W. Holland & H. Wainer (Eds.), Differential
item functioning (pp. 35–66). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Ercikan, K., Gierl, M. J., McCreith, T., Puhan, G., & Koh, K. (2002, May).
Comparability of English and French versions of SAIP for reading, mathematics,
and science items. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Society
for Studies in Education, Toronto.
Fournier, G. (2000). The pan-Canadian assessments: Setting the records straight.
Phi Delta Kappan, 81, 547–550.
Gierl, M. J., & Khaliq, S. N. (2001). Identifying sources of differential item and
bundle functioning on translated achievement tests: A confirmatory analysis.
Journal of Educational Measurement, 38, 164–187.
Gierl, M. J., Rogers, W. T., & Klinger, D. (1999, April). Using statistical and
judgmental reviews to identify and interpret translation DIF. Paper presented
at the annual meeting of the National Council on Measurement in Education,
Montreal, QC.
CURRICULUM, TRANSLATION, AND DIFFERENTIAL ITEM FUNCTIONING
145
Harnish, D., & Linn, R. L. (1981). Analysis of item response patterns: Questionable
test data and dissimilar curriculum practices. Journal of Educational Measurement,
18, 133–146.
Holland, P. W., & Thayer, D. T. (1988). Differential item functioning and the MantelHaenszel procedure. In H. Wainer & H. I. Braun (Eds.), Test validity (pp. 129–
145). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Holland, P. W., & Thayer, D. T. (1993). Differential item functioning. Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
Koh, K., & Ercikan, K. (2002, May). Construct comparability in French and English
versions of SAIP. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Society
for Studies in Education, Toronto.
Lawson, A., Bordignon, C., & Nagy, P. (2002). Matching the Grade 8 TIMSS item
pool to the Ontario curriculum. Studies in Educational Evaluation, 28, 87–102.
Leinhardt, G., & Seewald, A. M. (1981). Overlap: What’s tested, what’s taught?
Journal of Educational Measurement, 18, 85–95.
Lord, F. M. (1980). Applications of item response theory to practical testing problems.
Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Mehrens, W. A., & Phillips, S. E. (1986). Detecting impacts of curricular differences
in achievement test data. Journal of Educational Measurement, 23, 185–196.
Miller, M. D., & Linn, R. L. (1988). Invariance of item characteristic functions with
variations in instructional coverage. Journal of Educational Measurement, 25,
205–219.
Muthén, B. O., Kao, C., & Burstein, L. (1991). Instructionally sensitive psychometrics:
Applications of a new IRT-based detection technique to mathematics achievement
test items. Journal of Educational Measurement, 28, 1–22.
Ontario Ministry of Education. (1985a). Curriculum guideline, mathematics
intermediate and senior divisions: Part two, Grades 7and 8, Grades 9 and 10,
general level, Grades 11 and 12, general level. Toronto, ON: Author.
Ontario Ministry of Education. (1985b). Programme-cadre mathématiques, cycles
intermédiaire et supérieur: Deuxième partie, 7e et 8e année, 9e et 10e année, niveau
général, 11e et 12e année, niveau général. Toronto: Author.
Ontario Ministry of Education. (1997a). Le curriculum de l’Ontario, de la 1re la 8e
année — Mathématiques. Toronto: Author.
Ontario Ministry of Education. (1997b). The Ontario curriculum, Grades 1-8 —
Mathematics. Toronto: Author.
Ontario Ministry of Education. (1999a). Le curriculum de l’Ontario, 9e et 10e année
— Mathématiques. Toronto: Author.
146
BARNABAS C. EMENOGU & RUTH A. C HILDS
Ontario Ministry of Ed ucation. (1999b). The Ontario curriculum, Grades 9 and 10 —
Mathematics. Toronto: Author.
Ontario Ministry of Education. (2000a). Le curriculum de l’Ontario, 11e et 12e année
— Mathématiques. Toronto: Author.
Ontario Ministry of Education. (2000b). The Ontario curriculum, Grades 11 and 12,
Mathematics. Toronto: Author.
Price, L. R., & Oshima, T. C. (1998, April). Differential item functioning and language
translation: A cross-national study with a test developed for certification. Paper
presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research
Association, San Diego, CA.
Shepard, L., Camilli, G., & Averill, A. (1981) Comparison of procedures for detecting
test-item bias with both internal and external ability criteria. Journal of
Educational Statistics, 6(4), 317–375.
Sireci, S. G., & Swaminathan, H. (1996, October). Evaluating translation equivalence:
So what’s the big dif? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Northeastern
Educational Research Association, Ellenville, NY.
Stocking, M. L., & Lord, F. M. (1983). Developing a common metric in item response
theory. Applied Psychological Measurement, 7, 201–210.
Swanson, D. B., Clauser, B. E., Case, S. M., Nungester, R. J., & Featherman, C. (2002).
Analysis of differential item functioning (DIF) using hierarchical logistic
regression models. Journal of Educational and Behavioral Statistics, 27(1), 53–
66.
Thissen, D., Steinberg, L., & Wainer, H. (1993). Detection of differential item
functioning using the parameters of item response models. In P. W. Holland &
H. Wainer (Eds.), Differential item functioning (pp. 67–113). Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
van de Vijver, F., & Hambleton, R. K. (1996). Translating tests: Some practical
guidelines. European Psychologist, 1(2), 89–99.
Waller, N. G. (1998). LINKDIF: Linking item parameters and calculating IRT
measures of differential fuctioning of items and test [Computer Program
Exchange]. Applied Psychological Measurement, 22, 392.
Zimowski, M. F., Muraki, E., Mislevy, R. J., & Bock, R. D. (1996). BILOG-MG: Multigroup IRT analysis and test maintenance for binary items. Chicago: Scientific
Software.
Zwick, R., Thayer, D. T., & Lewis, C. (2000). Using loss functions for DIF detection:
An empirical Bayes approach. Journal of Educational and Behavioral Statistics,
25(2), 225–247.
The Practicum: More than Practice
Renate Schulz
In this article I have addressed the need for change from the traditional, technical
skills model of the practicum in teacher-education programs, to a practicum that has
a broader educative focus. Following a description of the implementation of a
practicum experience with an emphasis on inquiry, I consider data from a three-year
study designed to examine teacher candidates’ experiences. I report on the educative
elements of the practicum, outline issues that arose for those involved in the
restructured practicum, and address challenges for teacher education.
Keywords: practicum, teacher candidates, inquiry, program change
Dans cet article, l’auteure traite de la nécessité d’abandonner, dans la formation à
l’enseignement, le modèle traditionnel du stage axé sur les compétences techniques
pour adopter plutôt celui d’un stage privilégiant davantage une conception d’ensemble
de l’intervention éducative. Après une description de la mise en oeuvre d’un stage
mettant l’accent sur la recherche, l’auteure analyse des données tirées d’une étude
menée sur trois ans et portant sur les expériences des candidats à l’enseignement. Elle
fait état des volets éducatifs du stage, présente les problèmes auxquels ont été
confrontées les personnes impliquées dans la restructuration du stage et se penche
sur les défis inhérents à la formation à l’enseignement.
Mots clés: réforme des stages, candidats à l’enseignement, enseignement axé sur la
recherche, programme de formation à l’enseignem ent, pratique réflexive,
professionnalisation de l’enseignement
––––––––––––––––
Although teacher candidates and collaborating teachers have consistently
declared that student teaching is the most valuable aspect of a teachereducation program (Segall, 2002), others (Dewey, 1904/ 1965; Goodlad,
1990; Zeichner, 1996, 1999) have raised concerns about the underlying
assumptions of this on-the-job experience, questioning the educative value
of conventional apprentice-oriented approaches to the practicum.
A technical-rational approach and an apprenticeship model of learning
to teach constitute the central experience of most teachers. Traditionally,
the experience has been played out in practicum settings where teacher
candidates are evaluated on their performance or delivery of newly
learned techniques. The focus has been on technical knowledge, even
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 147–167
148
RENATE SCHULZ
though the technical side is only a small part of a teacher’s knowledge.
Although teacher candidates might be most interested in opportunities
to improve their craft skills and hone their classroom management
techniques, the attainment of these skills, while necessary, is not sufficient
preparation for the professional role of teaching.
In this article I reiterate the need for change from the practicum model,1
which most teachers themselves have experienced, to one with a broader
educative focus: a practicum experience that provides teacher candidates
with opportunities for inquiry, for trying and testing new ideas within
collaborative relationships, and for talking about teaching and learning
in new ways. The importance of inquiry — that is, systematic, intentional,
self-critical inquiry into one’s work in educational settings — is well
established in teacher education. More and more frequently, when faculties
of education review and restructure their programs, they emphasize
inquiry (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999, Norlander-Case, Reagan & Case,
1999).
In this article, I outline how one program at the Faculty of Education,
University of Manitoba, introduced inquiry in its practica. Drawing on
data from a three-year study, I examine teacher candidates’ experiences
with inquiry, report on the educative elements of the restructured practica,
describe issues that have arisen for those involved in program change,
and address some challenges for teacher education.
A century ago, John Dewey (1904/1965) argued for teacher-education
programs that went beyond building immediate classroom proficiency
skills for teachers. He criticized teacher-education programs for placing
too much emphasis on skill acquisition and the mechanics of classroom
management. He argued that, although first-hand experience in the school
is critical for the preparation of new teachers, the experience might well
become miseducative if it halted the growth of further learning. It was
Dewey’s view that:
Practical work should be pursued primarily with reference to its reaction upon the
professional pupil in making him a thoughtful and alert student of education, rather
than to help him get immediate proficiency. For immediate skill may be got at the cost
of power to go on growing. Unless a teacher is . . . a student [of education] he may
continue to improve in the mechanics of school management, but he cannot grow as a
teacher, an inspirer and director of soul-life. (p. 151)
Zeichner (1996) has also viewed the practicum as an important
opportunity for growth and learning, rather than for demonstrating things
already learned. He contends that a practicum is educative if it helps
teacher candidates to understand the full scope of a teacher’s role, to
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
149
develop the capacity to learn from future experiences, and to accomplish
the central purpose of teaching, helping all pupils to learn.
Today’s schools face enormous challenges. In response to an
increasingly complex society and a rapidly changing, technology-based
economy, schools are asked to educate the most diverse student body in
history. Certainly, as Zeichner (1996) points out, “a focus in the practicum
only on instruction with children in the classroom, although important,
does not prepare teachers for the full range of their responsibilities” (p.
217). He clearly suggests the need for teacher candidates to engage in
inquiry during the practicum.
NEW SCHOLARSHIP IN TEACHER EDUCATION
New scholarship of teaching and teacher education emphasizes the
preparation of teachers who learn from their teaching throughout their
careers. This new scholarship supports reform that respects and builds
on the knowledge of teacher candidates, while at the same time challenging
them to adopt a critically thoughtful stance as ongoing students of
education. No place exists within this framework for the notion of “teacher
training,” a somewhat disrespectful term rooted in the Latin traho, which
means to draw along.
If this new scholarship has value, teacher education in the twenty-first
century cannot be apprenticeship training, rooted in a model of the teacher
as technician who is drawn along. Teaching is not a series of routine,
habitual, technical acts to be learned, perfected, and repeated year after
year. Rather, teaching is a complex and multifaceted intellectual, creative,
decision-making activity. Therefore, teacher educators need to prepare
teachers not as followers, drawn along, but as leaders, as professionals
who are thoughtful, reflective, inquiring, self-directed, and active
participants in goal setting and decision making. Cochran-Smith and Lytle
(1999) have chronicled the slow shift from teacher training to teacher
education, from “prevailing concepts of teacher as technician, consumer,
receiver, transmitter and implementer of other people’s knowledge” (p.
16) to a conception of the teacher as knower, thinker, and researcher.
TEACHER EDUCATION FOR THE NEW SCHOLARSHIP
When teacher candidates enrol in a B.Ed. program, they have had a long
apprenticeship of observation in the schools as pupils. If teacher
educators want to change prevailing practices and challenge some of
the lessons learned during this apprenticeship, they must provide
150
RENATE SCHULZ
frameworks that encourage different ways of thinking about teaching
and learning about teaching. Certainly teacher-education programs must
address the technical and procedural aspects of teaching. Planning for
teaching and managing a classroom, for instance, are of unarguable
importance. But the question is, where does teacher education fix its
attention and how does it achieve a balance between the technical
aspects of teaching and the intellectual and moral demands of teaching?
To meet contemporary challenges that face schools, teachers need a
liberal education, subject area knowledge, technical knowledge, and
professional learning. They need knowledge about children and their
learning; they need knowledge about the knowledge that the next
generation will need. For future teachers to be effective they will require
knowledge of education systems, of families, communities, and a range
of agencies. They will have to interact with these institutions in proactive
ways. And certainly they will have to know about culture. They will need
to know how to use different teaching strategies, and how to employ a
variety of evaluation procedures. They will have to know the changing
contexts of their students’ lives and become more responsive to the
multicultural diversity of classrooms. Teachers will have to relate the world
to the next generation through multiple lenses and pay heed to multiple
voices and multiple meanings. If classroom teachers want their students
to be critical thinkers and self-reliant, teachers can be no less.
TEACHER EDUCATION REFORM: UNIVERSITY OF MANITOBA
Mindful of the challenges for change in teacher preparation, we have
restructured the field experiences in our program, paying close attention
to Zeichner’s (1996) criteria for an educative practicum. The B.Ed. at the
University of Manitoba is a two-year, after-degree program that consists
of an integrated sequence of course work and field experiences. The
practicum amounts to 24 weeks of experience in the schools, spread over
the two years of the program. Students entering the program choose one
of three streams for their focus of study: Early Years (K–4), Middle Years
(5–8), or Senior Years (9–12). We place these teacher candidates in schools
in cohort groups where a team of collaborating teachers and faculty
advisors supports them in each practicum experience. To guide the
experiences and the learning of teacher candidates in all three streams,
we have designed a curriculum for the practicum around the following
interrelated principles: inquiry and reflection, collaboration, integration,
diversity of experiences, caring and career-long learning.
In this article, I have explored how we focused on inquiry and reflection
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
151
in the practicum: how it can contribute, as Dewey (1904/ 1965)
advocated, to the developm ent of teacher candidates who are
“thoughtful and alert students of education.”
INQUIRY IN THE PRACTICUM
Cochran-Smith and Lytle (1999) contend that, in North America, the
wave of interest in practitioner inquiry (that is, systematic, intentional,
self-critical inquiry into one’s work in educational settings) began in
the mid-1980s. Within the professional literature on inquiry, definitions
overlap and, at times, compete with one another. The diversity of
definitions found in this literature parallels the diversity of definitions
of our faculty members. Cochran-Smith and Lytle helpfully have
outlined three different conceptual frameworks for us: social inquiry,
where knowledge is constructed collaboratively by all stakeholders;
stance, or a way of knowing in community, central to which is the idea
that the work of inquiry is both social and political; and practical inquiry,
intended to generate or enhance practical knowledge. Elements of these
three conceptions of inquiry coexist among our faculty members and
find their expression in different classroom teaching practices.
For teacher candidates in all three streams of our programs, we extend
the focus of the practicum experience beyond the classroom to an
exploration of the school as a community, and a study of the broader
community. Early-years and senior-years teacher candidates conduct a
school culture inquiry in the first year of the program. Through interviews
and document analysis, cohort groups within each school gather
information on such aspects of that school as the main beliefs and values,
instructional practices, school traditions, demographics of the school and
its community, student views, future goals, and current challenges.
Students share their findings as oral presentations within the school, and
in their university classes with peers who have carried out similar inquiries
in other schools. The ensuing discussion then opens up the complexity of
teaching by making the impact of setting and context on teaching and
learning visible, and by exposing the weakness of coming into the
classroom with only a technical tool kit.
We require middle-years teacher candidates in the first year of their
program to complete a set of four guided inquiries, with each inquiry
based on one of the four commonplaces of teaching (Schwab, 1969): the
teacher, the students, the subject matter, and the context. Students focus
on one question related to each of the commonplaces — for example: How
do teachers exert control in the class? How does the school foster a sense
152
RENATE SCHULZ
of community? Are subjects treated as separate subjects or integrated
disciplines? Students post their guided inquiry observations on the WebCT
site for the course to give all students access to the postings. Teacher
candidates then choose one question from the postings that not only
interests them but also the particular school in which they are completing
their practicum. Using this inquiry focus, teacher candidates develop a
set of questions to interview both their collaborating teacher and their
faculty advisor. They also complete a brief review of the literature on their
topic and then either present orally or submit a paper on their new-found
understanding.
Practicum requirements for all students in the second year of the
program build on the learning from the first year. We immerse early-years
teacher candidates (if the school is willing) in collaborative, inquiry-driven,
interdisciplinary curriculum practices. Middle-years teacher candidates
develop connected curriculum units to teach in their practicum, reflect
on the implementation of the unit, and conduct an inquiry into the practice
of teaching across the curriculum. Both middle-years and senior-years
teacher candidates undertake action research projects.
Because data gathering, interviewing school personnel, and
implementing action research cycles happen in the school setting, we give
teacher candidates time in their practicum timetable to conduct these
inquiries. The senior-years timetable, for instance, requires teacher
candidates, in the first three of their four extended practicum blocks, to
spend 50 per cent of their day in the classroom observing and/or teaching
in their subject area specialities and the remaining 50 per cent in what we
have called “whole school experiences,” where teacher candidates move,
as Zeichner (1996) recommends, beyond the classroom walls to experience
the full scope of a teacher’s role. Teacher candidates learn about the whole
school: they become familiar with its various programs, participate in cocurricular activities, interview students and school staff, and gather data
for their inquiry projects.
Teacher candidates also keep reflective or speculative journals to
conduct a dialogue about their classroom teaching experiences and inquiry
findings with their university professors, collaborating teachers, and
faculty advisors. Insights from these reflective journals become part of
the two-year personal professional portfolio in which teacher candidates
document their journey of becoming a teacher, inquire into their own
beliefs about teaching, and reflect about their development as
professionals. Informal portfolio-sharing throughout the two years with
peers, faculty advisors, and course instructors culminates in a formal
portfolio conference at the end of each year. During this conference, teacher
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
153
candidates present their portfolios and respond to questions from a panel
that includes the faculty advisor, and school and university
representatives. The portfolio conference and the contents of the portfolio
give additional insight into what teacher candidates know, think, and
believe about teaching. In this way our assessments can go beyond an
evaluation of a teacher candidate’s classroom performance. And teacher
candidates come to understand that teaching calls for much more than
knowing what works in a classroom.
During their school experience we want teacher candidates not only
to practise being teachers but also to practise inquiry into what it means
to be a learner and a teacher and into how (and for what purposes)
school and classroom environments shape educational experiences.
Through a focus on inquiry, school-based research assignments, and the
development of portfolios that require teacher candidates to be critically
thoughtful about their learning from their school experiences, teacher
candidates learn, as Dewey (1904/1965) advocated, to become “thoughtful
and alert students of education” (p. 151). As well, the practicum then
meets the first two of Zeichner’s (1996) criteria for an educative practicum:
teacher candidates move beyond the classroom walls to understand the
full scope of a teacher’s role, and they develop the capacity to continue
to learn from their experiences.
To further signal the importance of inquiry in the development of teachers
who are knowers, thinkers, and researchers of their own practice, we
celebrate the inquiry work of our teacher candidates through a half-day
conference held at the end of the academic year. Before they begin the
research for their school-based projects, all teacher candidates must have
the proposals for their inquiries approved by both school and faculty
members. Where necessary, they also submit the inquiry proposals to the
university’s Ethics Review Board as a prerequisite to public presentation.
Those teacher candidates whose proposals are accepted for inclusion in the
program of our annual Celebration of Inquiry conference present their work
to students, faculty members, faculty advisors, teachers, administrators,
and school trustees. Examples of some of the teacher candidates’ work
include an inquiry into student absenteeism, inquiry into children’s
understanding of why it gets cold in winter, an inquiry into the effectiveness
of math software for middle-years students, an examination of rewards
and consequences in classroom management, and an inquiry into the
effectiveness of using videos to engage struggling learners in geography
classes. The high profile of these year-end conferences and the rigorous
process that precedes the presentations signals to teacher candidates the
importance we place both on inquiry and on professionalism in teaching.
154
RENATE SCHULZ
THE ROLE OF THE FACULTY ADVISOR
How faculty advisors view teaching strongly influences the way that
the advisory process in the practicum is likely to occur. If they view
teaching as primarily an instructional delivery system where teachers
transmit knowledge and students, cast in receptive roles, receive that
knowledge, then supervision will likely unfold in the same way. The
language used when talking about advising further serves to lock in
thinking about the process.
We no longer subscribe to a single notion of teaching as telling.
Similarly, we have broadened our understandings of the process of
supervision. In a program that aims to prepare teachers who are
thoughtful, reflective and inquiring, the function of the supervisor shifts
from being primarily an evaluator to becoming an educator, a teaching
role that requires a dialogic stance.
A change in process calls for a change in language. In this case the
language change is a move away from the term “supervisor.” When the
emphasis in the practicum shifts from primarily evaluating something
to learning about and understanding something, advisors spend less
time filling in performance checklists and more time engaging teacher
candidates in discussions about practice (rather than only practising
practice). When teacher candidates join their advisors in sharing
perceptions, making sense of complex situations, arriving at deeper
understanding, or alternative courses of action, then the traditional
hierarchic supervisory pattern is broken. The supervisor then
relinquishes the title of expert with super vision and becomes an advisor;
one who brings additional vision and insight to the situation, working
collaboratively with teachers and teacher candidates to do so.
It is difficult to loosen the grip of the technical-rational model of
teacher education, and in our program the vision of faculty advisor as
teacher educator working in a collaborative advisory stance is often more
aspirational than operational. We have, however, provided structures
within the practicum and support for faculty advisors to guide them in
their new role. Ideally, to promote the integration of theory and practice,
faculty advisors are faculty members who teach the university courses
as well as advise teacher candidates in their practicum. The reality of
our situation is that the majority of our faculty advisors are recently
retired teachers. To help them understand the changes in the practicum,
they are paid to attend five days of workshops each year. Just as we
want faculty advisors to engage teacher candidates in discussions that
go beyond the technical, our workshop topics go beyond the practical
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
155
aspects of such concerns as how many observations are required and
the due dates for evaluation forms. Although the shift in role from
evaluator to educator is new for many faculty advisors, most have
heartily endorsed the concept. Within the workshops, faculty members
have worked together with faculty advisors to set practicum guidelines,
design evaluation documents, and determine appropriate content for
the practicum handbooks. This involvement on various levels has given
faculty advisors a better understanding of, and stronger commitment
to, the principles of our practicum, and to assuming an educative role
with both teacher candidates and collaborating teachers. To strengthen
the school-university link, we place faculty advisors in the same school
every year. Having developed closer ties with a school staff, faculty
advisors work more collaboratively with the teachers: to discuss program
expectations with them, to explain our emphasis on inquiry, and to
engage teachers in discussions of practice that go beyond the technical.
Faculty advisors still, of course, observe teacher candidates regularly
and have pre- and post-lesson discussions with them. The advisory
process needs to be practically useful for teacher candidates. The
challenges of lesson planning, classroom teaching, and classroom
management are of immediate and critical concern to teacher candidates.
Understandably, these issues are central in the discussions between
faculty advisors and teacher candidates. But the advisory process also
needs to have a reflective component. Using Van Manen’s (1977) levels
of reflection, discussed in the workshops, faculty advisors can examine
teaching practices and provoke thoughtfulness at various levels. At a
technical level, they can ask teacher candidates what they will do to
teach a particular concept, how effective they thought their teaching
was, and how they might wish to do things differently next time. At an
interpretive level, teacher candidates and faculty advisors can explore
what certain practices mean in relation to the broader picture, and what
norms or values teacher candidates might be reinforcing or challenging
through their teaching. At an even deeper, critical level, the discussion
questions can centre around the impact of teacher practices on society
at large. Examining teaching practices in this way adds another
dimension to what traditionally occurs in the practicum.
As part of their educative role, faculty advisors also conduct in-school
seminars with their cohort of teacher candidates. The topics for these
seminars, generated by teacher candidates, might reflect issues drawn
from the school experience or questions related to the preparation of
teacher candidates’ portfolios. We always focus on portfolios in our
workshops for faculty advisors so that they in turn can support teacher
156
RENATE SCHULZ
candidates as they move through the “collect, reflect, reject, select”
process of inquiry through portfolio development. Faculty advisors coordinate the in-school cohort portfolio-sharing seminars and participate
in and give feedback to the teacher candidates after the final portfolio
conferences.
Peer observations, also a requirement in our practicum, provide
another opportunity for reflection and inquiry into teaching. Pairs of
teacher candidates who arrange to observe each other identify in advance
the focus of the observation. This practice shifts some of the evaluative
responsibility from the faculty advisor and turns it into a shared
experience where teacher candidates play the major role. During the
actual lesson, both the peer observer and the faculty advisor are present.
The dynamics of the post-lesson discussion are visibly different when
we charge teacher candidates with careful observation of a peer’s
teaching. As they look more closely at the practices of their peers, they
begin to see and think more critically about their own practice. In this
setting, the faculty advisor’s relationship to the teacher candidate as
fellow observer becomes one of a professional colleague, as both faculty
advisor and teacher candidate work together to help another teacher
candidate learn more about his or her teaching.
In keeping with our goal of educating teachers who are critically
thoughtful and self-directed, we place much emphasis on self-evaluation.
Throughout the two years, teacher candidates assess their own progress
in the practicum, set goals for themselves, and discuss their attainment
of these goals with their collaborating teachers and faculty advisors. In
preparation for the collaborative evaluation conference that takes place
at the end of each practicum block, teacher candidates prepare a detailed
self-evaluation that they bring to the meeting. Although the faculty
advisor chairs this meeting, the teacher candidate takes the lead in
talking about his or her growth, strengths, and areas for further
development in teaching. The faculty advisor and collaborating teachers
come to this meeting with their own written evaluations, which are then
shared and compared. Through discussion, they fill gaps in the
evaluations, and negotiate differences. The faculty advisor then writes
the final evaluation document, which all parties read again before
signing. Since implementing this collaborative process, we have noted
that the evaluation documents are richer, more detailed, more reflective
of teacher candidates’ knowing beyond the practical. We don’t dismiss
the technical and procedural aspects of teaching. Rather, they are
attended to and enriched when they become embedded in an extended
view of the teacher as knower, thinker, and researcher.
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
157
TEACHER CANDIDATES’ VIEWS ON INQUIRY
To gain a better understanding of our teacher candidates’ experiences with
inquiry, and to explore the question of whether a focus on inquiry contributes
to the development of teacher candidates who are thoughtful and alert
students of education, we conducted a three-year study of our teacher
candidates’ views and practices (Schulz & Mandzuk, forthcoming). Our
research team consisted of one teacher educator and three teachers who
had teaching experience at the early, middle, and senior years and who
had been seconded from their schools to work in our teacher-education
program as faculty associates. One of the three seconded teachers has since
joined the academic faculty of our university, while the other two have
returned to their schools. For our study, we adopted a naturalistic research
approach as a way of obtaining an in-depth understanding of this new
component of our program. As Patton (1987) explains:
The qualitative–naturalistic–formative approach is especially appropriate for programs
that are developing, innovative, or changing, where the focus is on program
improvement, facilitating more effective implementation, and exploring a variety of
effects on participants. This can be particularly important early in the life of a program
or at major points of transition. (pp. 18–19)
Using a random cluster sampling technique, we selected ten teacher
candidates from each of the three streams. Seven early-years, six middleyears, and four senior-years teacher candidates agreed to participate in
videotaped focus-group discussions at the end of the first and second year
of their programs, and at the end of their first year of teaching. In the first
year of the study, we asked teacher candidates to talk about how they had
been engaged in inquiry, how they defined the term, what they saw as the
benefits and challenges, and why they thought that inquiry had been
integrated into the program. As well, we asked them to speculate whether
or not they would engage in inquiry when they became classroom teachers.
In the second year of the study, we asked our participants to return to the
questions of the previous year, and drawing on the earlier transcripts, we
also posed some new questions for discussion. In the third year of the study,
our participants, speaking now from their new vantage point as classroom
teachers, again talked about their engagement with inquiry, and the benefits,
issues, and challenges of adopting an inquiry stance.
The primary data source for this study was the transcriptions of these
taped focus-group discussions. All members of the research team
participated in the process of identifying categories and coding the
transcripts of the interviews. As well, we met regularly throughout the three-
158
RENATE SCHULZ
year study to discuss, compare, and test our emerging interpretations by
interrogating the interplay between the data, the literature, and our analysis.
The First Year
At the end of their first year in the program, teacher candidates felt that
through inquiry, they could improve classroom practice, grow and develop
as teachers, and make contributions to the larger educational community.
Jocelyn, 2 a middle-years teacher candidate, spoke about teacher
development in this way:
I think a lot of what teaching is about, is collaborative work. The cooperation of teachers
and ‘learning to become’ … that’s one thing I read recently. Teaching is an on-going
academic process … teachers need to be constantly challenging themselves and be
learning and be advancing and not just sitting comfortably. (Jocelyn, middle years)
Beth’s comments reflect a teacher candidates’ view of how inquiry can
help to improve classroom practice and inform the broader educational
community.
We [teachers] can always learn from our students and what happens in there [the
classroom] and provide that to the rest of the education community for their further
development . . . it’s improving educational practices via educational research and
knowing that you can do that as a teacher in the classroom. . . . (Beth, senior years)
Mitchell, a senior-years teacher candidate, echoed Beth, saying that through
inquiry teachers become more aware of what they’re doing, and how they
might do it more effectively. He links inquiry to being a “true professional,”
and sees it as part of a teacher’s professional practice, “rather than a course
that was just completed.”
The Second Year
At the end of the second year, when we asked teacher candidates if they
would see themselves engaging in inquiry when they became classroom
teachers, they paused noticeably before replying. Many had experienced a
disconnection between what they had learned in university classes and
what they found in schools. The concept of teachers as researchers inquiring
into their own practice was not the prevailing one in the classrooms where
we placed them. As one middle-years teacher candidate remarked, “I
assumed that the theory we’re talking about here at the university would
transfer over into practice in the schools . . . things like teacher as researcher
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
159
. . . but that just isn’t happening.” Although they didn’t question the
validity of inquiry, the teacher candidates in our study worried about the
disjuncture between the culture of the schools and inquiry as they had
come to understand it. As well, they wondered if being inquiry based was
realistic, given the demands they expected to face as new teachers. In the
end, the general consensus was that they might “start small.”
The first two of Zeichner’s (1996) criteria for an educative practicum are
that teacher candidates recognize the importance of ongoing learning and
that their practical experience helps them to look beyond the classroom to
see the full scope of a teacher’s role. The responses of these teacher
candidates suggest that their experience in the practicum had been educative
because they were very aware of the importance of ongoing learning as a
part of professional practice. As well, the teacher candidates in our study
were looking beyond their classrooms, recognizing how the cultural
differences between school and university can have an impact on their
teaching, but speaking also of their responsibilities to the larger educational
community.
First-Year Teaching
Although all the new teachers in our study felt that it was their professional
responsibility to inquire into and be thoughtful about their practice, Sarah,
interviewed at the end of her first year of teaching, very aptly described
what inquiry means to a first-year teacher overwhelmed by the requirements
of her classroom.
For me the inquiry process as a first year teacher is much scaled-down from the inquiry
process that we looked at while we were at university learning the process about how
to inquire. What I mean by that is, you know, I’m so overwhelmed by all the content
material I have to gather just in terms of putting my lesson plans together that I don’t
have time to be doing a full-scale, formal type of inquiry. So, basically everyday, you
can call it reflection if you will, and it’s not even formal reflection because there’s simply
no time for that. Because on the weekend I mark papers for sixteen hours, I’m finding
that just on an everyday basis, I’m evaluating what I’m doing and if it’s a test or just a
worksheet, and just jotting a couple of notes across it saying you know, this worked,
this didn’t work, this is how it should change for next year. So, it’s much rougher looking,
and then eventually that type of thing could lead to a more formal inquiry later. But
right now, I’m just hanging on by the skin of my teeth. (Sarah, Senior Years)
In response to Sarah’s impassioned description of her life as a first-year
teacher, we asked ourselves whether we as teacher educators were doing
enough to prepare teacher candidates for the realities of teachers’ work.
Were we doing enough to achieve the balance between attention to necessary
160
RENATE SCHULZ
proficiency in the classroom and attention to the intellectual and moral
demands of teaching? Cindy, listening to this description of Sarah, hanging
on by the skin of her teeth, offered the hopeful comment that with more
and more teacher candidates learning about inquiry at the Faculty of
Education, maybe within the next ten years, a focus on inquiry would
become the norm. Teacher candidates would then not experience the same
disconnection between school and university, and school and university
would share attention to inquiry (Cindy, senior years).
It seems evident from the insightful responses of the teacher candidates
in our study that they were thoughtful and ready to engage in discussions
about teaching that went beyond gaining immediate proficiency. They
described teaching as an “ongoing academic process” and felt that to be a
“true professional, inquiry was important” because it made teachers more
aware of what they were doing. They recognized that it was important to
“instill inquiry in all teachers as a part of their professional practice” and
linked inquiry to “improving educational practices.” After their first year
in the classroom, however, some noticeable changes occurred in their
responses. Only one participant reported that he had taught in a school
where teachers actively collaborated and supported the school-wide
emphasis on inquiry. Most others confessed that inquiry had played little,
if any role in their teaching because they were too overwhelmed by the
demands of their daily work. One teacher, who did try to assume an inquiry
stance during her first year, told us that she knew she needed support to
succeed but didn’t know what kind of support she needed, or how to ask
for it.
ISSUES AND CHALLENGES FOR TEACHER EDUCATION
The structure of our practicum clearly requires teacher candidates to move
beyond the classroom walls to understand the full scope of a teacher’s role.
The requirements of the practicum also encourage them to adopt a learning,
rather than primarily a performance stance in their school experience. In
these ways, the practicum meets the first two of Zeichner’s (1996) criteria
for an educative practicum. As well, it is evident from the responses of the
teacher candidates in our study that the experiences of the practicum have,
as Dewey (1904/1965) advocated, made them thoughtful and alert to the
importance of inquiry and ongoing learning about teaching.
Zeichner’s third criterion for an educative practice is that it helps teacher
candidates accomplish the central purpose of teaching: to help all pupils to
learn. Although we followed our teacher candidates into their first year of
teaching, the data we collected was restricted to their views on inquiry and
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
161
their experiences of adopting and maintaining an inquiry stance as new
teachers. Studying pupil learning was beyond the scope of our research. To
ascertain whether or not a focus on inquiry indeed helps pupils to learn,
further longitudinal studies are required.
Stenhouse (Rudduck & Hopkins, 1985) maintained that making inquiry
a key component of teacher education is a way of empowering teachers to
become problem solvers in their own schools, and knowledge generators
for the profession. He argued that systematic, self-critical inquiry “is linked
to the strengthening of teacher judgement and consequently to the selfdirected improvement of practice” (p. 3). Our work suggests that the teacher
candidates have taken up our emphasis on inquiry. In their responses they
articulated the importance of theory, research, systematic inquiry, and
ongoing study of their teaching that would inform not only their own
practices but also the practice of the profession at large. Although committed,
in principle, to adopt an inquiry stance, our teacher candidates needed
support as new teachers coping with the practicalities of implementing
inquiry in their own classrooms. How can we ensure that the disposition to
inquire is nurtured and sustained? How can we prevent occurrences such
as those described in Moore’s (2003) study? She reports that “once out of
the university classroom the preservice teachers did as one mentor teacher
advised: ‘Forget the theory stuff you learned in your methods courses —
that’s not the real world — that’s not real teaching’” (p. 31).
Although the teacher candidates in our study recognized the
transformative possibilities of inquiry, for the most part, they tended to
focus their inquiries on practical issues, and their engagement with these
issues remained primarily at the technical level, both in their school-based
inquiries and in their portfolios. Although these forms of inquiry are
eminently worthwhile, they differ in kind from inquiry that seeks to question
assumptions and values, acknowledge and celebrate differing perspectives,
and develop teachers as intellectuals. Because teacher candidates recognized
the transformative possibilities of inquiry, and because their own
engagement with the issues they explored remained primarily at the
technical skills level, we believe that beginning teachers first need to achieve
a critical threshold of comfort in technical skills proficiency. This observation
invites us, as teacher educators, to examine more closely the dynamic
interaction of technical skills and reflective inquiry.
Grossman (1992), reporting on her analysis of research on professional
growth in teaching, contends that:
There is no evidence that having developed classroom routines that work, teachers will
necessarily begin to question those routines. In fact, there is evidence that suggests
162
RENATE SCHULZ
otherwise: As preservice teachers master the routines of teaching, many become satisfied
with their teaching and less likely to question prevailing norms of teaching and learning.
(p. 174)
How can teacher educators support teacher candidates to maintain a balance
between achieving classroom proficiency and focusing on the larger ethical
purposes of teaching? How can we encourage and sustain reflection, as
Van Manen (1977) has suggested, at the technical, the interpretive, and the
critical level?
The Role of Teacher Educators
If we are truly committed to educating teachers who are knowers, thinkers,
leaders, and change agents — and we must be committed to this — then
we too as teacher educators must become students of education, examining
our own practices and program innovations. A systematic inquiry into our
own practices is a first step toward program improvement, to provide a
model for our teacher candidates of the kind of inquiry we want them to
engage in. Together with our students and colleagues, we need to continue
to ask questions such as: What is an appropriate pedagogy for inquiry?
What do different forms of teaching practice mean for forms of inquiry?
How best can we go beyond teaching the techniques of inquiry to help
teacher candidates think differently about what it means to teach? How
best might we collaborate with schools as we shift from more traditional
training models of teacher education to an emphasis on inquiry?
Cochran-Smith (1991) suggests that a promising way to learn about
teaching is one that is based on inquiry within a school-university
relationship that has collaborative resonance. She defines this approach:
“Appropriating a term used to describe the intensity among echoing sounds,
I refer to the school-university relationship as collaborative resonance or
intensification based on the co-labor of learning communities” (p. 109).
Partnerships that conform to the ideals of collaborative resonance create
opportunities for the school and university to become actively engaged in
professional renewal efforts through critical inquiry. In programs that
conform to the ideals of collaborative resonance, teachers and teacher
educators are committed to collaboration and reform in their own
classrooms, schools, and communities. They work jointly with teacher
candidates in ways that move them beyond a focus on gaining immediate
proficiency in skills, toward assuming the larger role of teachers as knowers,
thinkers, and researchers. At the classroom level, this might take the form
of a joint inquiry, conducted by the teacher candidate and the collaborating
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
163
teacher, into a problem of practice that both find puzzling. In practice,
this requires a blurring of the lines between expert and novice, a shift in
role of collaborating teachers, much as faculty advisors have experienced
a shift in their role. In a school climate where conversations about practice
are encouraged, classroom teachers can offer teacher candidates the
wisdom of their experience while teacher candidates, in turn, offer
collaborating teachers new ideas and fresh insights. There are mutual
advantages for both if we recognize, as Britzman, Dippo, Searle and Pitt
(1997) suggest, that a great deal of the work of teacher education should
be to “produce debate, multiple perspectives on events, practices, and
effects, to move toward creative dialogue on practices . . .” (p. 20).
Our teacher candidates did not always encounter a tone of collaborative
resonance in their schools; all experienced some form of school resistance
either in their practicum settings, in job interviews, or through stories
recounted by friends and colleagues. These experiences made them feel
vulnerable as new teachers, as did their feelings of being overwhelmed in
their first year by the complex demands of teaching. These teacher
candidates decided that inquiry was a university rather than a school
priority. But the point is a broader cultural one, which relates to the
institutional function of schools and universities: the university is concerned
with knowledge creation, while schools focus on socialization, knowledge
transfer, and personal development. Universities should not be apologetic
about their knowledge creation functions; universities need to challenge
school resistance to genuine inquiry. The university may establish the
structures for an educative practicum, and faculty advisors might work to
shift their focus from evaluating to educating, but all these efforts are likely
to be eroded if teacher candidates encounter administrators and
collaborating teachers who continue to view the practicum as an
apprenticeship, and are content to see the field experience limited to
classroom practice and skill development.
Not all collaborating teachers encountered by the teacher candidates in
our study dismissed the concept of inquiry. Some teachers and
administrators valued and supported inquiry. As a new teacher, Nancy
describes her colleagues’ reactions this way:
[T]he other folks in my hallway were interested in what I wanted to do but didn’t really
understand it. We went out on a staff retreat where teachers from all schools came and
talked about inquiry and they were speaking my language. . . . Then people were coming
to me and asking questions. I wasn’t experienced enough to provide somebody fifteen
years my senior in the teaching profession, with what they could do. . . . (Nancy, early
years)
164
RENATE SCHULZ
Teachers and administrators who are both supportive and eager to learn
about and engage in inquiry create instances of opportunity that schools
and the university need to seize jointly (or help to create) to support the
kind of inquiry that can foster change and renewal in both school and
university. This is relatively new ground for teacher education, and this
approach brings its own challenges. Phelan, McEwan, and Pateman (1996)
describe the process as “fraught with complex requirements, difficult
relational problems, uncertainties and hidden ambiguities that are revealed
only when things are tried out in the classroom” (p. 351). But it is also a
reconception of teacher education that is finding increasing acceptance in
the educational community because it holds considerable promise for the
simultaneous improvement of teacher education and the renewal of schools
(Darling-Hammond, 1997; Feiman-Nemser & Remillard, 1996; Loughran,
1999; Rice, 2002).
Adopting our own inquiry stance, we as teacher educators need to
continue to look critically at our program structures and how they do or do
not support the achievement of genuine inquiry that goes beyond the
technical. For their practica, we need to ensure that teacher candidates are
placed with collaborating teachers who question and study their own
practice, and invite teacher candidates to do the same. We need to work
more actively to bridge the school/university divide. If our teacher
candidates’ experiences in the practicum are to be educative, we need to be
in continuous conversation with schools about the central role of inquiry as
a way of knowing about teaching and as a stance to be jointly adopted by
school and university. Joint efforts to prepare new teachers will create
learning opportunities for all that are richer than the opportunities either
the school or the university can provide alone. As teacher educators we can
demonstrate the relevance of our roles to teachers by working together with
them over sustained periods of time in both a learning and teaching capacity,
learning from them about current issues in schools, engaging in collaborative
research, and implementing support for the ongoing learning of all those
involved in the practicum. If we want to provide contexts which truly
support Dewey’s (1904/1965) emphasis on promoting the power of teachers
“to go on growing” (p. 151), our presence in the schools must extend beyond
the preservice program. As evidence of a commitment to ongoing learning,
teacher-education programs should be actively involved in the transition
from preservice to in-service teaching by providing specific, ongoing support
to teacher candidates after graduation. If this were the case, new teachers
like Sarah, overwhelmed by the demands of teaching, or Nancy, faced with
questions about inquiry from senior teachers, would have a place and a
person to turn to. The benefits of such an extended teacher-education
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
165
program would reach well beyond individual graduates. Ongoing
collaborative working relationships between university faculty and the
schools might well contribute to achieving the kind of cultural climate
change that Cindy hoped for, where inquiry in the schools “would become
the norm.”
Although teacher education is moving toward a more complex notion of
teaching, the political climate is moving toward a more technical stance
(Apple, 2001; Cochran-Smith, 2001). Given these tendencies, it becomes all
the more important that teacher candidates are thoughtful and alert students
of education who understand the political and ideological restructuring
that is occurring, and who have the knowledge, skills, and disposition to
question and deconstruct the events around them. Inquiry-based
approaches to teacher education support dispositions of critical
thoughtfulness about teaching, encourage resistance to the implementation
of ineffective schooling practices, and hold the promise of nurturing the
intellectual development and professional growth of teacher candidates.
As Cochran-Smith (1999) reminds us,
there are no recipes, no best practices, no models of teaching that work across differences
in schools, communities, cultures, subject matters, purposes and home-school
relationships. . . . Instead I have emphasized that the teacher is an intellectual who
generates knowledge, that teaching is a process of co-constructing knowledge and
curriculum with students, and that the most promising ways of learning about teaching
across the professional lifespan are based on inquiry within communities rather than
training for individuals. (pp. 114–115)
Intentionally, there is no “Conclusion” section to this article. The issues
raised here have been raised before. Some, like Dewey’s (1904/1965)
contention that, “to place the emphasis [in teacher education] upon the
securing of proficiency in teaching and discipline puts the attention of the
student-teacher in the wrong place, and tends to fix it in the wrong
direction,” (p. 147) have been with us for a century. Precisely because we
have not been able to conclude or bring closure to these issues, they warrant
revisiting. For, just as it is the role of teacher education to provide teacher
candidates with opportunities to examine multiple perspectives on events
and to debate practices, it is the role of teacher educators to ensure the
continuation of the dialogue on our own practices.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I wish to thank the anonymous reviewers for their thorough reading and thoughtful
comments.
166
RENATE SCHULZ
NOTES
1 The word “practicum” carries with it connotations of a skills-focused, technicalrational orientation that we would like to think we have left behind. But the
term persists in the literature and in program descriptions of most faculties of
education. I use the term in this paper, recognizing that as we review and renew
our practices in teacher education, we need new language to reflect new ways
of thinking, and a new term to reflect our new practices in the practicum.
2 Throughout this paper, we have used pseudonyms for all teacher candidates.
REFERENCES
Apple, M. (2001). Markets, standards, teaching, and teacher education. Journal of
Teacher Education, 52(3), 182–195.
Britzman, D., Dippo, D., Searle, D., & Pitt, A. (1997). Toward an academic framework
for thinking about teacher education. Teaching Education, 9(7), 15–26.
Cochran-Smith, M. (1991). Reinventing student teaching. Journal of Teacher
Education, 42(2), 104–118.
Cochran-Smith, M. (1999). Learning to teach for social justice. In G. Griffin (Ed.),
The education of teachers. Ninety-eighth yearbook of the National Society for
the Study of Education. Part 1 (pp. 114–144). Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Cochran-Smith, M. (2001). Reforming teacher education: Competing agendas.
Journal of Teacher Education, 52(4), 263–265.
Cochran-Smith, M., & Lytle, S. (1999). The teacher research movement: A decade
later. Educational Researcher, 28(7), 15–25.
Darling-Hammond, L. (1997). A right to learn: A blueprint for developing schools
that work. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Dewey, J. (1904/1965). The relation of theory to practice in education. Reprinted in
M. Borrowman (Ed.), Teacher education in America: A documentary history.
New York: Teachers College Press.
Feiman-Nemser, S., & Remillard, J. (1996). Perspectives on learning to teach. In F.
B. Murray (Ed.), The teacher educator’s handbook (pp. 63–91). San Francisco:
Jossey-Bass.
Goodlad, J. I. (1990). Studying the education of educators: From conception to
findings. Phi Delta Kappan, 71, 698–701.
Grossman, P. L. (1992). Why models matter: An alternate view on professional
growth in teaching. Review of Educational Research, 62(2), 171–179.
Loughran, J. (Ed.) (1999). Researching teaching. London, UK: Falmer.
THE PRACTICUM : M ORE THAN PRACTICE
167
Moore, R. (2003). Reexamining the field experiences of preservice teachers. Journal
of Teacher Education, 54(1), 31–42.
Norlander-Case, K. A., Reagan, T. G., & Case, C. W. (1999). The professional teacher.
The preparation and nurturance of the reflective practitioner. San Francisco:
Jossey-Bass.
Patton, M. (1987). How to use qualitative methods in evaluation. Newbury Park,
CA: Sage.
Phelan, A., McEwan, H., & Pateman, N. (1996). Collaboration in student teaching:
Learning to teach in the context of changing curriculum practice. Teaching and
Teacher Education, 12(4), 335–353.
Rice, E. H. (2002). The collaborative process in professional development schools.
Results of a metaethnography, 1990–1998. Journal of Teacher Education, 53(1),
55–67.
Rudduck, J., & Hopkins, D. (Eds.). (1985). Research as a basis for teaching. Readings
from the work of Lawrence Stenhouse. London, UK: Heinemann.
Schulz, R., & Mandzuk, D. (forthcoming). Learning to teach, learning to inquire: A
three-year study of teacher candidates’ experiences. Teaching and Teacher
Education.
Schwab, J. J. (1969). College curricula and student protest. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Segall, A. (2002). Disturbing practice. Reading teacher education as text. New York:
Peter Lang.
Van Manen, M. (1977). Linking ways of knowing with ways of being practical.
Curriculum Inquiry, 6, 226–227.
Zeichner, K. (1996). Designing educative practicum experiences for prospective
teachers. In Zeichner, K., Melnick, S., & Gomez, M. (Eds.), Currents of reform in
preservice teacher education (pp. 215–234). New York: Teachers College Press.
Zeichner, K. (1999). The new scholarship in teacher education. Educational
Researcher, 28(9), 4–15.
Inside a Student Cohort: Teacher Education from a
Social Capital Perspective
David Mandzuk
Shelley Hasinoff
Kelvin Seifert
In this article, we report on student teachers’ perceptions of their cohort experiences.
Using the lens of social capital theory, we analyzed their responses to an open-ended
question on a survey and faculty members’ responses in focus groups. The structural
properties of cohorts — closure, stability, interdependence, and shared ideology —
facilitated the development of social capital. Closure and stability promoted social and
emotional support while interdependence and shared ideology prompted both positive
and negative effects. The cohort model better served some students than others. We
found that students were more likely to develop social capital by bonding with their
cohort peers than by bridging with those outside their cohorts.
Key words: teacher candidates, student cohorts, social capital theory, bonding, bridging
Dans cet article, nous présentons les perceptions d’étudiants en pédagogie quant aux
expériences de leur cohorte. À l’aide de la théorie du capital social, nous avons analysé
leurs réponses à une question ouverte au sujet d’un sondage et des réponses de
professeurs réunis en groupes de discussion. Les propriétés structurelles des cohortes
— fermeture, stabilité, interdépendance et idéologie commune — ont facilité le
développement d’un capital social. La fermeture et la stabilité ont favorisé le soutien
social et émotif tandis que l’interdépendance et l’idéologie commune ont entraîné des
effets à la fois positifs et négatifs. Certains étudiants plus que d’autres ont bénéficié du
modèle de la cohorte. Nous avons découvert que les étudiants avaient plus chances de
développer un capital social en tissant des liens avec les membres de leur cohorte qu’avec
des personnes en dehors de leur cohorte.
Mots clés: futurs enseignants, cohortes d’étudiants, théorie du capital social,
établissement de liens
––––––––––––––––
It is late in the day at the end of the term. A student knocks at the door and asks to speak
to her program coordinator about the decision to mix two student cohorts for the second
year of their two-year program. Before long, this student reveals the results of a vote
that the rest of her cohort has taken — it seems that a majority of them were strongly
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2003): 168–184
TEACHER E DUCATION FROM A SOCIAL C APITAL PERSPECTIVE
169
opposed to having their cohort membership changed. She then seizes the opportunity
to share a number of ideas she and her peers have about keeping the groups intact, but
enabling them to mix occasionally. The program coordinator wonders if students in
more traditionally organized programs would be as quick to mobilize to achieve group
goals.
It is nearly noon, and as they pass by the program coordinator’s office, a number of
students are discussing a petition that has been distributed within their cohort. Inquiring
about the petition, the coordinator discovers that it is related to one of her students who
has been warned of possible debarment because he has been chronically absent from
class. The coordinator learns that this student has garnered support among his cohort
peers and has approved the distribution of the petition. The students in the hall speak
about the pressures they feel to sign and how sorry they feel for their ‘less mature’
classmates who feel obliged to do what the group wants them to do. The coordinator
wonders what role the cohort plays in preparing students to withstand similar pressures
when they become teachers.
These two vignettes illustrate challenges that can occur when teachereducation programs adopt a cohort model to organize students. In recent
years, cohorts have become more common in teacher education as teacher
educators continue to search for the optimal conditions to prepare student
teachers for the teaching profession. In this article, we examined student
teachers’ and instructors’ perceptions of life inside student cohorts in the
Faculty of Education at the University of Manitoba. Throughout this article,
we argue that how teacher educators structure programs plays a significant
role in how students become teachers; therefore teacher educators need to
be aware of both the benefits and the challenges of organizing programs in
cohorts. First, we have provided a rationale for adopting a cohort model in
teacher education and review the existing literature on student cohort
groups. Next, we have explained how the concept of social capital provides
a theoretical framework for understanding the effect of structural
arrangements on the professional socialization of student teachers.
RATIONALE
Increasingly, faculties of education, like other professional schools, are
choosing to organize their students into cohorts to take many if not all of
their courses together (Mandzuk & Hasinoff, 2002; Mather & Hanley, 1999;
Shapon-Shevin & Chandler-Olcott, 2001). Cohorts provide students with
an opportunity to belong to a supportive community of like-minded
people. In addition, cohorts accommodate the many collaborative
assignments commonly found in faculties of education, designed in part to
socialize students into the analogous professional practices of teamwork
170
DAVID M ANDZUK, SHELLEY H ASINOFF, & K ELVIN SEIFERT
and collaboration. For program administrators, the use of cohorts provides
a practical means for scheduling intact classes.
On the face of it, all these reasons for organizing students into cohorts
are valid, but few studies provide empirical evidence to support the cohort
model. Furthermore, most of these studies tend to overlook how students
perceive their cohort experiences (Bochenek, 1999; Mather & Hanley, 1999;
Melnychuk, 2001; Radencich, Thompson, Anderson, Oropallo, Fleege,
Harrison, & Hanley, 1998; Shapon-Shevin & Chandler-Olcott, 2001). Do
student teachers really value taking all their courses with the same
individuals and are they, in fact, socialized more effectively into teaching
than they would be otherwise? Or, as Sapon-Shevin and Chandler-Olcott
(2001) have asked, can cohorts sometimes resemble dysfunctional families,
allowing unwanted attitudes and negative relationships to develop?
COHORTS IN TEACHER EDUCATION
Mather and Hanley (1999), for example, describe student cohorts as a
mixed blessing. They recognize the emotional and academic support that
cohorts provide and the work ethic that can develop when people come
to know and trust one another over time. However, they acknowledge
the potential for competitive discord among students and the pressures
on instructors that can sometimes develop. Radencich et al. (1998) find
that team cultures are almost bimodal in their distribution, either highly
positive or almost “pathologically” (p. 112) negative.
In many of these studies, researchers have observed that, although cohorts
can be wonderfully supportive institutional structures, they can also “go
bad.” Among other themes, they note the family-like ethos that sometimes
develops, various group pressures, and effects on students’ interactions
with instructors. Sapon-Shevin and Chandler-Olcott (2001) report a mainly
negative picture of cohort life: they describe how critical incidents, strong
personalities, and the breakdown of trust can undermine group culture. In
particular, they suggest that organizing students into cohorts may exacerbate
the influence of students who already dominate class discussions. The
authors also argue that such students acquire increased power to sway
others because of their continual contact with the same peer group and that
this power may create negative norms that can work against instructors.
Like Mather and Hanley (1999), they suggest that, through instructor
scapegoating, cohort groups can get the upper hand in dealing with
instructors who they consider to be incompetent, unreasonable, or
demanding. In short, the research literature on cohorts reveals a number of
legitimate concerns about this organizational practice.
TEACHER E DUCATION FROM A SOCIAL C APITAL PERSPECTIVE
171
In general, however, this literature lacks the conceptual grounding that
is essential for understanding how the arrangements faculties make may
affect the process of becoming a teacher. The concept of social capital (Adler
& Kwon, 1998; Bourdieu, 1985; Clifton, 1999; Dika & Singh, 2002; Engestrom,
2001; Fukuyama, 1995; Portes, 1998; Putnam, 2000; Woolcock, 2001) fills
this conceptual gap by linking the way educators structure preservice
programs with such goals of teaching as fostering independent thinking,
collegiality, and collaboration.
SOCIAL CAPITAL
Woolcock (2001), whose definition of social capital is commonly cited,
suggests that “social capital refers to the norms and networks that enable
people to act collectively” (p. 13). The basic premise is that “one’s family,
friends, and associates constitute an important asset, one that can be called
upon in a crisis, enjoyed for its own sake, and/or leveraged for material
gain” (Woolcock, 2001, p. 12). In other words, what is essential to the concept
of social capital is the relationship among individuals, their access to one
another, and the benefits that can accrue from social networks. Like
Bourdieu’s (1985) conceptualization of social capital, we have focused this
study on what an individual gains as a consequence of group membership.
Putnam (2000) distinguishes between two distinct, but not mutually
exclusive dimensions of social capital — bonding and bridging. Woolcock
(2001) locates bonding in “relations among family members, close friends,
and neighbours” (p. 13); in other words, bonding refers to the close inwardlooking relations between like-minded individuals. Bridging, on the other
hand, is located in relations with “more distant friends, associates, and
colleagues” (p. 13); in other words, bridging refers to the more outwardlooking relations between people with different interests and goals. In
capturing the distinction between these two dimensions, Putnam (2002)
suggests that “bonding social capital constitutes a kind of sociological
superglue whereas bridging social capital provides a sociological WD-40”
(pp. 22–23).
Woolcock (2001) cautions, however, that “social capital cannot be
understood independently of its broader institutional environment” (p. 13).
Faculties of education, therefore, must always take into account the broader
community and school context in which teacher education is situated.
Although they may benefit from developing social capital with their peers
in a cohort, student teachers must also be aware of the importance of
establishing other social networks.
The particular institutional context in combination with individual
172
DAVID M ANDZUK, SHELLEY H ASINOFF, & K ELVIN SEIFERT
factors, such as developmental readiness, may affect the degree to which
student teachers develop social capital. For example, faculties often provide
opportunities such as mock interviews, seminars, or interactive professional
development sessions for student teachers to bridge to educators in the
field. However, beginning student teachers are unlikely to realize the
potential for developing social capital at such events. Graduating students,
on the other hand, are more likely to recognize the social capital inherent in
such opportunities and consciously try to make the kinds of connections
that might eventually result in employment.
Clearly, not all social arrangements that faculties provide will be sources
of social capital for student teachers. Coleman (1988) has identified four
properties of social structures that increase the likelihood that institutions
will generate social capital: closure, stability, dependence, and shared
ideologies.
The first property, closure, means that relationships are highly
interconnected within a particular group; all group members have access
to one another with limited intervention from outsiders. Closure, according
to Coleman (1988), is important for fostering a sense of trustworthiness in a
social environment. Student cohort groups are examples of social structures
in which trustworthiness can develop because they are relatively tight and
closed networks of people who take most, if not all, of their courses together.
In this respect, cohorts prepare student teachers for their professional roles
as teachers where their social networks will include dense, overlapping,
professional and social relationships.
The second property, stability, means that membership within a group
changes relatively slowly over time. Student cohort groups experience few
changes in membership, achieving stability that enables student teachers
to develop effective group norms that “monitor and guide behaviour”
(Coleman, 1988, p. 107). Arguably, cohorts may prepare student teachers to
cope with similarly stable groups in school faculties where they will be
expected to adhere to the cultural norms of the school.
The third property, dependence or what we prefer to call
interdependence, means that group members must work together and rely
on each other to achieve their purposes. Cohorts provide student teachers
with many opportunities to work together to complete group assignments
or to cope with a highly demanding workload. These experiences will no
doubt be valuable when, as teachers, they share the workload with their
colleagues in schools and participate in collaborative professional learning
experiences (Dufour & Eaker, 1998; Hargreaves, 2003).
The final property, shared ideology, means that group members have a
common vision that provides them with a joint purpose. Student teachers
TEACHER E DUCATION FROM A SOCIAL C APITAL PERSPECTIVE
173
in cohorts are collectively exposed to the language, ideas, and philosophies
of teaching that underpin early, middle, and senior years’ instruction.
Arguably, student teachers will be expected to conform to these same
ideologies and to embrace the collective vision that drives school plans and
mission statements.
These four properties may suggest that social capital is exclusively
positive in nature, but as Portes and Landolt (1996) and Engestrom (2001)
point out, social capital developed in groups is not always beneficial for
individual members. This appreciation of both the positive and negative
consequences of social capital informs our discussion of the findings.
METHOD
The Students and the Data
Our subjects were 239 student teachers and their instructors in the Faculty
of Education, University of Manitoba. On admission to the faculty, student
teachers decide to specialize in early, middle, or senior years education.
With the exception of two electives, student teachers in both the earlyand middle-years programs take all of their courses in cohorts of 30 to 35
students. The senior-years program, however, has a somewhat different
structure because student teachers split into smaller groups for a portion
of their time to take courses in their major and minor specializations.
For this study, we designed and administered a comprehensive survey,
Measuring Social Capital in Cohort Groups. A colleague, who was not in a
position of power in relation to the students, invited them to participate in
the study anonymously. We gathered the data that we report in this article
from the final, open-ended section of the survey, which asks, “If you have
any other thoughts about your experiences as a student teacher both inside
and outside the cohort, please share them below.” 1 Almost half the
respondents completed this section of the survey. In addition, we analyzed
the data from the focus groups we conducted with instructors.
Data Analysis
Our initial analysis of student teachers’ and instructors’ comments was
exploratory. We wanted to be open to generating new ideas and expanding
on existing theory as we worked between the relevant literature and the
data. Consequently, in the initial stages, we followed what Coffey and
Atkinson (1996, pp. 155–156) describe as an abductive approach to data
analysis. “Essentially, abductive reasoning seems to capture more
174
DAVID M ANDZUK, SHELLEY H ASINOFF, & K ELVIN SEIFERT
productively how researchers in all disciplines actually think and work”
(p. 56). It allows for a more central role for empirical research in the
generation of ideas while, at the same time, it allows for a more dynamic
interaction between theory and data.
We read students’ written comments and the focus group transcripts
three times to search for common tones. In general, the tone of both sets of
comments was positive; in other words, student teachers and instructors
favoured the cohort model over the traditional model that is prominent in
many teacher-education programs (see Howey & Zimpher, 1989; Mather &
Hanley, 1999). The next step in the analysis involved the identification of
common themes. Using a frequency count, we identified the most prevalent
comments and clustered them into themes. In a similar fashion to that of
previous research on cohorts, we initially categorized these themes along
positive and negative dimensions.
However, as we continued our individual and collective analyses, we
concluded that many of the themes were related to the social structure of
the cohorts and the networks and norms developed within them.
Consequently, we found ourselves drawn to social capital as a theoretical
framework for examining our data more closely, a perspective that allowed
us to take both a broader and a deeper look at life inside student cohorts
than has been reported to date.
FINDINGS
Closure and Stability
Students’ experiences in cohorts are characterized by being closed and
stable. As a consequence of the dense relationships in a cohort, student
teachers create social obligations in relation to one another and develop
trust in their social environment. For example, when one of our male student
teachers created a plan for each member of his cohort to share summaries
of the large number of assigned readings, he not only benefited personally,
but so did all the other members of the cohort. The proliferation of these
kinds of social obligations generates social capital that individuals may
draw on when needed (Coleman, 1988). In particular, we found that
developing social capital in cohorts enables students to move beyond the
anonymity that these first-year student teachers experienced in their
previous undergraduate years.
Being a member of a cohort has really helped me to overcome a large amount of stress
dealing with the workload . . . overall, I find it very supportive and much friendlier
TEACHER E DUCATION FROM A SOCIAL C APITAL PERSPECTIVE
175
than my previous three years at university of only being known as a number. (female
student, middle years)
I love being in a cohort. I feel that I can discuss things with others and that they actually
know me as a person. I’m not just another face in the crowd! (female student, middle
years)
This loss of anonymity that occurs in close-knit communities such as
cohorts also results in greater demands for members to be accountable for
their thoughts and actions. As the following comments point out, many
student teachers believed that their own accountability increased as a
consequence of being a member of a cohort.
I think being a member of a cohort means that you can’t hide. You can’t be anonymously
absent, you can’t slack off on your portion of the project and you have such a close-knit
support system built into the model, that you have no excuses for not giving your all.
We are all in this together to the end! (male student, senior years)
I have appreciated being a member of a cohort. When you get to know a group of
people well, the accountability within that group increases. (female student, early years)
These comments and others like them underscore one of the benefits
that student teachers gain from being in cohorts. A less-anticipated benefit
of cohorts arises because students are members of what Coleman (1988, p.
108) defines as an “appropriable social organization” or one that “once
brought into existence for one set of purposes, can also aid others, thus
constituting social capital for use” (p. 188). The benefit of appropriable social
relations are illustrated in the following comments from a first-year student
teacher who reveals that she gained a sense of belonging to a community in
which her relationships extended well beyond the faculty.
We actually do things together. For example, a group of us are going to play volleyball
after today’s meeting, then on Friday, we’re going to play hockey. How cool is that? I’m
closer to my classmates than I am to my own family. (female student, early years)
One instructor was struck by the degree of socializing within the cohort
and compared it with the socializing that had occurred in classes she taught
in the past.
It’s not only that they’re together here in the Faculty, they’re doing things socially outside
of their experiences in the Faculty. Large groups of students who didn’t know one another
before they came into the Faculty, do things together almost every weekend. It’s playing
hockey together or it’s going to films together. They seem to have birthday parties for
one another and I don’t remember that in the old program. . . . I don’t think there was
176
DAVID M ANDZUK, SHELLEY H ASINOFF, & K ELVIN SEIFERT
the socializing that there seems to be in the new program. (female instructor, middle
years)
Some of these relationships develop far beyond casual friendships to more
nurturing and supportive roles as the following comments suggest.
I feel I have “guardian angels” who look out for me. (female student, early years)
I feel that as a member of a cohort, it is my responsibility to support my classmates in
whatever way possible, to ensure that we are able to become professionals together and
that we do not allow any people to “fall by the wayside.” (female student, middle years)
Generally speaking, this sense that members of a cohort can count on
each other during times of academic and personal stress occurred frequently.
Student teachers perceived this social and emotional support as a major
advantage of the cohort. We found evidence that student teachers attributed
this support, at least in part, to the closeness and stability of their cohort.
Although there have been trying times due to the fact that we have been with the same
people for two years, I believe that the cohort is a good idea. It allows us to lean on each
other for support when times get tough. (male student, middle years)
These comments and others like them suggest that student teachers have
developed an early understanding of the benefits of being a colleague. They
recognize that, ideally, colleagues look out for one another and offer help
when needed. Nevertheless, one female student teacher pointed out the
challenges of this kind of collegial support.
The extent to which one relies on others in a cohort to me depends upon one’s a)
personality, b) life cycle stage, and c) particular mix of people in the cohort. . . .
It is a challenge finding a balance between meeting one’s own needs and contributing
to the welfare of everyone in the cohort. I regret limiting my involvement in meeting
the needs of others but at certain stages, “self-protection” kicks in. (female student,
middle years)
On one hand, this student teacher wanted to help her male colleague who
was struggling academically, but, on the other hand, she was also keenly
aware that she could not proofread every assignment he wrote. Her
comment suggests that social relations sometimes demand more than
students can give.
We became aware that the closure and stability of cohorts that work so
well for most student teachers worked against others such as mature
students, part-time students, or those who are weaker academically. The
TEACHER E DUCATION FROM A SOCIAL C APITAL PERSPECTIVE
177
following comment from a second-year student teacher indicates that
the realities for mature students might be quite different from those of
their younger cohort peers.
I may feel strongly compelled to participate in social activities but that does not
mean that I do participate in these activities. As a somewhat more mature student, I
choose not be involved in many activities because I do not define my personal or
professional identity by how I like to party. Going out to drink does not enhance any
qualities for me. (female student, senior years)
Part-time student teachers are also less likely to feel integrated into
cohorts as the following comment from a first-year student teacher
suggests.
I am a part-time student and as such I feel I am on the fringe of the cohort. I am able
to observe the effects of the cohort on the other students but I do not feel that I am
being benefited from them. . . . I feel I am part of the class but not a part of the
cohort. (female student, early years)
Finally, student teachers who are weaker academically might also be at
a disadvantage within cohorts as one instructor suggests.
I think some of the low-end [students] in each group may not be served that well.
Because so much of what we do is in groups, their inadequacies become very public.
There’s no way for them to not show that they don’t know. . . .” (female instructor,
middle years)
Interdependence and Shared Ideologies
Our sense that social capital is not an unmitigated good became stronger
when we examined comments that crystallized the effects of the other
two properties of social structures: interdependence and shared ideologies.
Although interdependence is what most student teachers appear to value
about cohorts, some find this structural arrangement to be stifling. These
students may more highly value the opportunity to bridge to others on
their own terms. The following comments provide evidence of this
perspective.
I do not enjoy being part of a cohort because it makes me feel that I am back in high
school. Being in a cohort is uncomfortable because I feel forced into the situation of
making friends. . . . I don’t feel the same freedom I had in the Faculty of Arts where I
developed friendships when I wanted to. (male student, senior years)
178
DAVID M ANDZUK, SHELLEY H ASINOFF, & K ELVIN SEIFERT
I was very much upset by the cohort system when I first entered the Faculty. It was too
much like being in high school again. . . . I liked the diversity of relationships that
developed throughout my first degree. (male student, senior years)
Indeed, as another instructor pointed out, not all student teachers willingly
participate in group activities.
I remember this one guy leaving my class with a stick and his skates and I said something
about a hockey game and he gave me this look that said, “If I had any choice at all I
wouldn’t be dragging my stick and my skates to school” but I guess it was the group
thing and he wanted to take part. (male instructor, middle years)
This comment and others like it suggest that cohorts place unique demands
on their members. As instructors, we became aware that we were collectively
referring to each of the cohorts by certain personality traits, which, upon
reflection, were similar to those of the strongest members. The comments
of two student teachers suggest that these group identities were just as
evident to the students.
It is obvious to all, I believe, how different the cohorts are. Those of us in this cohort
know we are seen as the “gangish,” more social and more vocal. This is something that
bonds us. (female student, middle years)
I am glad we are organized into cohorts. I feel that our cohort has a very strong social
bond and we all support each other tremendously. I feel we have become a “gang.”
(female student, early years)
Sometimes these strong collective identities led to rivalries between
cohorts. The following comment from a second-year student teacher
suggests that not only were students aware of how cohorts differed from
one another, but they were also aware of the competitive tension that
sometimes exists between cohorts, a downside of social capital.
Because of the cohort- segregated classes, there’s bound to be animosity and competition
between the two groups. They hold stereotypes and prejudices against each other and
are reluctant to join in any out-of-school meetings. (male student, middle years)
Our data suggest that another downside of generating bonding social
capital can result in a tendency for cohort members to think and behave
alike. Cohort members may be expected to develop shared ideologies as a
result of the closed, stable nature of their relationships and the effort of
faculty members to expose student teachers to the language and concepts
that undergird current educational praxis. Various forms of peer pressure,
TEACHER E DUCATION FROM A SOCIAL C APITAL PERSPECTIVE
179
both subtle and direct, have an effect on the ideas and actions of cohort
members. The following comment illustrates this point.
I feel our particular cohort bonded early but now, near the end, I feel a little pressure to
fit in with the group. It seems we have eliminated our own individuality. (female student,
middle years)
We found that, in addition to challenging a student teacher’s sense of
individuality, the shared ideologies that develop among members of a cohort
can work against what faculties believe they are promoting. Two student
teachers allude to subtle pressures to conform.
I think certain patterns a cohort falls into can put pressures on individuals. . . . For
instance, if most members of the cohort come late to class or talk poorly of the Education
program, those values can erase the positive values that the Faculty tries to establish.
Nobody wants to be a “brown-noser” even at this stage of one’s professional career.
(female student, senior years)
There are times when certain groups are formed that create reputations such as being
tough or nonchalant towards school. It makes it difficult to adhere to classes (e.g. ask
questions when you know everyone around you is bored/annoyed because you
extended the class.) (male student, senior years)
These comments highlight negative norms that can develop as a result of
peer pressure in tightly knit groups such as cohorts. Sometimes these norms
are anti-intellectual in nature, where “being cool” is perceived as being
more socially acceptable than being engaged in what goes on in class. The
following comments suggest that student teachers are aware of the social
consequences of rejecting the negative norms of their respective cohorts.
I really don’t like many of these people all that much — they are too “cool” for me. They
think I’m a nerd or a geek. This is disappointing not because I want their acceptance but
because it shows that someone like myself who enjoys participating in class cannot do
so without becoming a social outcast. (male student, senior years)
I did not enjoy being a guinea pig in this cohort model experiment. I felt intense pressure
to conform: socially, academically, morally, etcetera. As well, I learned about the ironic
anti-intellectualism that the teaching profession displays. It was impossible to have
intelligent conversations with my cohort about anything. The cohort just moaned about
everything — all the time! It contributed to my feelings of anger, depression, and
boredom. (male student, senior years)
Few opportunities occurred for student teachers to stray beyond the
tightly structured activities of the classroom and the cohort. But, more
180
DAVID M ANDZUK, SHELLEY H ASINOFF, & K ELVIN SEIFERT
importantly, perhaps, these comments and others like them suggest that
in the hothouse of cohorts, some students allowed little tolerance for
diverse ideas and intellectual debate.
CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION
Not surprisingly, our findings echo the themes that other researchers have
identified in previous cohort studies (Mather & Hanley, 1999; Shapon-Shevin
& Chandler-Olcott, 2001). However, by examining these themes through
the lens of social capital theory, we disentangled the effects of cohorts on
different types of students. Using the two dimensions of social capital and
the four properties of social structures, we achieved a better understanding
of the benefits and limitations of the cohort model and a better sense of
those students best served and those least served by this structural
arrangement.
From our interview and survey data, we conclude that the many
challenges of student cohorts were attributable to too much bonding and
not enough bridging. For example, some student teachers stifled their own
growth as individuals because the dominant personalities in their cohorts
unduly influenced them. In this respect, the interactions among cohort
members may not be unlike the interactions among pupils and for that
matter, among teachers. The challenge for those responsible for leading
such groups is to ensure, as much as possible, that the voices of all group
members are heard.
Strong group identities emerged and became noticeable to both student
teachers and their instructors. Under these circumstances, diverse voices
were seldom heard. Furthermore, our interview data suggest that student
teachers identify less with the Faculty and its programs and more with
their respective cohorts. Perhaps, if teacher educators were to allow more
flexibility in their timetables, student teachers could take more courses with
students in other cohorts which might enable them to develop bridging
relationships with others. This would be especially valuable if it also served
to expand their professional networks once they became practising teachers.
From our research, we strongly suggest that student teachers should
understand the importance of developing bridging social networks with
other educators to combat what has been identified as the “ideological
insularity which currently plagues our field” (Zeichner & Liston, 1990, p.
25). By organizing the students in our study into cohorts, we may have
unwittingly created an environment that has inhibited rather than enhanced
the disposition of some student teachers to develop bridging social capital.
Indeed, our data suggest that the closed and stable nature of cohorts, so
TEACHER E DUCATION FROM A SOCIAL C APITAL PERSPECTIVE
181
conducive for developing bonding social capital, may actually work against
some of the long-term aims of faculties of education and of the profession.
Within our student cohorts, we found that the interdependence and shared
ideologies characteristic of cohorts created a culture of conformity that
provided advantages for certain types of students while disadvantaging
others.
Students who were natural leaders, who were socially oriented, and who
were weaker academically seemed to be best served by being in a cohort.
Students who are leaders had the opportunity to use their skills of
persuasion and debate. However, such students might quickly monopolize
the dynamics of the group in much the same way that the strongest teachers
on a staff may presume to speak for everyone else. Our student data also
pointed out that students who are socially oriented are also well served
from the experience of cohort groups because they can relate to a group of
like-minded people and are able to benefit from the collaborative culture
that is pervasive in faculties of education.
Although the data from our open-ended question has led us to believe
that weaker students might be not be well served by being members of
cohorts, there is another perspective. Specifically these students may actually
benefit from the bonding that provides them with a strong sense of academic
and social support. However, although this support may increase graduation
rates, teacher educators and co-operating teachers may end up spending
an inordinate amount of time and energy on such students. Furthermore,
by taking a longer view of things, we suggest that academically weaker
students who enter the teaching profession may be unable to cope without
such a support system. In other words, support afforded weaker student
teachers by their peers may be of questionable benefit for the teaching
profession or for the students that they will eventually teach.
We are not convinced that student teachers who are less vocal, who are
academically strong, or who are part-time students are particularly well
served by the cohort model. Our data indicate that less vocal students lost
their voices once the cohorts established their dynamics because the most
vocal students dominated class discussions and the quieter students become
more passive.
We were concerned by the number of strong academic students who
wrote that they sometimes felt “intellectually claustrophobic” within their
cohorts and craved more opportunities to bridge to others. For student
teachers who are truly life-long learners, the effort of having to restrain
themselves in class for fear that others might marginalize them can also be
personally draining. If these student teachers are among those who are least
served by being organized in cohorts, as our research data has noted, then
182
DAVID M ANDZUK, SHELLEY H ASINOFF, & K ELVIN SEIFERT
teacher educators need to structure programs to find a better balance
between bonding and bridging.
We have also spoken to students who are enrolled part-time and who
can see for themselves the benefits that their peers gain as result of being
full-time members of cohorts. Part-time student teachers take a reduced
course load and often miss out on the social and emotional support of their
peers. We wondered if this kind of marginalization had any effect on their
success in the program and possibly on the their success as beginning
teachers.
In the final analysis, teacher educators must consider whether the
negative consequences of developing social capital in cohorts outweigh the
benefits. In spite of the limitations that some student teachers in our study
readily identified, most student teachers in this study found their cohort
experiences to be valuable. In particular, they valued the social and
emotional support and sense of community that they acquired during their
preservice program. This experience of developing social capital in cohorts
provided student teachers with the necessary skills that they can use to
nurture relationships with colleagues in the complex, often labyrinthine
social networks of the teaching profession.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We thank the University of Manitoba’s URGP Grants Program for supporting our
research.
NOTE
1 The results from the quantitative component of this study have been presented
in an article currently under review.
REFERENCES
Adler, P., & Kwon, S., (1998). Social capital: The good, the bad and the ugly. In E. L.
Lesser (Ed.), Knowledge and social capital: Foundations and applications (pp.
89–115). Boston: Butterworth Heineman.
Bochenek, M. (1999). Classroom communities: Successful learning design or another
path to chaos? Academic Exchange Quarterly, 3(3), 2–18.
Bourdieu, P. (1985). The forms of capital. In J. G. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of
theory and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241–258). New York:
Greenwood.
TEACHER E DUCATION FROM A SOCIAL C APITAL PERSPECTIVE
183
Clifton, R. A. (1999). The education of university students: A social capital
perspective. College Teaching, 4(3), 114–118.
Coffey, A., & Atkinson, P. (1996). Making sense of qualitative data: Complementary
research strategies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Coleman, J. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal
of Sociology, 94, S95–S120.
Dika, S., & Singh, K. (2002). Applications of social capital in educational literature:
A critical synthesis. Review of Educational Research, 72(1), 31–60.
Dufour, R., & Eaker, R. (1998). Professional learning communities at work: Best
practices for enhancing student achievement. Alexandria, VA: Association for
Supervision and Curriculum Development.
Engestrom, J. (2001). Sizing up social capital. In Y. Engestrom (Ed.), Activity theory
and social capital. Technical Report 5. Center for Activity Theory and
Developmental Work Research, University of Helsinki.
Fukuyama, F. (1995). Trust: The social virtues and the creation of prosperity. New
York: Free Press.
Hargreaves, A. (2003). Teaching in the knowledge society: Education in the age of
insecurity (Professional Learning). New York: Teachers College Press.
Howey, K. R., & Zimpher, N. L. (1989). Profiles of preservice teacher education.
New York: State University of New York Press.
Mandzuk, D., & Hasinoff, S. (2002, May). Cohort groups: A social capital perspective.
Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Society for the Study of
Education, Toronto.
Mather, D., & Hanley, B. (1999). Cohort grouping and preservice teacher education:
Effects on pedagogical development. Canadian Journal of Education, 24, 235–
250.
Melnychuk, N. (2001). A cohort practicum model: Physical education student
teachers’ experience. The Alberta Journal of Educational Research, 48(3), 259–
275.
Portes, A. (1998). Social capital: Its origins and applications in modern sociology.
In E. L. Lesser (Ed.), Knowledge and social capital: Foundations and applications
(pp. 43–67). Boston, MA: Butterworth Heineman.
Portes, A., & Landolt, P. (1996). Unsolved mysteries: The Tocqueville files II: The
downside of social capital. The American Prospect, 7(26), 1–6.
Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of the American
community. New York.: Simon and Schuster.
184
DAVID M ANDZUK, SHELLEY H ASINOFF, & K ELVIN SEIFERT
Radencich, M. C., Thompson, T., Anderson, N., Oropallo, K., Fleege, P., Harrison,
M. & Hanley, P. (1998). The culture of cohorts: Preservice teacher education teams
at a southeastern university in the United States. Journal of Education for
Teaching, 24(2), 109–127.
Shapon-Shevin, M., & Chandler-Olcott, K. (2001). Student cohorts: Communities
of critique or dysfunctional families? Journal of Teacher Education, 52(5), 350–
364.
Woolcock, M. (2001). The place of social capital in understanding social and
economic outcomes. Canadian Journal of Policy Research, 2(1), 11–17.
Zeichner, K., and Liston, D. (1990). Traditions of reform in US teacher education.
Retrieved June 4, 2003, from http://ncrtl/msu.edu/issue.htm
A Seven-Month Practicum:
Collaborating Teachers’ Response
Gestny Ewart
Stanley B. Straw
In this study, we interviewed collaborating teachers who had participated in our field
experience program to examine collaborating teachers’ perceptions of a long-term, onsite teacher-education program and to define their role as teacher educators. Collaborating
teachers stated that this long-term, preservice field experience effectively socialised teacher
candidates into the teaching profession, both in the classroom and the school. They
describe the strategies they used to scaffold teacher candidates into teaching. Successful
scaffolding techniques are situated within the context of an extended field experience.
Keywords: mentor, scaffold, socialise, reflection, preservice
Dans le cadre de leur étude, les auteurs ont interviewé des enseignants associés qui ont
participé à un programme de formation à l’enseignement en milieu scolaire du Collège
de Saint-Boniface afin d’étudier leurs façons de voir la formation à long terme sur le
terrain et de définir leur rôle de formateur auprès des stagiaires. De l’avis des enseignants
associés, ce programme de formation à long terme en milieu scolaire permet d’intégrer
efficacement les stagiaires dans la profession d’enseignant en classe comme au sein de
l’école. En outre les auteurs présentent les stratégies auxquelles ont recours les enseignants
associés pour encadrer les stagiaires. Ces stratégies se situent dans le contexte de stages
prolongés.
Mots clés: mentor, étayage, encadrement, stage pédagogique
––––––––––––––––
With the expansion of the field experience component in preservice teacher
education programs across North America and the desire to create teachereducation programs based on social constructivist theory, collaborating
teachers become much more significant players because they assume a
greater responsibility as mentors to preservice teachers. Research to date
has looked at the role of collaborating teachers in two contexts: either in
short-term field placements during preservice education or as mentors for
first year teachers. Generally, the research paints a bleak picture of the roles
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 185–202
186
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
of collaborating teachers. Roles and responsibilities are not clear (Wideen,
Mayer-Smith, & Moon, 1998). Teacher educators have little control of the
selection of collaborating teachers, and few practise the kind of learnercentred teaching advocated by reformers (Cochran-Smith, 1991; Cohen,
McLaughlin, & Talbert, 1993; Feiman-Nemser, Parker, & Zeichner, 1993).
Feiman-Nemser (1996) has suggested that if teacher educators want teacher
candidates to learn new ways of thinking and acting, they must be placed
with collaborating teachers who are already practising the kinds of reform
teacher educators want to see or establish contexts in which collaborating
teachers and teacher candidates explore new strategies together.
Within the context of educational reform and, more specifically, reform
that espouses closer links between universities and schools, those in charge
of teacher-education programs need to reconceptualize the mentoring role
of the collaborating teacher. Some researchers, for example Knowles and
Cole (1996) and Wideen, Mayer-Smith, and Moon (1998) have
recommended revising the role of collaborating teachers from one of formal
supervision to one of scaffolding teacher candidates in learning to teach.
Dempsey (1994) and Richardson (1997) highlighted the value of
collaborative, school-based approaches to the field experience, advocating
a movement away from the present apprenticeship model, and moving
toward an inquiry model in which all partners — teacher candidate,
collaborating teacher, and faculty advisor — are involved in reflective
practice. Learning to teach is rooted in personal experience and practice
(Gunstone, Slattery, Baird, & Northfield, 1993; Knowles & Cole, 1996;
Loughran & Russell, 1997; Skau, 1990). Reflecting on practice enables teacher
candidates to formulate a personal theory, which in turn affects how they
teach (Fenstermacher, 1994). Dempsey (1994) underscores the importance
of interpersonal relationships and constructive dialogue as essential
elements for reflective practice.
We have based the conceptual framework for this study on social
constructivist epistemology. According to social constructivist theory,
learning and language are products of social collaboration (Vygotsky, 1962).
The role of discourse community is crucial in this view of learning because
within the collaboration of a group of knowers learning takes place. For a
discourse community to function effectively, all members of the group need
to have a voice in the conversation. In other words, power is shared and
decisions are negotiated (Vadeboncoeur, 1997).
This view of learning has immense implications for teacher-education
programs because it redefines where knowledge lies. Knowledge does not
reside exclusively in the domain of the university, nor is it found solely in
the domain of the school experience. Rather, knowledge is found in the
A SEVEN-M ONTH PRACTICUM: C OLLABORATING TEACHERS’ RESPONSE
187
transaction of both theoretical and practical experiences (Levine, 1996).
For this reason, teacher-education programs must construct dynamic links
between practice and theory. In this study, we have documented the
beginning of a university-school collaboration that attempts to create this
dialectic between theory and practice. We used group interviews with
collaborating teachers to give a voice to often-silent partners in these
teacher-education programs. They are members of the discourse
community of teacher educators and as such, they should have a voice in
the construction of knowledge of learning to teach.
In this article, we have focused on the collaborating teachers’ perceptions
of an on-site, preservice field experience. We also describe how collaborating
teachers perceive their role, and more specifically, the strategies they use to
scaffold their teacher candidates in learning to teach.
This study extends the existing literature in several ways. First, studies
have concluded teacher educators have little control over the selection of
collaborating teachers. This on-site program addresses the issues about
selecting suitable placements for teacher candidates. Second, most studies
have looked at the role of collaborating teachers in the context of shortterm field placements or the role of mentor with first-year teachers. In our
study, we investigate the role of collaborating teachers in a seven-month,
teacher-education program. Third, research is pointing to the importance
of collaborating teachers revising their role from one of formal supervision
to one of scaffolding teacher candidates as they learn to teach. The present
study describes how that shift might take place. Finally, constructivist
reform initiatives advocate an inquiry model in which reflective practice
is a tool for informing teaching. This study describes what reflective practice
means for collaborating teachers.
The following research questions guided our study of the experiences of
collaborating teachers.1 How do collaborating teachers in an extended
practicum describe their role in the education of teacher candidates to
contribute to schools in today’s society? What do collaborating teachers
see as their role as mentors in a seven-month practicum?
CONTEXT OF THE STUDY
Since 1995, the Faculty of Education at the Collège universitaire de SaintBoniface, in Manitoba, has offered an on-site program as an option to
students of a post-baccalaureate Bachelor of Education degree. In the first
year of the program, teacher candidates spend most of their time on the
university campus, taking mandatory education courses. They have three
weeks of practicum interspersed within this first year. In their second and
188
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
final year, students spend seven months in a single field placement from
the end of August until the end of March. They meet weekly on the university
campus with their faculty advisor to participate in seminars on topics related
to teaching and learning theory and to share their field experiences with
their peers. Faculty advisors are full-time professors who are responsible
for teaching undergraduate education courses as well as accompanying a
cohort of teacher candidates. They place teacher candidates for their
practicum, visit students in their placements at least once a month,
communicate via e-mail twice weekly, and meet with them weekly on the
university campus.2
A program goal is to gradually socialize teachers into the teaching
profession by making a more cohesive link between theory and practice
than is usually offered by traditional preservice education models. Placing
the students in an extended field experience gives them the opportunity to
assume the responsibilities of a practising teacher. With full-time professors,
who teach undergraduate education courses and act as faculty advisors,
we believe that a greater possibility exists to link theory and practice. Dialogue
journals between faculty advisors and teacher candidates, on-site visits,
and various assignments also bridge the gap between theory and practice.
Furthermore, by participating in the faculty seminars with their cohort
group and their faculty advisor, teacher candidates establish a community
of learners whose major goal is to create a theory and practice dialectic.
Teacher candidates in this program are placed in either French immersion
or French first-language schools. This educational community is relatively
small, insular, and well known to faculty advisors, who, in consultation
with school administrators, use certain criteria in choosing collaborating
teachers. These criteria include the preferences of the teacher candidates,
an acceptance on the part of the collaborating teacher of a constructivist
view of learning, a commitment of both partners to build a collaborative
work environment, a commitment to inquiry as a component of learning,
and the possibility of placing at least two students at a school. A further
criterion for the immersion schools is preference to those schools that are
best able to provide a French ambiance. Under no circumstances are teacher
candidates placed with teachers against the wishes of the collaborating
teacher or the faculty advisor. In contrast to the research previously cited,
faculty advisors have a great control over the selection and participation
of collaborating teachers for this program.
Unless extenuating circumstances occur, faculty place students in the
same setting for their entire field experience so they may develop a
relationship with the same collaborating teacher and students. Our faculty
believe that teacher candidates refine a teaching style and understand
A SEVEN-M ONTH PRACTICUM: C OLLABORATING TEACHERS’ RESPONSE
189
learners over time, a process facilitated when they can practise their teaching
with the same group of children under the guidance of the same
collaborating teacher for the entire practicum.
METHODOLOGY
We chose qualitative inquiry for this study because it allowed us, as
researchers, to examine knowledge in the social and historical context in
which it was created (Lincoln, 1992). We wanted to understand the meaning
collaborating teachers constructed about their experiences in an on-site
program, a study of the experiences of a specific population in a specific
context. To gather data about teachers’ experiences, we used group
interviews (Knodel, 1993; Morgan, 1995, 1997) which were particularly
well suited to informing the questions for the study because participants
had first-hand experiences as collaborating teachers in an on-site teachereducation program. Group interviews allow participants to make
comparisons among each other’s experiences and opinions, an exchange
of opinion that provides valuable insights into complex research questions.
In our study, the interactions among the participants who have been
mentors in the on-site program provided a rich data source.
The population for this study was the 77 collaborating teachers who
participated over the past five years in the on-site program either in French
first-language or French immersion settings. Seventeen collaborating
teachers agreed to participate in the study. Twelve taught at the elementary
level, five at the senior level.
One of the researchers, Gestny, was the moderator of the interview
groups. The fact that she had worked with many of the collaborating
teachers may have had an impact on the data collected. For example, her
acquaintanceship with the participants may have facilitated disclosure,
but it may also have resulted in the participants responding to her position
as a faculty member rather than to her as a moderator of the interview
groups.
There was a high degree of homogeneity among the collaborating
teachers. They had all experienced the on-site program as collaborating
teachers, they all belonged to a similar social class, and they held the same
professional status. The researchers did not sense that age or gender affected
the discussions. The collaborating teachers were comfortable participating
in the interview groups.
In the spring of 2001, I (Gestny) conducted two interview groups with
five and seven participants respectively, composed of collaborating teachers
who taught at the elementary level, and one group interview composed of
190
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
five collaborating teachers who taught at the secondary level for a total of
three interview groups. I developed an interview guide, based loosely on
the research questions, to direct the group interviews. Each group met on
two separate occasions for a total of six sessions. Each session lasted
approximately two hours, providing 11 hours and 15 minutes of audiotapes.
As moderator, I began the group interviews with an open question to
prompt discussion, and gradually moved the discussion toward the
objectives of the research agenda.
The interviews, conducted in French, were audiotaped with the help of
a technician, and the tapes were transcribed verbatim. The transcriber was
present at the group interviews, facilitating her ability to match voices with
participants’ names. As moderator, I made notes on a flip chart during the
discussions and reviewed the flip chart notes with the participants at the
end of each session to ensure my notes represented the discussion. A
transcriber took notes at each group meeting and transcribed the tapes and
participated in a debriefing session with the researcher after each interview
group. Data from the transcripts used for publication were then translated
into English for reporting and dissemination.
Data Analysis
Using QSR*NUDIST (1997) to manipulate the data, we labelled units of
meaningful text or phenomena each time they reappeared and subsequently
classified them according to emerging themes. Most of the ideas fit into
themes established by the discussion guideline; we classified others as “free
nodes,” or themes that were not part of the discussion guideline. The
software allowed us to match participants with their comments with any
given code. It also allowed us to return to the original transcript and reread
the coded material in context and to analyze each category according to
the vigour and the frequency with which it was discussed. Some of the
coding categories were fairly general, including large “chunks” of text; some
were more specific using, smaller segments of text.
The analysis of the data was recursive. It began with a detailed description
of one group before applying the resulting codes to the remaining groups.
The fact that we added fewer and fewer categories as we analyzed the last
set of transcripts suggests saturation of our data and the addition of another
group interview would have added little further insight. We then reviewed
all the transcripts to ensure that our categories represented the three sets
of transcripts.
We asked a disinterested teacher educator to read one of the sets of
transcripts to generate categories of codes. She generated a list of categories
A SEVEN-M ONTH PRACTICUM: C OLLABORATING TEACHERS’ RESPONSE
191
based on her interpretation of the data. When we compared her list to the
list of categories already compiled, we found that the categories were
virtually identical to the original categorization. We used this second rater
to guard against researcher bias and to triangulate the analysis.
Using QSR*NUDIST, we generated reports for each category containing
the texts that had been coded for that category, and constructed an index
tree to show the relationships among the various categories generated from
the three groups. This procedure provided insight into how we could
fracture the data and reassemble it in new ways. It also permitted systematic
comparisons across the groups and the segments. The overview grid also
facilitated the internal reliability of each group interview because it
permitted us to compare statements within and, more importantly, across
sessions. We checked to see what data were left out of the index tree and
considered revisions.
FINDINGS
The findings reported in this article consider the effectiveness of a longterm, on-site practicum, and the role of collaborating teachers as they help
teacher candidates learn to teach.
Perceptions of a Seven-Month, On-Site Practicum
All participants from each interview group were convinced of the value of
the seven-month practicum. They believed it gave the teacher candidates
a realistic and authentic experience. Furthermore, it enabled them to
develop their own teaching styles in the classroom and to integrate into the
culture of the school.
Collaborating teachers provided an argument to support a long-term
practicum. Some of them mentioned the advantages for teacher candidates
to see the beginning of the school year. Others noted that teacher candidates
encountered the range of reactions and emotions that children experience
during the school year. Estelle 3 said the seven-month practicum give teacher
candidates “the reality of working with teacher aids, of working with nonFrench speaking students combined with French-speaking students in the
same class, all those things.” 4 Other collaborating teachers stated that a
long-term practicum enabled the teacher candidates to integrate into the
school culture, not just a single classroom.
All the focus groups expressed their dissatisfaction with a program
organization where teacher candidates split their practicum into two blocks
of five weeks in the first semester and six weeks in the second semester.
192
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
These collaborating teachers believed that when the practicum was split,
the teacher candidates never really got the chance to develop their own
teaching styles. Dorothée suggested that the seven-month practicum gave
teacher candidates a chance to develop their own personalities and not
“clone” the personality of the collaborating teacher. She believed that in
the split, two-block program, teacher candidates had to copy the personality
of the collaborating teacher to survive; whereas in the seven-month
practicum, teacher candidates are obligated to let their own personality
flourish: “You can’t hide and you can’t become the other person either
because eventually the students will get to know you and they will tell you.”
François spoke of his own experience with the two block organization. He
felt that teacher candidates were just “gens de passage” and never really
felt integrated into the school. From the collaborating teachers’ point of
view, the notion of “real-life” experience was a great strength of the sevenmonth practicum. Some collaborating teachers stated that even a sevenmonth practicum was too short. Estelle expressed concern that teacher
candidates did not see how a school year wrapped up. Raymond expressed
regret that they would not see the end of the year when the pressure really
sets in.
In summary, the collaborating teachers’ criticism of a split block
practicum and their belief that even a seven-month practicum was too
short gave no doubt of their support for a structure that gave teacher
candidates a long-term practicum in a classroom setting.
Scaffolding Learning to Teach
As the research reviewed in the introductory section points out, the role of
collaborating teachers has changed from one of formal supervision to one
of scaffolding teacher candidates as they learn to teach. The term scaffold
refers to the guidance collaborating teachers provide to enable teacher
candidates to develop further by helping them to reflect on experience,
make connections, and observe model teaching. The following findings
articulate how this scaffolding is actualized.
Building the Scaffold. Collaborating teachers discussed the importance of
establishing teacher candidates as a member of the teaching staff from the
outset. This, they believed, was key to success for teacher candidates in
establishing their presence in the classroom. Joanne stated, “It is very
important that the teacher candidate feels equal to you. Otherwise, it will
not work.” Participants suggested a variety of ways to integrate teacher
candidate into the teaching staff. Katherine talked about educating parents
and the staff by ensuring that teacher candidates attended staff meetings
A SEVEN-M ONTH PRACTICUM: C OLLABORATING TEACHERS’ RESPONSE
193
and parent-teacher conferences. Thomas also spoke about educating parents.
He said it must be made clear to parents that teacher candidates are teachers
and should be respected as such. As the months passed in the practicum,
teacher candidates assumed more and more responsibilities in
communicating with parents and participating as a faculty member in the
administration of the school.
Collaborating teachers in this study used terms such as “facilitator,”
“accompagnatrice” (teaching companion), “coach,” and “guide” when
referring to their role as teacher educators. Dorothée described her role as
follows: “They [the teacher candidates] are not an empty vessel that you
must fill by giving them all the information and showing them what to do.
You are a helper, a support. You permit the teacher candidates to learn.”
The participants saw their role as one of supporting the teacher candidates
in their construction of knowledge.
Collaborating teachers adamantly believed their main role was to help
teacher candidates develop self-confidence. Thomas said, “Yes, you really
have to give them confidence and encourage them not to fear trying things
out. They hesitate, and that is normal.” Anna referred to her role as one of
emotional support for the teacher candidate. She recounted that sometimes
her teacher candidate would be quite optimistic of the success of a lesson
only to discover it did not evolve as she anticipated. In such instances, Anna
provided emotional support by saying things such as “Don’t get discouraged.
You are coming along fine.” Pierrette talked about the importance of
confidence in risk taking: “You have to establish a state of confidence in a
situation so the teacher candidate feels confident, a little like our students.
They have to be able to take risks.” Raymond also linked success with
confidence. He compared the learning of teacher candidates to the learning
of the students in his classroom: “I didn’t want him [the teacher candidate]
to be perfect, I didn’t want him to think that he could do everything, but
that he experience certain moments of success so he would stay motivated,
so he could continue.” Collaborating teachers felt that instilling a sense of
self-confidence was an essential part of a teacher candidate’s learning.
For the teacher candidates to experience success and develop selfconfidence, the collaborating teachers capitalized on the strengths and the
interests of their teacher candidates to address their weaknesses. Raymond
summarised how the interests of the teacher candidate influenced how he
structured learning experiences. In reference to his teacher candidate, he
stated: “What are your challenges? What are the things you liked, you like,
or you don’t like? How can I, for the rest of your mentorship, how can I
help you more efficiently?” Judith gave a similar example based on her
experience: “’What are your strengths? Okay, Maths. So, that is where we
194
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
started, there, where he was comfortable. He will be able to do it and will
enjoy success and from that he will develop his self-confidence, which will
grow.” Working through a teacher candidate’s strengths and interests was
key in ensuring success and developing self-confidence.
This ability to discover teacher candidates’ strengths and weaknesses
requires time and patience. Joanne remarked, “You have to be very patient
because they do not work at the same speed as we do.” Roxanne spoke
from the point of view of a collaborating teacher who had worked with
teacher candidates from the on-site program on three different occasions.
One of her teacher candidates was very quiet, posing a new challenge for
her. She reflected on this challenge.
A challenge that we face is to learn to know this person and to go find her . . . because in
my three experiences, I had one teacher candidate who was a little more difficult to get
to know because she was rather quiet, and she did not want to start teaching, and I had
to ask myself, when will she be ready, when will she be able? I gave her time and
fortunately, because at the outset, I thought this is going to be a long process, but it
worked. So, I think, you have to give them time. And you learn the strengths and
weaknesses of that person. (Roxanne, collaborating teacher)
Collaborating teachers also discussed taking the time to know teacher
candidates to judge what responsibilities they could assume.
It is important to learn to know our teacher candidate as quickly as possible so that when
we give them responsibilities they experience success, successes from the start to develop
confidence so they can discover, “I am able to do this.” (Raymond, collaborating teacher)
These two quotations provide examples of the importance collaborating
teachers attributed to taking the time to get to know their teacher candidates.
Understanding teacher candidates helped the collaborating teachers
determine how much structure they need as they learn to become teachers.
Taking Down the Scaffold. In the interviews, the collaborating teachers
noted that their role changed until teacher candidates took full responsibility
for the classroom.
The collaborating teacher is a partner. At the beginning we are there to show them, and
it is true that at a moment during the mentorship, there is a reversal of roles and we are
no longer the teacher, but the teacher’s aid. (Thomas, collaborating teacher)
I believe the role of the collaborating teacher evolves in the sense that you are very
present in the professional life of the teacher candidate at the beginning and little by
little, you become less attached and you give the teacher candidate more freedom. You
give him more space, more liberty. (François, collaborating teacher)
A SEVEN-M ONTH PRACTICUM: C OLLABORATING TEACHERS’ RESPONSE
195
Collaborating teachers were aware that their means of scaffolding changed
during the practicum, from being quite directive to giving the teacher
candidates more independence and ownership for their own learning.
According to the collaborating teachers, they faced the difficult challenge
of knowing when to push the “chick out of the nest,” when to back off and
let the teacher candidates take a solo flight. The teachers reported that this
decision was very individualized and that dialogue between the
collaborating teachers and the faculty advisors was important to determine
when the teacher candidates were ready to take new risks and accept new
responsibilities. Sometimes, the collaborating teachers thought their teacher
candidates were ready to take a new risk only to discover they still needed
support. Thomas worded this phenomenon in the following way:
“Sometimes you get the feeling they are ready, and other times you feel
that you have to be there right to the end.”
No common date, checklist, or test exist for collaborating teachers to
inform them when to move back and let the teacher candidates have more
room. Danika said she judged that the teacher candidates were ready by
the questions they posed. Her experience taught her that teacher candidates
posed many questions at first, and when they stopped asking questions,
she felt they were ready to take over. Christine commented, “Sometimes
you have to just let them go. It depends on the individual.” Thomas observed
that a good indicator was when the teacher candidate was obviously feeling
comfortable in the classroom, whereas Janelle thought it was instinct that
tells the collaborating teacher when to let go. Participants reported that
they have to know the limits of the teacher candidates, and they had to
evaluate the situation.
This shift from a relation of protogé-mentor to one of shared teaching
sometimes required a gentle push from the collaborating teachers. One
teacher talked about a moment when she realized that she had to leave her
teacher candidate.
At some point I felt I had to let my teacher candidate go and do her own thing. I left her
alone in the class for periods of time, long periods of time, so she could feel, “yes, this is
my class.” (Christine, collaborating teacher)
Only after Roxanne encouraged her teacher candidate to substitute for her
did her teacher candidate realize she could assume full responsibility for
the classroom. Judith and Thomas shared this tactic of leaving the teacher
candidate alone at a certain point.
Pierette noted the tension she experienced when she tried to share her
responsibilities with her teacher candidate.
196
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
You try to instill a certain confidence in the teacher candidate when she arrives. I really
didn’t know which responsibilities I could give her that would enable her to affirm
herself as a teacher and yet, not jeopardise my feeling of ownership for my classroom.
(Pierrette, collaborating teacher)
The teachers reiterated this sentiment when they talked about the
disadvantages of working with teacher candidates. They felt a sense of loss
in having to share their students. Collaborating teachers described a delicate
balance between encouraging teacher candidates to take more responsibility
and retaining some kind of ownership of their students.
Naturally, when a teacher candidate has the opportunity to take risks,
there will be, at times, moments of failure. The collaborating teachers talked
about the importance of being honest and frank with teacher candidates.
I think that one of our roles is to be honest. It is difficult but I think it is facilitated when
collaborating teachers have a certain amount of experience. You must be able to tell the
teacher candidate, “Listen, it is not always going to work but what you have done is
good, however there are certain weaknesses.” And in fact, that will develop her confidence
because the more you tell her exactly how you feel, the more that will help her in her
development. (Roxanne, collaborating teacher)
Participants commented on the importance of a close relationship with
teacher candidates so that honest discourse could take place. They also
warned of the necessity to temper criticism. Thomas noted the vulnerability
of teacher candidates: “They are like little birds, they are so fragile, you
mustn’t crush them.” Janelle said, “And you mustn’t brood over them
either.” And Anna, “You have to have a middle ground.” Joanne concluded,
“We are there to help them open their eyes.” The collaborating teachers
were protective, concerned, and yet anxious that the teacher candidates
take responsibility for their actions and accept recommendations and
criticism.
In summary, the collaborating teachers saw themselves not as formal
supervisors but as facilitators, responsible for supporting the teacher
candidate in their learning. They stated they needed time to establish
relationships, to encourage self-confidence, to determine strengths and
weaknesses, and to transfer responsibilities so the scaffold provided by the
collaborating teachers could gradually be removed.
Reflective Practice in Learning to Teach
Collaborating teachers agreed that one of their roles was to accompany
teacher candidates in reflecting on their teaching, a topic they discussed at
A SEVEN-M ONTH PRACTICUM: C OLLABORATING TEACHERS’ RESPONSE
197
length. They proposed various strategies including showing teacher
candidates how to set goals, giving feedback that encouraged reflection,
thinking aloud, having teacher candidates critique the collaborating
teachers’ lessons, and modelling how they continue to learn.
The collaborating teachers reached consensus that teacher candidates
must be able to set attainable objectives so that they can reflect on their
teaching. They should base the success of their lessons on an evaluation of
these objectives. Judith, for example, asked her teacher candidate, “What
is the purpose of your lesson? Did you succeed? Were all the students able
to achieve that goal? How could you have helped that child achieve that
goal?” Collaborating teachers often related this ability to reflect on teaching
to their capacity to give feedback. Lara described how she debriefed with
her teacher candidate.
Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of a lesson, what worked well, what didn’t work
so well, what could have been done differently . . . not necessarily to discuss what was
wrong with a lesson, but to explore different ways or procedures to present the lesson.
(Lara, collaborating teacher)
The collaborating teachers noted another strategy to prompt teacher
candidates to reflect on teaching: to critique the collaborating teachers’
lessons. Raymond stated, “You [teacher candidate] saw a situation in class.
How would you have reacted if you were in my place, if you were the
teacher?”
The collaborating teachers mentioned the importance for the teacher
candidates to observe that they constantly reflect on their teaching and
adjust their approaches to accommodate the students in their classes.
Thomas stated that teacher candidates must know that “you can stop the
lesson if you see it is not working and try something else”; another
participant added, “Because that happens to us as well.” The collaborating
teachers reported that teacher candidates have a perception that
experienced teachers have in some way mastered their profession. They
sought to correct this myth by modelling for the teacher candidates how
they reflected on their teaching. Pierrette mentioned the practice of thinking
aloud, which she saw as a way to model the kind of questioning teachers
engage in when they are teaching or reflecting on their teaching.
I would say that our role as teacher educators is to think aloud. . . . If we think aloud or
we say, “I did such and such a thing because of these circumstances.” . . . When we think
aloud, we provide a model, and we show that we think as well. We permit questions and
questioning. (Pierrette, collaborating teacher)
198
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
The collaborating teachers also nurtured reflective practice by modelling
a disposition for lifelong learning, which they exemplified by working with
new curricula, being aware of recent research, attending professional
development sessions with their teacher candidates, and reading
professional journals. Judith talked about the teachers in her division who
participated in a book club. They met once a month to discuss their readings
and their attempts to apply some of the notions to their own teaching.
Dorothée said, “The best quality of a collaborating teacher is that he realizes
that he is a learner himself, for life.” Her comment received nods of approval
from her colleagues.
It was apparent that reflecting on teaching should be a practice of the
collaborating teachers, it should be modelled for the teacher candidates,
and once the teacher candidates had a certain degree of experience they
too should begin reflecting on their teaching. Experience is crucial to the
ability to reflect on practice. Teacher candidates are, at first, centred on
themselves and their lesson plans. As they gain confidence and experience,
their attention gradually moves to the learners (Fuller & Brown, 1975). Only
when teacher candidates started to attend to their students are they in a
position to reflect on their teaching, their students’ learning, and ultimately,
on their own learning. The extended field experience provided in the context
of the on-site program at Collège universitaire de Saint-Boniface offered
the time for this process to unfold.
These collaborating teachers were practising learner-centred teaching,
according to contemporary theory. They are aware of the importance of
focusing on what beginning teachers already knew and believed about
teaching. They strove for collaborative relationships in which partners saw
teaching as problem solving, in reflecting thinking that serves as a model
for the teacher candidates as well as a backdrop for effective feedback.
CONCLUSION
Although this study is limited to the experiences of collaborating teachers
in a particular context — and the researchers’ interpretation of that
experience, it helps inform teacher education research in several ways. First,
most studies (Duquette & Cook, 1994; Gervais & Desrosiers, 2001; Martin,
2003) have looked at short-term placements for teacher candidates. The
experiences of the collaborating teachers in our study led them to support
a long-term practicum because it gave teacher candidates a realistic and
authentic opportunity to be socialized into the teaching profession. Second,
in our study, we have described some strategies collaborating teachers used
A SEVEN-M ONTH PRACTICUM: C OLLABORATING TEACHERS’ RESPONSE
199
to scaffold teacher candidates. They took the time to understand their
strengths and weaknesses, they gave them honest feedback, and they
structured the learning environment to remove the scaffold gradually to
give teacher candidates more responsibility and independence. Third, the
collaborating teachers described how they accompanied teacher candidates
in reflecting on their experiences and using that information to inform their
teaching. Collaborating teachers have several strategies as part of their
role as teacher educators as members of the discourse community of teacher
education: developing a collaborative relationship, building self-confidence
and trust, determining strengths and weaknesses, modelling reflective
practice, helping teacher candidates set goals and evaluate their teaching,
helping them develop their own teaching style and personal learning theory.
Building this scaffold and slowly removing it takes time. The data for our
study suggest a long-term practicum is a necessary condition to successfully
scaffold teacher candidates as they learn to teach.
DISCUSSION
Contrary to studies cited in our literature review, we have control over the
placement of teacher candidates in the program at Collège universitaire
de Saint-Boniface. We invited collaborating teachers to participate as
teacher educators according to, among other criteria, their adherence to
constructivist learning theory. Placing teacher candidates with collaborating
teachers who are practising the kinds of reform aligned with current
research is crucial because they are being called on to assume a greater
responsibility as teacher educators.
In our group interviews, collaborators did not consider the role of theory
in learning to teach. They didn’t mention any examples of collaborating
teachers helping teacher candidates link personal practical knowledge to
paradigms of learning theory. If reform in education calls for collaborating
teachers to help teacher candidates anchor their practice in theory, our study
underscores the urgency of clarifying the role of collaborating teachers as
teachers of theory.
Hargreaves (1992) and Fullan (in Beatty & Shaw, 1994) talk about
“’reculturing,’ as the need to change the culture of teaching so that it is
more collaborative, so that there is a twin focus on new pedagogy and on
new professional collegiality” (Fullan, in Beatty & Shaw, p. 6). This
reculturing involves, among other things, the establishment of schooluniversity partnerships where the focus of knowledge moves from a
university discourse to a new discourse community to include teachers,
200
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
teacher candidates, and professors. All too often, the voice of the teachers
is silenced. This study has given collaborating teachers a voice in the
discourse community of teacher-education programs. Their contribution
is imperative if teacher educators are to talk about a shared vision of the
role of schooling.
Implications for Further Research
Collaborating teachers are teacher educators and as such, are responsible
for the teaching of theory. How can we help teacher educators see themselves
as teachers of theory? How can we help them ground their theories in
research and encourage teacher candidates to do the same?
Studies cited (Clarke, 2001; Knowles & Cole, 1996; Wideen, Mayer-Smith,
& Moon, 1998) suggest that collaborating teachers should revise their role
from one of formal supervision to one of scaffolding teacher candidates in
learning to teach. More studies looking at how collaborating teachers create
learning scaffolds would enrich programs designed to prepare collaborating
teachers for their role as teacher educators.
The relationship between an extended practicum with collaborating
teachers practising learner-centred teaching and the effectiveness of
beginning teachers as agents of learner-centred reform merits further
attention. There is also the need to study the relationship between extended
practicum experience and teacher retention.
NOTES
1 In this article, we have presented some of the findings of a larger study that
considered perceptions of collaborating teachers as teacher educators. The larger
study, using group interviews documented a process of consultation. The goal of
this study was the following: to establish basic assumptions underlying a teacher
education program, to define the role of collaborating teachers within the
parameters of these basic assumptions, and to determine how to support the
collaborating teachers.
2 When we conducted this study, teacher candidates had two choices for the final
year of their Bachelor of Education. About half of the teacher candidates followed
a more traditional campus-based program, while the other half chose the on-site
program described above. Education faculty at Collège universitaire de SaintBoniface have now made this program compulsory for all Bachelor of Education
students.
3 We have used pseudonyms to respect the right of participants in this study to
anonymity.
A SEVEN-M ONTH PRACTICUM: C OLLABORATING TEACHERS’ RESPONSE
201
4 Given the provisions of section 23 (Minority Language Educational Rights) of the
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, it is not uncommon to find children in
French first-language schools with limited proficiency in French.
REFERENCES
Beatty, M., & Shaw, P. (1994). Conceptualising the teacher’s role: An interview with
Michael Fullan, Orbit, 25(4), 6–8.
Clarke, A. (2001). Characteristics of co-operating teachers. Canadian Journal of
Education, 26, 237–256.
Cochran-Smith, M. (1991). Learning-to-teach against the grain. Harvard Educational
Review, 61, 279–319.
Cohen, D., McLaughlin, M., & Talbert, J. (1993). (Eds.). Teaching for understanding:
Challenges for policy and practice. San Francisco: Jossey Bass.
Dempsey, R. (1994). Learning through collaboration: A collaborative school-based
approach to field experiences. McGill Journal of Education, 29, 103–116.
Duquette, C., & Cook, S. (1994). Five Ontario professional development schools
projects: Conditions for success. Journal of Professional Studies, 1(2), 60–72.
Feiman-Nemser, S. (1996). Teacher mentoring: A critical review. ERIC Digest, 95.
Washington: ERIC Clearinghouse on Teaching and Teacher Education.
Feiman-Nemser, S., Parker, M. B. & Zeichner, K. (1993). Are mentor teachers teacher
educators? In D. McIntyre, H. Hagger, & M. Wilkin (Eds.), Mentoring: Perspectives
on school-based teacher education (pp. 147-165). London, UK: Kogan Paul.
Fenstermacher, G. (1994). The place of practical argument in the education of teachers.
In V. Richardson (Ed.), Teacher change and the staff development process: A case in
reading instruction (pp. 23–42). New York: Teachers College Press.
Fuller, F., & Brown, O. (1975). Becoming a teacher. In K. Ryan (Ed.), Teacher education,
seventy-four year book of the National Society of the Study of Education (pp. 25–52).
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Gervais, C., & Desrosiers, P. (2001). Les stages, un parcours professional accompangné.
Canadian Journal of Education, 26, 263–282.
Gunstone, R. F., Slattery, M., Baird, J. R., & Northfield, J. R. (1993). A case study
exploration of development in preservice science teachers. Science Education, 77,
47–73.
Hargreaves, A. (1992). Cultures of teaching: A focus for change. In A. Hargreaves
and M. G. Fullan (Eds.), Understanding teacher development (pp. 216–240). New
York: Teachers College Press.
202
GESTNY EWART & STANLEY STRAW
Knodel, J. (1993). Design and analysis of interview group studies. In D. Morgan
(Ed.), Successful focus groups: Advancing the state of the art (pp. 35–50). Newbury
Park, CA: Sage.
Knowles, J. G., & Cole, A. (1996). Developing practice through field experiences. In
F. B. Murray (Ed.), The teacher educator’s handbook: Building a knowledge base for the
preparation of teachers (pp. 648–690). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Levine, M. (1996). Educating teachers for restructured schools. In F. B. Murray (Ed.),
The teacher educator’s handbook: Building a knowledge base for the preparation of teachers
(pp. 620–647). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Lincoln, Y. (1992). Curriculum studies and the traditions of inquiry: The humanistic
tradition. In P. Jackson (Ed.), Handbook of research on curriculum (pp.79-97). New
York, MacMillan.
Loughran, J., & Russell, T. (1997). Meeting student teachers on their own terms:
Experience precedes understanding. In V. Richardson (Ed.), Constructivist teacher
education: Building a world of new understandings (pp. 164–181). London, UK: Falmer
Press.
Martin, A. (2003, May). Walking the talk of teacher education reform: Validating the
voices of preservice teacher candidates. Paper presented at the annual meeting of
the Canadian Society for the Study of Education, Halifax, NS.
Morgan, D. L. (1995). Why things (sometimes) go wrong in focus groups. Qualitative
Health Research, 5, 516–523.
Morgan, D. L. (1997). Focus groups as qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
QSR NUD*IST 4 (1997). User guide. Qualitative Solutions and Research Pty Ltd.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Richardson, V. (1997). Constructivist teaching and teacher education. Theory and
practice. In V. Richardson (Ed.), Constructivist teacher education: Building
understandings (pp. 3–14). London, UK: Falmer Press.
Skau, K. (1990). The image of community. The Alberta Journal of Educational Research,
36, 101–114.
Vadeboncoeur, J. A. (1997). Child development and the purpose of education: A
historical context for constructivism in teacher education. In V. Richardson (Ed.),
Constructivist teacher education: Building understandings (pp. 15–37). London, UK:
Falmer Press.
Vytgotsky, L. (1962). Thought and language. (E. Hanfmann & G. Vakar Trans.).
Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press.
Wideen, M., Mayer-Smith, J., & Moon, B. (1998). A critical analysis of the research on
learning to teach: Making the case of an ecological perspective on inquiry. Review
of Educational Research, 68, 130–178.
Essai critique / Review Essay
Herbert Grossman. (2004). Classroom Behaviour Management for Diverse
and Inclusive Schools (3rd ed.). Toronto: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
Inc. 525 pages. ISBN: 0-7425-2654-2 (cloth); 0-7425-2655-0 (paperback).
S. Anthony Thompson, Faculty of Education, University of Regina
Classroom management is one of those topics in education that — for better
or worse — seems never to tire. Its inherent au courant status guarantees
classroom management perpetual top billing on the latest What’s New,
What’s In, and What’s Hot pedagogical lists. Perhaps part of its DorianGray nature lies in the number and breadth of positionings of its theorists/
practitioners, including positivists, post-positivists, social constructivists,
and critical, material activists (see, for example, marked differences between
Freiberg, 1999, and Alberto & Troutman, 2003). Or perhaps, as educators,
we just need to manage. Maybe I am slightly jaded; I teach an Enhancing
Classroom Management course and constantly receive the most recent musthave books. So, for my intellectual dollar (albeit Canadian), there must be
compelling reasons and effective direction for yet another classroom
management go-round.
Thankfully, Grossman delivers. Unlike Cher and Madonna, who reinvent
themselves in the name of contemporaneousness, Grossman revisits
classroom management in the name of deepening our understandings of
diversity — student and classroom; he seriously, respectfully, and broadly
engages with these timely issues.
The Diversity Reinvention Tour: Diverse Classroom and Student Landscapes
Grossman logically arranges his book in three sections: Avoiding Behaviour
Problems, Resolving Most Behaviour Problems, and Individualised
Solutions to Behaviour Problems. For me, the first section is the strongest.
Grossman juxtaposes some of the typical pre-emptive, preventive classroom
management techniques in the first few chapters with real-classroom
implementation complexity; namely, an accounting for (part of) the diverse
student landscape in the latter part of this section. Grossman includes here
issues of gender; refugees and immigrants; lower SES (including
impoverished living conditions); physical, sexual, and emotional abuse; as
well as different cultures. How to effect student transitions, create and
enforce classroom rules, and intervene with and without consequences is
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 203–209
204
REVIEW ESSAY
set up against how to avoid misleading gender stereotypes, deal with
homeless children and youth, and include students with ethnic differences
meaningfully. The strength lies in Grossman’s ability to present classroom
management practice and then the complexity of practice, not merely as
sequential skill-building exercises, but rather as an overall coherence.
In Part 2, Grossman directly considers specific classroom management
strategies. He includes comparatively fewer references to cultural practices,
although he has woven such issues throughout these chapters. Grossman
draws heavily from traditional behaviour management — for example,
various positive and negative consequence strategies. Yet he sensibly
contextualizes tried-and-true behavioural strategies with those from other
perspectives. Of note is his discussion about the uses/abuses of rewards
(p. 307) with a specific concern about the overuse of external motivators
and their potentially negative impact on students’ internal satisfaction. His
position approaches an Adlerian one (Evans, 1996) — words as
encouragement instead of praise (see especially his table on p. 312). Also
significant is the introduction, Whether, When and How to Intervene (the
familiar “Who owns the problem,” Gordon, 1974), which sets up the
remaining chapters on strategy explication, including timely
appropriateness. Part 3 opens with a brief treatise on the theory and realclassroom practice of inclusion, followed by chapters on “Conduct Problems,
Emotional Problems” and “Physiological Factors,” where Grossman takes
up these individual students’ challenges.
The Scope of Care
Even on a quick leaf-through, Grossman’s book is impressive; its range is
ample (the book is literally heavy at 525 pages). Certainly, Grossman is not
one to shy away from tackling educational issues broadly (1998a, 1998b),
although admittedly, this work is in its third edition. Nonetheless, Grossman
has definitely done his homework; this book is well-researched and wellreferenced on at least two substantial planes. First, to appreciate the
importance of any classroom management issue, he introduces topics by
providing a breadth of statistics, such as percentages of students who report
being bullied. In many ways, Grossman writes for an international audience,
though he makes many Canadian citations, some of which were surprising
to me — such as the fact that 77 per cent of American students report being
bullied in schools compared to only 17 per cent of Canadian students (p.
13).
Second, Grossman provides a myriad of concrete and developmentally
appropriate suggestions to ameliorate many such problems, braiding his
ESSAI
CRITIQUE
205
suggestions throughout the book. He often revisits articulated issues
through new contexts, thereby shedding new light for reconsideration.
For example, again with a Canadian connection, Grossman cites Danyluk
and da Costa (1999), who indicate that Aboriginal Canadian students
tend to prefer more egalitarian teachers (p. 161). Such cultural norms
may shape classroom management practice, implicating in this instance
the democratization of classroom rules (which were previously explained).
Similarly, when presenting research on students’ self-concept, he reexamines ethnic bias with specific reference to Hispanic and Asian
students (p. 436). These reviews, richly supported and referenced from
the research literature, allow the work to hang together and provide
general considerations for various kinds of students; at the same time
Grossman continually cautions against stereotyping students based on
cultural or other characteristics.
Notably, Grossman does not simply caution us against stereotyping; his
text speaks more than words: it speaks for itself. Take, for example, his
selection of images. In chapter 12, when presenting information on conduct
disorders, he graphically depicts a blonde Caucasian female student
cheating by looking on an African-American male student’s test (p. 400).
Also, in the short section on inclusive philosophy, he uses an image of a
student with a disability, integrated in a classroom from (what appears
to be) in India (p. 370). In short, this book is extensive, yet cohesive, and
carefully constructed.
The Diversity Tour and the Teacher-Education Classroom
I have attempted to carry this caring and careful attitude into my own
classroom through Grossman’s thought-provoking activities. As Wade
(1998) has stated, one of Grossman’s “most valuable contributions . . . is a
discussion of a complicated point that is not easily perceived: that much of
discrimination that leads to educational inequity is the result of unconscious
bias” (p. 171). To incite educators to confront their complicity in the everyday
proliferation of student oppression in the management of classrooms,
Grossman provides a series of Self-Quizzes, useful exercises for student
teachers to interrogate their own positionalities and privileges associated
with being a teacher. Grossman, however, tends to concentrate on cultural
and gendered assumptions, and less on ableist and heterosexist ones. Having
used some of these Self-Quizzes in class, such as the Perceptions of Students
Behaviour (p. 269), I have found them to be quite powerful. In addition, to
promote engaged discussion, I have used the activities and case studies
such as those concerning Conduct Disorder (pp. 410–411). I also found it
206
REVIEW ESSAY
helpful for student teachers to consider self-management techniques and
practices, as Grossman does in the second and third sections. Finally, and
this has been a bit of a disappointment, with the extensive bibliographic
information provided at the end of each chapter, I expected to see more
Internet references. Currently, textbooks sometimes are almost a part of a
multimedia package, with their own websites, associated teacher resources,
sometimes even their own PowerPoint slides. Grossman could have
included many good on-line resources (www.pbis.org, for example).
Although the publisher’s website indicates an Instructor’s Manual, I am
curious that Grossman’s book seems to leave the Internet relatively
untouched.
Herbert Grossman, Come Out, Come Out Wherever You Are
I am a closet behaviourist. There. I wrote it.
Well . . . sometimes I am a closet behaviourist; sometimes a closet postmodernist, or a materialist, or — even a critical/material post-modernist.
Sometimes, my closeted-ness depends on which conference I attend, and
who I run into there. Sometimes my paradigm depends on what job needs
to be done. In my own writing I have been accused of lapsing betwixt and
between paradigms, which I do not see as problematic as long as theoretical
assumptions are expressed and consistently implicated. I am learning to be
out of the closet about what my postulates are within a particular piece —
be they positivist or post-modernist — and follow them.
My closeted behaviour/analytic self might look at Grossman’s book as a
classic view of behaviour management applied in educational settings (such
as Alberto & Troutman, 2003). As such, I might expect more strategies on
how to set up a positive classroom environment, much like the fine job that
Sprick, Garrison, and Howard (1998) have done. Interestingly, Grossman’s
entire Chapter 10 deals with “Obtaining Student Compliance by Using
Consequences,” and although he does spend some time in Chapters 2
and 3 on setting up positive expectations, or what to do before classroom
management problems occur, these sections seem comparatively short.
Grossman states that “you can help many students who misbehave without
resorting to consequences” (p. 310), and yet he provides no clear model to
effect such a practice, like Sprick et al.’s strong exemplar, CHAMPs (1998).
However, in my own view, Grossman’s contribution is stronger and more
unique than the standard text — models have faults too.
To say it another way, Classroom Behaviour Management for Diverse
and Inclusive Schools is definitely not your parents’ guide to behaviour
management. To repeat, Grossman’s cogency is premising demonstrable
ESSAI
CRITIQUE
207
behavioural (and other) methods within a wide range of cultural,
gendered, and to some extent ableist and heterosexist practices, while
providing practical implications — paradoxically, at certain moments this
may also be a (minor) weakness. Walker (1997) has praised his earlier
efforts as being very inclusive. Sometimes, however, writing so broadly,
one may be tempted to overgeneralize — something that Grossman himself
regularly entreats the reader not to do: “There is no one universal culture
of poverty or working-class culture that applies to both genders, all ethnic
groups, and all countries” (Grossman, 2004, p. 115); yet Kanu (1999) and
Wade (1998) have criticized Grossman for just that — overgeneralizing.
Commenting on Grossman’s previous book, Achieving Educational Equality,
Wade (1998) points to his tendency to overgeneralize, noting that such
statements lead to harmful stereotypes.
Another example of dangerous generalising is Grossman’s observation that rural
students “have lower self-esteem” than do urban students (p. 129). Such statements
inadvertently perpetuate harmful stereotypes. Grossman also makes serious charges of
discrimination on the part of governments and educators that do not appear unfounded.
However, he should have supported these assertions with more empirical or statistical
evidence for those readers who may doubt his allegations. (Wade 1998, p. 171)
Although I agree with Wade that sometimes Grossman “inadvertently
perpetuates stereotypes,” my take on how he does so is a little different. I
do not see statistical documentation as a means to textual authenticity and
eventual classroom management amelioration. Rather, I see a few unhelpful
remnants from a positivist (behaviour-analytic) perspective. For example,
instances where student identity, itself, is a taken-for-granted assumption
— that is, identity itself is a unified and naturalized construct. Therefore, to
effect student diversity as a classroom behaviour management practice is
to question, interrogate, and eliminate educator bias against certain
identities, certain stereotypes.
Alternatively, perhaps identity unquestioned is a form of stereotyping.
What is at issue many times is how and which identities come to be, how
and which identities come out. Consider Grossman’s placement of lesbian
and gay students under the heading sexual harassment (p. 15). Homophobic,
heterosexist, and hetero-normative acts are not necessarily acts of sexual
harassment; however, they are most certainly acts of sexual orientation
harassment. I am not suggesting that Grossman is directly conflating sexual
with sexual orientation harassment, but to place lesbian and gay students
only under sexual harassment may inadvertently suggest that lesbian and
gay identities are (only) sexualized identities, and reinforce this stereotype.
This is an odd place to come out.
208
REVIEW ESSAY
Other unhelpful remnants (and admittedly I do not know if this is
Grossman’s nomenclature or part of the professional vernacular in the area
of students with emotional problems) are the concepts of incorrect emotions
and weak emotions (p. 422). Correct and incorrect seem a strange dichotomy
when discussing emotions: theoretically unobliging and a little simplistic.
But the residue that is most dis-servicing to me is Grossman’s somewhat
detached tour-guide presentation of conflicting viewpoints of controversial
topics. Grossman “began his career a classroom teacher. He eventually
founded and directed an alternative school for students with learning and
behavioural problems. He has taught, lectured, and consulted at numerous
universities. . . . Grossman is an advocate for children” (Wade, 1998, p.
170). I understand that Grossman sometimes writes within the role of social
scientist (positivist) and less often cultural worker (critical/materialist).
Having said that, when he discusses strategies for dealing with ethnic
differences, (accommodation, assimilation, biculturalism, and
empowerment, pp. 180–192), I wish he would have let us into his world a
little bit more — not as the ultimate authority, but more as an impassioned
supporter. The debates seem unresolved, probably because they are, but it
may be helpful to elucidate the complexity and then voice one’s own
opinion.
Conclusion
Let me stress that the limitations of a behaviour-analytic paradigm, though
apparent, are relatively few, and should not distract one from the bigger
picture. According to the publisher’s website (http://
www.rowmanlittlefield.com), Grossman’s work has been awarded “Book
of the Year” by Exceptionality Education Canada. I, too, heartily endorse
Grossman’s diversity re-invention tour, Classroom Behaviour Management
for Diverse and Inclusive Schools. Heck, I’d recommend the 100-per-cent,
preshrunk cotton T-shirt, the ensigned baseball cap, and, unequivocally,
the book.
REFERENCES
Alberto, P. A., & Troutman, A. C. (2003). Applied behaviour analysis for teachers
(6th Ed.). Columbus, OH: Charles E. Merrill.
Danyluk, R. C., & da Costa, J. L. (1999). Identifying and addressing challenges
encountered by educators of Aboriginal children in an urban setting. ERIC ED
429 958.
ESSAI
CRITIQUE
209
Evans, T. D. (1996). Encouragement: The key to reforming classrooms. Educational
Leadership, 54(1), 81–86.
Freiberg, H. J. (Ed.). (1999). Beyond behaviourism: Changing the classroom management
paradigm. Boston: Allen & Bacon.
Gordon, T. (1974). T.E.T. Teacher effectiveness training. New York: David McKay
Co., Inc.
Grossman, H. (1998a). Achieving educational equality: Assuring all students an
equal opportunity in school. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas.
Grossman, H. (1998b). Ending discrimination in special education. Springfield, IL:
Charles C. Thomas.
Kanu, Y. K. (1999). A review of “Achieving educational equality: Assuring all
students an equal opportunity in school” by Herbert Grossman. Alberta Journal
of Educational Research, 45(4), 474–478.
Sprick, R., Garrison, M., & Howard, L. (1998). CHAMPs: A proactive and positive
approach to classroom management. Longmont, CO: Sopris West. Retrieved
November 26, 2004, from http://www.sopriswest.com/swstore/
product.asp?sku=187
Wade, C. L. (1998). A review of Achieving educational equality: Assuring all students
an equal opportunity in school by Herbert Grossman. The Journal of Negro
Education, 67(2), 170–173.
Walker, S. (1997). A review of Ending discrimination in special education by Herbert
Grossman. The Journal of Negro Education, 66(2), 193–194.
Recensions / Book Reviews
Molly Ness. (2004). Lessons to Learn: Voices from the Front Lines of Teach
for America. New York: RoutledgeFalmer. 230 pages. ISBN 0-415-945909
(hardcover)
Roslyn Thomas-Long, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the
University of Toronto
In Lessons to Learn, Molly Ness writes about the challenges of education
reform in the United States through her examination of Teach For
America (TFA), a program that has drawn conflicting reactions from
the educational community, as well as the American public.
Ness dispels the myths and exposes the realities about TFA, which
Wendy Knopp, a Princeton senior undergraduate, originally conceived
in 1990. Knopp was nagged by the inequity in education in America
and started a program to engage recent university graduates to teach
in needy schools. The program has much in common with the American
Peace Corps in its mission for reaching the most disadvantaged
members of society. However, unlike the Peace Corps, which is
concerned with inequities outside American society, TFA is concerned
only with inequities within America.
Like Knopp, Ness became involved in TFA because of her “fervor for
social equity” (p. xii). On joining the program in 1999, Ness spent two
years teaching social studies and English in Oakland, California, to
African-American and Latino grade-6 students. Ness describes the
overwhelming responsibility of teaching, which frequently led her to
question her presence within the classroom and community, where she
felt like an outsider. Even more frustrating was her disappointment
with the lack of guidance and mentoring from TFA. Yet Ness remained
optimistic about giving students who lived in poverty an equal chance
at learning. Despite her initial obstacles, Ness found TFA “an incredibly
challenging and unbelievably rewarding experience” (p. xiii), a point
echoed by many participants in this book. Thus, Lessons to Learn is her
“effort to give a comprehensive overview of the TFA experience and a
critical examination of its impact”(p. xiv) on those who became, and
remained involved with the program.
Ness is well positioned to write this book, given her unique
experiences as a teacher and alumna agitating for change. To gather
data for this book, Ness interviewed 154 TFA Peace Corps members,
staff, and alumni; add to this, professionals outside of the Corps such
CANADIAN JOURNAL
OF
EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005): 210–232
RECENSIONS
211
as researchers, professors, parents, students, principals and
superintendents. Using the language of the layperson, Ness has
successfully made Lessons to Learn accessible to a diverse audience. The
book’s structure is simple; its eleven chapters are thematically
organized in a linear fashion. Chapters 1 through 9 detail the founding
vision of TFA, reasons for choosing TFA, recruitment and training, and
participants’ teaching experiences, including negotiating their new
environment. I was particularly impressed by participants’ candour
about their reasons for choosing to work with TFA. Among those cited
were the educational opportunity it provided, a pathway to teaching,
and wanting to be proactive about social justice.
In several cases participants were already inculcated with values
about volunteering and social justice; however, others saw this as a
quick gatew ay to the teaching profession. M any participants,
uninterested in working in impoverished schools, were quickly
disillusioned by the heavy workload of teaching and lack of support
from the program, one of the primary reasons why some participants
left their positions prematurely or refused to renew their two-year
contracts.
The final two chapters are insightful in understanding not only
students’ motivation to become teachers, but more importantly, their
motivations for staying or leaving the profession. Ness notes that “upon
leaving the classroom, alumni take on the second part of Teach for
America’s mission: to effect long-term change from a variety of
professional fields” (p. 157). The lessons learned are especially visible
in these chapters where Ness examines “life after teach for America”
(p. 157). For instance, Bill entered politics working as a state legislator
on educational reform; Mina Kim worked with non-profit organizations
in advocacy and social services. It is apparent that through TFA many
participants became involved in teaching where they may have never
considered teaching as a viable option. One participant astutely noted
that TFA “made teaching a more attractive profession, . . . it also gained
credibility as an alternative route into teaching” (p. 203).
Although Ness’ book is informative, there are absences that
undermine the gravity of the issues under examination. Ness writes
about the inequities in education; yet there is little critical examination
of the historical, political, and economic context to inform the reader
as to the factors influencing the creation and continuing existence of
TFA. Although this is possibly a strategic move to depoliticize her role
in writing this book, it tends to give the book less credibility.
Consequently, Ness does not examine the importance of government’s
212
BOOK REVIEWS
policies for funding public schooling during the period of TFA’s creation.
To her credit, Ness realizes the difficulty in writing about a controversial
topic such as educational equity where little consensus exists. She writes,
“Even with my conscious efforts to be even handed, the dilemma
remains that Teach For America is a complex and loaded issue. Writing
about our nation’s school is a delicate subject; it is nearly impossible to
reflect the state of education w ithout touching on politics,
socioeconomic factors, race, ethnicity, not to mention the larger debates
over teacher training and educational reform” (p. xv).
Nevertheless, the author raises serious questions about the presence
of unqualified teachers in the classroom. She correctly points out that
the program is complicit in forwarding the perception that any one
can become a teacher, and that teaching can be done well with minimal
or no training. Like Ness, many participants were quite critical of the
program’s mission and were dissatisfied with the length and quality of
training. For instance, Sarah Fang believes that “TFA shouldn’t be
funnelling more uncredentialed teachers into the classroom. It should
be working to end itself out of existence” (p. 210). What is apparent is
that TFA needs to extend the nature and base of its program by working
more-closely within the communities it hopes to help.
Lessons to Learn is significant in as far as it gives the reader a unique
view of the intensity that teaching requires and the quality of resources
that is necessary to achieve educational excellence. Ness discredits the
general perception that parents from underprivileged backgrounds
have no interest in their children’s education as simplistic at best. The
issue is much more complex, with deep historical and political factors
affecting race, ethnicity, class, and gender relations in society. Lessons
to Learn, therefore, is an excellent book for those who are concerned
about the state of education reform. Ness’s approach is refreshing in
taking a bottoms-up approach by looking specifically at those who are
intimately involved in the actual “doing” of educational change.
Ness’s book has important lessons for Canada. She shows that for
teaching to be effective, it has to be embedded in community, taking into
account local cultural and socioeconomic conditions in curriculum
planning. It demonstrates the power of teachers and parents working
together to achieve effective learning for students, and calls into question
the current stress on testing to facilitate improvement in schools.
Lessons to Learn clearly demonstrates that equitable and accessible
education requires adequate funding so that all students have the same,
or a similar playing field. And this book shows that to keep good
teachers in public schools, they must be properly trained, mentored,
RECENSIONS
213
and supported. Finally, Lessons to Learn highlights the fact that teachers
must be passionate about their work to engage students in learning.
Teaching is a skill that cannot be built up in two years. Teachers in Teach
for America who were committed to teaching and stayed on longer than
two years felt they had only just begun their teaching journey. And this
speaks volumes to teacher education in Canada.
––––––––––––––––
Mary Beattie. (2004). Narratives in the Making: Teaching and Learning at
Corktown Community High School. Toronto: University of Toronto Press
Incorporated. 160 pages. ISBN 0-8020-3745-3 (hardcover); ISBN 0-80208533 (paperback)
Helen E. Christiansen, Faculty of Education, University of Regina
In their recent book, Narrative Inquiry: Experience and Story in Qualitative
Research, Jean Clandinin and Michael Connelly (2000) write that
narrative inquirers “make themselves as aware as possible of the many,
layered narratives at work in the inquiry space. They imagine narrative
intersections, and they anticipate possible narrative threads emerging”
(p. 70). Mary Beattie, the author of Narratives in the Making, does this
extremely well. The result is a narrative account that takes us into the
daily life of a school where community, connectedness, and caring are
the guiding principles.
In the opening pages, Beattie describes the book as one “about an
alternative secondary school where the focus is on the education of the
whole person” (p. 3). Corktown Community High School, one of 21
Canadian schools selected in 1993/94 to participate in a large-scale
national research study of exemplary Canadian schools, was chosen
“because of the high rate of student retention, student engagement,
achievement and success” (p. 5). To this point, this information seems
relatively straightforward. Later, however, we learn that “the school
has no staff room, no music room, no science labs, and no gymnasium”
(p. 19), and that of the total of twelve computers in the school “only
one computer is dedicated to staff and administrative use” (p. 20).
Furthermore, there is an off-site principal. Under these conditions, one
could expect a school to be more challenged than successful. And yet,
this is not the case, as we see in Beattie’s narrative.
The book is divided into seven chapters. Chapter 1 introduces
Corktown Community High School, and provides a background to the
214
BOOK REVIEWS
research study in which Beattie was the principal researcher. Chapter 2
describes the school, its distinctive learning environment, and what
Beattie calls its “extended family atmosphere” (p. 23). In Chapter 3,
Beattie examines teacher-student relationships, where we learn about
the existence of CEASA (the Committee of Evaluation of Academic
Standards and Admissions), a committee, comprised of two teachers and
two students, that does the work normally allocated to a vice-principal.
According to the off-site principal, “Corktown is a school for a certain
kind of student . . . who chooses to participate and make a commitment
to the learning community” (p. 33). In Chapter 4, we learn more about
the daily life of that learning community, particularly about a special
program, “Outreach,” a program that “provides opportunities for
students to be involved in their own growth at the same time as they
are helping the community” (p. 45). We learn about the different levels
and types of in-school and community-based outreach projects. A
narrative account of an Outreach Presentation Day enables us to
participate vicariously in the event. In Chapter 4 as well, we learn more
about the day-to-day administrative activities of the school, and the
challenges of working there.
Chapter 5 focuses on the daily m odelling and living out of
independence and interdependence at Corktown. It contains narrative
accounts of two classes, as well as portraits of students and teachers,
and shares further challenges to the community, particularly those
related to the “restrictiveness of course offerings . . . and the necessity
to go elsewhere for compulsory courses,” considered by students,
parents, and teachers to be a “major weakness of the school” (p. 92).
The narrative account of Corktown Community High School ends in
Chapter 6 with a description and discussion of ways in which its
“learning culture . . . emphasizes the development of connectedness
and commitment to self, school, and community” (p. 97). The chapter
contains narratives of a math class and a weekly staff meeting and a
discussion of the role of parents as community members. Chapter 6
closes with two stories of former students, one of them, now a teacher
herself. After a closing paragraph, in which Beattie speculates on the
legacy of Corktown, researcher and readers alike leave the school in
the same way in which we entered it — “always in the midst located
somewhere along the dimensions of time, place, the personal and the
social” (Clandinin & Connelly 2000, p. 63, italics in the original).
Chapter 7 returns us to the research study with a discussion of the
theoretical framework, narrative inquiry as a way of “studying and
representing practitioners’ knowledge” (p. 134). Beattie describes the
RECENSIONS
215
research design and methodology and the way in which the thematic
constructs of “the learning com m unity, voice and choice, and
collaboration and connectedness emerged from early observations of
classroom and school practices” (pp. 135–136).
With Narratives in the Making, Beattie makes a strong contribution
to the growing body of educational literature using the “personal
experience method” (cf. Clandinin & Connelly) of narrative inquiry.
Her work is an inspiration to narrativists and would-be narrativists.
First of all, it is aesthetically pleasing; Beattie is a good “storyteller.”
Her strength as a narrativist, however, lies in her ability to make the
links between theory and practice — between the worlds (and
worldviews) of researchers and practitioners. With Narratives in the
Making, Mary Beattie takes readers into a school where holistic
education is the daily lived experience of its teachers and students. In
these challenging times in education, Beattie’s contribution to the
literature on schools and schooling should be required reading for
educators everywhere.
REFERENCES
Clandinin, D. J., & Connelly, F.M. (1994). Personal experience methods. In N.
Denzin &Y. Lincoln (Eds.) Handbook of qualitative research. Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
Clandinin, D. J., & Connelly, F. M. (2000). Narrative inquiry: Experience and story
in qualitative research. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.
––––––––––––––––
Catherine Walker & Edgar Schmidt. (2004). Smart Tests: Teacher-Made-Tests
that Help Students Learn. Markham, ON: Pembroke Publishers. 144 pages.
ISBN: 1-55132-166-4
Sonya Corbin Dwyer, Faculty of Education, University of Regina
I have to remind myself never to judge a book by its cover . . . and in this
case, never judge a book by its title. When I first read the words “teachermade tests,” I was less than enthused about the content. As a proponent of
authentic assessment and performance assessment, I have a bias against
using traditional tests for assessing student learning when there are so many
other alternatives that directly assess student performance on “real-life”
tasks. As the authors point out, “Paper-and-pencil tests created by teachers
are the most common assessment tools . . . [and] can be the easiest form to
216
BOOK REVIEWS
manage, and can generate the most tangible and easy-to-use data” (p. 5). I
am not disagreeing with these claims. As a teacher educator, I am
apprehensive about the use of teacher-made tests because most tests focus
on recall and rote memorization instead of promoting thinking skills. (Let
me see what these authors have to say . . . .)
Tests as a Constructivist Approach to Learning and Teaching
Having confessed this, I was pleasantly surprised to read a book written
for practitioners that situates testing within a constructivist approach:
“Teachers demonstrate their commitment to encouraging students’ higherlevel thinking by creating assessment tasks that give students opportunities
to apply new knowledge, reflect on their learning, defend opinions, and
connect what they are learning to the world beyond the classroom” (p. 7).
The authors demonstrate a constructivist approach to learning and teaching
by stating that “Students need to be involved in assessing and evaluating
their own learning . . . to review and discuss their responses” (p. 14). This is
consistent with Fosnot (1996), who noted that errors need to be explored
and discussed, not minimized or avoided, allowing learners to generate
many possible responses, both affirming and contradictory. The authors
describe visual organizers as an element of smart tests, another example of
constructivism. (I can get behind this. . . .)
Tests as Performance Tasks
Walker and Schmidt describe tests as “performance tasks.” Different
educators use the phrase performance assessment to refer to very different
kinds of assessment approaches. However, some performance assessment
proponents contend that genuine performance assessments must possess
at least three features: multiple evaluative criteria, pre-specified quality
standards, and judgmental appraisal (Popham, 1999). Walker and Schmidt
include these features in their guidelines for constructing and administering
tests. Popham suggests some factors to consider when evaluating
performance tasks, including generalizability to other tasks, authenticity
to tasks found in the real world, teachability, fairness and scorability — all
issues addressed by Walker and Schmidt. (I am really enjoying this book. . . .)
Tests as Interpretation of Performance
The authors take a refreshingly new attitude toward the use of tests in the
classroom. They state that teachers should not use a student’s test results
RECENSIONS
217
for norm-referencing: “teacher-made tests are not intended to compare
students to one another or provide a ranking of students within a class or
across a grade level” (p. 7). They exhort teachers to use test results for
criterion-referencing: “It provides the teacher with critical information to
inform instruction, to provide feedback to students, and to make valid and
fair judgements about student learning and performance” (p. 7). Consistent
with this emphasis, the authors explain the importance of providing an inclass review for all tests, study plans for major tests, test questions ahead of
time, a minimum of three days to prepare for major tests, several small
tests rather than one major test, and clarifying directions during tests,
discounting (or at least revisiting) any test items that all students get wrong,
including (and celebrating) any test items that all students get right, and
providing opportunities for student to rewrite tests.
Walker and Schmidt distinguish between what a test mark should and
should not include: “Grade effort, participation, work habits, and other
behaviour that are not an explicit part of the unit skills and concepts
separately, rather than as part of an achievement mark” (p. 8). They
emphasize the importance of discussing with students the purpose of an
assessment task and how information from the activity will be used,
involving students in the assessment process. (My students would benefit
from using this book. . . .)
Tests as a Part of Instruction and Learning
Although I said not to judge a book by its title earlier, on closer examination
(once I looked past the word tests) I was able to see the authors’ emphasis
on the integration of assessment with learning. Throughout the book the
authors stress that assessment is a part of instruction, not an after thought:
“To be an important part of the learning and teaching process as well, these
tests must be an integral part of daily classroom learning and instruction
— not just the culminating event. . . . It begins the first day of the school
year” (p. 5). Walker and Schmidt also emphasize that instruction and
assessment should support students in becoming successful learners.
Indeed, most, if not all, of us have experienced tests designed to trick us,
not showcase our knowledge and skills. (They demonstrate this integration
quite well. . . .)
Tests for Teaching Metacognitive Strategies
Walker and Schmidt focus on the need for metacognitive strategy
instruction. Researchers have demonstrated that non-intellectual
218
BOOK REVIEWS
dispositions, including effective study skills and controlled exam anxiety,
may improve the prediction of academic success beyond academic and
intellectual dispositions (Larose, Robertson, Roy, & Legault, 1998), topics
addressed in Smart Tests. Instruction should focus more on learning about
one’s own learning rather than on the traditional isolated facts and
“memorization” (Corbin Dwyer & Piquette Tomei, 2001). Students require
explicit instruction in metacognitive strategies to learn how to problemsolve, be strategic, and be reflective of their learning (Butler, 1994; Mulcahy,
Short, & Andrews, 1991). Walker and Schmidt include a section on study
skills and test-taking strategies, “encouraging a positive attitude towards
tests” (p. 6). (Now my attitude is more positive. . . .)
Smart Tests Is a Smart Book
Walker and Schmidt demonstrate, through numerous examples for grades
2 to 6, that “good test questions” are fair, valid, and reliable, and lead to
sound judgements about student learning. In searching for appropriate
textbooks for my students, I have not come across a book that does what
this book has managed to do and in a very readable way. Although tests
may be viewed as ‘easy’ assessment tools, this book addresses the importance
of making them a part of every day instruction, including teaching how to
take a test. I look forward to sharing this resource with my students. (Now
I need to do a Google search for more Walker and Schmidt books. . . .)
REFERENCES
Butler, D. (1994). From learning strategies to strategic learning: promoting selfregulated learning by post-secondary students with learning disabilities. Canadian
Journal of Special Education, 9(4), 68–108.
Corbin Dwyer, S., & Piquette Tomei, N. (2001). Making the implicit explicit:
Metacognitive strategies for at-risk post-secondary students. Journal of Teaching
Academic Survival Skills, 3, 21–36.
Fosnot, C. T. (1996). A psychological theory of learning. In C. T. Fosnot (Ed.),
Constructivism: Theory, perspectives, and practice (pp. 8–33). New York: Teachers
College Press.
Larose, S., Robertson, D. U., Roy, R., & Legault, F. (1998). Nonintellectual learning
factors as determinants for success in college. Research in Higher Education, 39(3),
275–297.
Mulcahy, R., Short, R., & Andrews, J. (1991). Enhancing learning and thinking. New
York: Praeger Publishers.
Popham, W. J. (1999). Classroom assessment: What teachers need to know (2nd ed.).
Toronto: Allyn and Bacon.
––––––––––––––––
RECENSIONS
219
Rebecca Luce-Kapler. (2004). Writing With, Through, and Beyond the Text:
An Ecology of Language. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 185
pages. ISBN: 0-8058-4609-7 (paperback)
Trevor J. Gambell, Department of Curriculum Studies, University of Saskatchewan
A number of years ago I taught a senior elective writing course. We used a
writing process approach in a workshop setting, beginning the course with
personal experience as the genesis for writing with an even mix of male
and female students. At one circle sharing session where the writer would
read her or his first draft, one quiet woman asked if I would read her piece
as a prelude to discussion for revising the piece. (I had announced that
sharing was voluntary, that another person could read his or her piece,
that was fine.) The woman’s piece I read was about a rape. It was written
in the first person. I did not know whether or not to continue. I looked
across at the author, who sat impassionate, head bowed slightly. The others
in the circle were silent, embarrassed, uncomfortable, not knowing where
to look, whom to glance at. I struggled to finish the reading, to get it over
with. No one spoke. I was lost as an instructor, a writer, a responder. So was
everyone in the circle. If only Rebecca Luce-Kapler had written this book a
decade earlier, I might have been better prepared for what happened that
morning.
This book is about women’s writing and women as writers. Rebecca LuceKapler draws on her own experience as a published poet, a teacher of
writing, and a fellow writer/researcher with preservice teachers, with
writing groups of mature women, with female teachers on works-inprogress, and as a reader/student of the journals of Emily Carr and the
short stories of Kate Chopin. Critical influences are present through feminist
theory; Luce-Kapler develops a feminist aesthetic of writing through a social
constructivist group process, using deconstructivist principles. Chapter 1
contains one of the clearer discussions of deconstruction with respect to
text and writing that I have come across. Chapter 2 explores “rhythm”
and its relationship to writing, making writing an embodied experience
that allows a coherence of being. Luce-Kapler finds in the journals of Emily
Carr consonant rhythms of her own life and experience, though I think it is
a stretch to claim a “reconciling how deeply interwoven our lives became
through the rhythm of texts: paintings, stories and poems” (p. 35), as though
language is transparent, and stands for, in place of, body, mind, spirit.
Rebecca Luce-Kapler privileges poetry as a genre, her preferred form;
she is a published poet. All the workshops and writing groups discussed in
this book, and which make up the “research” component of the book, either
220
BOOK REVIEWS
begin or culminate with participants writing poems. This predilection is a
limitation of a book whose title is writing and language. Luce-Kapler also
puts much store in nature and childhood memories as the source of rhythm
for writing poetry. This is particularly evident in Chapter 2 where she
describes leading a workshop at an oceanside retreat. But using self as the
sole or primary source of writing does not challenge or contest society or
place. The self, with its built-in psychological defence mechanisms, is a safe
environment. One wonders how Luce-Kapler, or her students and writing
groups, respond to and find meaning in the gritty urban living and work
environments as a source of language and rhythm, as in the poems gathered
by Tom Wayman (1975, 1977, 1981), or those of Patrick Lane (1969). There
is a value system that permeates the rhythms of the poetry in this book, one
that goes unexplored, unchallenged.
The underlying belief in this book is the transformative power of writing,
especially as it plays out as shared group experience. Of the upscale
oceanside retreat workshop, Luce-Kapler writes: “They listened to the
natural rhythms of the ocean and rainforest, they responded in writing
and through oral story, they created a group rhythm reflected in the work
they did together, and they came away understanding their relationship to
each other and to the world differently” (p. 45). But did they go home to
their domestic and work lives transformed? There is no suggestion from
Luce-Kapler’s research that individual members of the group experienced
or shared a transformation. The transformative claim is a belief. Carmen,
an older woman in another writing group, wrote about separating from a
husband of 40 years. Carmen began writing about her disabling marriage
after she had abandoned it. Carmen, I suggest, used writing to come to
terms with her daring decision to leave, to justify her actions for herself
and, by extension, for others.
I’ve concluded that Rebecca Luce-Kapler believes that writing poetry is
research. In Chapter 3 she writes: “I continue to believe . . . that we explore
what we want to know to help us understand our place in the world. And if
we do it well, others can read our texts and understand themselves in turn.
The writer initiates the research, creates the space and becomes implicated.
The research bespeaks her as she bespeaks the research” (p. 45). To lay claim
to a created poem as data for the interpretation of self as reader is not
research. Now we are talking about response to texts and hermeneutics.
But readers bring expectations to texts that may be, and are, unconceived
of by writers. And this is another of the holes in this otherwise thoughtful
book; the reader is largely ignored (unless she belongs to a writing group).
Where is Rosenblatt (1978)? In Chapter 4 the problem is briefly confronted
through Iser (1978) and Bruner (1986, 1990).
RECENSIONS
221
However, I found Chapter 4 to be the strongest in this book; it explores
how texts offer further possibilities for disruption and change. In this
chapter we are introduced to the aforementioned 67-year-old Carmen. This
chapter, much more so than the first three, draws on the writing of the
women with whom the author writes and shares, linking their texts with
the literature on narrative, on reader interpretation, and on the relationship
between the fictive and the imaginative text and thought. We read that
“we were recognizing a pattern of writing that described women’s
experience” (p. 87); but what is/are the pattern(s)? One hopes there is a
language for it, as there was for Emily Carr. The journal writings of this
west coast artist are the subject of Chapter 5, where Luce-Kapler parallels
her own life with that of Emily Carr, using two voices in her own poetry in
dialogic style. In this chapter, too, we read of a women’s poetry group, “the
chix,” where a collective intelligence was developed “beyond which any of
us can imagine on our own” (p. 135), suggestive of a Vygotskian learning
environment.
The final chapter is where we find the instructional approaches that
Luce-Kapler commonly uses in her own work and teaching to raise
awareness of the systems of writing and to create productive conditions
for such work. Here, too, we come to an understanding of the “ecology of
writing” of the book title. An ecology of writing envisages language as
flexible and creative, and understands writing as embedded in a system of
relationships with the human (through groups) and more-than-human
(natural) world. In the “writing practices” that Luce-Kapler describes, one
sees the influences of Ken Macrorie’s (1976) “freewriting,” of
deconstruction, feminist criticism, and critical theory.
I think this book makes essential reading for graduate students in English
education, writing, and gender studies. For undergraduate students it has
its limitations: it speaks almost exclusively of and to women writers, and
its poetic core is too limiting for the teaching of writing. The book ends
rather abruptly; it needs a conclusion or postlogue. I, for one, would like a
glimpse of what lies beyond — the title promises “beyond the text” — both
for the writer and for the teaching of writing. And especially, what lies
beyond the poem.
REFERENCES
Bruner J. (1986) Actual minds, possible worlds. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.
Bruner, J. (1990). Acts of meaning. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Iser, W. (1978). The act of reading. A theory of aesthetic response. Baltimore, MD: The
Johns Hopkins University Press.
222
BOOK REVIEWS
Lane, P. (1969). Calgary city jail. Vancouver, BC: Very Stone House.
Macrorie, K. (1976). Writing to be read (revised 2nd ed.). Rochelle Park, NJ: Hayden
Book Company.
Rosenblatt, L. (1978) The reader, the text, and the poem: A theory of aesthetic response.
Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Wayman, T. (Ed.). (1975). A government job at last : An anthology of working poems,
mainly Canadian. Vancouver, BC: MacLeod Books.
Wayman, T. (1977). Free time: Industrial poems. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada.
Wayman, T. (1981). Going for coffee: An anthology of contemporary North American
working poems. Madiera Park, BC: Harbour.
––––––––––––––––
Hayhoe, Ruth (2004). Full Circle: A Life with Hong Kong and China. Toronto:
Women’s Press. 240 pages. ISBN: 0-88961-441-5
Glen A. Jones, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of
Toronto
I first met Ruth Hayhoe in fall 1986. She had just been appointed assistant
professor in the Higher Education Group at the Ontario Institute for Studies
in Education, and had obviously drawn the short straw and been assigned
the task of advising me in my master’s program. We would later become
professional colleagues in the Higher Education program at OISE/UT.
In many respects, Full Circle, Hayhoe’s recent autobiography, focuses on
the periods of her life that framed her appointment as a SSHRC postdoctoral
fellow at OISE in 1984 and her rapid rise through the professorial ranks.
The “circle” in the title refers to her relationship with Hong Kong, the place
she moved to in 1967 at the age of 21 to assume a teaching position and
undertake her missionary work, and returned to 30 years later to become
director of the fledgling Hong Kong Institute of Education. Her religious
faith played a key role in her decision to move to Hong Kong to assist a
group of missionaries associated with the Exclusive Brethren Church soon
after completing an undergraduate degree in classics at the University of
Toronto. For the next 11 years she taught at Heep Yunn, an Anglican girls’
school, worked with a small group of missionary colleagues, and continued
her personal education by studying Cantonese, Mandarin, Chinese
philosophy, and Chinese literature. In 1975 she turned her attention to the
formal study of education and enrolled in a two-year certificate program
at the University of Hong Kong. In 1978 she decided to combine her twin
interests in China and education and enrolled in the M.A. program in
comparative education at the University of London Institute for Education.
RECENSIONS
223
She continued into the institute’s Ph.D. program, using a two-year
appointment as a foreign expert in Fudan University in Shanghai as an
opportunity to conduct her fieldwork, and completed her doctorate in 1984.
Then it was back to Canada to begin her new career as a professor of
comparative and international higher education.
She began an ambitious program of research on Chinese higher education
that included frequent visits to China to conduct interviews as well as taking
the lead in what would become the first in a series of large development
projects supported by CIDA that facilitated linkages between Canadian
and Chinese scholars. In 1989, only months after Tiananmen Square entered
the international vocabulary, she moved to Beijing at the invitation of the
Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade to begin a two-year
appointment as first secretary for education, science and culture at the
Canadian embassy. She travelled to every major region of China, visiting
Canadian studies centres, encouraging the development of new centres
and exchange programs, and facilitating “people-to-people” relations
through cultural and media activities. In 1991 she returned to OISE to
continue her scholarship and related development activities. She later
became chair of the Higher Education Group and, following OISE’s
integration into the University of Toronto, the first associate dean of
Graduate Studies of the new OISE/UT. In 1997 she returned to Hong Kong
to assume the leadership of the Hong Kong Institute for Education as it
moved to its new campus and evolved into a degree-granting institution.
The book concludes with her return to Canada in 2002.
As this brief summary of major events clearly demonstrates, Ruth
Hayhoe has had a very interesting life and her autobiography is a frequently
frank, personal account of her experience. This is not a chronology of
accomplishments, but rather a book that focuses on people and
relationships, from fascinating descriptions of the circle of missionaries
she worked with in Hong Kong, to a glowing discussion of the mentors that
contributed to her understanding of China, comparative/international
higher education as a field of scholarship, and her professional and scholarly
development. At a very basic level, this is a well-written, thoughtful
autobiography of a woman who has led a fascinating life.
For those engaged in the study of education, the book’s deeper
contribution emerges from the recognition of Hayhoe’s influence and
impact on the field of comparative education scholarship. Cook, Hite, and
Epstein’s (2004) recent survey positions Hayhoe as one of the 10 most
influential figures in comparative education, and there is little doubt that
her work has had an enormous impact on our understanding of higher
education in China. This book provides a fascinating glimpse into the
224
BOOK REVIEWS
complex range of factors that underscored her quest to understand the
evolution of Chinese higher education. For those who have also read her
scholarly books and articles, this volume provides interesting insights into
the motivation for various projects and the professional linkages and
personal relationships that emerged from and contributed to her
scholarship.
The book will be of particular interest to graduate students, especially
those focusing on international or comparative education. The
autobiography provides an unusual opportunity to learn more about the
“how” of research in the broader context of the life of the researcher: the
importance of networks and connections; the role of conferences in
developing research activities; and the ways in which research, teaching
and administrative roles can fit together. It is also an inspiring tale of a
young woman who left home to help others and found a new mission. A
complete bibliography of Hayhoe’s publications would have been a
welcome addition to the book.
This is not a major academic treatise in comparative/international
education, but a well-written, concise, personal account of a major scholar
and academic administrator. The book provides a wonderful opportunity
to learn more about the life of an influential Canadian professor.
REFERENCES
Cook, B. J., Hite, S. J., & Epstein, E. H. (2004). Discerning trends, contours and
boundaries in comparative education: A survey of comparativists and their
literature. Comparative Education Review, 48(2), 123–149.
––––––––––––––––
P. Dawson & R. Guare. (2004). Executive Skills in Children and Adolescents: A
Practical Guide to Assessment and Intervention. New York: Guilford Press.
129 pages. ISBN: 1-57230-928-8 (paperback)
John R. Kirby, Faculty of Education, Queen’s University
This concise, practitioner-oriented volume introduces the reader to the
nature of executive skills, describes various techniques for observing and
assessing them, and suggests methods for improving them. Executive skills
are those that help us regulate our actions, thinking, and emotions; they
are the foundation of many high-level cognitive functions, including
planning, decision making, metacognition, strategies, self-regulated
learning, and selective attention. The book is a timely attempt to introduce
RECENSIONS
225
these concepts and techniques to educators, especially valuable because of
its focus on practical matters. The work is well grounded theoretically, and
some research studies are mentioned, but the clear intention is to provide a
few such references for those who may want to pursue them and instead
focus on application. The book has limitations and omissions, but in general
is a valuable resource for practitioners and a good introduction to the topic.
Many threads connect the notion of executive skills to educational
research and practice. Executive skills have long been recognized as the
responsibility of the frontal lobes of the brain; this relationship was
investigated through the study of individuals with brain damage (see, for
instance, the pioneering neuropsychological work of Luria, summarized in
Das, Naglieri, & Kirby, 1994). Individuals with frontal damage have
difficulties with impulse control, use of strategies, and the regulation of
behaviour. From a neuropsychological point of view, executive skills
comprise one of the most important, if not the most important cluster of
cognitive processes. It is difficult to conceive of human intellectual
competence without emphasizing them. It took some time, however, for
their importance to be recognized in education. Das et al. argued that
executive skills, which they termed planning, were a major factor in
intelligence, one which should be the focus of intellectual assessment and
the basis for educational intervention (see also Kirby & Williams, 1991).
Naglieri and Das (1997) later published the Cognitive Assessment System,
the first intellectual assessment battery to address this function explicitly.
Das et al. separate planning ability from attention, which Dawson and Guare
(and others) include under the rubric of executive skills; it remains to be
seen whether these are best seen as one or two entities.
But one need not go to research on brain damage or intelligence to find
evidence about executive skills in education. It has long been recognized
that learners’ strategies affect their performance: the construction, selection,
and monitoring of strategies involve the executive. By the 1970s, the concept
of metacognition had been introduced (e.g., Flavell, 1979) to stress that the
monitoring and control of cognition was fundamentally different from other
aspects of cognition. More recently we have the construct of self-regulated
learning (e.g., Boekaerts, Pintrich, & Zeidner, 2000), which necessarily
encompasses the functions of the frontal lobes. A further contribution has
been Barkley’s (1997) theory of executive function as the source of attention
deficit (ADHD); he argued that the executive is the seat not only of planning
and decision making, but also of inhibition control and working memory.
Dawson and Gaure (p. 5) feature Barkley’s theory as the basis for their
book. The hypothesis that ADHD children have executive difficulties can
be traced at least to Meichenbaum’s work on teaching impulsive children
226
BOOK REVIEWS
to “talk to themselves” to control their behaviour (Meichenbaum &
Goodman, 1971), work which not only referred to Luria but also laid the
foundation for cognitive behaviour modification, another area that appears
to address executive functions (see Kirby & Williams, 1991).
The Dawson and Guare book is clearly organized (as one might hope,
given the topic), and provides a useful introduction to the area. The first
chapter provides a brief overview of the concept of executive skills, an
overview that is stronger on describing Barkley’s model and on listing tasks
requiring executive skills than it is on the evidence supporting the theory.
The chapter does contain references to key sources for a reader who wants
to pursue the evidence. The second chapter presents a very useful list of
formal and informal assessment techniques, including interview methods,
behaviour checklists, and cognitive tasks. It might have been helpful to
elaborate on some of the techniques, and offer critical evaluations of them,
but that would probably have been beyond the intended scope of the book.
Chapters 3 to 6 describe how executive skills may be addressed in
interventions; these chapters and the appendix contain useful lists of tasks
to address, and forms on which to plan and monitor interventions.
Practitioners will find these starting points useful. The final chapter describes
particular disorders that relate to executive functions, including autism
spectrum disorders, ADHD, and sleep disorders.
If I had to express a concern about the book, I would argue that the
authors’ approach to executive skills instruction is more mechanical than I
would have chosen. The profusion of lists, forms, and instructional plans
seems appropriate for the teaching of skills, but all of these appear to assume
a teacher-directed approach to learning that may inhibit the development
of an independent, self-regulated approach to learning and thinking. The
authors do acknowledge this possible limitation, and they indicate
(following Luria, Meichenbaum, and others) that other-directed learning
is a step towards self-directed learning, but users of the book may need to
remind themselves regularly of the ultimate goal. It should be noted that
some approaches to the teaching of executive skills emphasize encouraging
learners to develop their own task strategies (e.g., Das, et al., 1994, chapter
10). Perhaps an early focus on teacher-directed strategies, fading into an
encouragement of learner-directed strategies, would be optimal.
Overall, the book is a very helpful introduction and a practical guide to
application. It does not claim to present theory or research in great detail,
but it does provide pointers to the relevant sources. I believe it would be
very useful as an adjunct text in undergraduate and graduate courses in
educational and school psychology and special education, though in
graduate courses I would want to supplement it with some of the research
RECENSIONS
227
sources. Preservice and practising teachers will find the clear presentation
of tasks and techniques and the sample forms provided to be very useful.
REFERENCES
Barkley, R. A. (1997). Behavioral inhibition, sustained attention, and executive
functions: Constructing a unifying theory of ADHD. Psychological Bulletin, 121,
65–94.
Boekaerts, M., Pintrich, P. & Zeidner, M. (Eds.). (2000). Handbook of self-regulation.
San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Das, J. P., Naglieri, J. A. & Kirby, J. R. (1994). Assessment of cognitive processes: The
PASS theory of intelligence. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon.
Flavell, J. H. (1979). Metacognition and cognitive monitoring: A new area of cognitivedevelopmental inquiry. American Psychologist, 34, 906–911.
Kirby, J. R., & Williams, N. H. (1991). Learning problems: A cognitive approach. Toronto:
Kagan & Woo.
Meichenbaum, D. H., & Goodman, J. (1971). Training impulsive children to talk to
themselves: A means of developing self-control. Journal of Abnormal Psychology,
77, 115–126.
Naglieri, J. A., & Das, J. P. (1997). Cognitive Assessment System. Itasca, IL: Riverside.
––––––––––––––––
Wim Jochems, Jeroen van Merriënboer, and Rob Koper (Eds.). (2004).
Integrated e-learning: Implications for Pedagogy, Technology & Organization.
New York: RoutledgeFalmer. 212 pages. ISBN: 0-415-33502-7 (hardcover);
0-415-33503-5 (paperback)
Peter Wright, Department of Educational Psychology, University of Alberta
This book is targeted at a wide array of professionals (as well as “students
in educational sciences”) who are interested in the design and development
of e-learning systems for post-secondary and higher education. It is also
targeted at the business and industrial training environment.
In 15 chapters of approximately equal length, this 200-page book looks
at e-learning through three themes: instructional design, the role of learning
technologies in the development of e-learning, and implementation and
evaluation. It embraces a constructivist philosophy that subscribes to
student-centred learning. Each chapter manifests the common look and
feel of a research or position paper, complete with conclusions and
references; some chapters contain suggestions for further reading. The
concept of integration is paramount as evidenced by its inclusion not only
in the book’s title, but also in 11 of the 15 chapters and the introduction.
The introductory chapter provides a guide to the book’s content and
228
BOOK REVIEWS
sets the stage by defining the term “integrated e-learning.” In essence,
integrated e-learning is defined as a systems approach that accommodates
three important dimensions of learning: complex learning, flexible learning,
and dual learning, and does so in a manner that reflects sound pedagogy,
addresses organizational considerations, and exploits appropriate learning
technology.
The authors of this book distinguish themselves from the “technological
optimists” who advocate strongly for the increased use of information and
communication technology (ICT) on the speculation that its mere presence
will cause good things to happen. Further than that, the authors’ key concept
of “system” acknowledges the fact that while “the Internet does need to be
the primary medium allowing students to work on the primary learning
tasks” (p. 19), other (non-ICT) methods and media are not excluded from
the picture (including face-to-face instruction).
The first theme of the book addresses instructional design (ID) and
introduces a previously developed, four-component instructional design
model (4C /ID) that drives subsequent discussion. The four components of
the model are (authentic, whole) learning tasks, supportive information,
just-in-time information, and part task practice. Though these four
components are not said to be in priority order or in sequence, it seems
evident that they are. This being the case, the 4C /ID model is consistent
with the constructivist, student-centred philosophy that underpins the book,
with the role of the teacher falling squarely into components two and three.
The ID theme proceeds toward practicality by providing design guidelines
for the development of an integrated, collaborative e-learning system. In
so doing, the notion of “affordances” is introduced. An affordance is what
the system allows or facilitates one to do. Three broad types of affordance
are identified relating to the technological, social, and educational
environments. The book stresses the importance of whole-task performance
assessment (versus knowledge testing) and states, “It is important that the
performance assessment task can be performed in an electronic learning
environment if you want students to take the task from their computer”
(p. 42)
Although the term e-learning is apparent in the book’s treatment of the
ID, much of what is presented appears to be conventional wisdom. Such
wisdom, in one of its many expressed forms, should be reflected in the
development of all learning resources and systems — e-learning or
otherwise. For a seasoned educator, at least, sound instructional design
should be only a short step away from common sense. The last chapter of
the ID theme seems to embrace a “just do it” mentality in describing an
interesting development of a Virtual Business e-Learning environment
RECENSIONS
229
(VBeL). In so doing, it provides a notable contrast on the implementation
of ID, especially through the statement “the VBeL . . . will be determined to
a large extent by the ‘employees’ themselves, and not by instructional
designers from behind their desks” (p. 57).
Upon arriving at the book’s second main theme, the role of learning
technologies in the development of e-learning, my wheels suddenly became
“stuck in the sand.” The first two chapters on this theme describe an
“integrative domain model” for e-learning and a complementary
educational modelling language (EML). The material covered in these
chapters is complex, technical, and, for the most part, quite indigestible.
Though conceivably representing important pieces of the e-learning puzzle,
these chapters will be of primary interest only to the initiated. Traction was
firmly re-established in the later chapters that presented informative and
practical discussions of interface design (primarily, a pseudonym for
graphical user interface/screen design), usability evaluation, and a teamfocused, industrial approach to development.
If readers of this book are not sitting up by the time they have read the
first two themes, they will certainly begin to do so as they encounter the
third. This third theme, implementation and evaluation, commences with
a rational, economics-driven discussion of learning objects. It does so amid
the great enthusiasm that currently attends this topic (can anyone say
“Logo”). The theme continues with a discussion of the management of
integrated e-learning followed by a discussion of the roles of trainer and
coach. The authors also present a framework for the overall evaluation of
e-learning.
But it’s Chapter 13 and the epilogue that will really make the reader sit up
straight. In describing the multi-year experience at the Open University of
the Netherlands (OUNL), Chapter 13 acknowledges, “OUNL’s choice of
an independent learning pedagogy has been more or less obligatory, having
been dictated by the restrictions of distance education” (p. 178). (It seems
intuitively obvious that any distance learning institution would salivate at
the potential afforded by ICT.) Yet, in the epilogue, the authors state,
“Currently, the most important issue with regard to integrated e-learning
is the almost complete absence of a useful pedagogy” (p. 202). Damning it
would seem.
In some places, this book either overstates or intellectualizes the obvious.
As well, the reader can expect to encounter most of the requisite educational
buzzwords (such as constructivism, authentic, reflection, scaffolding, rubric,
portfolio, postmodern).
Unlike many others, this book is more than merely a collection of
tenuously connected papers under a single title. Common understandings,
230
BOOK REVIEWS
models, and concepts pervade the book, linking the content and
contributing to identifiable themes. The book provides a refreshingly brave,
honest, and sobering look at the concept of integrated e-learning (warts
and all). Produced by a research and development team that has “been
there and done that,” this book has significant credibility. In many ways it
challenges the much ballyhooed notion of the virtual university. Despite
the obviously implied association, integrated e-learning is definitely not
the exclusive preserve of open learning or distance education institutions.
Because of this, the book contains essential wisdom and guidance for any
enterprise that is either involved with, or seriously contemplating, elearning. The last few chapters alone are “worth the price of admission.”
––––––––––––––––
Daniel Liston & Jim Garrison (Eds.). Teaching, Learning, and Loving:
Reclaiming Passion in Educational Practice. New York: RoutledgeFalmer. 213
pages. ISBN: 0-415-94514-3 (hardcover); 0-415-94515-1 (paperback)
Deborah Orr, Division of Humanities, York University
This book arrived in my mail at a propitious time. The Dalai Lama was in
Toronto from April 25 to May 5 giving the Kalachakra ritual and initiation
for world peace. Participants’ days were spent in quiet meditation, prayer,
ritual, and listening to teachings. My fellow participants constituted one
of the most diverse groups of people of which I have ever been a part, and
yet throughout there was an atmosphere of peace, tranquillity, and courtesy.
But when I left at the end of each day to drive the few blocks to my house,
I entered a different world. I found the nightly news of the escalating
violence and breakdown of order in Iraq and, perhaps most disturbing of
all, the emerging scandal of Abu Ghraib prison far more overwhelming
than the noise and aggression of rush hour traffic. Issues of military
discipline aside, one could not help asking how young people, many little
more than children, could participate in this. What was lacking in them, in
their upbringing, in their education, that enabled them to humiliate and
torture others, and with such apparent glee? Certainly, this was not an
isolated incident, nor one confined to this war. Seymour Hersh, whose New
Yorker articles did much to force it to our attention, also broke the story of
the My Lai massacre. One could not help asking how current educational
praxis is related to the growth in both male and female youth violence in
all of its forms, from school-yard bullying, to assaults and rapes, to incidents
such as the massacre at Columbine and the abuses at Abu Ghraib. In the
RECENSIONS
231
midst of these dissonant experiences surrounding the Dalai Lama’s visit I
received Liston and Garrison Teaching, Learning, and Loving: Reclaiming
Passion in Educational Practice.
This book offers no simple solutions to the issues and the questions that
preoccupied many others besides myself during the spring of 2004. What
this timely and necessary volume does provide is a series of clear-sighted
and trenchant assessments of the state of North American public education,
and proposals for directions and ways in which it might be changed. Each
papers offers a response to the little-disputed fact that contemporary
educational policy and praxis are largely devoted to drilling students in
instrumental reasoning and technological procedures, an approach that
renders them docile cogs in the economic machinery but does little to fit
them for citizenship, moral action, or the development of a full and
satisfying humanity. Although taking care to point out the professional and
personal dangers of their recommendations, the contributors to this volume
argue, from a wide range of intellectual perspectives and personal
experiences, that love must be made a part of each student’s classroom
experience.
The book is organized into three parts: Loving Gaps and Loving Practices;
Love, Injustice, Teaching; and Learning and Love Losses and Love Regained
In addition to a useful orienting introduction to the volume, the editors
provide a brief comment at the beginning of each part and an afterword in
which they give their contact information for readers who might wish to
continue the conversation they hope to begin with this collection. Although
only two contributors are affiliated with Canadian institutions, Megan Boler
at Ontario Institute of Studies in Education of the University of Toronto
and Ursula Kelly at Memorial University of Newfoundland in St. John’s,
the U.S. perspective of the others does nothing to detract from the relevance
of their papers for Canadian teachers at all levels. The papers are by mature
scholars and teachers, many of whose names will be familiar, and their
arguments are clearly and cogently presented. One of the features that
contributes to the liveliness and interest of the volume is the wide range of
intellectual perspectives represented. Although all write and work in the
area of education, their scholarly perspectives range from educational
scholarship to philosophy, from feminism to post-modernism.
Taken together these papers make a powerful case for bringing love
openly and vigorously into the heart of teaching for, as the editors assert,
love, in all its forms and facets, is so integral to teaching (p. 2). Its excision
has been over determined by, among other things, the requirements of the
job marketplace for which students are being trained and the pedagogical
praxes, goals, and teacher education that has produced; by the gendering
232
BOOK REVIEWS
of love, in turn grounded the mind-body/emotion dualism and patriarchal
culture, and love concomitant relegation to the domestic sphere and private
life; and by the inadequacy of Western concepts of love for pedagogical
purposes. Each of these areas is addressed in the volume; however, in
addressing the latter complex of issues, the nature of love, this volume
makes one of its most valuable contributions.
Throughout the volume the authors argue that education engages hearts
as well as minds. But hearts can be educated by neglect as much as by direct
address. Curiosity, pleasure, a sense of fun, passionate interests, outrage at
injustice, and the need for personal understanding and support are all
factors that contribute to learning, but if these are extinguished by neglect,
learning is not only diminished but distorted, with the consequence that
students are dehumanized. However, prevailing notions of love and care,
reduced as they are in Western popular culture to maudlin sentimentality,
sexual desire, or selfish clinging, hardly provide adequate tools for the
classroom. Thus, this volume explores, and often attempts to develop in
original ways, models of loving care appropriate to student-teacher
relationships.
In their afterword the editors call for a dialogue between East and West
on loving well. Such a dialogue could not only contribute to healing the
wounds of war and misunderstanding, but also provide a valuable resource
for pedagogical models of love. Several of the papers make use of Eastern
sources, in particular Buddhism, for here we can find a powerful alternative
model of love as well as an extensive set of practices to foster it. If I could
change one thing about this volume, it would be to develop this strand
more fully, simply because this very old and diverse family of traditions
and practices is so rich in resources for loving teaching and learning.
Buddhist philosophy is grounded in the notion of the interdependence of
all things and this view is developed on the practical level by understanding
that there is no essential separation between oneself and others. Thus, the
practice of metta (translated as kindness, loving-kindness, or friendship)
becomes the ground of all action. That is, all others are treated as one treats
oneself, with the same dignity, respect, and care. This is one model, along
with many others of great promise, that this volume leads us to consider
employing to realize the authors’ passionate arguments that teaching and
learning create the conditions for all beings to be well and happy.
––––––––––––––––
auteurs / Authors
Ruth Childs is a professor in the Department of Curriculum, Teaching and
Learning, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of
Toronto.
Michael Corbett is a professor in the School of Education, Faculty of
Professional Studies, Acadia University.
Michèle Déry, Groupe de recherche sur les inadaptations sociales de l’enfance
(GRISE) Université de Sherbrooke
Suzanne Dugré, Professeure, Unité d’enseignement et de recherche en
developpement humain et social, Université du Québec en AbitibiTémiscamingue
Barnabas Chukwujiebere Emenogu is a doctoral candidate in Measurement
and Evaluation, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University
of Toronto.
Gestny Ewart is a professor in the Faculté d’éducation, Collège universitaire
de Saint-Boniface, Winnipeg.
Shelley Hasinoff is the co-ordinator of the Independent Education Unit,
Manitoba Education, Citizenship and Youth.
David Mandzuk is a professor, Department of Educational Administration,
Foundations and Psychology, and Associate Dean of Undergraduate
Programs, Faculty of Education, University of Manitoba.
Jack Martin is a professor in the Faculty of Education, Simon Fraser University.
Ann-Marie McLellan is a doctoral student, Faculty of Education, Simon
Fraser University.
Robert Pauzé, Groupe de recherche sur les inadaptations sociales de l’enfance
(GRISE) Université de Sherbrooke
CANADIAN JOURNAL
OF
EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005)
233
Renate Schulz is a professor in the Department of Curriculum, Teaching and
Learning, Faculty of Education, University of Manitoba.
Kelvin Seifert is a professor in the Department of Educational Administration,
Foundations and Psychology, Faculty of Education, University of Manitoba.
Katharine Smithrim is a professor of Arts Education (Music), Faculty of
Education, Queen’s University.
Stanley B. Straw is a professor in the Department of Curriculum, Teaching
and Learning, Faculty of Education, University of Manitoba.
Jean Toupin, Groupe de recherche sur les inadaptations sociales de l’enfance
(GRISE) Université de Sherbrooke
Marcel Trudel, professeur, Faculté d’éducation, Groupe de recherche sur les
inadaptations sociales de l’enfance, Université de Sherbrooke (Site de
Longueuil)
Pierrette Verlaan, Groupe de recherche sur les inadaptations sociales de
l’enfance (GRISE) Université de Sherbrooke
Rena Upitis is a professor in Arts Education, Faculty of Education, Queen’s
University.
Angela Ward is a professor in the Department of Curriculum Studies, College
of Education,University of Saskatchewan.
Linda Wason-Ellam is a professor in the Department of Curriculum Studies,
College of Education, University of Saskatchewan.
Politique rédactionnelle
La Revue canadienne de l’éducation publie des articles de recherche, des essais
critiques, des débats, des recensions d’ouvrages et des notes de recherche
traitant, de manière directe mais non exclusive, de l’éducation au Canada.
Les sujets traités doivent être susceptibles d’intéresser un vaste auditoire; de
même, le langage utilisé doit être accessible à un lectorat cultivé mais non
nécessairement spécialisé.
1. Les articles s’incrivent dans diverses traditions de recherche. La Revue
considère, comme article de recherche, un texte partant d’une question,
construit sous forme d’une argumentation et menant à des conclusions. Les
textes descriptifs, de même que les documents pédagogiques ou administratifs
ne sont pas acceptés.
2. En soumettant un manuscrit à la Revue, l’auteur atteste que la recherche
est origniale et inédite; qu’elle n’est pas sous presse sous une autre forme;
qu’elle n’a pas été soumise ailleurs aux fins de publication et qu’elle ne le
sera pas tant que l’évaluation ne sera pas complétée. Ceci vaut pour les
données et l’argumentation présentées dans le manuscrit.
3. Les articles de recherche ne doivent pas dépasser 7 000 mots, notes et
références incluses; les essais critiques, 2 000 mots, les débats, 1 500 mots; les
recensions et les notes de recherche, 1 000 mots.
4. Les tableaux, figures et graphiques ne sont acceptés que s’ils s’avèrent
indispensable à la rigueur de l’argumentation.
5. Les manuscrits doivent être dactylographiés en entier — citations, notes
et références comprises — à double interligne et en caractères de 12 points.
Ils doivent parvenir en cinq exemplaires et être accompagnés d’un résumé
d’au plus 100 mots.
6. Seuls les articles de recherche sont soumis à l’évaluation par les pairs.
Afin d’assurer l’impartialité de l’évaluation, le nom de l’auteur ne doit pas
paraître sur le manuscrit. Tout autre élément d’identification doit aussi être
évité.
7. Comme style de présentation, la Revue adopte la plus récente édition du
Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association ou du Chicago
Manual of Style. Du point de vue terminologique, elle se conforme au Nouveau
Petit Robert, à De Villers, Multidictionnaire de la langue française et aux
Recommandations terminiologiques, publiés par le Réseau des traducteurs en
éducation.
8. Les auteurs de manuscrits acceptés cèdent droits d’auteur à la Société
canadienne pour l’étude de l’éducation.
Editorial Policy
The Canadian Journal of Education publishes scholarly articles, review essays,
discussions, book reviews, and research notes broadly but not exclusively
related to Canadian education and written to be of interest to a wide, wellread general readership.
1. Articles represent a variety of research traditions. They must address a
question, take the form of an argument, and lead to conclusions. The Journal
does not publish descriptive texts, teaching materials, or administrative
documents.
2. In submitting a manuscript, authors affirm that the research is original
and unpublished, is not in press or under consideration elsewhere, and will
not be submitted elsewhere while under consideration by the Journal. This
applies to evidence or data as well as form of argument.
3. Articles should not exceed 7,000 words (including quotations, notes,
and references); review essays, 2,000 words; discussions, 1,500 words; book
reviews and research notes, 1,000 words.
4. Tables, figures, and graphic material are accepted only when necessary
for the rigour of the argument.
5. Manuscripts must be entirely double-spaced (including quotations,
notes, references) in 12-point type. Five copies with an abstract of not more
than 100 words are required.
6. Only articles are peer-reviewed. To ensure blind review, authors’ names
must not appear on their manuscripts and manuscripts must not otherwise
reveal their authors’ identities.
7. The Journal’s style generally follows the most recent edition of the
Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association or the Chicago
Manual of Style; English spelling follows the most recent edition of the The
Canadian Oxford Dictionary.
8. Authors of accepted manuscripts assign copyright to the Canadian
Society for the Study of Education.
236
CANADIAN JOURNAL
OF
EDUCATION 28, 1 & 2 (2005)