Karl Marx, Artikel · Entwürfe. September 1864 bis

Transcription

K A R L
M A R X
F R I E D R I C H
E N G E L S
G E S A M T A U S G A B E
( M E G A )
ERSTE ABTEILUNG
WERKE · ARTIKEL · ENTWÜRFE
B A N D 20
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON DER
INTERNATIONALEN MARX-ENGELS-STIFTUNG
K A R L
M A R X
F R I E D R I C H
W E R K E
E N G E L S
· A R T I K E L
E N T W Ü R F E
S E P T E M B E R
BIS
1864
S E P T E M B E R
1867
TEXT
Bearbeitet von
Rolf Dlubek und Monika Steinke (Leitung),
Rosemarie Giese, Lieselotte Hermann, Carola Kuntze,
Norbert Liebsch, Gabriele Roßbach, Sabine Tietz,
Henry Weigel und Günter Wisotzki
unter Mitwirkung von Yvonne Becker, Thomas Marxhausen,
Ingrid Müller und Rosie Rudich
DIETZ VERLAG BERLIN
INTERNATIONALES INSTITUT FÜR SOZIALGESCHICHTE AMSTERDAM
1992
I n t e r n a t i o n a l e Marx-Engels-Stiftung A m s t e r d a m
Der vorliegende Band wurde noch unter der
früheren Redaktionskommission erarbeitet.
Marx, Karl: Gesamtausgabe : (MEGA) / Karl Marx ; Friedrich Engels.
Hrsg. von der Internationalen Marx-Engels-Stiftung. - Berlin : Dietz Verl. GmbH ;
Internationales Institut für Sozialgeschichte Amsterdam
[Sammlung].
Abt. 1, Werke, Artikel, Entwürfe
Bd. 20. Werke, Artikel, Entwürfe September 1864 bis September 1867
Text. - 1992. - 57, 826 S. : 29 Abb., 1 Karte
Apparat. - 1992. - S. 827-2040 : 6 Abb.
I. Abt. ISBN 3-320-00000-4
Bd. 1/20 ISBN 3-320-00012-8
Text und Apparat
Mit 35 Abbildungen und 1 Karte
© Dietz Verlag Berlin GmbH 1992
LSV 0046
Technische Redaktion: Heinz Ruschinski und Waltraud Schulze
Korrektur: Barbara Boehnke, Renate Kröhnert, Eva Mendl
und Sigrid Wittenberg
Einband: Albert Kapr
Typografie: Albert Kapr/Horst Kinkel
Schrift: Timeless-Antiqua und Maxima
Printed in Germany
Satz und Druck: INTERDRUCK Leipzig GmbH
Buchbinderische Verarbeitung: Leipziger Großbuchbinderei GmbH
Inhalt
Text
Einleitung
19*
Editorische Hinweise
49*
Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen, Siglen und Zeichen
Apparat
843
KARL M A R X • FRIEDRICH E N G E L S : WERKE
ARTIKEL • E N T W Ü R F E • S E P T E M B E R 1 8 6 4
BIS S E P T E M B E R 1 8 6 7
Karl Marx • Address of the International Working Men's
Association (Inaugural Address)
3
851
Karl Marx • Provisional Rules of the International Working
Men's Association
13
893
Karl Marx • Manifest an die arbeitende Klasse Europas
(Inauguraladresse der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation).
Übersetzung aus dem Englischen
16
920
Karl Marx • To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States of America
26
933
Karl Marx • An den Redakteur des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart
31
940
Karl Marx • An Abraham Lincoln, Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Übersetzung aus dem Englischen
36
947
Karl Marx · Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox)
38
949
5*
Inhalt
Text
Apparat
Karl Marx • Provisorische Bestimmungen der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Übersetzung aus dem Englischen
54
992
Karl Marx • Draft for a report to the Central Council on the
attitude of German working men's societies to the International Working Men's Association
59
997
Karl Marx • Über P.-J.Proudhon. Brief an Johann Baptist
von Schweitzer
60
1003
Friedrich Engels • Herr Tidmann. Altdänisches Volkslied
68
1016
Karl Marx • An die Redaktion des „Social-Demokraten".
Entwurf für eine gemeinsam mit Friedrich Engels abgegebene Erklärung
70
1019
Friedrich Engels • Die preußische Militärfrage und die
deutsche Arbeiterpartei
I.
II.
III.
71
75
88
97
1024
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Erklärung. An die Redaktion
des „Social-Demokraten"
109
1045
Friedrich Engels • Notiz über „Die preußische Militärfrage
und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei"
110
1052
Karl Marx • Notizen zum Konflikt in der Section de Paris
111
1054
Karl Marx • Resolutions of the Central Council on the conflict in the Section de Paris (Original draft)
112
1063
Karl Marx • Resolutions of the Central Council on the conflict in the Section de Paris
113
1067
Karl Marx • Inhaltsanzeige von Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei"
115
1074
Karl Marx • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die
preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei"
117
1076
Karl Marx • Erklärung über die Ursachen des Bruchs mit
dem „Social-Demokraten"
118
1078
Karl Marx • Memorandum to Hermann Jung about the
conflict in the Section de Paris
121
1085
Karl Marx • Note to Hermann Jung about Ernest Jones's
letter to the Central Council
126
1091
6*
Inhalt
Text
Apparat
Karl Marx • Erklärung an die Redaktion der „Berliner Reform"
127
1094
Karl Marx • Der „Präsident der Menschheit"
128
1097
Karl Marx • Berichtigung. An den Redakteur des „Weißen
Adlers"
132
1105
Karl Marx • To Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States of America
134
1110
Karl Marx • An Andrew Johnson, Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Übersetzung aus dem Englischen
138
1117
Karl Marx • Draft for the final passage of „Value, price and
profit"
140
1119
141
143
147
154
157
160
167
169
171
172
1123
Karl Marx • Value, price and profit
1.
2.
3.
4.
6.
7. (The labouring power)
8. (Production of surplus value)
9. (Value of labour)
10. (Profit is made by selling a commodity at its value)
11. (Different parts into which surplusvalue is decomposed)
12. (General relation of profits, wages, and prices)
13. (Main cases of attempts at rising wages or resisting
their fall)
14. (The struggle between capital and labour, and its results)
173
175
177
182
Karl Marx • Programme du Congrès de Genève adopté à
la Conférence de Londres (1865)
187
1168
Karl Marx • Meeting of the Central Council January 16,
1866. Minutes
189
1177
Friedrich Engels •
with Poland?
I. To the Editor
II. To the Editor
III. The doctrine
193
193
197
200
1185
204
1195
What have the working classes to do
of the Commonwealth
of the Commonwealth
of nationality applied to Poland
Karl Marx • Warnung
7*
Inhalt
Text
206
206
210
214
217
220
Apparat
1204
Karl Marx • Programme du Congrès de Genève (1866)
224
1212
Karl Marx • Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council. The different questions
225
1215
Karl Marx • Statuts de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs votés au Congrès de Genève (1866)
236
1249
Karl Marx • Resolution of the Polish Meeting in London
January 22, 1867
243
1276
Karl Marx • Draft for a speech at the Polish Meeting in
London January 22, 1867
244
1281
Karl Marx • Berichtigung. An die Redaktion der „Zeitung
für Norddeutschland"
248
1292
Friedrich Engels • Schwedisch-dänische Reisenotizen
249
1295
Karl Marx • Adresse du Conseil Général de l'Association
Internationale des Travailleurs. Aux membres et aux sociétés affiliées et à tous les travailleurs
256
1298
Karl Marx • Le statisticien Otto Hübner sur la misère de
masse en Allemagne
259
1316
Protokolle u n d W i e d e r g a b e n M a r x s c h e r R e d e n
263
1323
The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the
International Working Men's Association October 5, 1864
to August 28, 1866
265
1325
Friedrich Engels • Notes on the War (1866)
No. I
No. II
No. Ill
No. IV
No. V
ANHANG
Meeting
Meeting
Meeting
Meeting
Meeting
Meeting
Meeting
8*
of the
of the
of the
otthe
of the
of the
of the
Committee October 5, 1864
Subcommittee October 8, 1864
Committee October 11, 1864
Central Council October 18, 1864
Central Council November 1, 1864
267
271
272
274
276
278
280
Inhalt
Meeting of the Central Council November 22, 1864
Meeting of the Central Council December 13, 1864
Meeting of the Central Council January 3, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council February 7, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council March 7, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council April 4, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council May 2, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council June 6, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council July 4, 1865
Summoned Meeting of the Central Council July 25, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council August 1, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council September 5, 1865
Meeting of the Central Council October 3, 1865
Text
282
285
287
289
290
291
293
295
296
297
300
301
302
304
305
307
309
311
313
315
317
321
322
324
325
327
329
331
334
336
338
340
341
342
345
346
348
349
350
352
353
354
356
357
Apparat
9*
Inhalt
10*
Text
358
360
362
365
367
371
373
375
378
380
381
383
384
386
387
389
390
392
394
395
397
399
401
403
405
409
413
415
418
420
422
424
426
429
431
433
436
438
441
443
447
449
Apparat
Inhalt
Text
Apparat
Johann Georg Eccarius • Wiedergabe einer Rede von Karl
Marx auf dem 25. Stiftungsfest des Deutschen Arbeiterbildungsvereins in London
451
1498
Minutes of the London Conference of the International
Working Men's Association September 25-29, 1865
453
1501
Meeting of the Subcommittee with the Continental Delegates September 25, 1865
Sitting of the Conference September 25, 1865
476
Minutes of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association September 18, 1866 to August 29,
1867. From the Minute Book of the General Council September 18, 1866 to August 31, 1869
477
Meeting of the General Council September 18, 1866
Meeting of the General Council October 2, 1866
Meeting of the General Council November 6, 1866
Meeting of the General Council December 4, 1866
Meeting of the General Council January 1, 1867
Meeting of the General Council February 5, 1867
Meeting of the General Council March 5, 1867
455
460
465
467
471
1530
479
484
487
491
494
496
499
501
503
5Ö5
508
511
515
517
519
522
524
529
531
533
534
535
537
538
541
11*
Inhalt
Text
543
544
545
547
549
551
554
557
559
560
562
564
566
568
569
573
576
581
583
585
587
589
591
Apparat
Friedrich Leßner • Wiedergabe einer Rede von Karl Marx
auf dem 27. Stiftungsfest des Deutschen Arbeiterbildungsvereins in London
592
1652
Artikel, D o k u m e n t e u n d Ü b e r s e t z u n g e n , die u n t e r
Mitwirkung von M a r x o d e r Engels verfaßt w u r d e n
593
1655
Carl Siebel • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die
für die „Barmer Zeitung"
595
1657
für die „Düsseldorfer Zeitung"
596
1659
für die „Elberfelder Zeitung"
597
1660
Wilhelm Liebknecht • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" für die „Berliner Reform"
598
1661
Meeting of the General Council April 2, 1867
Meeting of the General Council May 7, 1867
Meeting of the General Council June 4, 1867
Meeting of the General Council July 2, 1867
Meeting of the General Council August 6, 1867
Special meeting of the General Council August 29, 1867
12*
Inhalt
Text
Apparat
Johann Jacob Klein • Notiz über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei" für die „Rheinische Zeitung"
599
1662
Wilhelm Liebknecht • Korrespondenz für den „Oberrheinischen Courier" über den Bruch mit dem „Social-Demokraten" und über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei"
600
1663
Wilhelm Liebknecht • Korrespondenz für die „Osnabrücker
Zeitung" über den Bruch mit dem „Social-Demokraten"
und über Friedrich Engels' Broschüre „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei"
601
1665
Jenny Marx • Atheistische Vorträge in London
602
1666
Hermann Jung • Lettre ouverte à Pierre Vésinier publiée
dans «L'Écho de Verviers»
603
1671
Paul Laforgue · Sur des précurseurs de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs
612
1682
Karl Marx • Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des
Travailleurs (Adresse inaugurale). Übersetzung aus dem
Englischen
613
1687
Karl Marx • Règlement provisoire de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Revidierte Übersetzung aus dem
Englischen
623
1697
Hermann Jung/Paul Laforgue • Aperçu sur la marche de
l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs
626
1704
Paul Laforgue • La lutte sociale (Extrait)
632
1715
Karl Marx • Rapport du Conseil Central. Sur les différentes
questions mises à l'étude par la Conférence de septembre
1865. Übersetzung aus dem Englischen von Paul Lafargue
635
1719
Special Regulations voted at the Geneva Congress (1866).
Von Laura Marx aufgezeichnete englische Fassung
644
1729
Règlements spéciaux votés au Congrès de Genève (1866).
Von Paul Lafargue mit Unterstützung von Laura Marx redigierte französische Fassung
646
1742
649
1747
Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Compte rendu
du Congrès de Genève (1866)
Liste des délégués présents au Congrès Ouvrier du 3 - 8
septembre 1866
651
13*
Inhalt
Text
Rapport du conseil central. Sur les différentes questions
mises à l'étude par la conférence de septembre 1865
Séance du 3 septembre
Séance du 4 septembre 1866. Neuf heures du matin
Séance du 4 septembre 1866. Deux heures du soir
[Extraits des appendices]
Résolutions du Congrès Ouvrier Américain de 1866
International Association of Working Men. Report of the
Congress of Geneva (1866)
The list of the delegates present at the Working Men's
Congress of Sept. 3-8, 1866
Instructions for the delegates of the Provisional General
Council. The different questions
Sitting of September 3
Sitting of September 4, 1866. (9 a.m.)
Sitting of September 4, 1866. 2 o'clock sitting
Sitting of September 5, 1866. Morning sitting
Sitting of September 5, 1866. Afternoon sitting
Sitting of September 8, 1866. Afternoon session
[Extract from the appendices]
Appendix A
Appendix Β
Johann Georg Eccarius • A working man's refutation of
some points of political economy endorsed and advocated
by John Stuart Mill, Esq., M. P.
II. Capital—Its formation and accumulation
III. Fundamental propositions respecting capital
IV. Excess of supply
V. Effect of the demand for commodities on the de
mand for labour
14*
Apparat
652
655
656
656
657
657
660
661
665
667
670
673
677
677
681
1810
683
684
685
686
687
688
688
690
691
696
698
701
704
708
708
712
713
715
718
721
724
1820
Inhalt
Text
726
729
732
736
739
743
747
750
753
757
Apparat
Third Annual Report of the International Working Men's
Association
763
1856
Rapport du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale
des Travailleurs au Congrès de Lausanne (1867)
771
1874
Eugène Dupont • Discours prononcé au Congrès de la Paix
à Genève (1867)
788
1879
Von M a r x
mente
789
1885
Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International
Working Men's Association for 1865
793
1887
Address of the Central Council to working men's societies
with a Form of Application
794
1890
Declaration of enrolment for societies joining the International Working Men's Association
798
1894
The Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited). Prospectus
with a Form of Application for Shares
799
1896
Memorandum of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited)
802
1903
Articles of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited)
804
1907
Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International
Working Men's Association for 1866
817
1909
Zirkular der Manchester Schiller-Anstalt vom 19. März
1866
818
1912
Circular of the Manchester Schiller Anstalt February 8,
1867
821
1915
Zirkular der Manchester Schiller-Anstalt vom 28.Juni 1867
823
1919
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
Fixed capital—Its effect upon labour
The cost of production
The cost of production
Credit
Profit
Small farming
Property
Wages and population
Wages and population.—Continued
Wages and population.—Concluded
oder
Engels
mitunterzeichnete
Doku-
15*
Inhalt
Text
Verzeichnis der von Marx im Zentral- bzw. Generalrat der
IAA vorgetragenen Berichte und Reden sowie der von ihm
eingebrachten oder unterstützten Beschlußanträge
Apparat
1922
REGISTER
Literaturregister
I. Arbeiten von Marx und Engels
II. Arbeiten anderer Autoren, die unter Mitwirkung von
Marx oder Engels verfaßt oder von ihnen mitunterzeichnet wurden
III. Arbeiten anderer Autoren
IV. Periodica
1927
1927
Namenregister
1960
Organisationsregister
2008
Sachregister
2015
1930
1931
1950
Verzeichnis der Abbildungen
[Karl Marx:] Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's
International Association ... [London] 1864. Titelblatt
5
Der Social-Demokrat. Berlin. Nr. 2, 21. Dezember 1864. Titelseite
mit dem Beginn des „Manifestes an die arbeitende Klasse Europas" von Marx
17
Karl Marx: To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of
America. Kalligraphisch angefertigte Adresse mit der Unterschrift
von Marx und den weiteren Mitgliedern des Provisorischen Zentralrats der IAA
27
Karl Marx: An den Redakteur des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart.
Seite [1] der Handschrift von Marx' Frau Jenny
33
Karl Marx: Draft for a report to the Central Council on the attitude
of German working men's societies to the International Working
Men's Association. Beginn der Niederschrift auf der ersten Seite
des Briefes von Wilhelm Liebknecht an Marx vom 21 .Januar 1865
57
Friedrich Engels: Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche
Arbeiterpartei. Hamburg 1865. Titelblatt
73
Karl Marx: Memorandum to Hermann Jung about the conflict in
the Section de Paris. Seite [5]
123
The Bee-Hive Newspaper. London. Nr. 188, 20. Mai 1865. Titelseite mit der Adresse „To Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States of America" von Marx
135
16*
Inhalt
Text
145
Karl Marx: Value, price and profit. Seite 1
Karl Marx: Meeting of the Central Council January 16, 1866. Minutes
191
The Commonwealth. London. Nr. 159, 24. März 1866. Titelkopf
und Seite 5 mit dem ersten Teil des Artikels „What have the working classes to do with Poland?" von Engels
195
Karte: Preußisch-Österreichischer Krieg 1866
Apparat
zwischen 208/209
The International Courier. London. Nr.6/7, 20. Februar 1867. Titelkopf und Seite 2 mit dem Beginn der „Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council ..." von Marx
227
Karl Marx: Statuts de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs
votés au Congrès de Genève (1866). Seite 1
237
Programm des Polenmeetings des Generalrats der IAA vom 22.Januar 1867. Flugblatt mit der Resolution von Marx
241
Friedrich Engels: Schwedisch-dänische Reisenotizen. Seite [1]
251
Plan der schwedischen Festung Karlsborg. Zeichnung von Engels
253
The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the International Working Men's Association October 5, 1864 to August 28,
1866. Seite [1]. Handschrift von William Randall Cremer und
einem unbekannten Schreiber
269
The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the International Working Men's Association October 5, 1864 to August 28,
1866. Seite [86]. Handschrift von Peter Fox
369
Programm der Londoner Konferenz der IAA (1865). Flugblatt mit
Marginalien von Marx
457
The Minute Book of the General Council of the International
Working Men's Association September 18, 1866 to August 31,
1869. Seite 1. Handschrift von Robert Shaw
481
The Minute Book of the General Council of the International
Working Men's Association September 18, 1866 to August 31,
1869. Seite [99] mit dem aufgeklebten Pressebericht über Marx'
Rede vom 23.Juli 1867 zur Statistik des neuen Blaubuchs
577
Hermann Jung: Lettre ouverte à Pierre vesinier publiée dans
« L'Echo de Verviers ». Seite [1]
605
[Karl Marx:] Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs suivi du Règlement provisoire. Bruxelles 1866. Titelblatt
615
La Rive Gauche. Bruxelles. Nr. 24, 17. Juni 1866. Titelkopf und
Seite 2 mit dem Beginn des Artikels „Apercu sur la marche de
l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs" von Hermann Jung
und Paul Lafargue
627
17*
Inhalt
Text
Le Courrier International. Londres. Nr. 8-10, 9. März 1867. Titelseite mit dem Beginn des „Compte rendu du Congrès de Genève
(1866)"
653
Rapports lus au Congrès ouvrier réuni du 2 au 8 septembre 1867 à
Lausanne. Chaux-de-Fonds 1867. Seite [3] mit dem Beginn des
„Rapport du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des
Travailleurs ..."
773
Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International Working
Men's Association for 1865
791
Address of the Central Council to working men's societies with a
Form of Application
795
Member's Annual Subscription Card of the International Working
Men's Association for 1866
815
Apparat
Karl Marx: Address of the International Working Men's Association (Inaugural Address). Seite 4 der Handschrift von Marx' Tochter Jenny
859
Karl Marx: Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox). Seite 6
969
Karl Marx: Draft for the final passage of „Value, price and profit"
1121
Karl Marx: Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional
General Council. The different questions. Seite 10 des Fragments
der Handschrift
1219
Antoine-Marie Bourdon, Joseph Card, Pierre Coullery: Congrès
Ouvrier de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. [Procèsverbaux.] Séance du 8 Septembre du matin.
1789
Memorandum of the Industrial Newspaper Company (Limited). Liste der Subskribenten mit eigenhändiger Eintragung von Marx
1905
18*
Einleitung
Der v o r l i e g e n d e Band enthält Werke, Artikel, Erklärungen, Beschlüsse,
Reden s o w i e Entwürfe, die von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels oder unter ihrem direkten Einfluß in der Zeit z w i s c h e n der Gründungsversammlung der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation (28. S e p t e m b e r 1864) und
d e m Erscheinen d e s ersten Bandes d e s „Kapitals" (Mitte S e p t e m b e r
1867) verfaßt w u r d e n . Er eröffnet e i n e Gruppe von Bänden der Ersten
Abteilung der MEGA, die das Wirken von Marx und Engels in der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation widerspiegeln.
Die Bildung dieser Organisation leitete e i n e n e u e Etappe in der Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung ein. Sie entwickelte sich zur ersten internationalen Massenorganisation der Arbeiter. Hatte im Bund der Kommunisten bereits e i n e kleine politische Vorhut die Lehren von Marx und
Engels a u f g e n o m m e n , so begann in der I.Internationale e i n e Rezeption
v o n Grundideen d e s Marxismus durch die sich entfaltende proletaris c h e M a s s e n b e w e g u n g . In d e m jahrzehntelangen Verselbständigungsprozeß der Arbeiterbewegung erzielte die Internationale Arbeiterassoziation den e n t s c h e i d e n d e n Durchbruch.
Zu ihrer Gründungszelt war in den fortgeschrittenen Ländern der historische Prozeß der bürgerlichen Umgestaltung in seine a b s c h l i e ß e n d e
Phase getreten. Die industrielle Revolution, in Großbritannien bereits
b e e n d e t , setzte sich auch in den USA s o w i e in Deutschland und Frankreich durch und schritt in anderen Ländern d e s europäischen Festland e s sichtbar voran. Die internationale Wirtschaftskrise von 1857 und das
ihr f o l g e n d e A n w a c h s e n der Streikbewegung hatte vielen Arbeitern g e zeigt, w i e wichtig ihre Solidarität im Kampf g e g e n das Kapital war. Zum
politischen W i e d e r e r w a c h e n der Arbeiterbewegung trugen die nationalen und demokratischen B e w e g u n g e n der Zeit bei, namentlich der
19*
KARL M A R X
FRIEDRICH E N G E L S
W E R K E • ARTIKEL - E N T W Ü R F E
SEPTEMBER 1864
BIS S E P T E M B E R 1 8 6 7
Karl
Marx
Address of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association
(Inaugural
s
(31 Address of the
Working Men's International Association,
established September 28,1864,
at a public meeting held at St. Martin's Hall,
Long Acre, London.
Working
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Address)
Men,
It is a great fact t h a t the misery of the working masses has n o t d i m i n i s h e d
from 1848 to 1864, a n d yet this period is unrivalled for the d e v e l o p m e n t of
its industry a n d the growth of its c o m m e r c e . In 1850, a m o d e r a t e organ of
the British middle-class, of m o r e t h a n average information, predicted that
if t h e exports a n d i m p o r t s of E n g l a n d were to rise 50 per cent., English pauperism would sink to zero. Alas! on April 7th, 1864, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer delighted his Parliamentary a u d i e n c e by the s t a t e m e n t t h a t the
total i m p o r t a n d export trade of E n g l a n d h a d grown in 1863 "to
£443,955,000! t h a t astonishing s u m about three times the trade of the c o m paratively recent e p o c h of 1843!" W i t h all that, he was eloquent u p o n "poverty." " T h i n k , " he exclaimed, "of those who are on the border of t h a t region," u p o n "wages ... n o t increased;" u p o n " h u m a n life ... in n i n e cases
out of t e n b u t a struggle of existence!" He did n o t speak of the people of
Ireland, gradually replaced by m a c h i n e r y in t h e north, a n d by sheep-walks
in the south, t h o u g h even the sheep in that u n h a p p y country are decreasing, it is true n o t at so rapid a rate as the m e n . He did n o t repeat what t h e n
h a d b e e n just betrayed by the highest representatives of t h e u p p e r t e n t h o u sand in a s u d d e n fit of terror. W h e n the garotte p a n i c h a d reached a certain
height, the H o u s e of Lords caused an inquiry to be m a d e i n t o , a n d a report
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Karl Marx
t o b e published u p o n , transportation a n d p e n a l servitude. O u t c a m e t h e
m u r d e r ||4| in t h e bulky Blue Book of 1863, a n d proved it was, by official
facts a n d figures, t h a t the worst of the convicted criminals, the p e n a l serfs
of E n g l a n d a n d Scotland, toiled m u c h less a n d fared far better t h a n t h e agricultural labourers of E n g l a n d and Scotland. But this was n o t all. W h e n ,
5
c o n s e q u e n t u p o n the civil war in America, the operatives of Lancashire
a n d Cheshire were thrown u p o n the streets, the same H o u s e of Lords sent
to t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g districts a physician c o m m i s s i o n e d to investigate into
the smallest possible a m o u n t of carbon a n d nitrogen, to be a d m i n i s t e r e d in
t h e cheapest a n d plainest form, which on an average m i g h t j u s t suffice to 10
"avert starvation diseases." Dr. Smith, the m e d i c a l deputy, ascertained that
28,000 grains of carbon, a n d 1,330 grains of nitrogen were the weekly allowance that would keep an average adult ... j u s t over the level of starvation diseases, a n d he found furthermore that quantity pretty nearly to agree
with t h e scanty n o u r i s h m e n t to which the pressure of extreme distress h a d 15
actually r e d u c e d the cotton operatives.* But now mark! T h e s a m e learned
Doctor was later on again deputed by the m e d i c a l officer of the Privy
Council to i n q u i r e into the n o u r i s h m e n t of the poorer labouring classes.
T h e results of his researches are e m b o d i e d in the "Sixth R e p o r t on Public
Health," published by order of Parliament in t h e course of the present year. 20
W h a t did the Doctor discover? T h a t the silk weavers, the n e e d l e w o m e n ,
the kid glovers, the stocking weavers, a n d so forth, received, on an average,
n o t even the distress p i t t a n c e of the cotton operatives, n o t even the a m o u n t
of carbon and nitrogen "just sufficient to avert starvation diseases."
"Moreover," we quote from the report, "as regards the e x a m i n e d families 25
of the agricultural population, it ||5| appeared t h a t m o r e t h a n a fifth were
with less t h a n the estimated sufficiency of c a r b o n a c e o u s food, t h a t m o r e
t h a n one-third were with less t h a n the estimated sufficiency of nitrogenous
food, a n d t h a t in three counties (Berkshire, Oxfordshire, a n d Somersetshire) insufficiency of nitrogenous food was the average local diet." "It 30
m u s t be r e m e m b e r e d , " a d d s the official report, "that privation of food is
very reluctantly borne, a n d that, as a rule, great poorness of diet will only
c o m e when other privations have preceded it. ... Even cleanliness will have
b e e n found costly or difficult, a n d if there still be self-respectful endeavours to m a i n t a i n it, every s u c h endeavour will represent a d d i t i o n a l pangs of 35
hunger." "These are painful reflections, especially w h e n it is r e m e m * We need hardly remind the reader that, apart from the elements of water and certain inorganic substances, carbon and nitrogen form the raw materials of human food. However, to
nourish the human system, those simple chemical constituents must be supplied in the form
of vegetable or animal substances. Potatoes, for instance, contain mainly carbon, while 40
wheaten bread contains carbonaceous and nitrogenous substances in a due proportion.
4
[Karl Marx:] Address and Provisional Rules
of the Working Men's International Association ... [London] 1864.
Titelblatt
Inaugural Address
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bered t h a t the poverty to which they advert is n o t the deserved poverty of
idleness; in all cases it is t h e poverty of working populations. I n d e e d the
work which obtains t h e scanty pittance of food is for the m o s t part excessively prolonged." T h e report brings o u t t h e strange, a n d rather u n e x p e c t e d
fact, "That of t h e divisions of the U n i t e d K i n g d o m , " England, Wales, Scotland, a n d Ireland, "the agricultural population of England," the richest division, "is considerably the worst fed;" b u t t h a t even the agricultural
wretches of Berkshire, Oxfordshire, a n d Somersetshire, fare better t h a n
great n u m b e r s of skilled i n d o o r operatives of t h e East of L o n d o n .
S u c h are t h e official s t a t e m e n t s published by order of P a r l i a m e n t in
1864, during t h e m i l l e n n i u m of free trade, at a t i m e w h e n t h e Chancellor of
the E x c h e q u e r told t h e H o u s e of C o m m o n s t h a t "the average c o n d i t i o n of
t h e British labourer h a s improved in a degree we know to be extraordinary
a n d u n e x a m p l e d in the history of any country or any age." U p o n these official congratulations jars the dry remark of the official Public H e a l t h R e p o r t : — " T h e public h e a l t h of a country m e a n s t h e h e a l t h of its masses, a n d
the masses will scarcely be healthy unless, to their very base, they be at
least moderately prosperous."
Dazzled by the "Progress of t h e N a t i o n " statistics d a n c i n g before his
eyes, the Chancellor of the Exche||6|quer exclaims in wild ecstacy: " F r o m
1842 to 1852 the taxable i n c o m e of the country increased by 6 per cent.; in
the eight years from 1853 to 1861, it h a s increased from the basis t a k e n in
1853 20 per cent! t h e fact is so astonishing to be almost incredible! ... This
intoxicating a u g m e n t a t i o n of wealth a n d power," adds Mr. G l a d s t o n e , "is
entirely confined to classes of property!"
If you want to know u n d e r what conditions of b r o k e n health, t a i n t e d
morals, a n d m e n t a l ruin, t h a t "intoxicating a u g m e n t a t i o n of wealth a n d
power entirely confined to classes of property" was, and is being produced
by the classes of labour, look to the picture h u n g up in the last "Public
H e a l t h R e p o r t " of t h e workshops of tailors, printers, a n d dressmakers!
C o m p a r e the "Report of t h e Children's E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n " of 1863,
where it is stated, for instance, that: "The potters as a class, b o t h m e n a n d
women, represent a m u c h degenerated population, b o t h physically a n d
mentally," t h a t "the u n h e a l t h y child is an u n h e a l t h y parent in his t u r n , "
t h a t "a progressive deterioration of the race m u s t go on," a n d t h a t "the dégénérescence of the p o p u l a t i o n of Staffordshire would be even greater were
it n o t for t h e constant recruiting from t h e adjacent country, a n d the intermarriages with m o r e healthy races." G l a n c e at Mr. T r e m e n h e e r e ' s Blue
Book on t h e "Grievances c o m p l a i n e d of by the J o u r n e y m e n Bakers!" A n d
who has n o t s h u d d e r e d at the paradoxical s t a t e m e n t m a d e by t h e inspectors of factories, a n d illustrated by the Registrar G e n e r a l , that t h e Lanca-
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shire operatives, while p u t u p o n the distress pittance of food, were actually
improving in health, because of their temporary exclusion by the cotton
famine from the cotton factory, a n d that the mortality of t h e children was
decreasing, b e c a u s e their mothers were now at last allowed to give t h e m ,
instead of Godfrey's cordial, their own breasts.
Again reverse t h e m e d a l ! T h e I n c o m e a n d Property T a x R e t u r n s laid before the H o u s e of C o m m o n s on July 20, 1864, t e a c h us t h a t t h e persons
with yearly i n c o m e s , valued by the tax-gatherer at £50,000 a n d upwards,
h a d , from April 5th, 1862, to April 5th, 1863, ||7| b e e n j o i n e d by a dozen
a n d one, their n u m b e r having increased in t h a t single year from 67 to 80.
T h e same r e t u r n s disclose the fact that a b o u t 3,000 persons divide a m o n g s t
themselves a yearly i n c o m e of a b o u t £25,000,000 sterling, rather m o r e t h a n
the total r e v e n u e doled o u t annually to the whole m a s s of the agricultural
labourers of E n g l a n d a n d Wales. O p e n the census of 1861, a n d you will
find that t h e n u m b e r of the m a l e l a n d e d proprietors of E n g l a n d a n d Wales
h a d decreased from 16,934 in 1851, to 15,066 in 1861, so t h a t t h e concentration of l a n d h a d grown in 10 years 11 per cent. If the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of
the soil of the country in a few h a n d s proceed at t h e s a m e rate, the land
question will b e c o m e singularly simplified, as it h a d b e c o m e in the R o m a n
Empire, w h e n N e r o grinned at the discovery t h a t half the Province of
Africa was owned by six gentlemen.
We have dwelt so long u p o n these "facts so astonishing to be almost incredible," b e c a u s e E n g l a n d h e a d s the E u r o p e of c o m m e r c e a n d industry. It
will be r e m e m b e r e d that s o m e m o n t h s ago o n e of t h e refugee sons of Louis
Philippe publicly congratulated the English agricultural labourer on the superiority of his lot over t h a t of his less florid c o m r a d e on the other side of
the C h a n n e l . I n d e e d , with local colours changed, a n d on a scale somewhat
contracted, the English facts reproduce themselves in all the industrious
a n d progressive countries of the C o n t i n e n t . In all of t h e m there has t a k e n
place, since 1848, an unheard-of development of industry, a n d an u n dreamed-of e x p a n s i o n of imports a n d exports. In all of t h e m "the a u g m e n t a t i o n of wealth and power entirely confined to classes of property" was
truly "intoxicating." In all of them, as in England, a minority of the working classes got their real wages somewhat advanced; while in m o s t cases the
m o n e t a r y rise of wages denoted no m o r e a real access of comforts t h a n the
i n m a t e of the m e t r o p o l i t a n poor-house or o r p h a n asylum, for instance, was
in the least benefitted by his first necessaries costing £9 15s. 8d. in 1861
against £7 7s. 4d. in 1852. Everywhere t h e great m a s s of t h e working classes
were sinking down to a lower depth, at ||8| the s a m e rate at least that those
above t h e m were rising in the social scale. In all countries of E u r o p e it has
now b e c o m e a t r u t h d e m o n s t r a b l e to every unprejudiced m i n d , a n d only
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denied by those whose interest it is to h e d g e o t h e r people in a fool's paradise, t h a t no i m p r o v e m e n t of machinery, no appliance of science to production, no contrivances of c o m m u n i c a t i o n , no new colonies, no emigration, no o p e n i n g of markets, no free trade, n o r all these things p u t together,
will do away with t h e miseries of t h e industrious masses; b u t that, on the
present false base, every fresh development of the productive powers of lab o u r m u s t t e n d to d e e p e n social contrasts a n d point social antagonisms.
D e a t h of starvation rose almost to the r a n k of an institution, during this intoxicating e p o c h of e c o n o m i c a l progress, in t h e metropolis of t h e British
E m p i r e . T h a t epoch is m a r k e d in the annals of the world by the q u i c k e n e d
return, the widening compass, a n d the deadlier effects of the social pest
called a c o m m e r c i a l a n d industrial crisis.
After the failure of the revolutions of 1848, all party organisations a n d
party j o u r n a l s of the working classes were, on t h e C o n t i n e n t , crushed by the
iron h a n d of force, the m o s t advanced sons of l a b o u r fled in despair to the
Transatlantic Republic, a n d the short-lived d r e a m s of e m a n c i p a t i o n vanished before an e p o c h of industrial fever, m o r a l m a r a s m , a n d political reaction. T h e defeat of t h e c o n t i n e n t a l working classes, partly owed to the diplomacy of the English G o v e r n m e n t , acting t h e n as now in fraternal
solidarity with the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, soon spread its contagious effects to this side of the c h a n n e l . While the r o u t of their c o n t i n e n t a l brethren u n m a n n e d t h e English working classes, a n d broke their faith in their
own cause, it restored to the landlord a n d t h e money-lord their somewhat
shaken confidence. T h e y insolently withdrew concessions already adveru s e d . T h e discoveries of new goldlands led to an i m m e n s e exodus, leaving
an irreparable void in t h e ranks of the British proletariat. Others of its formerly active m e m b e r s were caught by t h e temporary bribe of greater work
and wages, a n d t u r n e d into "political blacks." All ||9| t h e efforts m a d e at
keeping u p , or remodelling, the Chartist M o v e m e n t , failed signally; the
press organs of the working class died o n e by o n e of t h e apathy of the
masses, a n d , in p o i n t of fact, never before seemed the English working
class so thoroughly reconciled to a state of political nullity. If, t h e n , there
h a d b e e n no solidarity of action between the British a n d the c o n t i n e n t a l
working classes, there was, at all events, a solidarity of defeat.
A n d yet the period passed since the revolutions of 1848 h a s n o t b e e n
without its c o m p e n s a t i n g features. We shall h e r e only point to two great
facts.
After a thirty years' struggle, fought with m o s t admirable perseverance,
the English working classes, improving a m o m e n t a n e o u s split between the
landlords a n d m o n e y lords, succeeded in carrying the T e n H o u r s ' Bill. T h e
i m m e n s e physical, moral, a n d intellectual benefits h e n c e accruing to the
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Karl Marx
factory operatives, half-yearly chronicled in the reports of the inspectors of
factories, are n o w acknowledged on all sides. Most of the c o n t i n e n t a l gove r n m e n t s h a d to accept t h e English Factory A c t in m o r e or less modified
forms, a n d the English P a r l i a m e n t itself is every year compelled to enlarge
its sphere of action. B u t besides its practical import, there was s o m e t h i n g
else to exalt the marvellous success of this working-men's m e a s u r e .
T h r o u g h their m o s t n o t o r i o u s organs of science, s u c h as Dr. l i r e , Professor
Senior, a n d other sages of that stamp, t h e m i d d l e class h a d predicted, a n d
to their heart's c o n t e n t proved, t h a t any legal restriction of the h o u r s of lab o u r m u s t s o u n d the d e a t h knell of British industry, which, vampyre like,
could b u t live by sucking blood, a n d children's blood, too.-In olden times,
child m u r d e r was a mysterious rite of the religion of M o l o c h , b u t it was
practised on s o m e very s o l e m n occasions only, o n c e a year perhaps, a n d
t h e n M o l o c h h a d no exclusive bias for the children of t h e poor. T h i s
struggle a b o u t the legal restriction of the h o u r s of labour raged t h e m o r e
fiercely since, apart from frightened avarice, it told i n d e e d u p o n the great
contest between the blind rule of the supply a n d d e m a n d laws which form
the political e c o n o m y of the m i d d l e class, a n d social p r o d u c t i o n controlled
by ||10| social foresight, which forms the political e c o n o m y of t h e working
class. H e n c e the T e n H o u r s Bill was n o t only a great practical success; it
was the victory of a principle; it was the first t i m e t h a t in broad daylight the
political e c o n o m y of t h e m i d d l e class s u c c u m b e d to the political e c o n o m y
of t h e working class.
But there was in store a still greater victory of t h e political e c o n o m y of
l a b o u r over t h e political e c o n o m y of property. We speak of the co-operative
m o v e m e n t , especially t h e co-operative factories raised by t h e unassisted efforts of a few bold " h a n d s . " T h e value of these great social e x p e r i m e n t s
c a n n o t be over-rated. By deed, instead of by argument, they have shown
that p r o d u c t i o n on a large scale, a n d in accord with the behests of m o d e r n
science, m a y be carried on without the existence of a class of masters e m ploying a class of h a n d s ; that to bear fruit, the m e a n s of l a b o u r n e e d n o t be
m o n o p o l i s e d as a m e a n s of d o m i n i o n over, a n d of extortion against, t h e labouring m a n himself; a n d that, like slave labour, like serf labour, hired lab o u r is b u t a transitory a n d inferior form, destined to disappear before associated l a b o u r plying its toil with a willing h a n d , a ready m i n d , a n d a
joyous heart. In England, t h e seeds of the co-operative system were sown
by R o b e r t Owen; the working m e n ' s experiments, tried on t h e c o n t i n e n t ,
were, in fact, t h e practical u p s h o t of t h e theories, n o t invented, b u t loudly
proclaimed, in 1848.
At the s a m e time, the experience of the period from 1848 to 1864, has
proved b e y o n d d o u b t that, however excellent in principle, a n d however
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useful in practice, co-operative labour, if kept within the narrow circle of
the casual efforts of private workmen, will never be able to arrest the
growth in geometrical progression of m o n o p o l y , to free t h e masses, n o r
even to perceptibly lighten the b u r d e n of their miseries. It is perhaps for
this very r e a s o n t h a t plausible n o b l e m e n , philanthropic m i d d l e class spouters, a n d even k e e n political economists, have all at o n c e t u r n e d nauseously
complimentary to the very co-operative l a b o u r system they h a d vainly tried
to nip in t h e b u d by deriding it as the U t o p i a of | | 1 1 | the dreamer, or stigmatising it as t h e sacrilege of the socialist. To save t h e industrious masses,
co-operative l a b o u r ought to be developed to n a t i o n a l d i m e n s i o n s , a n d ,
consequently, to be fostered by n a t i o n a l m e a n s . Yet, the lords of land a n d
the lords of capital will always use their political privileges for t h e defence
a n d p e r p e t u a t i o n of their e c o n o m i c a l m o n o p o l i e s . So far from promoting,
they will c o n t i n u e to lay every possible i m p e d i m e n t in the way of the
e m a n c i p a t i o n of labour. R e m e m b e r the sneer with which, last session, Lord
Palmerston p u t down the advocates of t h e Irish T e n a n t s ' Right Bill. T h e
H o u s e of C o m m o n s , cried he, is a h o u s e of l a n d e d proprietors. To c o n q u e r
political power has therefore b e c o m e the great duty of the working classes.
They s e e m to h a v e c o m p r e h e n d e d this, for in England, G e r m a n y , Italy, a n d
F r a n c e there have taken place s i m u l t a n e o u s revivals, a n d s i m u l t a n e o u s efforts are being m a d e at the political reorganisation of the working m e n ' s
party.
O n e e l e m e n t of success they p o s s e s s — n u m b e r s ; b u t n u m b e r s weigh only
in the b a l a n c e , if u n i t e d by c o m b i n a t i o n and led by knowledge. Past experience has shown how disregard of that b o n d of brotherhood which ought
to exist between the w o r k m e n of different countries, a n d incite t h e m to
stand firmly by e a c h other in all their struggles for e m a n c i p a t i o n , will be
chastised by t h e c o m m o n discomfiture of their i n c o h e r e n t efforts. This
thought p r o m p t e d the working m e n of different countries assembled on
September 2 8 , 1 8 6 4 , in public m e e t i n g at S t M a r t i n ' s Hall, to found the International Association.
A n o t h e r conviction swayed that m e e t i n g .
If the e m a n c i p a t i o n of the working classes requires their fraternal concurrence, how are they to fulfil that great m i s s i o n with a foreign policy in
pursuit of c r i m i n a l designs, playing u p o n n a t i o n a l prejudices, a n d squandering in piratical wars the people's blood a n d treasure? It was n o t the wisd o m of the ruling classes, b u t the heroic resistance to their criminal folly
by the working classes of England t h a t saved the West of E u r o p e from
plunging h e a d l o n g into an infamous crusade for the perpetuation and propagation of ||12| slavery on the other side of the Atlantic. T h e shameless approval, m o c k sympathy, or idiotic indifference, with which the u p p e r
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classes of E u r o p e h a v e witnessed the m o u n t a i n fortress of t h e C a u c a s u s
falling a prey to, a n d heroic Poland being assassinated by, Russia; t h e i m m e n s e a n d unresisted e n c r o a c h m e n t s of that b a r b a r o u s power, whose h e a d
is at St. Petersburg, a n d whose h a n d s are in every C a b i n e t of E u r o p e , have
taught the working classes the duty to m a s t e r themselves the mysteries of
5
international politics; to watch the diplomatic acts of their respective Gove r n m e n t s ; to counteract t h e m , if necessary, by all m e a n s in their power;
w h e n u n a b l e to prevent, to c o m b i n e in s i m u l t a n e o u s d e n u n c i a t i o n s , a n d to
vindicate t h e simple laws of morals and justice, which ought to govern the
relations of private individuals, as the rules p a r a m o u n t of the intercourse of 10
nations.
T h e fight for s u c h a foreign policy forms part of the general struggle for
the e m a n c i p a t i o n of the working classes.
Proletarians of all countries, U n i t e ! |
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Karl
Marx
Provisional
Rules
of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association
l i 2 | Provisional Rules of the Association.
Considering,
T h a t t h e e m a n c i p a t i o n of the working classes m u s t be c o n q u e r e d by the
5 working classes themselves; that t h e struggle for the e m a n c i p a t i o n of the
working classes m e a n s not a struggle for class privileges a n d m o n o p o l i e s ,
b u t for equal rights a n d duties, a n d the abolition of all class-rule;
T h a t the e c o n o m i c a l subjection of the m a n of labour to the m o n o p o l i z e r
of the m e a n s of labour, that is, t h e sources of life, lies at t h e b o t t o m of servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, m e n t a l degradation, a n d politilo cal d e p e n d e n c e ;
T h a t the e c o n o m i c a l e m a n c i p a t i o n of the working classes is therefore the
great end to which every political m o v e m e n t ought to be s u b o r d i n a t e as a
means;
That all efforts aiming at that great e n d have hitherto failed from the
15 want of solidarity between the ||13| manifold divisions of labour in e a c h
country, a n d from the absence of a fraternal b o n d of u n i o n between the
working classes of different countries;
T h a t t h e e m a n c i p a t i o n of labour is n e i t h e r a local n o r a national, b u t a
social problem, embracing all countries in which m o d e r n society exists,
20 a n d d e p e n d i n g for its solution on the concurrence, practical a n d theoretical, of the m o s t advanced countries;
T h a t t h e present revival of the working classes in the m o s t industrious
countries of E u r o p e , while it raises a new h o p e , gives s o l e m n warning
against a relapse into the old errors and calls for t h e i m m e d i a t e c o m b i n a 25 tion of the still disconnected m o v e m e n t s ;
F o r these reasons: —
T h e u n d e r s i g n e d m e m b e r s of t h e c o m m i t t e e , holding its powers by resolution of the public meeting held on Sept. 28, 1864, at St. M a r t i n ' s Hall,
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Karl Marx
L o n d o n , have t a k e n t h e steps necessary for founding the W o r k i n g M e n ' s
I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association;
They declare that this International Association a n d all societies a n d individuals adhering to it, will acknowledge truth, justice, a n d morality, as
the bases of their c o n d u c t towards e a c h other, a n d towards all m e n , without
regard to colour, creed, or nationality;
They hold it t h e duty of a m a n to claim the rights of a m a n a n d a citizen,
n o t only for himself, b u t for every m a n w h o does h i s duty. No rights without duties, no duties without rights;
A n d in this spirit they have drawn up the following provisional rules of
t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association:—
1. This association is established to afford a central m e d i u m of c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d co-operation between W o r k i n g M e n ' s Societies existing i n
different countries, a n d aiming at the same e n d : viz., the protection, adv a n c e m e n t , a n d complete e m a n c i p a t i o n of the working classes.
2. T h e n a m e of the society shall b e : "The Working M e n ' s I n t e r n a t i o n a l
Association."
3. In 1865 there shall m e e t in Belgium a G e n e r a l W o r k i n g M e n ' s Congress, consisting of representatives of such working m e n ' s societies as m a y
have j o i n e d ||14| the International Association. T h e Congress will have to
proclaim before E u r o p e the c o m m o n aspirations of t h e working classes, decide on the definitive rules of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association, consider the
m e a n s required for its successful working, and appoint the Central Council
of the Association. T h e General Congress is to m e e t o n c e a year.
4. T h e Central Council shall sit in L o n d o n , a n d consist of working m e n
belonging to the different countries represented in t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association. It shall from its own m e m b e r s elect the officers necessary for the
transaction of business, such as a president, a treasurer, a general secretary,
corresponding secretaries for the different countries, etc.
5. On its a n n u a l meetings, the G e n e r a l Congress shall receive a public
a c c o u n t of the a n n u a l transactions of the Central Council. T h e Central
Council, yearly appointed by the Congress, shall have power to add to the
n u m b e r of its m e m b e r s . In cases of urgency, it m a y convoke t h e G e n e r a l
Congress before t h e regular yearly t e r m .
6. T h e Central Council shall form an international agency between the
different co-operating associations, so that the working m e n in o n e country
be constantly informed of the m o v e m e n t s of their class in every other
country; that an inquiry into the social state of the different countries of
E u r o p e be m a d e simultaneously, a n d u n d e r a c o m m o n direction; that the
questions of general interest m o o t e d in o n e society be ventilated by all;
a n d that w h e n i m m e d i a t e practical steps should be n e e d e d , as, for instance,
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Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's Association
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in case of i n t e r n a t i o n a l quarrels, t h e action of t h e associated societies be sim u l t a n e o u s a n d uniform. W h e n e v e r it seems o p p o r t u n e , t h e Central C o u n cil shall take the initiative of proposals to be laid before the different n a tional or local societies.
7. Since t h e success of the working m e n ' s m o v e m e n t in e a c h country
c a n n o t be secured b u t by the power of u n i o n a n d c o m b i n a t i o n , while, on
the other h a n d , the usefulness of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Central C o u n c i l m u s t
greatly d e p e n d on t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e whether it has to deal with a few n a tional centres of working m e n ' s ||15| associations, or with a great n u m b e r of
small a n d d i s c o n n e c t e d local societies; t h e m e m b e r s of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l
Association shall use their u t m o s t efforts to c o m b i n e t h e d i s c o n n e c t e d
working m e n ' s societies of their respective countries into n a t i o n a l bodies,
represented by central n a t i o n a l organs. It is self-understood, however, t h a t
the appliance of this rule will d e p e n d u p o n the peculiar laws of e a c h c o u n try, a n d that, apart from legal obstacles, no i n d e p e n d e n t local society shall
be precluded from directly corresponding with the L o n d o n Central C o u n cil.
8. U n t i l t h e m e e t i n g of the first Congress, the c o m m i t t e e c h o s e n on Sept e m b e r 28th, 1864, will act as a Provisional Central Council, try to c o n n e c t
the different n a t i o n a l working m e n ' s associations, enlist m e m b e r s in t h e
U n i t e d K i n g d o m , take the steps preparatory to the convocation of t h e G e n eral Congress, a n d discuss with the n a t i o n a l a n d local societies the m a i n
questions to be laid before t h a t Congress.
9. E a c h m e m b e r of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association, on removing his d o m i c u e from o n e country to another, will receive t h e fraternal support of t h e
associated working m e n .
10. W h i l e u n i t e d in a perpetual b o n d of fraternal co-operation, the working-men's societies, joining the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association, will preserve
their existent organisations intact.
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N . B . Persons i n E n g l a n d can j o i n t h e association b y paying I s . per a n n u m ,
for which a card of m e m b e r s h i p will be supplied. |
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Karl
Marx
Manifest an die a r b e i t e n d e Klasse Europas
(Inauguraladresse der
Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation)
Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen
Der Social-Demokrat.
Nr. 2, 21. Dezember 1864
Manifest
an die arbeitende Klasse Europa's.
Arbeiter!
Es ist Thatsache, d a ß das Elend der a r b e i t e n d e n M a s s e n n i c h t a b g e n o m m e n h a t w ä h r e n d der Periode 1 8 4 8 - 1 8 6 4 , u n d d e n n o c h steht diese Periode
m i t i h r e m Fortschritt von Industrie u n d H a n d e l beispiellos da in d e n A n n a l e n der G e s c h i c h t e . Im J a h r e 1850 weissagte eins der b e s t u n t e r r i c h t e t e n
Organe der englischen Mittelclasse: steigt E n g l a n d s Ein- u n d Ausfuhr u m
50 %, so fallt der englische P a u p e r i s m u s auf Null. N u n wohl! Am 7. April
1864 h a t der Schatzkanzler Gladstone seine p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e A u d i e n z
d u r c h den N a c h w e i s entzückt, d a ß G r o ß b r i t a n n i e n s G e s a m m t - A u s - u n d
Einfuhr 1863 n i c h t weniger als 443 9 5 5 0 0 0 £ . betrug! „Eine erstaunliche
S u m m e ungefähr dreimal so groß als die S u m m e des britischen G e s a m m t h a n d e l s in der k a u m verschwundenen E p o c h e von 1843!" Trotz alledem
war er beredt ü b e r „ A r m u t h " . „Denkt", rief er, „an die, welche am A b g r u n d
des Elends schweben!", an „nicht gestiegene L ö h n e " , an „das M e n s c h e n l e b e n i n n e u n Fällen von z e h n ein bloßer K a m p f u m die E x i s t e n z " ! E r
sprach n i c h t von d e m Volk von Irland, m e h r u n d m e h r ersetzt d u r c h M a schinerie i m N o r d e n u n d d u r c h Schaafweiden i m S ü d e n , obgleich selbst
die Schaafe in j e n e m unglücklichen L a n d e a b n e h m e n - es ist wahr, n i c h t
ganz so rasch als die M e n s c h e n . Er wiederholte nicht, was die R e p r ä s e n t a n ten der 10 000 V o r n e h m e n so eben verrathen h a t t e n , in e i n e m plötzlichen
Schreck-Anfall. W ä h r e n d der H ö h e des Garrot-Panics e r n a n n t e n ä m l i c h
das H a u s der Lords eine U n t e r s u c h u n g s - C o m m i s s i o n ü b e r D e p o r t a t i o n
u n d Strafarbeit. Ihr Bericht steht in d e m u m f a n g r e i c h e n B l a u b u c h von
1863, u n d beweist d u r c h officielle Z a h l e n u n d T h a t s a c h e n , d a ß d e r A u s wurf des Verbrechens, daß die Galeerensclaven E n g l a n d s u n d Schottlands
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Der Social-Demokrat. Berlin. Nr. 2,
21. Dezember 1864. Titelseite mit dem Beginn des „Manifestes
an die arbeitende Klasse Europas" von Marx
Inauguraladresse der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation
viel weniger abgeplackt u n d viel besser genährt werden, als die A c k e r b a u e r
Englands u n d Schottlands. A b e r das war n i c h t alles. Als der a m e r i k a n i s c h e
Bürgerkrieg die Fabrikarbeiter von Lancashire u n d Cheshire auf das Pflaster warf, e n t s a n d t e dasselbe H a u s der Lords e i n e n Arzt in j e n e M a n u f a c 5 tur-Districte m i t d e m Auftrag zu u n t e r s u c h e n , welcher kleinste Betrag von
Kohlen- u n d Stickstoff, eingegeben in der wohlfeilsten u n d ordinairsten
Form, durchschnittlich grade ausreiche um „Hungerkrankheiten abzuwehren" ("to avert starvation diseases"). Dr. Smith, der ärztliche Bevollmächtigte, fand aus, d a ß eine wöchentliche Portion von 28 000 G r a n K o h l e n 10
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u n d 1330 G r a n Stickstoff e i n e n D u r c h s c h n i t t s e r w a c h s e n e n g e n a u ü b e r
d e m N i v e a u der H u n g e r k r a n k h e i t e n h a l t e n werde, u n d d a ß dieser Dosis
ungefähr die spärliche N a h r u n g entsprach, wozu der Druck äußerster N o t h
die Baumwollenarbeiter heruntergebracht h a t t e . A b e r n u n m e r k t auf! Derselbe gelehrte Doctor wurde später wieder d u r c h d e n M e d i c i n a l b e a m t e n
des G e h e i m e n R a t h s (Privy Council) beauftragt m i t der U n t e r s u c h u n g ü b e r
d e n E r n ä h r u n g s s t a n d des ä r m e r e n Theils der Arbeiterclasse. D i e Ergebnisse seiner F o r s c h u n g sind einverleibt in d e n „Sechsten Bericht über den Zustand der öffentlichen Gesundheit", veröffentlicht im Lauf des gegenwärtigen
Jahres auf Befehl des Parlaments. W a s e n t d e c k t e der Doctor? D a ß Seidenweber, N ä t h e r i n n e n , H a n d s c h u h m a c h e r , Strumpfwirker u n d a n d r e Arbeiter J a h r aus J a h r ein i m D u r c h s c h n i t t n i c h t e i n m a l j e n e N o t h r a t i o n der u n beschäftigten Baumwollarbeiter erhalten, n i c h t e i n m a l j e n e n Betrag von
Kohle u n d Stickstoff, der „grade hinreicht zur Abwehr von Hungerkrankheiten". „ A u ß e r d e m " , wir citiren d e n officiellen Bericht, „ a u ß e r d e m zeigte
sich in Bezug auf die u n t e r s u c h t e n F a m i l i e n der Ackerbaubevölkerung,
daß m e h r als % weniger als das veranschlagte M i n i m u m von kohlenhaltiger
N a h r u n g , m e h r als % weniger als das veranschlagte M i n i m u m von stickstoffhaltiger N a h r u n g erhält u n d d a ß in die durchschnittliche Local-Nahrung der drei Grafschaften Berkshire, Oxfordshire u n d Somersetshire ein
u n z u r e i c h e n d e s M a a ß stickstoffhaltiger L e b e n s m i t t e l eingeht. M a n m u ß
erwägen", fügt der officielle Bericht h i n z u , „daß M a n g e l an N a h r u n g n u r
sehr widerstrebend ertragen wird, u n d d a ß große Dürftigkeit der D i ä t in der
Regel n u r k o m m t , n a c h d e m E n t b e h r u n g e n aller Art vorhergingen. R e i n lichkeit selbst wird vorher kostspielig u n d mühevoll, u n d werden aus
Selbstachtung n o c h Versuche gemacht, um sie aufrecht zu halten, so stellt
jeder solcher V e r s u c h eine zusetzliche H u n g e r q u a l vor. - D a s sind peinliche Betrachtungen, n a m e n t l i c h wenn m a n sich erinnert, d a ß die A r m u t h ,
wovon h i e r die R e d e , n i c h t die verdiente A r m u t h des Müßiggangs ist; es ist
in allem Fällen die A r m u t h von Arbeiterbevölkerungen. Ja die Arbeit, die
die armselige N a h r u n g s r a t i o n erhält, ist thatsächlich meist ü b e r alles M a a ß
verlängert." D e r „Bericht" enthüllt die sonderbare u n d sicher unerwartete
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Karl Marx
Thatsache, d a ß „von d e n vier A b t h e i l u n g e n des vereinigten Königreichs", - England, Wales, Schottland u n d Irland, - „die Ackerbaubevölkerung E n g l a n d s , der reichsten Abtheilung, bei weitem die schlechtgenährteste ist"; d a ß aber selbst die e l e n d e n Ackerbautaglöhner von Berkshire,
Oxfordshire u n d Somersetshire besser genährt sind als große M a s s e n der
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geschickten H a n d w e r k e r von L o n d o n .
Dies sind officielle Aufstellungen, auf Parlamentsbefehl veröffentlicht
im Jahre 1864, w ä h r e n d des tausendjährigen Reichs des F r e i h a n d e l s , zu
einer Zeit wo der britische Schatzkanzler das H a u s der G e m e i n e n belehrt,
d a ß „die Durchschnittslage des britischen Arbeiters sich in e i n e m M a a ß 10
verbessert hat, wovon wir wissen, d a ß es außerordentlich u n d beispiellos in
der G e s c h i c h t e aller L ä n d e r u n d aller E p o c h e n dasteht". M i ß t ö n e n d knarrt
zwischen diese officiellen G l ü c k w ü n s c h u n g e n das dürre W o r t des officiellen G e s u n d h e i t s b e r i c h t e s : „die öffentliche G e s u n d h e i t eines L a n d e s bedeutet die G e s u n d h e i t seiner Masse u n d wie k ö n n e n die M a s s e n gesund 15
sein, w e n n sie bis auf ihre untersten Schichten h e r a b n i c h t wenigstens erträglich g e d e i h e n ? "
G e b l e n d e t von der Fortschritts-Statistik des N a t i o n a l - R e i c h t h u m s , die
vor seinen A u g e n tanzt, ruft der Schatzkanzler in wilder Extase:
„Von 1842 bis 1852 wuchs das steuerbare L a n d e s e i n k o m m e n um 6 Prozent; in d e n a c h t J a h r e n von 1853 bis 1861 ist es, a u s g e h e n d von der Basis
von 1853, um 20 Prozent gewachsen. Die Thatsache ist bis zum Unglaublichen
erstaunlich! - Dieser berauschende Zuwachs von Reichthum und Macht", fügt
Herr G l a d s t o n e h i n z u , „ist gam und gar auf die besitzenden Klassen beschränkt. "
W e n n Ihr wissen wollt, u n t e r welchen Bedingungen gebrochener G e sundheit, befleckter M o r a l u n d geistigen R u i n s j e n e r „berauschende Zuwachs von Reichthum und Macht, ganz und gar beschränkt auf die besitzenden
Klassen" p r o d u c i l i wurde u n d producili wird d u r c h die arbeitenden Klassen,
betrachtet die Schilderung der Arbeitslokale von Druckern, S c h n e i d e r n
u n d K l e i d e r m a c h e r i n n e n in d e m letzten „Bericht über den öffentlichen Gesundheitszustand"! Vergleicht den „Bericht der Kommission von 1863 über die
Beschäftigung von Kindern", wo ihr u n t e r A n d e r m lest: „Die Töpfer als eine
Klasse, M ä n n e r u n d Weiber, repräsentiren eine entartete Bevölkerung,
physisch u n d geistig entartet"; „die u n g e s u n d e n K i n d e r werden ihrerseits
u n g e s u n d e Eltern, eine fortschreitende Verschlechterung der R a c e ist u n vermeidlich", u n d d e n n o c h „ist die E n t a r t u n g (dégénérescence) der Bevölkerung der Töpferdistricte verlangsamt d u r c h die beständige R e c r u t i r u n g
aus d e n b e n a c h b a r t e n Landdistricten u n d die Z w i s c h e n h e i r a t h e n m i t ges u n d e r n R a c e n " ! Werft e i n e n Blick auf das von H e r r n T r e m e n h e e r e redigirte B l a u b u c h ü b e r die „Beschwerden der Bäckergesellen"! U n d wer schau-
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dert n i c h t vor d e m Paradoxon, eingetragen in die Berichte der Fabrikinspectoren u n d beleuchtet d u r c h die Tabellen der General-Registratur, d e m
Paradoxon, daß zur Zeit wo ihre N a h r u n g s r a t i o n sie k a u m ü b e r d e m N i veau der H u n g e r k r a n k h e i t hielt, die G e s u n d h e i t der Arbeiter v o n Lancashire sich verbesserte in Folge ihres zeitweiligen Ausschlusses aus der
Baumwollfabrik d u r c h die Baumwollnoth, u n d daß die Sterblichkeit der
F a b r i k k i n d e r a b n a h m , weil es ihren M ü t t e r n jetzt endlich freistand, i h n e n
statt der O p i u m m i x t u r die Brust zu reichen.
Kehrt die Medaille wieder u m ! Die Einkommen- und Eigenthumsteuer-Listen, am 20. Juli 1864 d e m H a u s e der G e m e i n e n vorgelegt, zeigen, d a ß die
Personen m i t jährlichen E i n k o m m e n von 50 000 £ u n d über 50 000 £ sich
v o m 5. April 1862 bis z u m 5. April 1863 durch ein D u t z e n d u n d Eins recrutirt hatten, i n d e m ihre A n z a h l in diesem e i n e n J a h r von 67 auf 80 stieg.
Dieselben Listen e n t h ü l l e n die Thatsache, d a ß ungefähr drei tausend Personen ein jährliches E i n k o m m e n von ungefähr 25 Millionen £ u n t e r sich
theilen, m e h r als das G e s a m m t e i n k o m m e n , welches der G e s a m m t m a s s e
der Ackerbauarbeiter von England u n d W a l e s j ä h r l i c h z u g e m e s s e n wird!
Oeffnet den Census von 1861 u n d I h r findet, d a ß die Z a h l der m ä n n l i c h e n
G r u n d e i g e n t h ü m e r von E n g l a n d u n d Wales von 16 934 im J a h r 1851 herabgesunken war zu 15 066 im J a h r e 1861, so daß die C o n c e n t r a t i o n des
G r u n d e i g e n t h u m s i n 1 0 J a h r e n u m 1 1 P r o z e n t wuchs. W e n n d i e C o n c e n tration des L a n d e s in wenigen H ä n d e n gleichmäßig fortschreitet, wird sich
die G r u n d - u n d Bodenfrage (the landquestion) ganz merkwürdig vereinfachen, wie zur Zeit des r ö m i s c h e n Kaiserreichs, als N e r o grinzte ü b e r die
E n t d e c k u n g , daß die halbe Provinz von Afrika 6 g e n t l e m e n angehörte.
Wir h a b e n so lange verweilt bei diesen „bis z u m U n g l a u b l i c h e n erstaunlichen T h a t s a c h e n " , weil E n g l a n d das E u r o p a der I n d u s t r i e u n d des H a n dels anführt u n d in der T h a t auf d e m W e l t m a r k t repräsentirt. Vor wenigen
M o n a t e n beglückwünschte einer der v e r b a n n t e n S ö h n e Louis Philippe's
den englischen Ackerbauarbeiter öffentlich wegen des Vorzugs seiner Lage
über die seiner m i n d e r b l ü h e n d e n G e n o s s e n jenseits des Kanals. In der
That, m i t veränderten Localfarben, u n d in verjüngtem M a a ß s t a b wiederholen sich die englischen Thatsachen in allen industriellen u n d fortgeschritt e n e n L ä n d e r n des K o n t i n e n t s . Seit 1848 in i h n e n allen u n e r h ö r t e Entwicklung der Industrie u n d u n g e a h n t e A u s d e h n u n g der A u s - u n d Einfuhr.
In i h n e n allen ein wahrhaft „berauschender Z u w a c h s von R e i c h t h u m u n d
M a c h t " „ganz u n d gar beschränkt auf die b e s i t z e n d e n Klassen". In allen,
wie in England, Steigen des Reallohns, d.h. der m i t d e m G e l d l o h n beschaffbaren Lebensmittel, für eine M i n d e r h e i t der Arbeiterclasse, w ä h r e n d in
den m e i s t e n Fällen das Steigen des Geldlohns k e i n e n wirklichen Zuwachs
von Comforts anzeigte, so wenig als etwa der Insasse eines L o n d o n e r Ar-
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Karl Marx
m e n - oder W a i s e n h a u s e s im geringsten besser d a r a n war, weil seine ersten
Lebensmittel im J a h r e 1861 der Verwaltung 9£ 15sh. 8d. kosteten anstatt
der 7£ 7sh. 4d. des Jahres 1851. U e b e r a u die M a s s e n der Arbeiterklasse
tiefer sinkend in d e m s e l b e n Verhältnisse wenigstens als die Klassen ü b e r
i h n e n in der gesellschaftlichen Wagschale aufschnellten. U n d so ist es jetzt
5
in allen L ä n d e r n E u r o p a ' s eine Wahrheit, erwiesen für j e d e n vorurtheilsfreien Geist, u n d n u r geläugnet durch die interessirt klugen Prediger eines
Narrenparadieses, d a ß keine Entwicklung der Maschinerie, k e i n e c h e m i sche E n t d e c k u n g , keine A n w e n d u n g der Wissenschaft auf die P r o d u c t i o n ,
keine Verbesserung der C o m m u n i c a t i o n s m i t t e l , keine n e u e n Colonien, 10
keine A u s w a n d e r u n g , keine Eröffnung von Märkten, kein F r e i h a n d e l , n o c h
alle diese Dinge z u s a m m e n g e n o m m e n , das E l e n d der a r b e i t e n d e n M a s s e n
beseitigen k ö n n e n , sondern daß vielmehr u m g e k e h r t , auf der gegenwärtigen falschen G r u n d l a g e , j e d e frische Entwicklung der Productivkräfte der
Arbeit d a h i n s t r e b e n m u ß die socialen Kontraste zu vertiefen u n d d e n so- 15
cialen Gegensatz z u z u s p i t z e n . W ä h r e n d dieser „ b e r a u s c h e n d e n E p o c h e "
ö c o n o m i s c h e n Fortschritts h o b sich der Hungertod b e i n a h e z u m R a n g e
einer I n s t i t u t i o n in der H a u p t s t a d t des britischen Reichs. In d e n A n n a l e n
des W e l t m a r k t s ist dieselbe Epoche g e k e n n z e i c h n e t d u r c h die raschere
Wiederkehr, d e n erweiterten Umfang u n d die tödtlichere W i r k u n g der ge- 20
seilschaftlichen Pest, die m a n industrielle und commercielle Krise heißt.
N a c h d e m Fehlschlag der R e v o l u t i o n e n von 1848 w u r d e n auf d e m Contin e n t alle Parteiorganisationen u n d Parteijournale der a r b e i t e n d e n Classe
von der eisernen H a n d der Gewalt unterdrückt, die fortgeschrittensten
S ö h n e der Arbeit flohen in Verzweiflung n a c h der transatlantischen R e p u - 25
buk, u n d der kurzlebige T r a u m der E m a n c i p a t i o n z e r r a n n vor einer E p o che von fieberhaftem Industrialismus, m o r a l i s c h e m M a r a s m u s u n d politischer R e a c t i o n . D i e Niederlagen der c o n t i n e n t a l e n Arbeiterclassen, wozu
die diplomatische E i n m i s c h u n g des britischen Kabinets, d a m a l s wie jetzt,
im b r ü d e r l i c h e n B u n d m i t d e m Cabinet von St. Petersburg, n i c h t wenig bei- 30
trug, verbreitete ihre a n s t e c k e n d e W i r k u n g bald diesseits des Canals. W ä h r e n d der U n t e r g a n g der continentalen Arbeiterbewegung die britische Arbeiterclasse e n t m a n n t e u n d ihren G l a u b e n in ihrer eignen Sache brach,
stellte er das bereits etwas erschütterte V e r t r a u e n der L a n d l o r d s u n d der
Geldlords wieder her. Bereits öffentlich angekündigte Concessionen wur- 35
d e n m i t absichtlicher Insolenz zurückgezogen. Die E n t d e c k u n g n e u e r
G o l d l a n d e führte kurz darauf zu e i n e m u n g e h e u r e n E x o d u s , der unersetz-
22
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liehe L ü c k e n in d e n R e i h e n des britischen Proletariats h i n t e r sich ließ.
A n d r e seiner früher thätigsten Glieder, d u r c h d e n K ö d e r größerer Beschäftigung u n d augenblicklicher L o h n e r h ö h u n g bestochen, „trugen d e n besteh e n d e n Verhältnissen R e c h n u n g " . Alle Versuche die Chartistenbewegung
aufrecht zu e r h a l t e n oder n e u zu gestalten, scheiterten vollständig, alle
Preßorgane der Arbeiterclasse starben, eins n a c h d e m andern, an der Apathie der M a s s e , u n d in der T h a t nie zuvor schien die englische Arbeiterclasse so a u s g e s ö h n t m i t e i n e m Z u s t a n d politischer Nichtigkeit. H a t t e dah e r zwischen d e n britischen u n d d e n c o n t i n e n t a l e n Arbeiterclassen keine
G e m e i n s a m k e i t der A c t i o n existirt, so existirte jetzt jedenfalls eine G e m e i n s a m k e i t der Niederlage.
U n d d e n n o c h war die Periode von 1848 bis 1864 nicht o h n e ihre Lichtseite. H i e r seien n u r zwei große Ereignisse erwähnt.
N a c h e i n e m dreißigjährigen Kampf, der m i t bewundrungswürdiger A u s dauer geführt ward, gelang es der englischen Arbeiterclasse d u r c h Benutzung eines augenblicklichen Zwiespalts zwischen Landlords u n d Geldlords, die
Zehnstundenbill d u r c h z u s e t z e n .
D i e großen physischen,
moralischen u n d geistigen Vortheile, die d e n Fabrikarbeitern aus dieser
Maaßregel erwuchsen u n d die m a n i n d e n Berichten der Fabrikinspectoren
halbjährig verzeichnet findet, sind j e t z t von allen Seiten a n e r k a n n t . Die
meisten c o n t i n e n t a l e n Regierungen n a h m e n das englische Fabrikgesetz in
m e h r oder m i n d e r veränderter F o r m an u n d in E n g l a n d selbst wird seine
Wirkungssphäre j ä h r l i c h v o m P a r l a m e n t ausgedehnt. Aber von der practischen Wichtigkeit abgesehen, h a t t e der Erfolg dieser Arbeitermaaßregel
eine a n d r e große B e d e u t u n g . Die Mittelclasse h a t t e durch die notorischsten Organe ihrer Wissenschaft, d u r c h D r . U r e , Professor Senior u n d andre
Weisen von d i e s e m Schlag, vorhergesagt u n d n a c h Herzenslust d e m o n strirt, d a ß j e d e gesetzliche Beschränkung der Arbeitszeit die Todtenglocke
der englischen Industrie läuten m ü s s e , einer Industrie, die vampyrmäßig
M e n s c h e n b l u t s a u g e n m ü s s e , vor allem Kinderblut. In alten Z e i t e n war der
K i n d e r m o r d ein mysteriöser R i t u s der Religion des Moloch, aber er ward
n u r bei besonders feierlichen G e l e g e n h e i t e n practicirt, vielleicht e i n m a l
im Jahr, u n d zu d e m hatte M o l o c h keine b e s o n d e r e Liebhaberei für die
Kinder der A r m e n .
Der K a m p f ü b e r die gesetzliche B e s c h r ä n k u n g der Arbeitszeit wüthete
um so heftiger, je m e h r er, abgesehen von aufgeschreckter H a b s u c h t , in der
T h a t die große Streitfrage traf, die Streitfrage zwischen der b l i n d e n Herrschaft der G e s e t z e von Nachfrage u n d Zufuhr, welche die politische Oecon o m i e der Mittelclasse bildet, u n d der Controle socialer P r o d u c t i o n durch
sociale E i n - u n d Vorsicht, welche die politische O e c o n o m i e der Arbeiterclasse bildet. D i e Z e h n s t u n d e n b i l l war d a h e r n i c h t blos eine große prakti-
23
Karl Marx
sehe Errungenschaft, sie war der Sieg eines Prinzips. Z u m ersten M a l erlag
die politische O e c o n o m i e der Mittelclasse in h e l l e m Tageslicht vor der p o litischen O e c o n o m i e der Arbeiterclasse.
E i n n o c h größerer Sieg der politischen O e c o n o m i e der Arbeit ü b e r die
politische O e c o n o m i e des Capitals stand bevor.
5
W i r sprechen von der Cooperativbewegung n a m e n t l i c h d e n Cooperativfabriken, d i e s e m W e r k weniger k ü h n e n „Hände" (hands). D e r W e r t h dieser
großen socialen E x p e r i m e n t e k a n n n i c h t überschätzt werden. D u r c h die
That, statt d u r c h A r g u m e n t e , bewiesen sie, d a ß P r o d u c t i o n auf großer Stufenleiter, u n d im Einklang m i t d e m Fortschritt m o d e r n e r Wissenschaft vor10
g e h e n k a n n o h n e die Existenz einer Klasse von Meistern (masters), die eine
Klasse von „Händen" a n w e n d e t ; daß, um F r ü c h t e zu tragen, die M i t t e l der
Arbeit n i c h t monopolisirt zu werden b r a u c h e n als M i t t e l der Herrschaft
über, u n d M i t t e l der A u s b e u t u n g gegen d e n Arbeiter selbst, u n d daß, wie
Sclavenarbeit, wie Leibeignenarbeit, so Lohnarbeit n u r eine vorüberge- 15
h e n d e u n d u n t e r g e o r d n e t e gesellschaftliche F o r m ist, b e s t i m m t zu verschwinden vor der assoeiirten Arbeit, die ihr W e r k m i t williger H a n d , rüstig e m Geist u n d fröhlichen Herzens verrichtet. I n E n g l a n d wurde der
S a a m e n des Cooperativsystems von Robert Owen ausgestreut; die auf d e m
C o n t i n e n t versuchten Arbeiterexperimente waren in der T h a t der n ä c h s t e 20
praktische Ausgang der Theorieen, die 1848 nicht erfunden, wohl aber laut
proclamirt wurden.
Z u r selben Zeit bewies die Erfahrung der Periode von 1848 bis 1864 u n zweifelhaft, was die intelligentesten F ü h r e r der Arbeiterclasse in d e n J a h r e n
1851 u n d 1852 gegenüber der Cooperativbewegung in E n g l a n d bereits gelt e n d m a c h t e n , daß, wie ausgezeichnet im Prinzip u n d wie n ü t z l i c h in der
Praxis, cooperative Arbeit, w e n n beschränkt auf d e n engen Kreis gelegentlicher Versuche vereinzelter Arbeiter, unfähig ist, das W a c h s t h u m des M o n o pols in geometrischer Progression aufzuhalten, die M a s s e n zu befreien, ja
die W u c h t ihres Elends a u c h n u r merklich zu erleichtern. Es ist vielleicht
gerade dies der G r u n d , w a r u m plausible Lords, bürgerlich-philantropische
Salbader, u n d ein p a a r trockne politische O e c o n o m e n j e t z t m i t d e m s e l b e n
Cooperativsystem schön t h u n , das sie früher in s e i n e m K e i m zu ersticken
versucht h a t t e n , das sie v e r h ö h n t hatten als die Utopie des T r ä u m e r s u n d verd a m m t h a t t e n als die Ketzerei des Socialisten. Um die a r b e i t e n d e n M a s s e n
zu befreien, bedarf das Cooperativsystem der Entwicklung auf n a t i o n a l e r
Stufenleiter u n d der F ö r d e r u n g durch n a t i o n a l e Mittel. A b e r die H e r r e n von
G r u n d u n d B o d e n u n d die H e r r e n vom Capital werden ihre politischen Privilegien stets g e b r a u c h e n zur Vertheidigung u n d zur Verewigung ihrer ö c o n o m i s c h e n M o n o p o l e . Statt die E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeit zu fördern, werden
sie fortfahren, ihr j e d e s mögliche H i n d e r n i ß in d e n W e g zu legen. Lord Pal-
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m e r s t o n sprach aus ihrer Seele, als er in der letzten Parlamentssitzung d e n
Vertheidigern der R e c h t e der irischen Pächter h ö h n e n d zuschrie: „Das H a u s
der G e m e i n e n ist ein H a u s von G r u n d e i g e n t h ü m e r n ! "
Politische M a c h t zu erobern ist daher jetzt die große Pflicht der Arbeiterclassen. Sie s c h e i n e n dies begriffen zu h a b e n , d e n n in England, F r a n k reich, D e u t s c h l a n d u n d Italien zeigt sich ein gleichzeitiges Wiederaufleben
u n d finden gleichzeitige Versuche zur R e o r g a n i s a t i o n der Arbeiterpartei
statt. E i n E l e m e n t des Erfolges besitzt sie, die Zahl. A b e r Z a h l e n fallen n u r
in die Waagschale, wenn K o m b i n a t i o n sie vereint u n d K e n n t n i ß sie leitet.
Die vergangene Erfahrung h a t gezeigt wie M i ß a c h t u n g des Bandes der Brüderlichkeit, welches die Arbeiter der verschiedenen L ä n d e r verbinden u n d
sie anfeuern sollte in allen ihren K ä m p f e n für E m a n c i p a t i o n fest bei e i n a n der zu stehen, stets gezüchtigt wird durch die gemeinschaftliche Vereitlung
ihrer z u s a m m e n h a n g s l o s e n Versuche. Es war dies Bewußtsein, das die Arbeiter verschiedener Länder, v e r s a m m e l t am 2 8 . September 1864 in d e m öffentlichen M e e t i n g zu St. Martins Hall, L o n d o n , anspornte zur Stiftung der
„internationalen
Association".
E i n e a n d e r e U e b e r z e u g u n g beseelte j e n e s Meeting.
W e n n die E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeiterclassen das Z u s a m m e n w i r k e n verschiedener N a t i o n e n erheischt, wie j e n e s große Ziel erreichen m i t einer
auswärtigen Politik, die frevelhafte Zwecke verfolgt, m i t National-Vorurtheilen ihr Spiel treibt u n d in piratischen Kriegen des Volkes Blut u n d G u t
vergeudet? N i c h t die W e i s h e i t der h e r r s c h e n d e n Klassen, s o n d e r n der
heroische W i d e r s t a n d der englischen Arbeiterclasse gegen ihre verbrecherisehe Thorheit bewahrte d e n W e s t e n E u r o p a ' s vor einer transatlantischen
Kreuzfahrt für die Verewigung u n d P r o p a g a n d a der Sclaverei. D e r schamlose Beifall, die S c h e i n - S y m p a t h i e oder idiotische Gleichgültigkeit, w o m i t
die h ö h e r e n Classen Europa's d e m M e u c h e l m o r d des heroischen Polen
u n d der E r b e u t u n g der Bergveste des K a u k a s u s d u r c h R u ß l a n d z u s a h e n ;
die u n g e h e u e r e n u n d o h n e W i d e r s t a n d e r l a u b t e n Uebergriffe dieser barbarischen M a c h t , d e r e n Kopf zu St. Petersburg u n d deren H a n d in j e d e m Cabinet von Europa, h a b e n den Arbeiterclassen die Pflicht gelehrt, in die G e heimnisse der i n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Politik einzudringen, die d i p l o m a t i s c h e n
Acte ihrer respectiven Regierungen zu ü b e r w a c h e n , i h n e n wenn nöthig
entgegenzuwirken; wenn unfähig z u v o r z u k o m m e n , sich zu vereinen in
gleichzeitigen D e n u n z i a t i o n e n , u n d die einfachen Gesetze der M o r a l u n d
des R e c h t s , welche die B e z i e h u n g e n von Privatpersonen regeln sollten, als
die obersten Gesetze des Verkehrs von N a t i o n e n geltend zu m a c h e n .
D e r K a m p f für solch eine auswärtige Politik ist eingeschlossen im aligem e i n e n K a m p f für die Emancipation der Arbeiterclasse.
Proletarier aller L ä n d e r vereinigt E u c h !
25
Karl
Marx
To Abraham
Lincoln,
President of t h e United States of America
|To Abraham Lincoln
President of the United States
of America
Sir
We congratulate the A m e r i c a n People u p o n your Re-election by a large
Majority.
If resistance to the Slave Power was the reserved W a t c h w o r d of your first
election, the t r i u m p h a n t Warcry of your Re-election is, D e a t h to Slavery.
F r o m the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the Titanic A m e r i c a n Strife, the Working
m e n of E u r o p e felt instinctively that the Star spangled B a n n e r carried the
Destiny of their class. T h e Contest for t h e territories which o p e n e d the dire
epopee, W a s it n o t to decide whether the virgin soil of i m m e n s e tracts
should be wedded to the Labour of the Emigrant, or prostituted by the
T r a m p of t h e Slave Driver?
W h e n an Oligarchy of 300,000 Slaveholders dared to inscribe, for the
first t i m e in the annals of the World, Slavery on the B a n n e r of A r m e d R e volt; when on the very spots where hardly a century ago t h e idea of one
great d e m o c r a t i c R e p u b l i c h a d first sprung u p , W h e n c e t h e first Declaration of T h e Rights of M a n was issued, a n d the first impulse given to the
E u r o p e a n Revolution of the 1 8 Century; W h e n on those very spots counter revolution, with systematic thoroughness, gloried in rescinding "The
Ideas e n t e r t a i n e d at the t i m e of the formation of the old C o n s t i t u t i o n " and
m a i n t a i n e d "Slavery to be a beneficent Institution, i n d e e d the only solution of the great p r o b l e m of the relation of L a b o u r to Capital", a n d cynically proclaimed property in M a n "The corner stone of the n e w Edifice";
T h e n the Working Classes of E u r o p e u n d e r s t o o d at once, Even before the
fanatic partisanship of the Upper Classes for t h e confederate gentry h a d
th
26
Karl Marx: To Abraham Lincoln,
President of the United States of America.
Kalligraphisch angefertigte Adresse mit der Unterschrift
von Marx und den weiteren Mitgliedern
des Provisorischen Zentralrats der IAA
To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America
given its d i s m a l warning. T h a t the Slaveholders' Rebellion was to sound
the tocsin for a general holy Crusade of Property against Labour, a n d that
for the M e n of Labour, with their hopes for t h e future, even their past
conquests were at stake in that t r e m e n d o u s Conflict on t h e other side of
5 the Atlantic. Everywhere they bore therefore patiently t h e hardships imposed u p o n t h e m by the Cotton crisis, opposed enthusiastically the Pro
Slavery Intervention, importunities of their "betters", a n d from m o s t parts
of E u r o p e contributed their quota of blood to the good cause.
While the Working M e n , the true political power of the N o r t h , allowed
10 Slavery to defile their own R e p u b l i c ; while before the Negro, m a s t e r e d a n d
sold without his concurrence, they boasted it the highest prerogative of the
white skinned Laborer to sell himself a n d choose his own Master; they
were u n a b l e to attain the true F r e e d o m of Labour or to support their European Brethren in their struggle for E m a n c i p a t i o n , b u t this barrier to prog15 ress has b e e n swept off by the red sea of Civil War.
T h e W o r k i n g M e n of E u r o p e feel sure that as the A m e r i c a n W a r of I n d e p e n d e n c e initiated a new era of ascendency for the M i d d l e Class, so the
A m e r i c a n Anti-Slavery W a r will do for t h e Working Classes. T h e y consider
it an earnest of the epoch to come, that it fell to the lot of Abraham Lincoln,
20 t h e single-minded Son of the Working Class, to lead h i s Country t h r o u g h t h e
matchless struggle for the rescue of an e n c h a i n e d R a c e a n d t h e Reconstruction of a Social World.
Signed
on behalf of The International Working Men's Association
The Central Council
25
Le Lubez (French) corresponding
Secretary
F. Rybczinski (Pole)
Emile Holtorp (Pole)
J. B. B o c q u e t
30 H. Jung, corresponding
Secretary for Switzerland
Morisot
George W m . W h e e l e r
J. D é n o u a i
35 P. Bordage
Le R o u x
Talandier
Jourdain
Dupont
40 R. Gray
G. Eccarius
Fried. Lessner
N. Wolff
K. K a u b
Henry Bolleter
Ludwig Otto
N. P. H a n s e n (Dane)
Carl Pfaender
Georg L o c h n e r
Peter Petersen
Karl Marx, Corresponding
Secretary for G e r m a n y
A. Dick
L. Wolff
J. Whitlock
J. Carter
29
Karl Marx
D. Lama
C. Setacci
F. Solustri
P. Aldovrandi
D. G. Bagnagatti
G. P. F o n t a n a Corresponding
Secretary for Italy
G.Lake
J. Buckley
G. Howell
J. Osborne
W. D. Stainsby
'
J. G r o s m i t h
W. Morgan
W i l l i a m Dell
John Weston
Peter F o x
R o b e r t Shaw
John H. Longmaid
R o b e r t H e n r y Side
W i l l i a m C. Worley
Blackmoor W.
R. Hartwell
W . Pidge on
B. Lucraft
J. Nieass
G e o . Odger President of Council
W i l l i a m R. Cremer Honorary G e n e r a l Secretary |
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Karl
Marx
An d e n Redakteur des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart
l[i]l An den Rédacteur des „Beobachters"
zu Stuttgart.
M e i n Herr!
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D u r c h seinen Bradforder S t r o h m a n n , d e n Dr. Bronner, h a t Herr Karl Blind
I h n e n e i n e n Schreibebrief von, für u n d ü b e r Herrn Karl Blind z u g e h n lassen, wo m i t t e n zwischen andre Curiositäten folgende Stelle einschlüpft:
„Auf j e n e n alten", auf das Flugblatt „Zur Warnung" gegen Vogt bezüglichen, „durch allseitige Erklärungen abgemachten Streit, d e n die R e d a c t i o n
wieder hervorgezogen hat, will ich dabei nicht zurückkommen. "
Er „will" n i c h t „ z u r ü c k k o m m e n " ! W e l c h e G r o ß m u t h !
Z u m Beweis, d a ß die wichtig t h u e n d e Eitelkeit des H e r r n Karl Blind
d a n n u n d w a n n den H e r r n Karl Blind ü b e r die S c h r a n k e n der r e i n e n K o m i k hinaustreibt, e r w ä h n e n Sie meiner Schrift gegen Vogt. A u s der
Blind'schen Antwort m ü s s e n Sie u n d Ihre Leser d e n Schluß ziehen, d a ß
die in j e n e r Schrift gegen H e r r n Karl Blind e r h o b e n e n A n k l a g e n „durch allseitige Erklärungen abgemacht" sind. In W a h r h e i t hat der sonst so schreibselige Herr Karl Blind seit der E r s c h e i n u n g m e i n e r Schrift, also w ä h r e n d
4 Jahren, niemals gewagt ||[2]| m i t e i n e m einzigen Sterbenswort, viel weniger m i t „allseitigen E r k l ä r u n g e n " auf d e n „alten Streit z u r ü c k z u k o m m e n " .
Herr Karl Blind h a t sich vielmehr dabei beruhigt als „infamer Lügner"
(Sieh p. 66, 67 m e i n e r Schrift) g e b r a n d m a r k t d a z u s t e h n . Herr Karl Blind
h a t t e öffentlich u n d wiederholt erklärt, er wisse nicht, d u r c h wen das Flugblatt gegen Vogt in die Welt geschleudert worden sei, „er habe gar keinen
Antheil an der Sache u . s . w . " . A u ß e r d e m veröffentlichte H e r r Karl Blind ein
Z e u g n i ß des Buchdruckers Fidelio Hollinger, flankirt d u r c h e i n andres Zeugn i ß des Setzers Wiehe, d a h i n lautend, d a ß das Flugblatt weder in Hollingers
Druckerei gedruckt sei, n o c h von H e r r n Karl Blind herrühre. In m e i n e r
Schrift gegen Vogt findet m a n n u n die Affidavits (Aussagen an Eidesstatt)
31
Karl Marx
des Setzers Vögele u n d des Wiehe selbst vor dem Polizeigericht in Bowstreet,
London, d u r c h welche bewiesen ist, d a ß derselbe Herr Karl Blind das Manuscript des Flugblatts schrieb, es bei Hollinger drucken ließ, d e n P r o b e b o gen eigenhändig corrigirte, zur Widerlegung dieser T h a t s a c h e n ein falsches
Zeugniß schmiedete, für dieses falsche Z e u g n i ß u n t e r V o r h a l t u n g e n von
Geldversprechungen ||[3]( auf Seiten Hollingers, künftigen D a n k e s von seiner eignen Seite, die Unterschrift des Setzers Wiehe sich erschlich, u n d endlich
dies selbstgeschmiedete falsche Schriftstück m i t der von i h m selbst erschlic h e n e n Unterschrift des W i e h e als sittlich entrüsteten Beweis m e i n e r „böslichen Erfindung" in die Augsburger Allgemeine u n d a n d r e d e u t s c h e Z e i t u n gen expedirte.
Am Pranger so ausgestellt, schwieg Herr Karl Blind. W a r u m ? Weil er
(Sieh p . 6 9 m e i n e r Schrift) die von m i r veröffentlichten Affidavits n u r d u r c h
Gegenaffidavits entkräften k o n n t e , sich j e d o c h „im b e d e n k l i c h e n Gerichtsb a n n von E n g l a n d befand", wo „mit der Felonie nicht zu spaßen ist".
In d e m erwähnten Schreibebrief an I h r Blatt finden sich a u c h a b e n t h e u erliche M i t t h e i l u n g e n ü b e r Herr Karl Blind's a m e r i k a n i s c h e Emsigkeit. Z u r
Aufklärung ü b e r diesen P u n k t erlauben Sie m i r e i n e n A u s z u g aus e i n e m
vor einigen Tagen hier eingetroffenen Brief /. Weydemeyer's m i t z u t h e i l e n .
/. Weydemeyer, wie Sie sich erinnern werden, redigirte früher z u s a m m e n m i t
O . L ü n i n g die N e u e D e u t s c h e Z e i t u n g zu Frankfurt u n d war stets einer der
tüchtigsten ||[4]j Vorkämpfer der d e u t s c h e n Arbeiterpartei. K u r z n a c h A u s b r u c h des a m e r i k a n i s c h e n Bürgerkriegs trat er in die R e i h e n der Föderalisten. V o n F r e m o n t n a c h St. Louis beschieden, d i e n t e er erst als Capitain im
dortigen Ingenieurcorps, d a n n als Oberstlieutenant in e i n e m Artillerieregim e n t , u n d erhielt, als Missouri jüngst aufs N e u e von feindlicher Invasion
b e d r o h t ward, plötzlich d e n Auftrag zur Organisirung des 41sten Missouri
Freiwilligen R e g i m e n t s , an dessen Spitze er jetzt als Oberst steht. Weydemeyer schreibt von St. Louis, der H a u p t s t a d t Missouris, wo sein R e g i m e n t
cantonirt ist, wie folgt:
„Beiliegend findest Du e i n e n A u s s c h n i t t aus einer hiesigen Z e i t u n g , der
, Westlichen Post' worin der literarische Freibeuter K. Blind sich e i n m a l wieder gewaltig spreitzt auf Kosten ,deutscher R e p u b l i c a n e r ' . F ü r h i e r ist es
zwar ziemlich gleichgültig, in welcher Weise er Lassalle's Bestrebungen
u n d Agitation entstellt; wer des letzten Schriften gelesen, weiß was er von
Blinds Harlequinaden zu halten; wer sich die M ü h e n i c h t gegeben, m i t j e n e r
Agitation etwas b e k a n n t e r zu werden, m a g gläubig die W e i s h e i t u n d ,Gesinnungstüchtigkeit' des großen Badensers, Verschwörers par excellence,
u n d des Mitglieds aller g e h e i m e n Gesellschaften u n d zukünftigen provisorischen Regierungen b e w u n d e r n ; an s e i n e m ||5| Urtheil ist n i c h t s gelegen.
Auch haben die Leute im Augenblick hier andre Dinge zu thun, als sich mit
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Karl Marx: An den Redakteur
des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart. Seite [1] der Handschrift
von Marx' Frau Jenny
An den Redakteur des „Beobachters" zu Stuttgart
Blind'schen Protesten zu befassen. A b e r es wäre d o c h gewiß zweckmäßig d e m
gespreizten Gecken zu H a u s e e i n m a l tüchtig auf die Finger zu klopfen; u n d
deßhalb schicke ich Dir d e n Artikel, der n u r ein P r o b e s t ü c k c h e n ähnlicher
früherer Leistungen ist."
5
D e r von J. W e y d e m e y e r ü b e r s a n d t e A u s s c h n i t t aus der „Westlichen Post"
ist ü b e r s c h r i e b e n : „Ein republicanischer Protest, London 17 Septbr. 1864" u n d
ist die amerikanische Ausgabe des „Republikanischen Protestes", d e n derselbe
unvermeidliche Herr Karl Blind u n t e r d e m s e l b e n Titel gleichzeitig in die
Neue Frankfurter Zeitung u n d d a n n m i t der gewohnten b e t r i e b s a m e n Amerio
senemsigkeit als W i e d e r a b d r u c k aus der Neuen Frankfurter Zeitung in den
L o n d o n e r Hermann beförderte. Eine Vergleichung der b e i d e n A u s g a b e n
des B l i n d ' s c h e n Machwerks würde zeigen, wie derselbe H e r r Karl Blind,
der z u Frankfurt u n d L o n d o n m i t b i e d e r m ä n n i s c h - r e p u b l i k a n i s c h - k a t o n i scher L e i c h e n b i t t e r m i e n e protestirt, gleichzeitig in d e m abgelegenen
15 St. Louis der bösartigsten A l b e r n h e i t u n d g e m e i n s t e n F r e c h h e i t frei d e n
Zügel schießen läßt. E i n e Vergleichung der zwei A u s g a b e n ||[6]| des Protests, wozu hier nicht der Platz, würde a u ß e r d e m e i n e n n e u e n drolligen
Beitrag gewähren zur F a b r i k a t i o n s m e t h o d e der Schreibebriefe, Circulare,
Flugblätter, Proteste, Vorbehalte, Abwehren, Aufrufe, Zurufe u n d andrer
20 dergleichen kopfschüttelnd feierlicher Blindscher Staatsrecepte, d e n e n
ebenso wenig zu entlaufen ist, als d e n Pillen des H e r r n Holloway oder d e m
Malzextract des H e r r n Hoff.
Es liegt m i r d u r c h a u s fern, e i n e n M a n n wie Lassalle u n d die wirkliche
T e n d e n z seiner Agitation e i n e m grotesken M a z z i n i - S c a p i n , h i n t e r d e m
25 nichts steht als sein eigner Schatten, verständlich m a c h e n zu wollen. Ich
bin im G e g e n t h e i l überzeugt, d a ß Herr Karl Blind n u r seinen von N a t u r
u n d Aesop i h m auferlegten Beruf erfüllt, w e n n er n a c h d e m todten Löwen
tritt.
Karl M a r x
30 2 8 N o v e m b e r 1864
1 M o d e n a Villas
M a i t l a n d Park
London. \
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Karl
Marx
An Abraham
Präsident der Vereinigten
Lincoln,
Staaten von Amerika
Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen
An Abraham Lincoln,
Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten
von Amerika.
Wir w ü n s c h e n d e m amerikanischen Volk G l ü c k zu Ihrer m i t großer Majorität erfolgten Wiederwahl! W e n n : W i d e r s t a n d gegen die M a c h t der Skiavenhalter die maaßvolle Losung Ihrer ersten W a h l war, so ist: T o d der Sklaverei! der t r i u m p h i r e n d e Schlachtruf ihrer Wiederwahl.
V o m Anfang des a m e r i k a n i s c h e n T i t a n e n k a m p f s an, fühlten die Arbeiter Europas instinktmäßig, daß an d e m S t e r n e n b a n n e r das G e s c h i c k ihrer
Klasse hing. D e r K a m p f um die Territorien, welcher die furchtbar gewaltige Epopöe eröffnete, h a t t e er nicht zu entscheiden, ob der jungfräuliche
B o d e n u n e r m e ß l i c h e r Landstrecken der Arbeit des Einwanderers vermählt,
oder d u r c h d e n F u ß des Sklaventreibers befleckt w e r d e n sollte?
Als die Oligarchie der 300 000 Sklavenhalter z u m ersten M a l in den A n n a l e n der Welt das W o r t Sklaverei auf das B a n n e r der bewaffneten Rebellion zu schreiben wagte; als auf d e m selbigen Boden, d e m k a u m ein Jahrh u n d e r t vorher zuerst der G e d a n k e einer großen d e m o k r a t i s c h e n R e p u b l i k
entsprungen war, von d e m die erste Erklärung der M e n s c h e n r e c h t e ausging
u n d der erste A n s t o ß zu der europäischen Revolution des 18. J a h r h u n d e r t s
gegeben w u r d e ; als auf d i e s e m selbigen B o d e n die Contrerevolution m i t systematischer G r ü n d l i c h k e i t sich r ü h m t e , „die zur Zeit des Aufbaues der alten Verfassung h e r r s c h e n d e n I d e e n " u m z u s t o ß e n , u n d „die Sklaverei als
eine h e i l s a m e E i n r i c h t u n g " - ja als die einzige Lösung des großen Prob l e m s der „ B e z i e h u n g e n der Arbeit z u m Kapital hinstellte", u n d cynisch
das E i g e n t h u m s r e c h t auf den M e n s c h e n als d e n „Eckstein des n e u e n G e b ä u d e s " proklamirte; da begriffen die Arbeiter E u r o p a ' s sofort, selbst n o c h
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An Abraham Lincoln, Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika
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ehe sie d u r c h die fanatische P a r t e i n a h m e der o b e r e n Classen für d e n Conföderirten-Adel gewarnt worden, daß die Rebellion der Sklavenhalter die
Sturmglocke zu e i n e m allgemeinen K r e u z z u g des E i g e n t h u m s gegen die
Arbeit l ä u t e n würde, u n d d a ß für die M ä n n e r der Arbeit, außer i h r e n Hoffn u n g e n auf die Zukunft, a u c h ihre vergangnen Eroberungen in d i e s e m
Riesenkampfe jenseits des O z e a n s auf d e m Spiele standen. U e b e r a u trugen
sie d a r u m geduldig die Leiden, welche die Baumwollenkrisis i h n e n auferlegte, widersetzten sich voll Begeisterung der Intervention zu G u n s t e n der
Sklaverei, welche die h ö h e r e n u n d „gebildeten" Klassen m i t solchem Eifer
herbeizuführen suchten, u n d entrichteten aus den m e i s t e n T h e i l e n E u r o pas ihre Blutsteuer für die gute Sache.
So lange die Arbeiter, die wahren Träger der politischen M a c h t im N o r den, es erlaubten, d a ß die Sklaverei ihre eigene Republik b e s u d e l e ; so
lange sie es d e m N e g e r gegenüber, der o h n e seine Z u s t i m m u n g e i n e n
Herrn hatte u n d verkauft wurde, als das höchste Vorrecht des weißen Arbeiters r ü h m t e n , d a ß er selbst sich verkaufen u n d seinen H e r r n wählen
k ö n n e - so lange waren sie unfähig, die wahre Freiheit der Arbeit zu erringen oder ihre e u r o p ä i s c h e n Brüder in i h r e m Befreiungskampfe zu unterstützen. Dieses H i n d e r n i ß des Fortschritts ist von d e m R o t h e n M e e r e des
Bürgerkrieges hinweggeschwemmt worden.
Die Arbeiter Europas sind von der U e b e r z e u g u n g d u r c h d r u n g e n , daß,
wie der a m e r i k a n i s c h e Unabhängigkeitskrieg eine n e u e E p o c h e der M a c h t entfaltung für die Mittelklasse einweihte, so der a m e r i k a n i s c h e Krieg gegen die Sklaverei eine n e u e Epoche der Machtentfaltung für die Arbeiterklasse einweihen wird. Sie b e t r a c h t e n es als ein W a h r z e i c h e n der
k o m m e n d e n E p o c h e , daß A b r a h a m Lincoln, d e m starksinnigen, eisernen
Sohne der Arbeiterklasse, das Loos zugefallen ist, sein Vaterland d u r c h
den beispiellosen K a m p f für die Erlösung einer g e k n e c h t e t e n R a c e u n d für
die U m g e s t a l t u n g der socialen Welt h i n d u r c h zu führen.
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Karl
Marx
Draft for a s p e e c h on F r a n c e ' s attitude to P o l a n d
( P o l e m i c s a g a i n s t P e t e r Fox)
| 1 | Mr F o x has rolled up a rather phantastic picture of the Foreign Policy of
the F r e n c h A n c i e n t Regime. According to his view, F r a n c e allied herself
with Sweden, Poland, a n d Turkey in order to protect E u r o p e from Russia.
T h e t r u t h is that F r a n c e contracted those alliances in the 16th a n d 17th
centuries, at a t i m e w h e n P o l a n d was still a powerful state a n d w h e n R u s sia, in the m o d e r n sense of the word, did n o t yet exist. There existed t h e n
a G r a n d D u c h y of Muscovy, b u t there existed n o t yet a R u s s i a n E m p i r e .
It was therefore n o t against Russia that F r a n c e c o n c l u d e d those alliances
with the Turks, the Magyars, the Poles, a n d the Swedes. She c o n c l u d e d
t h e m against Austria a n d against the German Empire, as a m e a n s of extending the power, the influence, a n d the territorial possessions of F r a n c e over
G e r m a n y , Italy, Spain. I shall n o t enter u p o n details. It will suffice for my
purpose to say, that F r a n c e used those alliances in the m i d s t of the 17th
century to bring about the treaty of Westphalia, by which G e r m a n y was not
only d i s m e m b e r e d , one part of it being given to F r a n c e a n d t h e other to
Sweden, but every little G e r m a n prince and Baron obtained the treaty right
to sell his country a n d France obtained a protectorate over G e r m a n y . After
the treaty of Westphalia, in the second part of the 17th century, Louis XIV,
t h e t r u e representative of t h e old B o u r b o n policy at t h e t i m e of its strength,
b o u g h t the king of England, Charles II, in order to ruin the D u t c h republic.
His system of vandalism and perfidy t h e n carried out against H o l l a n d , Belg i u m , Spain, G e r m a n y , and P i e d m o n t , — d u r i n g about 40 years, c a n n o t be
better characterized t h a n by t h e one fact, that in a memorandum, drawn up
in 1837 by t h e R u s s i a n chancellery for the information of the present Czar,
the system of war a n d diplomacy of L. XIV from the m i d d l e to the e n d of
t h e 17 th century is recommended as the model system to be followed by R u s sia.
M o d e r n Russia dates only from the 18th century, a n d it is therefore from
t h a t t i m e alone t h a t resistance to Russia could have entered into the policy
of F r a n c e or any other E u r o p e a n state. |
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Draft for a speech on France's attitude to Poland (Polemics against Peter Fox)
|2[ I proceed at o n c e to the time of Louis XV which Mr F o x h a s justly
pointed o u t as t h e e p o c h w h e n t h e F r e n c h Foreign policy was m o s t favourable to Poland a n d m o s t hostile to Russia.
N o w t h e r e h a p p e n e d three great events u n d e r t h e regime of L. X V — i n
5 regard to R u s s i a a n d Poland, 1) the socalled Polish succession war, 2) The
seven years war, a n d 3) The first partition of Poland. I shall consider the attit u d e t a k e n by the F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t in regard to these events.
1) The socalled Polish Succession War.
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After the d e a t h of Augustus II (king of Poland and elector of Saxony), in
Sept. 1733, o n e party of the Polish aristocracy wanted to elect his son as
king. He was supported by Russia a n d Austria, b e c a u s e he h a d promised to
the Czarina n o t to reclaim Courland, formerly a fief of Poland, a n d because
h e h a d p r o m i s e d t o t h e E m p e r o r t h e g u a r a n t e e o f t h e pragmatic sanction.
The other party, instigated by F r a n c e , elected Stanislaus Leszczynski, who
had formerly b e e n m a d e Polish king by Charles X I I of Sweden a n d who
was at that t i m e the father-in-law of Louis XV. There broke consequently a
war out between F r a n c e on the o n e h a n d , Russia a n d Austria on the other.
This is the only war which France has ever professedly earned on behalf of Poland. F r a n c e m a d e war in G e r m a n y a n d Italy, b u t as far as her Polish protégé was c o n c e r n e d , limited herself to sending 1500 m e n to D a n t z i c , t h e n a
Polish town. T h e war having lasted two years, what was its u p s h o t ? A treaty
of peace (Peace of Vienna, Octob. 1735), by w h i c h t h e duchy of Lorraine, a
G e r m a n fief, was incorporated into France, a n d t h e B o u r b o n dynasty planted
in Naples a n d Sicily, the same dynasty of which king B o m b a was the last
lively representative. In all other respects this "war about the throne of Poland" e n d e d in acknowledging the Russian candidate, Augustus III, as king
of Poland, b u t securing to Louis X V ' father-in-law the prerogative of being
called king, a n d a very large yearly pension to be paid by Poland. This war,
instigated a n d carried on by F r a n c e u n d e r false pretences, e n d e d in the h u miliation of Poland, the extension of the R u s s i a n power, a n d great disadvantages to T u r k e y a n d Sweden, w h i c h F r a n c e h a d also driven i n t o a false
position, a n d t h e n left in the lurch. But I shall | | 3 | n o t enter u p o n these details.
T h e c o n d u c t of the F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t c a n n o t be excused on the plea
that the British G o v e r n m e n t prevented it during this socalled Polish succession war of acting in the right direction. On t h e contrary. W h e n the E m peror Charles VI appealed to England, the latter clung to t h e A n g l o - F r e n c h
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Karl Marx
Alliance which h a d c o n t i n u e d since 1716 a n d was barren of any good results whatever. At all events: this t i m e the F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t ' s good designs for Poland were n o t baffled by England.
Before leaving the subject, I m u s t m e n t i o n t h a t the peace between Turkey
and Russia, brought a b o u t by F r e n c h m e d i a t i o n (Villeneuve, F r e n c h a m b a s sador) in 1739, was a great blow to Poland. I quote Ruiniere: He says: "it
annulled the treaty of the Truth, the only shield that remained to the Poles"
(«cet u n i q u e bouclier q u i restait à la Pologne»), et le n o u v e a u traité, signé
à Belgrade, in 1739, déclara dans son dernier article « q u e toutes les
conventions antérieures n ' a u r a i e n t plus aucune force. » |
|4| 2) The seven Years' War. (1756-1763.)
I c o m e now to the 7 years war.
Mr. F o x h a s told you t h a t that war was very u n h a p p y for F r a n c e , b e c a u s e
it deprived her, to the benefit of England, of most of h e r colonies. B u t this
is n o t the question before us. W h a t we have to inquire into is, what part
F r a n c e played during that war in regard to Poland and Russia.
You m u s t know that from 1740 to 1748, during the socalled A u s t r i a n
succession war, F r a n c e h a d allied herself with Frederick II of Prussia against
Russia, Austria, and England. During the seven years' war she allied herself
with Austria and Russia against Prussia and England, so that, at all events,
during this war E n g l a n d was t h e official e n e m y , and F r a n c e the avowed
ally of Russia.
It was first in 1756 u n d e r the A b b é Bernis, a n d t h e n again 1758 u n d e r
the D u k e of Choiseul, t h a t F r a n c e concluded h e r treaty with A u s t r i a (and
Russia), against Prussia.
Let us h e a r Rulhière. (Histoire de l'Anarchie de Pologne etc. Paris. 1819.
2 n d edit.) " W h e n Count Broglio arrived in 1752 as ambassador at Varsovie,
France had no party in Poland. People t h o u g h t of t h e promises which F r a n c e
h a d already so often failed to fulfil (auxquelles la F r a n c e avait déjà si souvent m a n q u é ) . T h e y h a d n o t forgotten that three times since a century,
F r a n c e h a d rallied a r o u n d her powerful Polish factions ... b u t t h a t after
having formed t h e m with passion (ardeur), she h a d always a b a n d o n e d
t h e m with levity (elle les avait c h a q u e fois a b a n d o n n é e s avec légèreté). She
h a d left in distress the majority of those who h a d trusted to the seductions
of h e r p r e t e n d e d projects for the welfare of the republic" (t. I, 213). («Elle
avait laissé d a n s l'infortune la plupart de ceux q u i s'étaient livrés à la séd u c t i o n de ces p r é t e n d u s projets p o u r le salut de la r é p u b l i q u e . »)
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"The d u k e of Broglio, after three years activity, h a d formed a counterparty against t h e Czartoryski, w o n over t h e Polish court, p u t i n t o m o t i o n
the Swedes, the Tartars, the Turks, o p e n e d a c o n n e c t i o n with t h e Kossacks
of the U c r a i n e " etc. "Fred. II contributed to call into life this formidable
coalition against the Russians, from which he expected himself his own
security. T h e R u s s i a n minister h a d lost all influence at Warsaw. In o n e
word, in the first m o n t h s of 1756, at the m o m e n t when the hostilities between England a n d F r a n c e , first opened in A m e r i c a , were on the point of
embracing the whole of E u r o p e , c o u n t Broglio had it in his power to form
in Poland a confederation which, supported by the subsidies of F r a n c e ,
provided by h e r with a r m s a n d m u n i t i o n s , and protected by so m a n y border
nations ||5| would have altogether withdrawn Poland from t h e yoke of R u s sia and restored to that republic laws, government, a n d power. B u t F r a n c e
suspended all the help (secours) she h a d promised, a n d upset all the m e a s ures of her ambassador." (Rulh. 1.1, p. 225.)
T h e levity with which F r a n c e abused h e r influence m a y be s e e n — e n passant—from the way in which she treated Sweden. First she goaded her into
a war with Prussia against R u s s i a (in t h e A u s t r i a n succession war), a n d
t h e n into a war with R u s s i a against Prussia, Sweden being b o t h t i m e s t h e
victim of those F r e n c h intrigues, a n d Russia gaining b o t h t i m e s in t h a t
quarter.
Well. W h a t were the c o n s e q u e n c e s of the Seven Years W a r which F r a n c e
carried on as t h e ally of Russia (and Austria) against Prussia (and E n g l a n d ) ?
T h a t the material resources of Poland were exhausted, t h a t Russia
founded her supremacy in G e r m a n y , t h a t Prussia was m a d e her slave, that
Catherine II b e c a m e t h e most powerful souvereign in E u r o p e , a n d that the
first partition of Poland took place. S u c h were the immediate consequences of
the French policy during the Seven Years' War.
1) During the seven years' war the Russian armies treated P o l a n d as their
property, took there their winterquarters etc. I shall quote Favier:
"The peril was that Russia, improving the pretext of the war against the
king of Prussia, enforced, on the territory of Poland, the passage of her
troops, appropriated herself the m e a n s of subsistence, and even took h e r
winterquarters in Poland. By allowing h e r to employ anew those arbitrary
m e a n s , that vast country was surrendered to t h e greediness of the Russian
generals, the d e s p o t i s m of their court, a n d all the projects of future usurpations which Russia would be t e m p t e d to form, from the facility of exercising all sorts of vexations against a n a t i o n divided, insulated, a n d abandoned." (Politique de tous les Cabinets de l'Europe etc 2nd edit, par L.P. Ségur.
Exambassadeur. Paris 1 8 0 1 . 1 . 1 , p. 300.) F r a n c e discredited herself by giving
the Russians s u c h free scope. "That weakness on h e r part s e e m e d the less
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p a r d o n a b l e (excusable) because ... she was t h e n in a position to m a k e the
law to Russia a n d Austria, and not at all to receive it from t h e m . " C o u n t
Broglio h a d m a d e in vain proposals to that e f f e c t . . . F r a n c e allowed Russia
to treat P o l a n d like h e r own property ... The Polish nation, from that moment,
considered France as a mere instrument in the hands of the Courts of Vienna and
5
Petersburg ... "This was the origin of our ||6| discredit, of our nullity at t h e t i m e
of t h e election of c o u n t Poniatowski, and of t h e b a d success of everything
we a t t e m p t e d or favoured since that epoch." (303, 304 I.e. Ségur) («la nation polonaise ne vit plus dès-lors la F r a n c e q u e c o m m e un i n s t r u m e n t des
cours de V i e n n e et de Pétersbourg. Voilà l'origine de notre discrédit, de n o - 10
tre nullité etc»)
F r a n c e was b o u n d by t h e treaty of Oliva (1660) to protect t h e Polish R e public.
2) D u r i n g t h e 7 years war the Russians u s e d Poland, a l t h o u g h she was ostensibly n e u t r a l , as their basis of operations against Prussia. T h i s t h e Poles
allowed under the diplomatic pressure of France. It was t h u s t h a t t h e R u s s i a n s
were e n a b l e d during 7 years to devastate Prussia proper, Silesia, P o m e r a nia, B r a n d e n b o u r g , a n d even sack Berlin. They in fact ravaged t h e Prussian
m o n a r c h y like wild beasts, while the F r e n c h acted in t h e s a m e style in
Hanover, Westphalia, Saxony, Thuringia etc. Now, P o l a n d was by t h e treaty
of Wehlau (1660 or so) obliged to defend Prussia, against Russia. Frederick II insisted u p o n the fulfilment of this treaty. T h a t he was right in asking
t h e Poles to observe at least a complete neutrality, a n d n o t allowing the
R u s s i a n s to u s e their country etc, is proved by t h e fact that on all t h e diets
kept in P o l a n d since t h e opening of t h e seven years' war, it was impossible
to c o m e to any resolution, because t h e patriotic party declared the Poles
could n o t deliberate as long as R u s s i a n armies o c c u p i e d t h e Polish soil,
a n d acted against Prussia. In t h e last year of the war (1762) t h e nobility of
Posen (Great Poland) h a d even formed a confederation against t h e R u s sians.
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If f. i. Belgium allowed Prussia to u s e it during 7 years, despite its neutrality, as a basis of warlike operations against F r a n c e , would F r a n c e not be
entitled to treat Belgium as an enemy, and, if she could, to i n c o r p o r a t e Belgium, or destroy its i n d e p e n d e n c e ?
3) T h e i m m e d i a t e u p s h o t of the 7 years' war was a treaty between Prussia 35 ξ
a n d Russia, by which t h e king of Prussia professed himself t h e vassal of
Russia, b u t was allowed, in c o m p e n s a t i o n , to share in t h e partition of Po
land. T h a t t h e latter was already convened u p o n in t h e treaty of 1764 be
tween Russia a n d Fred. II is shown by t h e fact t h a t in t h e s a m e year
F r e d . I P s a n d C h a t h e r i n e ' s II ambassadors at Warsaw solemnly protested 40
against t h a t "calumny", a n d t h a t a few years later t h e English resident at
42
Berlin wrote to his court that Austria, although at first protesting, would be
compelled by h e r proper interests to share in ||7| t h e partition of P o l a n d .
Mr. Favier says: " O u r exclusive alliance with the court of V i e n n a deprived Fred. II of all h o p e , a n d r e d u c e d h i m to t h e necessity of j o i n i n g that
5 very court which h a d let loose F r a n c e u p o n h i m , in order to destroy h i m . "
T h e same Favier avers that the secret of all the future successes of Catherine II a n d of the first partition of Poland is to be found in the infeodation
to her of Prussia. (Fred. II)
S u c h was the result of the F r e n c h policy during t h e 7 years' war. It can10 not be said that England this t i m e prevented h e r good designs for Poland,
because F r a n c e was t h e n the ally of Russia, while E n g l a n d stood on the
other side.
Erste Theilung Polens.
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Now I m u s t say that even if F r a n c e h a d acted m o r e energetically during the
Polish war which ended in t h e first partition of Poland t h a n she really did,
it would n o t have m a d e up for the i m m e n s e services she h a d r e n d e r e d to
Russia during the seven years' war. T h e sending of s o m e F r e n c h officers
and subsidies to Poland during the war of the Confederation of Bar could in
the best case only prolong a useless resistance. It is true that F r a n c e incited
(1768) Turkey to a war against Russia, b u t only to betray Turkey as usually,
and prepare for her the "treaty of Kudjuk Kainardji" (1774), from which the
supremacy of R u s s i a over Turkey m u s t really be d a t e d .
1770. Russian Expedition into the Mediterranean. T h e t h e n almost dying
republic of V e n i c e showed m u c h m o r e courage t h a n F r a n c e . In that year
Choiseul still F r e n c h Foreign minister. It was only at the e n d of 1770 (beginning of 1771) that he was replaced by the Duke d'Aiguillon. "How", says
Favier, "did it h a p p e n that, while F r a n c e was at peace with E n g l a n d , no
step was taken for a convention of neutrality for the M e d i t e r r a n e a n ? Or
why did F r a n c e alone n o t oppose this R u s s i a n entreprise in a q u a r t e r so
important for her interests?" T h e o p i n i o n of Favier is, that "the destruction
of the Russian fleet in the Mediterranean by the French, which m i g h t have
been easily effected, would probably have changed the whole course of
events b o t h in Turkey and Poland, a n d would, moreover, have t a u g h t A u s tria to respect t h e F r e n c h Alliance". (Ségur etc Politique de tous les cabinets
etc v. II, p. 174) But F r a n c e who h a d goaded Turkey into the war against
Russia, did n o t move ||8| o n e finger against t h e R u s s i a n expedition of 1770,
the only o n e which was of any import. (The Turkish fleet destroyed in the
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Karl Marx
narrow bay of Tschesmé.) The same Choiseul h a d English bluster (Chatham
himself) not allowed to prevent h i m a year ago from buying Corsica from
the Genoese. Y o u m u s t not forget that at that t i m e North was minister, and
could only keep himself in office by keeping the peace at any price. He was
o n e of the m o s t u n p o p u l a r ministers. At that time revolutionary, a n t i d y n a s 5
tic m o v e m e n t in England. It is true that in 1773 (the Russians m a d e t h e n a
new naval expedition which, however, r e m a i n e d without any influence
u p o n the war with Turkey) the duke of Aiguillon allowed himself to be prevented by the Engl. A m b a s s a d o r at Paris, Lord Stormont, from attacking the
R u s s i a n fleet in the Baltic (and M e d i t e r r a n e a n ) . At that t i m e the first parti- 10
tion of Poland was already c o n s u m m a t e d . T h e true object of the F r e n c h dem o n s t r a t i o n was n o t Poland, b u t Sweden, a n d F r a n c e so far succeeded,
that Gustave III was not forced by Russia to rescind his coup d'état (1772).
Moreover, what sort of fellow this d'Aiguillon was:
Ségur says in his notes to Favier:
" W h e n the r u m o u r got first afloat as to t h e partition which was to give
Prussia an increase of territory which Austria was afraid of, the court of
V i e n n a warned F r a n c e , a n d gave her to u n d e r s t a n d that she would oppose
herself, if the court of Versailles would support her. L.XV, at that t i m e only
occupied by his pleasures, and M. d'Aiguillon by his intrigues, the A u s t r i a n
cabinet received no re-assuring answer and liked better to c o n c u r to the
partition of Poland t h a n to m a i n t a i n alone a war against the Prussians and
Russians c o m b i n e d . " (147, Note) "Count Mercy—Austrian a m b a s s a d o r has publicly given out (répandu dans le public) that the king of Prussia h a d
c o m m u n i c a t e d to the Austrian minister the answers of the D u k e of AiguilIon, by which that minister assured His Prussian Majesty that F r a n c e was
indifferent to all that could be d o n e in Poland a n d that she would n o t consider a casus foederis (case of war) anything that m i g h t be agreed u p o n , in
regard to that subject, by the courts of Berlin a n d V i e n n a . " (243, N o t e )
Now, although I do not p u t any confidence whatever in the assurances of
the Austrian court, which was t h e n acting with the u t m o s t perfidy, t h e very
fact, that a French ambassador of L. XVI (Ségur), published this at Paris,
shows the e s t i m a t i o n L . X V a n d his d'Aiguillon enjoyed—and were worth
enjoying. |
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|9| French Republic.
V. 21. Sept. 1792 to 11.Nov. 1799
(le lendemain du 19 Brumaire,
jour où le directoire exécutif est renversé.)
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T h e s e c o n d partition treaty between R u s s i a a n d Prussia on 4 Jan. 1793.
T h e first crusade against F r a n c e 1792 h a d t a k e n such an unfortunate
turn, t h a t already in t h e beginning of winter, the Austrian N e t h e r l a n d s
(Belgium) were o c c u p i e d by the F r e n c h . Prussia withdrew her troops from
the field of a c t i o n ; the condition insisted u p o n by her on the Congress of
Verdun for c o n t i n u i n g her participation in the A n t i - J a c o b i n war was that
she should be allowed to m a k e with R u s s i a a second partition of Poland. A u s tria was to be c o m p e n s a t e d by i n d e m n i t i e s in the Alsace.
At the end of 1793 (September) Prussia again withdrew her troops to
m a r c h t h e m , u n d e r the king, to the Polish frontier (to "secure" his Polish
possession), b e c a u s e some differences h a d broken out, in regard to s o m e
definitive stipulations, between Prussia a n d Russia, the latter seeming to
turn against Prussia h e r influence over the expiring diet of the traitors of
Targowicze. T h e result of this second withdrawal of Prussia, to take real
possession of her Polish provinces, forces t h e Austrians to withdraw from the
Alsace.
In the spring of 1794 Kosciuszko's revolutionary rising. Prussia m a r c h e d
at once h e r troops against Poland. Beaten. In Sept. 1794, while forced to retreat from Warsaw, at the same t i m e rising in Posen. T h e n the king of Prussia declared his i n t e n t i o n to withdraw from the contest carried on against
France. Austria also, in the a u t u m n 1794, detached a body of troops for Poland, by which circumstance the success of the F r e n c h arms on t h e R h i n e
and so forth was secured. Already towards the end of 1794 Prussia c o m m e n c e d negotiations with F r a n c e . Withdrew. C o n s e q u e n c e : Holland succ u m b e d to the F r e n c h (conquest of Holland t h r o u g h Pichegru).
Those diversions facilitated by turns the c o n q u e s t of Belgium, the success on t h e Alps, the Pyrenees, the left b a n k of the R h i n e , and, 1795, the
conquest of H o l l a n d by Pichegru. In the very m o n t h s of October, November
(1794) everywhere F r e n c h successes w h e n Kosciuszko s u c c u m b e d , Praga
was taken by Suworoff etc, i m m e n s e m u r d e r i n g etc.
Third Partition of Poland signed: 24 Octob. 1795. \
1101 By the outbreak of the F r e n c h Revolut. Catherine got the opportunity quietly first to carry on her war with Turkey, while all E u r o p e was
turned to the West.
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Karl Marx
As the Pope h a d issued bulls for crusades against the infidels, so Catherine II against the Jacobins. Even while Leopold II chased t h e French
Emigrés from his states a n d forbade t h e m to assemble on the F r e n c h frontiers, Catherine, t h r o u g h her agent Romanzoff, provided t h e m with m o n e y
and quartered t h e m in the frontier provinces, bordering u p o n F r a n c e , a n d
ruled by ecclesiastic princes.
After the conclusion of her war with Turkey, Catherine II did n o t comm e n c e her hostilities against Poland before she h a d b e e n informed t h a t the
N a t i o n a l Assembly h a d declared war to Austria. This news arrived at V i e n n a
on 30 Avril 1792, a n d on the 18 May the R u s s i a n a m b a s s a d o r Boulgakoff
presented a declaration of war to the Polish king Stanislaus. T h e first in impressing u p o n England, Austria, and Prussia the dangers of the revolutionary principles, Catherine steadily pursued her own seperate interests (in
Turkey and Poland) without furnishing a single Cossack or subscribing a
single rouble for the " c o m m o n cause".
Poland was blotted out under cover of the French Revolution and the Anti-Jacobin war.
Rev. L.K.Pitt (a n e p h e w od. cousin of the English minister), chaplain to
the Brit. Factory at St. Petersburg writes in a secret document "Account of
Russia during the commencement of the Reign of the Emperor Paul":
"She (the Czarina) was not perhaps displeased to see every E u r o p e a n
power exhausting itself in a struggle, which raised in proportion to its violence her own i m p o r t a n c e ... t h e state of t h e newly acquired provinces in
Poland was likewise a p o i n t which h a d considerable influence over t h e p o litical c o n d u c t of t h e Czarina. T h e fatal effects resulting from an apprehension of revolt on the late seat of conquest, s e e m to have b e e n felt in a very
great degree by the c o m b i n e d powers who in the early period of t h e revolution, were so n e a r re-instating the regular G o v e r n m e n t in F r a n c e . T h e s a m e
dread of revolt deterred likewise the late Empress of Russia from entering
on the great theatre of war."
T h e question is now: How behaved revolutionary F r a n c e towards this
useful ally.
Let us first h e a r a F r e n c h historian, Lacretelle ( t . X I I , p . 2 6 1 sqq.):
"The Republic", says he "had shown itself very indifferent to the troubles
a n d misfortunes of Poland. It was on the contrary a great m o t i v e of security
for it to | | 1 1 | see the Empress of Russia occupy all the forces of her powerful empire for the conquest and dismemberment of t h a t unfortunate country. Very
soon the F r e n c h R e p u b l i c b e c a m e aware that P o l a n d freed it of its m o s t ard e n t enemy, the king of Prussia etc."
But republican F r a n c e actually betrayed Poland.
"The Polish agent Barss at Paris presented to the g o v e r n m e n t " , says
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Oginski, an eye witness, "the plan of the revolution which was preparing in
Poland, a n d which was received with a general e n t h u s i a s m a n d approbation. He e n u m e r a t e d the assistance of every kind which would be necessary
for that i m p o r t a n t a n d daring enterprise. T h e Comité du Salut Public found
his d e m a n d very j u s t a n d promised to do every thing possible; b u t to p r o m ises all t h e négociation was limited." (Michel Oginski: Mémoires sur la Pologne etc, v. 1788 bis Ende 1815. Paris. 1826. 1 1 , p. 358)
" T h e c o m i t é of p u b l i c welfare h a d p r o m i s e d to G e n e r a l K o s c i u s z k o a
s u m of 3 millions of livres a n d s o m e officers of artillery; b u t we did receive
neither o n e single sou n o r o n e single officer" we are told by an aide de
camp of Kosciuszko, J. Niemcewicz: Notes sur ma captivité à St. Petersb. en
1794-1796. Paris. 1843. (V, p. 90)
On 5 April 1795 t h e directory (which h a d t h e n replaced t h e c o m i t é du sa- I
lut public) c o n c l u d e d with Prussia the Peace of Basel. By this peace Holland I
and the left bank of the Rhine were surrendered to France. The Northern part of I
Germany, designed by a line of demarcation, was neutralized, Prussia to be
indemnified by the secularization of several G e r m a n bishoprics. T h a t
treaty of Basel "by guaranteeing the respective possessions of t h e two contracting powers, a n d including no clause whatever in regard to the newly invaded provinces of Poland, granted their possession to the king of Prussia."
Oginski tells us that w h e n the Poles were informed of the peace négociations, their agent Barss addressed the m e m b e r s of the directory peculiarly
friendly to Poland, a n d asked for a clause obliging the king of Prussia to ren o u n c e etc. " H e was answered that the c o n d i t i o n was not acceptable since
it would retard the négociations with Prussia, t h a t F r a n c e wanted to restore
her forces, that the peace with Prussia would n o t last long, that t h e Poles
should keep themselves ready for new efforts which would be asked from
t h e m in the cause of liberty a n d their country etc." T h e s a m e Oginski, t. II,
p. 133, u. 223 tells u s : " T h e treaty c o n c l u d e d between t h e F r e n c h R e p u b l i c
and the king of Prussia h a d m a d e a very bad impression u p o n t h e Divan,
which 11121 p r e t e n d e d t h a t if F r a n c e h a d b e e n u n a b l e to obtain anything for
Poland in h e r négociations with the Court of Berlin, it was impossible that
the Turcs alone could act in favour of Poland."
After t h e third division R u s s i a was forced to keep quiet for a few years.
The Poles now participated in all the campaigns of the French Republic,
principally in Italy. (See: Chodzko: Histoire des Légions Polonaises en Italie,
de 1795 à 1802. Pam. 1829)
Before the conclusion of the Peace of Campo Formio (17 October 1797), after
a plan m u t u a l l y agreed u p o n , a n d with the consent of Bonaparte, G e n e r a l
Dombrowski was to m a r c h through Croatia and Hungary, into Galicia, a n d
thus m a k e a diversion in favour of Bonaparte, who would have m a r c h e d
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Karl Marx
u p o n V i e n n a . Charles de la Croix, m i n i s t e r of For. Affairs, (See Oginski, t.II,
p. 2 7 2 - 8 ) proposed to Oginski "to insurge Galicia". Oginski was afraid lest
the Poles should be treated as m e r e tools thrown away after having b e e n
used. He therefore d e m a n d e d a positive assurance that those sacrifices
would earn for t h e m F r e n c h assistance for the recovery of their country.
5
Lacroix played t h e n t h e irritated bully. T h e F r e n c h g o v e r n m e n t did n o t
want t h e m ; if they h a d no confidence, they m i g h t try their fortune somewhere else etc. He gave Oginski a three days' t i m e for considering after
which they were to accept or refuse, b u t without putting any conditions
whatever. T h e poor Poles declared ready for whatever the F r e n c h govern- 10
m e n t wanted. But that government wanted only their formal acceptance in
order to i n t i m i d a t e Austria by it a n d so to hasten t h e conclusion of peace.
Armistice at Leoben, 18 April, 1797. Treaty of Campo Formio in which the
Poles were again sacrificed in the s a m e way as they h a d b e e n in the treaty of
Basel.
15
In 1799 at last Suworoff the effect of the disappearance of P o l a n d m a d e
itself felt to the F r e n c h republic. Russian armies appeared in H o l l a n d and
in Italy. Suworoff penetrates to the very frontiers of F r a n c e .
W h e n on 28 July 1799 the F r e n c h surrendered M a n t u a to the Russian
general Vielhorski, there was a secret article in the capitulation by which the 20
Austrians got back their deserters, viz the A u s t r i a n Poles who h a d entered
the Legions. After the surrender of M a n t u a , t h e 2 legion fell into the
h a n d s of the e n e m y ; the first legion, u n d e r Dombrowski, j o i n e d t h e great
army, and was almost entirely annihilated in t h e great battles against the
Russo-Austrian armies.
25
n d
Consulate.
9. Nov. 1799 (18 Brumaire). Consulate. Bonaparte authorizes t h e formation
of new Polish legions, o n e at Marseilles u n d e r Dombrowski, o n e on the Dan u b e u n d e r general Kniaziewicz. These legions assist at M a r e n g o a n d
H o h e n l i n d e n . ||13| See order of the day of G e n . M o r e a u , where he renders 30
justice "to the stern constancy of G e n . Kniaziewicz, a n d his Polish soldiers".
Treaty of Luneville m i t Oesterreich, 9 Feb. 1801. No article relating to Poland.
Treaty of Pam, October 1801 with Paul I, of Russia. In this treaty Paul I 35
a n d Bonaparte promised each other "not to allow that any of their subjects
should be allowed to entertain any correspondence, whether direct or i n d i rect, with t h e internal e n e m i e s of the actual governments of the two states,
48
there to propagate principles contrary to their respective constitutions, or
to foment troubles".
This article related to the Poles on the [one] h a n d , to the Bourbons a n d
their partisans on the other.
5
In 1801 t h e r e a p p e a r e d in t h e Moniteur a series of articles, written by
Bonaparte himself, a n d justifying the a m b i t i o n of F r a n c e , b e c a u s e h e r
conquests were hardly an equivalent for the acquisitions which Russia,
Austria, a n d Prussia h a d m a d e by the partition of Poland. (Thiers. Histoire
du Consulat et de l'Empire t. Ill, p. 153)
10
During t h e peace the Polish legions were treated as an e n c u m b r a n c e .
Part of t h e m were, like M a m e l u c k s , given by B o n a p a r t e as a present to t h e
q u e e n of Etruria.
Treaty of Amiens. 2Y'March 1802. T h e first consul m a d e embark, by force,
for St. Domingo part of the Polish legions a n d m a d e present of the other
15 part to the new king of Naples. T h r e a t e n e d by t h e fire of artillery, they were
embarked at G e n o a a n d Livorno to find their graves in St. Domingo.
Empire.
May 1804 (crowned 2 Dec. 1804) until 1815.
1806-7. D u r i n g his war with Prussia, supported by Russia, N a p . sent the
remainders of t h e Polish legions u n d e r Dombrowski into Prussian Poland,
where they c o n q u e r e d D a n t z i c for h i m , a n d insurged the country.
18 December 1806 N a p . himself in Warsaw, t h e n Prussian. G r e a t e n t h u siasm of the Poles. In his autobiography Thomas Ostrowski (Paris 1836), president of the Senate narrates that N a p . at the first a u d i e n c e he gave to the
25 m e m b e r s of t h e administration, received t h e m with the words: " G e n t l e m e n , I want to-day 200,000 bottles of wine, a n d as m a n y portions of rice,
m e a t a n d vegetables. No excuses; if n o t I leave y o u to the R u s s i a n
k n o u t . . . I want proofs of your devotion; I stand in need of your blood." («j'ai
besoin de votre sang».) He enrolled a Polish army. T h e c a m p a i g n lasted
30 u n t i l 6 May 1807.
25 and 26 June 1807. Fraternisation between N a p . a n d A l e x a n d e r on the
Niemen.
Treaty of Tilsit, signed 7 July, 1807. (9 July with Prussia.) |
|14| Art. V of t h a t treaty proclaimed the f o u n d a t i o n of the duchy of Waris saw which N a p . cedes "in all property and sovereignty to the king of Saxony,
to be ruled by constitutions, which, while securing t h e liberties a n d privileges of the duchy, were compatible with the tranquillity of the neighbouring
states".
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This d u c h y was cut o u t of Prussian Poland.
Art. IX cedes to Russia a part of Poland, the circle of Byalistock, recently
c o n q u e r e d from Prussia, a n d which "shall be u n i t e d in perpetuity to t h e
R u s s i a n empire, in order to establish the n a t u r a l limits between R u s s i a a n d
the duchy of Warsaw".
Dantzic, on the pretext of being m a d e a free town, was m a d e a F r e n c h
m a r i t i m e fortress.
Many large estates in t h e new duchy were m a d e a present of by N a p . to
the F r e n c h generals.
Lelewel calls this justly the Fourth Division of Poland.
Having b e a t e n t h e Prussians a n d the R u s s i a n s by t h e assistance of the
Poles, N a p o l e o n disposed of Poland as if she was a c o n q u e r e d country and
his private property, and he disposed of her to the advantage of Russia.
T h e d u c h y of Warsaw was small, without position in Europe. A large civil list; civil government by Saxony, military by N a p . Davout ruled like a
Pasha at Warsaw. He m a d e in fact of the duchy a recruiting place for
F r a n c e , a military depot.
(Sawaszkiewicz. Tableau de l'influence de la Pologne sur les destinées de la révol. fis. Paris. 1848. 3 édit.)
T h e duchy of Warsaw was for N a p . n o t only an advanced post against
Russia. N a p . h a d possessed himself of those very points which would serve
h i m as a basis of offensive operations against Prussia a n d Austria. Nicholas
acted in his spirit when he fortified those points by a c h a i n of fortresses.
(By inserting at the h e a d of the treaty of Tilsit t h e declaration that only
out of courtesy for Alexander he restored to the king of Prussia half of his old
territories, N a p . p r o c l a i m e d that king, and Prussia, a m e r e a p p e n d a g e to
Russia.)
By the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit the public ones were partly revoked. T h u s f. L, only to deceive Austria, t h e public treaty c o n t a i n e d articles for the integrity of Turkey. By the secret articles N a p . sacrificed Turkey
and Sweden to the Czar who surrendered to h i m Portugal, Spain, Malta, and
the North-African coast; promised his accession to the c o n t i n e n t a l system,
a n d the surrender of the I o n i a n islands to F r a n c e . T h e partition of Turkey
was only prevented by t h e opposition of Austria. All t h e arrangements for a
partition of Turkey were beginning after the conclusion of t h e ||15| Tilsit
treaty. In August 1808 A l e x a n d e r h a n d e d over to N a p . the strong places of
D a l m a t i a , also the protectorate over the I o n i a n islands; while the Danubian
principalities were occupied by his troops, N a p . ordered Marmont, the
F r e n c h c o m m a n d e r i n D a l m a t i a , t o prepare the m a r c h u p o n A l b a n i a a n d
M a c e d o n i a . T h e négociations a b o u t the partition of Turkey were c o n t i n u e d
at Petersburg, whither N a p . h a d sent Savary, the h e a d of his g e n d a r m e s a n d
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m o u c h a r d s . T h e Report on his négociations -with Romanzow, the Russ. For.
minister, has b e e n recently published. Even Thibaudeau, o n e of N a p . ' s senators and admirers, says about the négociations of Savary with Alex. I a n d
Romanzow:
"Putting aside every diplomatical form, they transacted their business in
the i m p u d e n t a n d reckless way of robber-chiefs dividing their booty."
According to the négociations b e t w e e n N a p . a n d Alex, at Tilsit, Sweden
and D e n m a r k were to be forced to j o i n t h e c o n t i n e n t a l system. N a p . ceded
to Alex. Finland (which the Russians occupied in 1808, a n d have ever kept
since), a n d b e s i d e s D e n m a r k was interested in t h e robbery of Sweden by
m a k i n g Norway over to her. T h u s N a p . succeeded in completely breaking
down this old antagonist of Russia.
27 Sept. 1808. Nap. and Alex, at the Erfurt Congress.
Never before h a d any m a n d o n e so m u c h to exalt the R u s s i a n power as
N a p . did from 1807-1812. From 1808 to 1811 the Poles were consumed by
Nap. in Spain. F o r the first t i m e in their history they were prostituted as the
mercenaries of despotism. Of the a r m y of 90,000, formed in the duchy, so
m a n y were dispatched to Spain, t h a t t h e d u c h y was d e n u d e d of troops
when the A u s t r i a n archduke F e r d i n a n d invaded it in 1809.
1809. April. W h i l e N a p . m a r c h e d u p o n V i e n n a , the A r c h d u k e F e r d i n a n d
u p o n Warsaw. T h e Poles invade Galicia, force t h e a r c h d u k e to withdraw
from Warsaw (1 J u n e ) ; the Russians, Nap.'s allies, enter Galicia to assist in
fact the Austrians against the Poles.
14 Oct. 1809: T h e Polish provinces called by the Austrians "New Galicia",
together with the district of Zamosk, was reunited to the d u c h y of Warsaw.
N a p . left to Austria old Galicia, after having separated from it, in order to
make it over to Russia, the district of Tarnopol, part of old Podolia. W h a t we
have to think of this Fifth Partition (Lelewel) m a y be seen from a satirical
letter of Czar Alexander I to Prince Kourakin, published at the t i m e in the
gazettes of Petersburg and Moscow, d.d., Petersburg 1/13 Nov. 1809. T h e Czar
writes: " T h e treaty is being ratified between F r a n c e a n d Austria, a n d consequently o u r hostile m o v e m e n t s against t h e latter cease simultaneously. According to t h e principles of that p e a c e , A u s t r i a remains, as before, our
neighbour by h e r possession of Galicia, a n d the Polish provinces, instead |
|16| of being u n i t e d into one single body, are divided for ever between the
three crowns. T h u s the d r e a m s of a political revolution in Poland have vanished. T h e present order of things fixes the limits between Poland a n d R u s sia who has n o t only not suffered any loss in this affair, b u t on t h e contrary
extends h e r d o m i n i o n (au sein de la Pologne) in the very h e a r t of Poland."
T h e Poles now d e m a n d e d the restoration of t h e n a m e of Poland for the
duchy. T h e Czar opposed. On October 20, 1809, Champagny, minister of I
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Karl Marx
Foreign affairs, addressed a note, by order of Nap., to the R u s s . governm e n t , in which it was stated that he approved "the effacing [of] the name of
Pole and Poland, n o t only from every public act, but even from history". This
was to prepare his proposal—after his divorce with Josephine—for the
h a n d of the Czar's sister.
4 Jan. 1810: Secret convention between N a p . ' s a m b a s s a d o r Caulaincourt,
a n d c o u n t Romanzoff to this effect:
"Art. 1 the k i n g d o m of Poland shall never- be re-established. Art. 2 T h e
name of Poland and Pole shall never be applied to any of t h e parties t h a t
previously constituted t h a t kingdom, a n d they shall disappear from every
public or official act." Besides "the G r a n d D u c h y shall never be aggrandized by the a n n e x a t i o n of any of the old Polish provinces; the orders of
Polish chivalry shall be abolished; and, finally, all these e n g a g e m e n t s shall
be binding on t h e king of Saxony, G r a n d D u k e of Warsaw, as on N a p . h i m self." (Thiers. Consulat et l'Empire. XI)
It was after the négociations for that convention that N a p . proposed for
the h a n d of A l e x a n d e r ' s sister. N a p . ' s irritation a n d w o u n d e d self love at
the hesitation of the Czar (who delayed declaring himself from m i d d l e of
D e c e m b e r to m i d d l e of January, u n d e r various pretexts), a n d the repugn a n c e of the Czar's m o t h e r , m a d e N a p . look elsewhere for a wife, a n d break
off négociations.
" T h e E m p . N a p . " , says Crétineau-Joly: Hist, de l'église Romaine en face de
la Révolution, "did n o t allow his policy to lose itself in a phraseology sentimentally revolutionary. W i t h o n e stroke of the p e n his m i n i s t e r effaced,
even from history, t h e name of Poland, a n d a treaty which s u b s e q u e n t
events rendered null, struck out that n a m e as if it were a geographical superfetation."
After his marriage with the daughter of the Austrian Emperor, N a p . h a d a
new opportunity for the restauration of Poland. I quote from a F r e n c h author, whose history is an apotheosis of N a p . Norvins says: " N a p . was enabled, in 1810, to realize, at last, that noble project", viz. t h e restauration
of Poland, "because Austria offered h i m b o t h the Galicias, b u t he refused,
in order n o t to have a war with Russia who prepared war against h i m the
very day after the conclusion of the treaty of Tilsit".
After what has preceded, it is almost superfluous to say t h a t N a p . m a d e
his war of 1812 against Russia not o u t of any regard for P o l a n d . He was
forced into it by R u s s i a who on 19/31 Dec. 1810 allowed t h e i m p o r t of colon i a l c o m m o d i t i e s in n e u t r a l ships, prohibited s o m e F r e n c h c o m m o d i t i e s ,
hardly taxed others, a n d m a d e n o t the least concession despite all t h e dip l o m a t i c efforts of N a p . at preventing the war. He m u s t either resign his
continental system, or m a k e war against Russia.
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28 June, 1812. Day of entry of N a p . at Vilna. On that day the existence of
confederate Poland (that is Poland u n i t e d to L i t h u a n i a ) was p r o c l a i m e d at
the diet of Warsaw, a n d a national war. N a p . told the deputies of Warsaw,
that he did n o t want a national war. {Charras tells us that by his hatred of
such a war etc 100 days.) |
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Karl
Provisorische
der
Internationalen
Marx
Bestimmungen
Arbeiterassoziation
Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen
Nr. 10, 18. Januar 1865
Provisorische Bestimmungen
der „Internationalen Arbeiter-Association".
I n Erwägung,
daß die E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeiterclasse d u r c h die Arbeiterclasse selbst
erobert werden m u ß ;
daß der K a m p f für die E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeiterclasse k e i n e n K a m p f
für Classenprivilegien u n d M o n o p o l e bedeutet, s o n d e r n d e n K a m p f für
gleiche R e c h t e u n d Pflichten u n d die Abschaffung aller Classenherrschaft;
daß die ö k o n o m i s c h e Unterwerfung des M a n n e s der Arbeit u n t e r d e n
M o n o p o l i s t e n der Arbeitsmittel, d. h. der Lebensquellen, der Knechtschaft
in allen ihren F o r m e n zu G r u n d e liegt, allem socialen Elend, aller geistigen Degradation u n d politischen Abhängigkeit;
daß die ö k o n o m i s c h e E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeiterclasse d a h e r das große
Ziel ist, d e m j e d e politische Bewegung als M i t t e l u n t e r g e o r d n e t sein m u ß ;
daß alle S t r e b u n g e n n a c h diesem großen Ziel bisher gescheitert sind an
d e m M a n g e l der Solidarität zwischen d e n m a n n i c h f a c h e n Zweigen der Arbeit in j e d e m L a n d u n d an der Abwesenheit eines brüderlichen B a n d s der
Einigung zwischen d e n Arbeiterclassen der verschiedenen L ä n d e r ;
d a ß die E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeit weder ein locales, n o c h ein nationales,
sondern ein sociales Problem ist, welches alle L ä n d e r umfaßt, worin die
m o d e r n e Gesellschaft existirt, u n d seine Lösung a b h ä n g t von d e m theoretischen u n d praktischen Z u s a m m e n w i r k e n der fortgeschrittensten Länder;
daß das gegenwärtige, gleichzeitige Wiederaufleben der Arbeiterbewegung in d e n industriellen Ländern Europas einerseits n e u e Hoffnungen erweckt, andrerseits feierlich warnt vor d e m Rückfall in die alten Irrthümer,
u n d zur sofortigen C o m b i n a t i o n der bisher z u s a m m e n h a n g s l o s e n Beweg u n g e n aufruft;
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aus diesen G r ü n d e n h a b e n die u n t e r z e i c h n e t e n Mitglieder des K o m i t é s ,
welches am 2 8 . S e p t e m b e r 1864 in öffentlichem Meeting, in St. M a r t i n s
Hall, L o n d o n , gewählt wurde, die vorläufigen Schritte zur G r ü n d u n g der
Internationalen Arbeiterassociation g e t h a n u n d folgende provisorische BeStimmungen aufgesetzt:
1. Diese Association ist gegründet, um d e n Arbeitergesellschaften, die
i n verschiedenen L ä n d e r n bestehen, u n d n a c h d e m s e l b e n Ziele streben,
n ä m l i c h d e m Schutz, der F ö r d e r u n g u n d der vollständigen E m a n c i p a t i o n
der Arbeiterclasse, e i n e n centralen M i t t e l p u n k t der M i t t h e i l u n g u n d MitWirkung zu b i e t e n ;
2. Der N a m e dieser Gesellschaft soll sein: Internationale Arbeiterassociation.
3. Im J a h r e 1865 wird ein allgemeiner Arbeitercongreß in Belgien statt
h a b e n . Er wird b e s t e h e n aus d e n R e p r ä s e n t a n t e n aller Arbeitergesellschaften, die sich in der Zwischenzeit der I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Association angeschlossen h a b e n . D e r Congreß wird vor E u r o p a die gemeinschaftlichen
Strebungen der Arbeiterklassen proclamiren, die definitiven Statuten der
I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Association festsetzen, die für ihr erfolgreiches W i r k e n
n o t h w e n d i g e n Mittel b e r a t h e n u n d d e n Centrairath der Association e r n e n n e n . Der allgemeine Congreß soll sich j ä h r l i c h e i n m a l v e r s a m m e l n .
4. D e r Centrairath soll in L o n d o n seinen Sitz h a b e n , u n d z u s a m m e n g e setzt sein aus Arbeitern angehörig d e n verschiedenen in der I n t e r n a t i o n a len Association repräsentirten L ä n d e r n . Er soll aus seiner eigenen M i t t e
die zur Geschäftsführung n ö t h i g e n B e a m t e n e r n e n n e n , e i n e n Präsidenten,
einen Cassirer, e i n e n General-Secretair, correspondirende Secretaire für
die verschiedenen L ä n d e r u. s. w.
5. A u f seinen j ä h r l i c h e n Z u s a m m e n k ü n f t e n soll der allgemeine Congreß
einen öffentlichen Bericht ü b e r die j ä h r l i c h e n T r a n s a c t i o n e n des Centrairaths erhalten. Der v o m Congreß jährlich n e u e r n a n n t e Centrairath soll ermächtigt sein die Zahl seiner Mitglieder beliebig zu v e r m e h r e n . Im N o t h fall m a g er den allgemeinen Congreß vor d e m regelmäßigen j ä h r l i c h e n
Termin zusammenrufen.
6. Der Centrairath bildet eine internationale A g e n t u r zwischen den verschiedenen z u s a m m e n w i r k e n d e n Associationen, so d a ß die Arbeiter eines
Landes beständig ü b e r die Bewegungen ihrer Klasse in j e d e m a n d e r n
Lande u n t e r r i c h t e t bleiben; d a ß eine U n t e r s u c h u n g ü b e r d e n gesellschaftlichen Z u s t a n d Europas gleichzeitig i n d e n verschiedenen L ä n d e r n u n d u n ter gemeinschaftlicher Direction veranstaltet wird; d a ß Fragen von allgem e i n e m Interesse, angeregt von einer Gesellschaft, in allen a n d e r n erörtert
werden, u n d daß, wo u n m i t t e l b a r e practische Schritte wünschenswerth, wie
z.B. im Fall internationaler Zwiste, die A c t i o n der associirten Gesellschaf-
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Karl Marx
ten gleichzeitig u n d gleichförmig sei. So oft er es für passend hält, soll der
Centrairath die Initiative von Vorschlägen an die v e r s c h i e d e n e n n a t i o n a l e n
oder localen Gesellschaften ergreifen.
7. Da der Erfolg der Arbeiterbewegung in j e d e m L a n d e n u r d u r c h die
M a c h t der E i n h e i t u n d K o m b i n a t i o n gesichert werden k a n n , w ä h r e n d andererseits der N u t z e n des internationalen Centrairaths größtentheils davon
a b h ä n g e n m u ß , ob er m i t wenigen n a t i o n a l e n C e n t r e n der Arbeiterassociat i o n e n oder m i t einer großen A n z a h l kleiner u n d zerstreuter Localgesellschaften zu v e r h a n d e l n hat, sollen die Mitglieder der I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Association keine M ü h e sparen, um die zerstreuten Arbeitergesellschaften ihrer
resp. L ä n d e r in n a t i o n a l e u n d d u r c h Centraiorgane repräsentirte Körper zu
vereinen. Es versteht sich j e d o c h von selbst, d a ß die A n w e n d u n g dieses Paragraphen ganz u n d gar von d e n b e s o n d e r e n G e s e t z e n eines j e d e n L a n d e s
abhängt, u n d daß, a u c h von gesetzlichen H i n d e r n i s s e n abgesehen, j e d e u n abhängige Arbeitergesellschaft direct m i t d e m L o n d o n e r Centrairath correspondiren k a n n .
8. Bis z u r Z u s a m m e n k u n f t des ersten Congresses wird das am 2 8 . Sept e m b e r 1864 gewählte C o m i t é provisorisch d e n Centrairath bilden, sich in
V e r b i n d u n g setzen m i t d e n Arbeitergesellschaften verschiedener Länder,
Mitglieder im Vereinigten Königreich werben, die vorbereitenden Schritte
t h u n zur Z u s a m m e n b e r u f u n g des allgemeinen Congresses u n d die H a u p t fragen, die d i e s e m Congreß vorgelegt werden sollen, m i t d e n n a t i o n a l e n
oder localen Arbeitergesellschaften besprechen.
9. Jedes Mitglied der I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Association wird bei Verlegung
seines Domicils von e i n e m L a n d z u m a n d e r n d e n b r ü d e r l i c h e n Beistand
der associirten Arbeiter erhalten.
10. Obgleich vereinigt zu brüderlicher Corporation, b e w a h r e n die der
I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Association b e i t r e t e n d e n Arbeitergesellschaften ihre U n abhängigkeit u n d existirende Organisation unversehrt.
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to
Karl Marx: Draft for a report
to the Central Council on the attitude
of German working men's societies
the International Working Men's Association.
Beginn der Niederschrift auf der ersten Seite
des Briefes von Wilhelm Liebknecht
an Marx vom 21. Januar 1865
Karl
Marx
Draft for a r e p o r t to t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l
on the attitude of G e r m a n working m e n ' s societies
to the International Working
M e n ' s Association
I As to t h e G e n e r a l F e d e r a t i o n of G e r m a n working m e n ' s societies, it will
declare in o n e way or other t h e identity of its purposes with those of the International Association; b u t the adhesion c a n n o t take place directly,
through a formal resolution passed by the [...] of the G e n e r a l G e r m a n As5 sociation, b e c a u s e || s u c h a step would be in contravention to t h e Prussian
laws regulating associations.
F r o m the s a m e reason the Berlin society of printers a n d composers,
which takes the greatest interest in your proceedings, is disabled from adhering to t h e L o n d o n society by way of a formal resolution.
10
However, even t h e latter society is sure to send a deputy to the congress
to be convoked by the L o n d o n c o m m i t t e e .
Moreover, you m u s t n o t forget, that o u r journal, the organ of the Germ a n F e d e r a t i o n of working m e n ' s societies, has b e e n p u t at the entire disposal of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o m m i t t e e . |
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Karl
Marx
Ü b e r P.-J. P r o u d h o n
Brief an Johann Baptist von Schweitzer
Nr. 16, 1. Februar 1865
Ueber P. J. Proudhon
London, 24. J a n u a r 1865.
Sehr geehrter Herr!
Ich erhielt gestern e i n e n Brief, worin Sie von m i r ausführliche Beurtheilung Proudhon's verlangen. Z e i t m a n g e l erlaubt m i r nicht, I h r e n W u n s c h zu
befriedigen. Z u d e m h a b e ich keine seiner Schriften hier z u r H a n d . Um
i h n e n j e d o c h m e i n e n g u t e n Willen zu zeigen, werfe ich rasch eine kurze
Skizze h i n . Sie k ö n n e n d a n n n a c h h o l e n , zusetzen, ausbessern, kurz u n d
gut d a m i t m a c h e n , was I h n e n gutdünkt.
P r o u d h o n ' s erster Versuche erinnere ich m i c h n i c h t m e h r . Seine Schularbeit ü b e r die „Langue universelle" zeigt, wie u n g e n i r t er sich an P r o b l e m e
wagte, zu d e r e n Lösung i h m a u c h die ersten V o r k e n n t n i s s e fehlten.
Sein erstes W e r k : «Qu'est ce que la Propriété?» ist u n b e d i n g t sein bestes
Werk. Es ist e p o c h e m a c h e n d , wenn nicht d u r c h n e u e n Inhalt, so d o c h
d u r c h die n e u e u n d kecke Art, Altes zu sagen. In d e n W e r k e n der i h m bek a n n t e n französischen Socialisten u n d C o m m u n i s t e n war n a t ü r l i c h die
..propriété" n i c h t n u r mannigfach kritisirt, s o n d e r n a u c h utopistisch „aufgehoben" worden. P r o u d h o n verhält sich in j e n e r Schrift zu St. S i m o n u n d
Fourier ungefähr wie sich F e u e r b a c h zu Hegel verhielt. Verglichen m i t H e gel ist F e u e r b a c h d u r c h a u s arm. D e n n o c h war er e p o c h e m a c h e n d nach H e gel, weil er d e n Ton legte auf gewisse, d e m christlichen Bewußtsein u n a n g e n e h m e u n d für d e n Fortschritt der Kritik wichtige P u n k t e , die Hegel in
e i n e m mystischen clair-obscur ließ.
W e n n ich m i c h so a u s d r ü c k e n darf, herrscht in j e n e r Schrift P r o u d h o n ' s
n o c h starke M u s k u l a t u r des Styls. U n d ich halte den Styl derselben für ihr
Hauptverdienst. M a n sieht, daß selbst da, wo n u r Altes reproducirt wird,
P r o u d h o n selbstständig findet; daß das, was er sagt, i h m selbst n e u war u n d
als n e u gilt. Herausfordernder Trotz, der das ö k o n o m i s c h e „Allerheiligste"
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Über P.-J. Proudhon
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antastet, geistreiche Paradoxie, womit der g e m e i n e Bürgerverstand gefoppt
wird, z e r r e i ß e n d e s Urtheil, bittre Ironie, d a n n u n d w a n n d u r c h s c h a u e n d
ein tiefes u n d wahres Gefühl der E m p ö r u n g ü b e r die Infamie des Besteh e n d e n , revolutionärer Ernst - d u r c h alles das elektrisirte «Qu'est ce que la
Propriété?» u n d gab e i n e n großen A n s t o ß b e i s e i n e m ersten E r s c h e i n e n . In
einer streng wissenschaftlichen G e s c h i c h t e der politischen O e k o n o m i e
wäre dieselbe Schrift k a u m erwähnenswerth. A b e r solche Sensationalschriften spielen in d e n Wissenschaften e b e n so gut ihre Rolle, wie in der
R o m a n l i t e r a t u r . M a n n e h m e ζ. B. Malthus' Schrift ü b e r „Population". In
ihrer ersten A u s g a b e ist sie nichts als ein „sensational pamphlet", d a z u Plagiat von Anfang zu E n d e . U n d doch, wie viel A n s t o ß gab dies Pasquill auf
das Menschengeschlecht!
Läge P r o u d h o n ' s Schrift vor mir, so wäre in einigen Beispielen seine erste Manier leicht n a c h z u w e i s e n . In d e n Paragraphen, die er selbst für die
wichtigsten hielt, a h m t er Kant's B e h a n d l u n g der Antinomien n a c h - es war
dies der einzige d e u t s c h e Philosoph, d e n er d a m a l s aus U e b e r s e t z u n g e n
k a n n t e - u n d läßt d e n starken E i n d r u c k zurück, d a ß i h m , wie K a n t , die
Lösung der A n t i n o m i e n für etwas gilt, das Jenseits" des m e n s c h l i c h e n Verstandes fällt, d. h. worüber sein eigner V e r s t a n d im U n k l a r e n bleibt.
Trotz aller s c h e i n b a r e n H i m m e l s s t ü r m e r e i findet m a n aber schon in
« Q u ' e s t ce q u e la Propriété?» d e n W i d e r s p r u c h , d a ß P r o u d h o n einerseits
die Gesellschaft v o m S t a n d p u n k t u n d m i t d e n A u g e n eines französischen
Parzellenbauers (später petit bourgeois) kritisirt, andererseits d e n von d e n
Socialisten i h m überlieferten M a ß s t a b anlegt.
25
D a s U n g e n ü g e n d e der Schrift war s c h o n in i h r e m Titel angedeutet. D i e
Frage war so falsch gestellt, d a ß sie n i c h t richtig beantwortet werden
konnte. D i e antiken „Eigenthumsverhältnisse" waren u n t e r g e g a n g e n in d e n
feudalen, d i e feudalen in d e n „bürgerlichen". D i e G e s c h i c h t e selbst hatte so
ihre Kritik an d e n vergangnen Eigenthumsverhältnissen ausgeübt. D a s ,
30 worum es sich für P r o u d h o n eigentlich h a n d e l t e , war das b e s t e h e n d e modernbürgerliche Eigenthum. A u f die Frage, was dies sei, k o n n t e n u r geantwortet werden d u r c h eine kritische Analyse der „Politischen Oekonomie", die
das G a n z e j e n e r Eigenthumsverhältnisse, n i c h t in i h r e m juristischen A u s druck als Willensverhältnisse, s o n d e r n in ihrer realen Gestalt, d. h. als Pro35
ductionsverhältnisse, umfaßte. I n d e m P r o u d h o n aber die G e s a m m t h e i t dieser ö k o n o m i s c h e n Verhältnisse in die allgemeine juristische Vorstellung
„das Eigenthum" Ja propriété" verflocht, k o n n t e er a u c h n i c h t ü b e r die A n t wort h i n a u s k o m m e n , die Brissot m i t d e n s e l b e n W o r t e n in einer ä h n l i c h e n
Schrift s c h o n vor 1789 gegeben h a t t e : « L a Propriété, c'est le vol.»
40
Im b e s t e n Fall k o m m t d a b e i n u r h e r a u s , d a ß die bürgerlich j u r i s t i s c h e n
Vorstellungen v o n „Diebstahl" a u c h auf des Bürgers e i g n e n „redlichen" Er-
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Karl Marx
werb passen. Andererseits verwickelte sich P r o u d h o n , da der „Diebstahl" als
gewaltsame Verletzung des E i g e n t h u m s das Eigenthum voraussetzt, in allerlei ihm selbst u n k l a r e Hirngespinnste ü b e r das wahre bürgerliche Eigenthum.
W ä h r e n d m e i n e s Aufenthalts in Paris, 1844, trat ich zu P r o u d h o n in per5
sönliche Beziehung. Ich erwähne das hier, weil ich zu e i n e m gewissen
G r a d m i t Schuld b i n an seiner ..Sophistication", wie die E n g l ä n d e r die Fälschung eines Handels-Artikels n e n n e n . W ä h r e n d langer, oft ü b e r n ä c h t i g e r
D e b a t t e n inficirte ich i h n zu s e i n e m großen S c h a d e n m i t H e g e l i a n i s m u s ,
d e n er d o c h bei seiner U n k e n n t n i ß der d e u t s c h e n Sprache n i c h t ordentlich 10
studiren k o n n t e . W a s ich begann, setzte n a c h m e i n e r Ausweisung aus Paris
Herr Karl Grün fort. D e r hatte als Lehrer der d e u t s c h e n Philosophie n o c h
d e n Vorzug vor mir, d a ß er selbst nichts davon verstand.
Kurz vor E r s c h e i n e n seines zweiten b e d e u t e n d e n W e r k e s : „Philosophie de
la Misère etc." kündigte m i r P r o u d h o n dieses selbst in e i n e m sehr ausführ- 15
liehen Brief an, worin u. A. die W o r t e unterlaufen: «J'attends votre férule critique.» I n d e ß fiel diese bald in einer Weise auf i h n (in m e i n e r Schrift: „Misere de la Philosophie etc." Paris 1847), die unserer Freundschaft für i m m e r
ein E n d e m a c h t e .
Nr. 17, 3. Februar 1865
A u s d e m hier Gesagten ersehen Sie, d a ß P r o u d h o n ' s : „Philosophie de la Misère ou système des contradictions économiques" eigentlich erst die Antwort
enthielt auf die Frage: «Qu'est ce que la Propriété?» Er h a t t e in der T h a t erst
n a c h d e m E r s c h e i n e n dieser Schrift seine ö k o n o m i s c h e n S t u d i e n begonn e n ; er h a t t e entdeckt, d a ß die von i h m aufgeworfene Frage n i c h t beantwortet werden k o n n t e m i t einer Invektive, s o n d e r n n u r d u r c h Analyse der
m o d e r n e n „Politischen Oekonomie". Er versuchte zugleich das System der
ö k o n o m i s c h e n Categorien dialektisch darzustellen. An die Stelle der unlösbaren „Antinomien"Kant's sollte der Hegel'sche„Widerspruch" als Entwicklungsmittel treten.
Z u r Beurtheilung seines zweibändigen, dickleibigen Werkes m u ß ich Sie
auf m e i n e Gegenschrift verweisen. I c h zeigte darin u. a., wie wenig er in
das G e h e i m n i ß der wissenschaftlichen Dialektik eingedrungen; wie er andererseits die Illusionen der spekulativen Philosophie theilt, i n d e m er die
ökonomischen Categorien, statt als theoretische Ausdrücke historischer, einer bestimmten Entwickelungsstufe der materiellen Produktion entsprechender, Produktionsverhältnisse zu begreifen, sie in präexistirende, ewige Ideen verfaselt
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u n d wie er auf d i e s e m Umwege wieder auf d e m S t a n d p u n k t der bürgerlic h e n O e k o n o m i e ankommt.*)
Ich zeige weiter noch, wie d u r c h a u s mangelhaft u n d theilweise selbst
schülerhaft seine Bekanntschaft m i t der „Politischen O e k o n o m i e " , d e r e n
Kritik er u n t e r n a h m , u n d wie er m i t d e n U t o p i s t e n auf eine s o g e n a n n t e
„Wissenschaft" Jagd m a c h t , wodurch e i n e F o r m e l für die „Lösung der socialen Frage" a priori herausspintisirt werden soll, statt die Wissenschaft aus
der kritischen E r k e n n t n i ß der geschichtlichen Bewegung zu schöpfen,
einer Bewegung, die selbst die materiellen Bedingungen der Emancipation
produciré. N a m e n t l i c h aber wird gezeigt, wie P r o u d h o n ü b e r die G r u n d lage des G a n z e n , d e n Tauschwerth, im U n k l a r e n , F a l s c h e n u n d H a l b e n
bleibt, ja die utopistische A u s l e g u n g der R leardo 'sehen W e r t h - T h e o r i e für
die G r u n d l a g e einer n e u e n Wissenschaft versieht. U e b e r seinen allgemein e n S t a n d p u n k t urtheile ich z u s a m m e n f a s s e n d wie folgt:
« C h a q u e rapport é c o n o m i q u e a un bon et un mauvais côté: c'est le seul
point dans lequel M. P r o u d h o n ne se d é m e n t pas. Le b o n côté, il le voit exposé par les économistes ; le m a u v a i s côté, il le voit d é n o n c é par les socialistes. Il e m p r u n t e aux économistes la nécessité des rapports é t e r n e l s ; il
e m p r u n t e a u x socialistes l'illusion de ne voir d a n s la misère q u e la misère
(au lieu d'y voir le côté révolutionnaire, subversif, qui renversera la société
ancienne). Il est d'accord avec les u n s et les autres en v o u l a n t s'en référer à
l'autorité de la science. La science, pour lui, se réduit aux m i n c e s proportions d ' u n e formule scientifique; il est l ' h o m m e à la recherche des formules. C'est ainsi q u e M. P r o u d h o n se flatte d'avoir d o n n é la critique et de
l'économie politique et du c o m m u n i s m e : il est au-dessous de l ' u n e et de
l'autre. A u - d e s s o u s des économistes, p u i s q u e c o m m e philosophe, q u i a
sous la m a i n u n e formule m a g i q u e , il a cru pouvoir se dispenser d'entrer
dans des détails p u r e m e n t é c o n o m i q u e s ; au-dessous des socialistes,
puisqu'il n ' a ni assez de courage, ni assez de l u m i è r e s pour s'élever, - ne
serait-ce q u e spéculativement - au-dessus de l'horizon bourgeois. Il veut
planer en héros de science au-dessus des bourgeois et des prolétaires - il
*) «En disant que les rapports actuels - les rapports de la production bourgeoise - sont naturels, les économistes font entendre que ce sont là des rapports dans lesquels se crée la richesse
et se développent les forces productives conformément aux lois de la nature. Donc ces rap35 ports sont eux-mêmes des lois naturelles indépendantes de l'influence du temps. Ce sont des
lois éternelles qui doivent toujours régir la société. Ainsi il y a eu de l'histoire, mais il n'y en a
plus.» (p. 113 meiner Schrift.) (Indem die Nationalökonomen sagen, daß die gegenwärtigen
Verhältnisse - die Verhältnisse der bürgerlichen Production - natürliche sind, wollen sie damit behaupten, daß dies Verhältnisse sind, innerhalb deren der Reichthum sich erzeugt und
40 die Produktivkräfte sich den Gesetzen der Natur gemäß entwickeln. Folglich sind diese Verhältnisse selber Naturgesetze, und als solche unabhängig vom Einfluß der Zeit. Es sind ewige
Gesetze, welche die Gesellschaft immer beherrschen müssen. Demnach hat es eine Geschichte
gegeben, aber giebt es keine mehr.)
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Karl Marx
n'est que le petit bourgeois, ballotte c o n s t a m m e n t entre le capital et le travail,
entre l'économie politique et le communisme.»*)
(„Jedes ö k o n o m i s c h e Verhältniß hat eine gute u n d eine s c h l i m m e Seite:
das ist der einzige P u n k t , in d e m Hr. P r o u d h o n sich nicht selbst ins G e sicht schlägt. D i e gute Seite sieht er von d e n N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m e n hervorgeh o b e n . D i e s c h l i m m e Seite sieht er von d e n Socialisten angeklagt. Er entlehnt d e n N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m e n die Nothwendigkeit der ewigen Verhältnisse;
er entlehnt d e n Socialisten d e n W a h n , in d e m E l e n d nichts zu sehen, als
das Elend (statt darin die revolutionäre, zerstörende Seite zu erblicken,
welche die alte Gesellschaft u m s t ü r z e n wird). Er s t i m m t m i t D i e s e n u n d
m i t J e n e n überein, i n d e m er sich dabei auf die Autorität der Wissenschaft
bezieht. Die Wissenschaft schrumpft für ihn zu d e n winzigen Proportionen
einer wissenschaftlichen F o r m e l z u s a m m e n : er ist der M a n n auf der Jagd
n a c h F o r m e l n . A u f diese Weise glaubt Hr. P r o u d h o n die Kritik sowohl der
N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m i e als des K o m m u n i s m u s gegeben zu h a b e n - er steht
aber u n t e r der einen, wie u n t e r d e m andern. U n t e r d e n N a t i o n a l - O e k o n o m e n , weil er sich als Philosoph, der eine m a g i s c h e F o r m e l u n t e r d e n H ä n d e n hat, der M ü h e ü b e r h o b e n glaubt, in die rein ö k o n o m i s c h e n Einzelheiten e i n z u g e h e n ; u n t e r d e n Socialisten, weil er weder d e n M u t h n o c h die
Geisteshelle hat, sich - u n d wäre es n u r spekulativ - ü b e r d e n bürgerlic h e n Gesichtskreis zu erheben. Er will als Held der Wissenschaft ü b e r die
Bourgeoisie u n d d e n Proletariern schweben - u n d er ist n u r der Kleinbärger, der beständig zwischen d e m Kapital u n d der Arbeit, zwischen der N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m i e u n d d e m K o m m u n i s m u s h i n - u n d hergeworfen wird.")
Hart, wie das vorstehende Urtheil klingt, m u ß ich n o c h h e u t e jedes W o r t
desselben u n t e r s c h r e i b e n . Zugleich aber b e d e n k e m a n , daß z u r Zeit, wo
ich P r o u d h o n ' s B u c h für d e n Codex des Socialismus des Petit Bourgeois
erklärte u n d dies theoretisch nachwies, P r o u d h o n n o c h als Ultra-Erzrevolutionär von politischen O e k o n o m i s t e n u n d v o n Socialisten zugleich verketzert ward. D e ß h a l b h a b e ich später a u c h nie e i n g e s t i m m t in das Geschrei
über seinen „Verrath" an der Revolution. Es war n i c h t seine Schuld, wenn
er, von A n d e r n wie von sich selbst ursprünglich m i ß v e r s t a n d e n , u n b e r e c h tigte Hoffnungen n i c h t erfüllt hat.
*) 1. c. p. 119, 120.
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Der Soclal-Demokrat.
Nr. 18, 5. Februar 1865
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In der „Philosophie de la Misère" springen alle M ä n g e l der P r o u d h o n ' s c h e n
Darstellungsweise, im Contrast zu «Qu'est ce que la Propriété?» sehr u n g ü n stig hervor. D e r Styl ist oft, was die F r a n z o s e n ampoulé n e n n e n . H o c h t r a b e n d spekulatives Kauderwelsch, d e u t s c h - p h i l o s o p h i s c h sein sollend, tritt
regelrecht ein, wo i h m die gallische Verstandesschärfe ausgeht. E i n m a r k t schreierischer, selbstlobhudelnder, ein r e n o m m i s t i s c h e r T o n , n a m e n t l i c h
das stets so u n e r q u i c k l i c h e G e s a l b a d e r von, u n d falsches G e p r u n k e m i t
„Wissenschaft", gellt e i n e m fortwährend ins Ohr. Statt der wirklichen
W ä r m e , welche die erste Schrift d u r c h l e u c h t e t , wird sich h i e r an gewissen
Stellen systematisch in eine fliegende H i t z e h i n e i n d e k l a m i r t . D a z u das u n beholfen-widrige G e l e h r t t h u n des A u t o d i d a k t e n , dessen naturwüchsiger
Stolz auf originelles Selbstdenken bereits g e b r o c h e n ist, u n d der n u n als
Parvenu der Wissenschaft m i t d e m , was er n i c h t ist u n d n i c h t h a t , sich
spreizen z u m ü s s e n wähnt. D a n n die G e s i n n u n g des Kleinbürgers, der
etwa e i n e n M a n n wie Cabet, respectabel wegen seiner praktischen Stellung
z u m französischen Proletariat, u n a n s t ä n d i g b r u t a l - weder scharf n o c h
tief, n o c h selbst richtig - angreift, dagegen ζ. B. e i n e m Dunoyer (allerdings
„Staatsrath") gegenüber artig thut, obgleich die g a n z e B e d e u t u n g j e n e s D u noyer in d e m k o m i s c h e n Ernst bestand, w o m i t er drei dicke, u n e r t r ä g l i c h
langweilige B ä n d e h i n d u r c h d e n Rigorismus predigte, d e n Helvetius so
charakterisirt: «On veut que les malheureux soient parfaits.» ( M a n verlangt,
daß die U n g l ü c k l i c h e n v o l l k o m m e n sein sollen.)
D i e F e b r u a r r e v o l u t i o n k a m P r o u d h o n in der T h a t sehr ungelegen, da er
just einige W o c h e n zuvor unwiderleglich bewiesen h a t t e , d a ß „die Aera der
Revolutionen" für i m m e r vorüber sei. Sein Auftreten in der Nationalvers a m m l u n g , so wenig E i n s i c h t in d i e vorliegenden Verhältnisse es bewies,
verdient alles L o b . Nach der J u n i i n s u r r e k t i o n war es ein A k t g r o ß e n M u thes. Es h a t t e a u ß e r d e m die günstige Folge, d a ß H e r r Thiers in seiner G e genrede gegen P r o u d h o n ' s Vorschläge, die d a n n als b e s o n d e r e Schrift veröffentlicht ward, g a n z E u r o p a bewies, a u f w e l c h e m K l e i n k i n d e r k a t e c h i s mus-Piedestal der geistige Pfeiler der französischen Bourgeoisie stand.
Herrn Thiers gegenüber schwoll Proudhon in der T h a t zu e i n e m vorsündfluthlichen Kolosse auf.
P r o u d h o n ' s E n t d e c k u n g des „Credit gratuit" u n d die auf i h n basirte
„Volksbank" ( b a n q u e du peuple) waren seine letzten ö k o n o m i s c h e n „Thaten". In m e i n e r Schrift „Zur Kritik der Politischen Oekonomie. Heft 1." Berlin
1859 (p. 5 9 - 6 4 ) findet m a n d e n Beweis, d a ß die t h e o r e t i s c h e G r u n d l a g e
seiner A n s i c h t aus einer V e r k e n n u n g der ersten E l e m e n t e der bürgerlichen
„Politischen O e k o n o m i e " , n ä m l i c h des Verhältnisses der Waaren z u m
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Geld, entspringt, w ä h r e n d der praktische U e b e r b a u bloße R e p r o d u k t i o n viel
älterer u n d weit besser ausgearbeiteter Pläne war. D a ß das Creditwesen,
ganz wie es z . B . im Anfang des 18. u n d später wieder des 19. J a h r h u n d e r t s
in England d a z u diente, das Vermögen von einer Klasse auf die a n d e r e zu
übertragen, u n t e r b e s t i m m t e n ö k o n o m i s c h e n u n d politischen U m s t ä n d e n
5
zur Beschleunigung der E m a n c i p a t i o n der a r b e i t e n d e n Klasse d i e n e n
kann, unterliegt n i c h t d e m geringsten Zweifel, ist selbstverständlich. A b e r
das zinstragende Capital als die Hauptform des Capitals betrachten, aber eine
besondere A n w e n d u n g des Creditwesens, angebliche Abschaffung des Z i n ses, zur Basis der Gesellschaftsumgestaltung m a c h e n wollen, ist eine 10
d u r c h a u s spießbürgerliche Phantasie. M a n findet diese P h a n t a s i e d a h e r in
der T h a t a u c h des W e i t e r e n ausgepatscht bereits bei d e n ökonomischen
Wortführern der englischen Kleinbürgerschaft des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts.
P r o u d h o n ' s Polemik m i t Bastiat (1850), bezüglich des zinstragenden Capitals, steht tief u n t e r der „Philosophie de la Misère". Er bringt es fertig, selbst 15
von Bastiat geschlagen zu werden u n d bricht in burleskes Gepolter aus, wo
sein Gegner i h m Gewalt a n t h u t .
Vor wenigen J a h r e n schrieb P r o u d h o n eine Preisschrift - ich glaube von
der L a u s a n n e r Regierung veranlaßt - ü b e r die „Steuern". H i e r erlischt a u c h
die letzte Spur von Genialität. Es bleibt nichts als der petit bourgeois tout
pur.
Was P r o u d h o n ' s politische u n d philosophische Schriften angeht, so zeigt
sich in allen derselbe widerspruchsvolle, zwieschlächtige Charakter, wie in
d e n ö k o n o m i s c h e n Arbeiten. D a b e i h a b e n sie n u r lokal-französischen
W e r t h . Seine Angriffe gegen Religion, Kirche u. s. w. besitzen j e d o c h ein
großes lokales Verdienst zu einer Zeit, wo die französischen Socialisten es
passend hielten, d e m bürgerlichen Voltairianismus des 18. u n d der deutschen Gottlosigkeit des 19. J a h r h u n d e r t s d u r c h Religiosität überlegen zu
sein. W e n n Peter der G r o ß e die russische Barbarei d u r c h Barbarei niederschlug, so t h a t P r o u d h o n sein Bestes, das französische Phrasenwesen durch
die Phrase niederzuwerfen.
Als nicht n u r schlechte Schriften, sondern als G e m e i n h e i t e n , j e d o c h
d e m kleinbürgerlichen S t a n d p u n k t e n t s p r e c h e n d e G e m e i n h e i t e n , sind z u
b e z e i c h n e n seine Schrift ü b e r den Coup d'état, worin er m i t L. Bonaparte
kokettirt, i h n in der T h a t d e n französischen A r b e i t e r n m u n d g e r e c h t zu mac h e n strebt, u n d seine letzte Schrift gegen Polen, worin er d e m C z a r e n zur
E h r e kretinartigen Cynismus treibt.
M a n h a t Proudhon oft m i t Rousseau verglichen. N i c h t s k a n n falscher
sein. E h e r h a t er A e h n l i c h k e i t m i t Nie. Linguet, dessen „Theorie des Lois Civiles" übrigens ein sehr geniales Buch ist.
P r o u d h o n neigte von N a t u r zur Dialektik. Da er aber n i e die wirklich
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wissenschaftliche Dialektik begriff, b r a c h t e er es n u r zur Sophistik. In der
That hing das m i t s e i n e m kleinbürgerlichen S t a n d p u n k t z u s a m m e n . Der
Kleinbürger ist wie der Geschichtsschreiber Raumer z u s a m m e n g e s e t z t aus
Einerseits u n d Andrerseits. So in s e i n e n ö k o n o m i s c h e n Interessen, u n d da5 her in seiner Politik, s e i n e n religiösen, wissenschaftlichen u n d künstlerischen A n s c h a u u n g e n . So in seiner Moral, so in everything. Er ist der lebendige W i d e r s p r u c h . Ist er dabei, wie P r o u d h o n , ein geistreicher M a n n , so
wird er bald m i t s e i n e n eigenen W i d e r s p r ü c h e n spielen l e r n e n u n d sie je
n a c h U m s t ä n d e n z u auffallenden, geräuschvollen, m a n c h m a l scandalösen,
10
m a n c h m a l brillanten P a r a d o x e n ausarbeiten. Wissenschaftlicher Charlatanismus u n d politische A c c o m m o d a t i o n sind von s o l c h e m S t a n d p u n k t u n zertrennlich. Es bleibt n u r n o c h ein t r e i b e n d e s Motiv, die Eitelkeit des
Subjekts, u n d es fragt sich wie bei allen Eiteln n u r n o c h um d e n Erfolg des
Augenblicks, um das A u f s e h n des Tages. So erlischt n o t h w e n d i g der einfa-
che sittliche Takt, der e i n e n R o u s s e a u ζ. B. selbst j e d e m S c h e i n - C o m p r o miß m i t d e n b e s t e h e n d e n G e w a l t e n stets fern hielt.
Vielleicht wird die Nachwelt die j ü n g s t e Phase des F r a n z o s e n t h u m s dadurch charakterisiren, d a ß Louis B o n a p a r t e sein N a p o l e o n war u n d Proud h o n sein Rousseau-Voltaire.
20
Sie m ü s s e n n u n selbst die Verantwortlichkeit dafür ü b e r n e h m e n , d a ß
Sie, so bald n a c h d e m T o d e des M a n n e s , die Rolle des T o d t e n r i c h t e r s m i r
aufgebürdet.
15
I h r ganz ergebener
Karl Marx.
67
Friedrich
Herr
Engels
Tidmann.
Altdänisches
Volkslied
Nr. 18, 5. Februar 1865
Herr Tidmann.
Altdänisches Volkslied.
F r ü h am Morgen, da ward es Tag,
H e r r T i d m a n n kleidet' sich vor d e m Bett,
U n d er zog an sein H e m d so schön.
D a s loben alle die Süderleut.
Er zog an sein H e m d so schön,
Sein seidner R o c k war herrlich u n d grün,
Bockslederne Stiefel schnürt er ans Bein.
Bockslederne Stiefel schnürt' er ans Bein
Vergoldete Sporen schnallte er drein,
So zog er h i n z u m S ü d e r h a r d e r Thing.
So zog er h i n z u m Süderharder Thing,
D i e Steuer verlangt' er von j e d e m Edeling;
Sieben Scheffel Roggen von j e d e s M a n n e s Pflug.
Sieben Scheffel Roggen von j e d e s M a n n e s Pflug,
D a s vierte Schwein aus d e m Mastungswald A u f da stund der alte M a n n .
Das loben alle die Süderleut.
A u f da stund der alte M a n n :
K e i n e r von u n s das geben k a n n
U n d ehe die Steuer z a h l e n wir Das loben alle die Süderleut.
68
Herr Tidmann. Altdänisches Volkslied
„ U n d e h e die Steuer zahlen wir,
Bleibt jeder M a n n am Thinge hier I h r S ü d e r h a r d e r B a u e r n steht z u s a m m e n i m Ring!"
5
10
15
„Ihr Süderharder B a u e r n steht z u s a m m e n im Ring,
H e r r T i d m a n n darf l e b e n d n i c h t k o m m e n v o m Thing!"
D e n ersten Schlag der alte M a n n schlug.
D e n ersten Schlag der alte M a n n schlug,
H e r r n T i d m a n n n i e d e r zu B o d e n er schlug,
Da liegt Herr T i d m a n n , von i h m r i n n t das Blut.
Da liegt Herr T i d m a n n , von i h m r i n n t das Blut,
D o c h frei geht der Pflug im schwarzen G r u n d ,
Frei g e h n die Schweine im Mastungswald.
Dies Stück mittelalterlichen Bauernkriegs spielt in der S ü d e r h a r d e (Harde
ist Gerichtsbezirk) nördlich von A a r h a u s in J u t l a n d . A u f d e m Thing, der
Gerichtsversammlung des Bezirks, wurden a u ß e r d e n gerichtlichen a u c h
20 Steuer- u n d Verwaltungssachen erledigt, u n d wie m i t d e m A u f k o m m e n des
Adels dieser d e n Edelingen, d. h. den freien B a u e r n gegenübertrat, zeigt
das Lied ebensowohl wie die Art u n d Weise, wie die B a u e r n der Adelsarroganz ein Ziel zu setzen wußten. In e i n e m L a n d e wie D e u t s c h l a n d , wo die
besitzende Klasse ebensoviel F e u d a l a d e l wie Bourgeoisie u n d das Proleta25 riat ebensoviel oder m e h r Ackerbau-Proletarier als industrielle Arbeiter
enthält, wird das kräftige alte Bauernlied grade am Platze sein.
Friedrich Engels.
69
Karl
Marx
An die Redaktion des „Social-Demokraten".
Entwurf für e i n e g e m e i n s a m mit Friedrich
abgegebene
Engels
Erklärung
I An die Redaction des „Social-Demokrat".
Erklärung.
N. 16 Ihres Blatts verdächtigt Herr M . H e s s von Paris aus die i h m ganz u n d
gar u n b e k a n n t e n französischen Mitglieder des Londoner Centralcomites der int e r n a t i o n a l e n Arbeiterassociation m i t d e n W o r t e n : „Es ist in der T h a t nicht
a b z u s e h n , was es verschlägt, wenn sich auch einige Freunde des Palais-Royal
in der Londoner Gesellschaft befänden, da sie eine öffentliche ist u. s.w."
In frührer N u m m e r , bei Beplauderung des Blatts: „L'Association", insinuirte derselbe Herr M. H. Aehnliches gegen die Pariser Freunde des Londoner Comités. W i r erklären seine I n s i n u a t i o n e n für abgeschmackte Verläumdung.
Im Uebrigen freut es u n s durch diesen Zwischenfall u n s r e U e b e r z e u gung bestätigt zu sehn, daß das Pariser Proletariat d e m B o n a p a r t i s m u s in
b e i d e n Gestalten, der Tuileriengestalt u n d der Gestalt des Palais Royal,
n a c h wie vor unversöhnlich gegenübersteht u n d k e i n e n Augenblick m i t
d e m Plan u m g i n g seine historische (oder sollen wir sagen statt „seine historische Ehre", „sein historisches Erstgeburtsrecht als Träger der Revolution"?)
Ehre für ein Gericht Linsen zu verkaufen. W i r empfehlen d e n d e u t s c h e n
Arbeitern d i e ß Muster.
L o n d o n u n d Manchester. |
70
Friedrich
Die p r e u ß i s c h e
und
Engels
Militärfrage
die deutsche Arbeiterpartei
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~- ·~
b
~(;.:_~:..::' '·:·:
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Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · I
|3| Die D e b a t t e ü b e r die Militärfrage ist bisher lediglich zwischen der R e gierung u n d F e u d a l p a r t e i auf der einen, u n d der liberalen u n d radikalen
Bourgeoisie auf der a n d e r e n Seite geführt worden. Jetzt, wo die Krisis herannaht, ist es an der Zeit, daß a u c h die Arbeiterpartei sich ausspricht.
5
Zu der Kritik der militärischen T h a t s a c h e n , um die es sich handelt, könn e n wir n u r von d e n vorliegenden t h a t s ä c h l i c h e n Verhältnissen ausgehen.
Wir k ö n n e n der p r e u ß i s c h e n Regierung n i c h t z u m u t h e n , anders zu h a n deln, als v o m p r e u ß i s c h e n S t a n d p u n k t aus, solange die jetzigen Verhältnisse i n D e u t s c h l a n d u n d E u r o p a bestehen. Ebensowenig m u t h e n wir der
10 Bourgeois-Opposition zu, von e i n e m a n d e r n als von d e m S t a n d p u n k t ihrer
eigenen Bourgeois-Interessen a u s z u g e h e n .
Die Partei der Arbeiter, die in allen Fragen zwischen R e a c t i o n u n d Bürgerthum a u ß e r h a l b des eigentlichen Konflikts steht, h a t d e n Vortheil, solche Fragen ganz kaltblütig u n d u n p a r t e i i s c h b e h a n d e l n zu k ö n n e n . Sie al15 lein k a n n sie wissenschaftlich b e h a n d e l n , historisch, als ob sie schon
vergangen, a n a t o m i s c h , als ob sie schon Cadaver wären.
I.
Wie es m i t der p r e u ß i s c h e n A r m e e n a c h d e m früheren System aussah, darüber k ö n n e n n a c h d e n Mobilmachungs-Ver||4jsuchen von 1850 u n d 1859
20 keine zwei M e i n u n g e n sein. Die absolute M o n a r c h i e war seit 1815 durch
die öffentliche Zusage g e b u n d e n : keine n e u e n Steuern zu erheben u n d
keine A n l e i h e n a u s z u s c h r e i b e n o h n e vorherige G e n e h m i g u n g der künftigen Landesvertretung. Diese Zusage zu brechen, war u n m ö g l i c h ; keine A n leihe o h n e solche G e n e h m i g u n g versprach den geringsten Erfolg. Die Steu25 ern waren aber im G a n z e n so eingerichtet, d a ß b e i s t e i g e n d e m
L a n d e s r e i c h t h u m ihr Ertrag keineswegs in d e m s e l b e n Verhältniß stieg. D e r
Absolutismus war arm, sehr arm, u n d die a u ß e r o r d e n t l i c h e n A u s g a b e n in
75
Friedrich Engels
Folge der S t ü r m e von 1830 waren h i n r e i c h e n d , ihn zur ä u ß e r s t e n Sparsamkeit zu nöthigen. D a h e r die Einführung der zweijährigen Dienstzeit, d a h e r
ein Ersparnißsystem in allen Zweigen der Armeeverwaltung, das die für
eine M o b i l m a c h u n g bereit zu h a l t e n d e n Ausrüstungsgegenstände n a c h
Q u a n t i t ä t u n d Qualität auf das allerniedrigste N i v e a u reduzirte. T r o t z d e m
5
sollte P r e u ß e n s Stellung als G r o ß m a c h t b e h a u p t e t werden; hierzu bedurfte
m a n , für d e n Beginn eines Kriegs, einer möglichst starken ersten Feldarm e e , u n d schlug d a h e r die Landwehr ersten Aufgebots dazu. M a n sorgte
also dafür, d a ß gleich b e i m ersten d r o h e n d e n Kriegsfall e i n e M o b i l m a c h u n g nöthig wurde, u n d daß m i t dieser das ganze G e b ä u d e z u s a m m e n - 10
brach. D e r Fall trat 1850 ein u n d endete m i t d e m vollständigsten Fiasco
Preußens.
1850 k a m m a n bloß dahin, die materiellen M ä n g e l des Systems k e n n e n
zu lernen; die ganze Sache war vorüber, e h e die m o r a l i s c h e n B l ö ß e n hervortreten k o n n t e n . D i e von d e n K a m m e r n bewilligten F o n d s w u r d e n benutzt, um d e n materiellen M ä n g e l n soweit möglich abzuhelfen. Soweit
möglich; d e n n es wird u n t e r allen U m s t ä n d e n u n m ö g l i c h sein, das M a t e rial der Art bereit zu halten, d a ß in 14 Tagen die eingezogenen Reserven,
u n d n a c h 14 T a g e n das ganze erste Aufgebot der L a n d w e h r schlagfertig
ausgerüstet sein k a n n . M a n vergesse nicht, ||5| daß die Linie h ö c h s t e n s
3 Jahrgänge, Reserve u n d erstes Aufgebot aber z u s a m m e n 9 Jahrgänge
zählten, also für 3 schlagfertige L i n i e n s o l d a t e n in 4 W o c h e n m i n d e s t e n s
7 Eingezogene a u s z u r ü s t e n waren. N u n k a m der italienische Krieg von
1859, u n d d a m i t eine n e u e allgemeine M o b i l m a c h u n g . A u c h hier traten
n o c h materielle M ä n g e l g e n u g hervor, sie traten aber weit zurück gegen die
moralischen Blößen des Systems, welche j e t z t erst, bei der längeren D a u e r
des m o b i l e n Standes, aufgedeckt wurden. Die L a n d w e h r war vernachlässigt
worden, das ist u n l ä u g b a r ; die Cadres ihrer Bataillone existirten großentheils nicht u n d m u ß t e n erst geschaffen werden; u n t e r d e n b e s t e h e n d e n
Offizieren waren viele für d e n Felddienst untauglich. A b e r selbst wenn
dies Alles anders gewesen wäre, so blieb d o c h i m m e r die T h a t s a c h e , daß
die Offiziere ihren L e u t e n nicht anders als ganz fremd sein k o n n t e n , fremd
n a m e n t l i c h n a c h der Seite ihrer militärischen Befähigung, u n d d a ß diese
militärische Befähigung bei d e n m e i s t e n zu gering war, als d a ß Bataillone
m i t solchen Offizieren m i t Vertrauen gegen erprobte T r u p p e n gesandt werd e n k o n n t e n . W e n n die Landwehroffiziere sich im d ä n i s c h e n Krieg sehr
gut geschlagen h a b e n , so vergesse m a n nicht, d a ß es ein großer Unterschied ist, ob ein Bataillon % Linien- u n d % Landwehroffiziere besitzt, oder
u m g e k e h r t . D a z u k a m aber ein entscheidender P u n k t . Es stellte sich sofort
h e r a u s , was m a n h ä t t e vorherwissen k ö n n e n : d a ß m a n m i t der L a n d w e h r
zwar schlagen, n a m e n t l i c h zur Vertheidigung des eignen L a n d e s schlagen,
76
15
20
25
30
35
40
Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • I
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
aber u n t e r k e i n e n U m s t ä n d e n d e m o n s t r i r e n k a n n . D i e L a n d w e h r ist eine
so defensive Institution, d a ß m i t ihr eine Offensive selbst erst in Folge
einer zurückgeschlagenen Invasion möglich ist, wie 1814 u n d 1815. E i n
aus meist verheiratheten L e u t e n von 26 bis 32 J a h r e n b e s t e h e n d e s Aufgebot läßt sich n i c h t M o n a t e lang an den G r e n z e n m ü ß i g aufstellen, während
täglich die Briefe von H a u s e einlaufen, daß F r a u u n d ||6| K i n d e r d a r b e n ;
d e n n a u c h die U n t e r s t ü t z u n g e n für die F a m i l i e n der E i n b e r u f e n e n zeigten
sich als ü b e r alle Begriffe u n g e n ü g e n d . D a z u k a m n o c h , daß die L e u t e
nicht wußten, gegen wen sie sich schlagen sollten, gegen F r a n z o s e n oder
Oestreicher - u n d k e i n e r von B e i d e n hatte d a m a l s P r e u ß e n etwas zu Leide
gethan. U n d m i t solchen, d u r c h m o n a t e l a n g e s Müßigsteheri demoralisirten
Truppen sollte m a n fest organisirte u n d kriegsgewohnte A r m e e n angreifen?
D a ß eine A e n d e r u n g eintreten m u ß t e , ist klar. Preußen m u ß t e u n t e r d e n
gegebenen Verhältnissen eine festere Organisation der ersten F e l d a r m e e
haben. W i e ist diese hergestellt worden?
M a n ließ die e i n b e r u f e n e n 36 Landwehrregimenter der Infanterie einstweilen bestehen, u n d verwandelte sie allmählig in n e u e Linienregimenter.
N a c h u n d n a c h w u r d e a u c h die Cavalerie u n d Artillerie soweit vermehrt,
daß sie d i e s e m stärkeren Stand der F u ß t r u p p e n entsprachen, u n d e n d l i c h
wurde die Festungsartillerie von der Feldartillerie getrennt, welches letztere jedenfalls eine Verbesserung war, n a m e n t l i c h für P r e u ß e n . M i t e i n e m
Wort, die Infanterie w u r d e verdoppelt, die Cavalerie u n d Artillerie u n g e fähr um die Hälfte erhöht. - Um diesen verstärkten A r m e e b e s t a n d aufrecht zu erhalten, wurde vorgeschlagen, die Dienstzeit in der Linie von 5
auf 7 J a h r e a u s z u d e h n e n - 3 J a h r e bei d e n F a h n e n (bei der Infanterie), 4
in der Reserve - dagegen die Verpflichtung z u m zweiten Aufgebot der
Landwehr um 4 J a h r e a b z u k ü r z e n , u n d endlich die jährliche R e k r u t i r u n g
von der bisherigen Z a h l von 40 000 auf 63 000 zu e r h ö h e n . Die L a n d w e h r
wurde inzwischen ganz vernachlässigt.
D i e V e r m e h r u n g der Bataillone, Schwadronen u n d Batterien, wie sie
hiermit festgesetzt war, entsprach fast genau der Ver||7|mehrung der Bevölkerung P r e u ß e n s von 10 Mill. 1815 auf 18 Mill. 1 8 6 1 ; da P r e u ß e n s R e i c h t h u m inzwischen rascher gewachsen ist als seine Bevölkerung, u n d da die
andern e u r o p ä i s c h e n G r o ß s t a a t e n ihre Heere seit 1815 in weit größerem
M a ß e verstärkt h a b e n , so war eine solche V e r m e h r u n g der Cadres sicher
nicht zu h o c h gegriffen. D a b e i erschwerte der Vorschlag von allen Lasten
des Dienstpflichtigen n u r die der j ü n g s t e n Altersklassen, die Reservepflicht, erleichterte dagegen die Landwehrpflicht in den ältesten Jahresklassen im doppelten Verhältniß, u n d h o b thatsächlich das zweite Aufgebot fast ganz auf, i n d e m n u n das erste Aufgebot so ziemlich die früher d e m
zweiten angewiesene Stellung erhielt.
77
Friedrich Engels
Dagegen ließ sich wider den Entwurf e i n w e n d e n :
Die allgemeine Wehrpflicht - beiläufig die einzige d e m o k r a t i s c h e Institution, welche in P r e u ß e n , w e n n a u c h n u r auf d e m Papier, b e s t e h t - ist ein
so e n o r m e r Fortschritt gegen alle bisherigen militärischen E i n r i c h t u n g e n ,
d a ß wo sie e i n m a l , w e n n a u c h n u r in u n v o l l k o m m e n e r Durchführung, bes t a n d e n hat, sie auf die D a u e r nicht wieder abgeschafft werden kann. Es
gibt n u r zwei klar b e s t i m m t e G r u n d l a g e n für u n s e r e h e u t i g e n H e e r e : entweder W e r b u n g - u n d diese ist veraltet u n d n u r in A u s n a h m e f ä l l e n wie
E n g l a n d möglich - oder allgemeine Wehrpflicht. Alle Conscriptionen u n d
A u s l o o s u n g e n sind e b e n n u r sehr u n v o l l k o m m e n e F o r m e n der letzteren. 10 •$
D e r G r u n d g e d a n k e des preußischen Gesetzes von 1814: d a ß j e d e r Staatsbürger, der körperlich d a z u fähig ist, a u c h verpflichtet ist, w ä h r e n d seiner
waffenfähigen J a h r e persönlich die Waffen zur Vertheidigung des L a n d e s
zu führen - dieser G r u n d g e d a n k e steht h o c h ü b e r d e m Princip des Stellvertreter-Kaufs aller Conscriptionsländer, u n d wird n a c h fünfzigjährigem 15
Bestehen sicher nicht d e n sehnsüchtigen W ü n s c h e n der Bourgeoisie n a c h
Einführung des ||8| „Menschenfleisch-Handels", wie die F r a n z o s e n sagen,
z u m Opfer fallen.
Ist aber die preußische Wehrverfassung e i n m a l auf allgemeine Dienstpflicht, o h n e Stellvertretung begründet, so k a n n sie n u r d a d u r c h in ihrem
eignen Geist u n d wohlthätig fortgebildet werden, d a ß ihr G r u n d p r i n c i p imm e r m e h r verwirklicht wird. Sehen wir, wie es d a m i t steht.
1815 auf 10 M i l l i o n e n Einwohner 4 0 0 0 0 A u s g e h o b e n e , m a c h t 4 aufs
Tausend. 1861 auf 18 Millionen 63 000 A u s g e h o b e n e , m a c h t 3]/ aufs Tausend. Also ein Rückschritt, wenn a u c h ein Fortschritt gegenüber d e m
Stand der D i n g e bis 1859, wo bloß 2% aufs T a u s e n d a u s g e h o b e n wurden.
Um n u r d e n Procentsatz von 1815 wieder zu erreichen, m ü ß t e n
72 000 M a n n a u s g e h o b e n werden. (Wir werden sehen, daß allerdings jedes
J a h r ungefähr diese Z a h l oder m e h r in das H e e r eintritt.) A b e r ist die kriegerische Stärke des p r e u ß i s c h e n Volkes m i t einer j ä h r l i c h e n Rekrutirung
von 4 aufs T a u s e n d der Bevölkerung erschöpft?
Die D a r m s t ä d t e r Allgemeine Militärzeitung h a t wiederholte M a l e aus
d e n Statistiken der d e u t s c h e n Mittelstaaten nachgewiesen, d a ß in Deutschland vollkommen die Hälfte der zur R e k r u t i r u n g k o m m e n d e n j u n g e n Leute
diensttauglich ist. N u n betrug die A n z a h l der im J a h r e 1861 zur Rekrutirung k o m m e n d e n j u n g e n M ä n n e r , n a c h der Zeitschrift des P r e u ß . statistischen Bureaus (März 1864) - 227 005. Dies gäbe jährlich 113 500 diensttaugliche R e k r u t e n . W i r wollen von diesen 6500 als u n a b k ö m m l i c h oder
moralisch unfähig streichen, so bleiben i m m e r n o c h 107 000 übrig. W a r u m
d i e n e n von diesen n u r 63 000 oder h ö c h s t e n s 7 2 - 7 5 000 M a n n ?
Der Kriegsminister v. R o o n theilte in der Session 1863 ||9| der Militär-
20
i.
2
78
25
30
35
40 |
C o m m i s s i o n des A b g e o r d n e t e n h a u s e s folgende Aufstellung m i t ü b e r die
A u s h e b u n g von 1 8 6 1 :
Gesammtzahl der Bevölkerung (Zählung von 1858)
Zwanzigjährige Militärpflichtige, Klasse 1861
5 Aus früheren Jahren übernommene Militärpflichtige, über die noch
nicht endgültig entschieden
10
15
20
25
30
17 758 823
217 438
348 364 565 802
Davon sind:
1) Unermittelt geblieben
55 770
2) In andere Kreise gezogen oder dort gestellungspflichtig
geworden
82 216
3) Ohne Entschuldigung ausgeblieben
10960
4) Als dreijährige Freiwillige eingetreten
5 025
5) Zum einjährigen Freiwilligen-Dienst berechtigt
14811
6) Als Theologen zurückgestellt oder befreit
1638
7) Seedienstpflichtig
299
596
8) Als moralisch unfähig gestrichen
9) Augenfällig unbrauchbar von der Bezirks-Commission
entlassen
2 489
10) Dauernd unbrauchbar von der Bezirks-Commission entlassen
15 238
11) Zur Ersatzreserve übergetreten:
a. Unter 5 Fuß nach
dreimaliger Conkurrenz 8 998
b. Unter 5' 1" 3"'
9553
c. Zeitig unbrauchbar
»
»
46761
d. Wegen häusl. Verhältn. »
»
4213
e. Disponibel nach fünfmaliger Conkurrenz
291
69 816
12) Zum Train designirt, außer den zum Train Ausgehobenen
6774
13) Auf ein Jahr zurückgestellt:
a. Zeitig unbrauchbar
219136
b. Wegen häusl. Verhältnisse
10013
c. Wegen Ehrenstrafen und Untersuchung
1087
230236 495 868
Bleiben zur Aushebung
69934
Wirklich ausgehoben
59459
Bleiben disponibel
10475
So u n v o l l k o m m e n diese Statistik ist, so u n k l a r sie Alles d a d u r c h m a c h t ,
daß in j e d e r Position von 1 bis 13 die L e u t e der Altersklasse 1861 m i t d e n
aus d e n b e i d e n früheren Altersklassen verfügbar g e b l i e b e n e n L e u t e n zus a m m e n geworfen werden, so erhält sie d o c h einige sehr kostbare Eingeständnisse. I
|10| Es wurden eingestellt als R e k r u t e n 5 9 4 5 9 M a n n . Als dreijährige
40 Freiwillige traten ein 5025. Z u m einjährigen Dienst waren berechtigt
1 4 8 1 1 ; da m a n es b e k a n n t l i c h m i t der Tauglichkeit der einjährigen Freiwilligen gar n i c h t so g e n a u n i m m t , weil sie nichts kosten, so dürfen wir a n n e h m e n , d a ß m i n d e s t e n s die Hälfte, also 7400, wirklich eintraten. Dies ist
sehr gering gerechnet; die Klasse von Leuten, die z u m einjährigen Dienst
35
79
Friedrich Engels
qualificiren, b e s t e h t o h n e h i n meistens aus tauglichen L e u t e n ; solche, die
von vornherein u n b r a u c h b a r sind, geben sich gar n i c h t erst die M ü h e zu
qualificiren. D o c h n e h m e n wir 7400 an. D a n a c h traten in die A r m e e ein
i m J a h r e 1861 z u s a m m e n 7 1 8 8 4 M a n n .
Sehen wir weiter. Als Theologen w u r d e n zurückgestellt oder befreit
5
1638 M a n n . W a r u m die H e r r e n Theologen nicht d i e n e n sollen, ist n i c h t
a b z u s e h e n . Im Gegentheil, ein J a h r A r m e e d i e n s t , L e b e n in der freien Luft,
u n d B e r ü h r u n g m i t der Außenwelt k a n n i h n e n n u r n u t z e n . Stellen wir sie
also flott ein; % der G e s a m m t z a h l aufs laufende Jahr, davon drei Viertel
untauglich, m a c h t i m m e r 139 M a n n , welche m i t z u n e h m e n sind.
10
Es wurden entlassen 18 551 M a n n , weil sie das M a a ß n i c h t h a t t e n . W o h l gemerkt, n i c h t des Dienstes ü b e r h a u p t , s o n d e r n „zur Reserve entlassen".
Im Kriegsfall sollen sie also d o c h D i e n s t t h u n . N u r der P a r a d e d i e n s t des
Friedens soll i h n e n erlassen bleiben, d a z u sind sie nicht a n s e h n l i c h genug.
M a n gesteht also zu, d a ß diese kleinen L e u t e ganz gut z u m D i e n s t b r a u c h - 15
bar sind, u n d will sie selbst für d e n Nothfall b e n u t z e n . Daß diese kleinen
L e u t e ganz gute Soldaten sein k ö n n e n , beweist die französische A r m e e , in
der Leute bis zu 4 F u ß 8 Zoll h e r a b d i e n e n . W i r schlagen sie also u n b e dingt zu d e n militärischen Ressourcen des L a n d e s . D i e obige Z a h l
schließt | | 1 1 | bloß diejenigen ein, welche definitiv, n a c h dreimaliger Con- 20
kurrenz wegen Körperkürze zurückgewiesen w u r d e n ; es ist also eine Zahl,
die sich j ä h r l i c h wiederholt. W i r streichen die Hälfte als aus a n d e r n Rücksichten u n b r a u c h b a r , es bleiben u n s also 9275 kleine Kerle, welche ein gewandter Offizier sicher bald in prächtige Soldaten u m a r b e i t e n würde.
F e r n e r finden wir z u m Train designirt, außer d e n z u m T r a i n ausgehobe- 25
n e n L e u t e n , 6774. D e r T r a i n gehört aber a u c h zur A r m e e , u n d es ist n i c h t
a b z u s e h e n , weßwegen diese Leute n i c h t die kurze sechsmonatige Dienstzeit b e i m T r a i n m i t m a c h e n sollen, was sowohl für sie wie für d e n T r a i n
besser wäre.
W i r h a b e n also:
30
Wirklich in D i e n s t getretene L e u t e
Theologen
Taugliche Leute, die das M a ß n i c h t h a b e n
Z u m T r a i n designirte Leute
Zusammen
71884
139
9 275
6 774
88 072 M a n n ,
welche n a c h d e m eigenen Eingeständniß der von R o o n s c h e n Statistik jedes
J a h r i n die A r m e e eintreten k ö n n t e n , w e n n m a n m i t der allgemeinen
Wehrpflicht Ernst m a c h t e .
N e h m e n wir n u n die U n b r a u c h b a r e n vor.
80
35
5
Es werden auf ein J a h r zurückgestellt als
zeitig u n b r a u c h b a r
N a c h dreimaliger C o n k u r r e n z , als ditto,
in die Reserve verwiesen
Als d a u e r n d u n b r a u c h b a r gestrichen nur
Zusammen
219136 Mann.
46 761 »
17727 »
283 624 M a n n ,
so d a ß die wegen wirklicher körperlicher G e b r e c h e n dauernd u n t a u g l i c h e n
Leute n o c h n i c h t 7 % der s ä m m t l i c h e n , wegen U n t a u g l i c h k e i t vom Dienst
ausgeschlossenen Mannschaft, n o c h n i c h t 4 % der g e s a m m t e n , j ä h r l i c h vor
10 die E r s a t z c o m m i s s i o n e n |[12| k o m m e n d e n L e u t e bilden. B e i n a h e 17% der
zeitig U n t a u g l i c h e n werden jährlich, n a c h dreimaliger C o n k u r r e n z , in die
Reserve verwiesen. Es sind also 23jährige Leute, L e u t e in e i n e m Alter, wo
die K ö r p e r c o n s t i t u t i o n bereits anfängt sich zu setzen. W i r werden sicher
nicht zu h o c h greifen, w e n n wir a n n e h m e n , d a ß von diesen e i n Drittel
15
n a c h e r r e i c h t e m 2 5 . Lebensjahre z u m Dienst ganz b r a u c h b a r ist, m a c h t
15 587 M a n n . D a s M i n d e s t e , was m a n von diesen L e u t e n erwarten k a n n ,
ist, d a ß sie zwei J a h r e lang j e d e s J a h r b e i der Infanterie drei M o n a t e D i e n s t
t h u n , u m wenigstens die R e k r u t e n s c h u l e d u r c h z u m a c h e n . D i e s k ä m e
gleich einer V e r m e h r u n g der F r i e d e n s a r m e e u m 3897 M a n n .
20
N u n ist aber das g a n z e m e d i z i n i s c h e Prüfungswesen der R e k r u t e n in
P r e u ß e n i n eine e i g e n t h ü m l i c h e B a h n gelenkt worden. M a n h a t t e i m m e r
m e h r R e k r u t e n als m a n einstellen k o n n t e , u n d m a n wollte d o c h d e n
Schein der a l l g e m e i n e n Wehrpflicht b e i b e h a l t e n . W a s war b e q u e m e r , als
sich die b e s t e n L e u t e in der gewünschten Z a h l a u s z u s u c h e n , u n d d e n R e s t
25 u n t e r irgend w e l c h e m Vorwande für u n t a u g l i c h zu erklären? U n t e r diesen
Verhältnissen, welche, wohlgemerkt, seit 1815 in P r e u ß e n b e s t a n d e n h a b e n
u n d n o c h b e s t e h e n , h a t der Begriff der U n t a u g l i c h k e i t dort eine ganz a b n o r m e A u s d e h n u n g erhalten, wie dies am besten bewiesen ist d u r c h die
Vergleichung m i t d e n d e u t s c h e n Mittelstaaten. In diesen, wo die Conscrip30 tion u n d A u s l o o s u n g besteht, lag k e i n G r u n d vor, m e h r L e u t e für u n t a u g lich zu erklären, als wirklich u n t a u g l i c h waren. Die Verhältnisse sind dieselben wie in P r e u ß e n ; in e i n z e l n e n Staaten, S a c h s e n ζ. B., n o c h
schlechter, weil dort der Prozentsatz der industriellen Bevölkerung größer
ist. N u n ist wie gesagt in der A l l g e m e i n e n Militär-Zeitung aber u n d aber35
mais nachgewiesen worden, d a ß in d e n M i t t e l s t a a t e n eine volle Hälfte der
zur Gestellung k o m m e n d e n L e u t e b r a u c h b a r ist, u n d das m u ß i n P r e u ß e n
auch ||13| der Fall sein. Sobald ein ernsthafter Krieg ausbricht, wird die
Vorstellung von der Diensttauglichkeit in P r e u ß e n eine plötzliche Revolution erleben, u n d m a n wird d a n n , zu s e i n e m S c h a d e n zu spät, erfahren,
40 wie viel b r a u c h b a r e Kräfte m a n sich hat e n t g e h e n lassen.
81
Friedrich Engels
N u n aber k o m m t das W u n d e r b a r s t e . U n t e r d e n 565 802 Dienstpflichtigen, ü b e r die zu e n t s c h e i d e n ist, sind:
U n e r m i t t e l t geblieben
In a n d e r e Kreise gezogen oder dort
gestellungspflichtig geworden
O h n e Entschuldigung ausgeblieben
Zusammen
55 770 M a n n .
82216»
10 9 6 0 »
148 946 M a n n .
5
Also trotz der g e r ü h m t e n preußischen Controle - u n d wer je in P r e u ß e n
militärpflichtig war, weiß, was es d a m i t zu sagen h a t - verschwinden volle
27 % der Dienstpflichtigen in j e d e m Jahr? W i e ist das möglich? U n d wo 10
bleiben die 8 2 2 1 6 M a n n , welche aus der Liste gestrichen werden, weil sie
„in a n d e r e Kreise gezogen, oder dort gestellungspflichtig geworden" sind?
Braucht m a n h e u t z u t a g e bloß von Berlin n a c h P o t s d a m z u ziehen, u m von
der Dienstpflicht frei zu k o m m e n ? W i r wollen a n n e h m e n , d a ß h i e r - H o m e r s c h l u m m e r t ja bisweilen - die H e r r e n B e a m t e n in ihrer Statistik ein- 15
fach e i n e n Bock geschossen h a b e n , n ä m l i c h daß diese 8 2 2 1 6 M a n n u n t e r
der G e s a m m t s u m m e von 565 802 zweimal figuriren: erstens in i h r e m H e i mathskreise u n d zweitens in d e m Kreise, wohin sie ausgewandert sind. Es
wäre sehr zu wünschen, daß dies festgestellt würde, wozu die Militärcommission der K a m m e r die beste Gelegenheit hat, d e n n eine R e d u c t i o n der 20
wirklichen Militärpflichtigen auf 483 586 würde alle Prozentsätze b e d e u t e n d ä n d e r n . N e h m e n wir indeß an, d a ß d e m so ist, so bleiben i m m e r n o c h
66 730 M a n n , welche ||14| jährlich verschwinden u n d verdunsten, o h n e daß
die preußische Controle u n d Polizei sie u n t e r d e n H e l m b r i n g e n k a n n . Das
sind b e i n a h e 14 % der Dienstpflichtigen. H i e r a u s folgt, daß die g a n z e Erschwerung der Freizügigkeit, welche u n t e r d e m Vorwand der Militärpflichts-Controle in P r e u ß e n herrscht, vollständig überflüssig ist. Die wirkliche A u s w a n d e r u n g aus P r e u ß e n ist notorisch sehr gering, u n d steht in gar
k e i n e m Verhältniß zu der Z a h l der v e r d u n s t e t e n R e k r u t e n . Diese b e i n a h e
67 000 M a n n w a n d e r n a u c h gar nicht alle aus. D e r größte Theil bleibt entweder ganz im I n l a n d e , oder geht n u r auf kurze Zeit ins A u s l a n d . Ueberh a u p t sind alle Präventiv-Maßregeln gegen E n t z i e h u n g von der Militärpflicht u n n ü t z , u n d treiben höchstens zur A u s w a n d e r u n g an. D i e Masse
der j u n g e n L e u t e k a n n o h n e h i n nicht auswandern. M a n lasse n u r die L e u t e
richtig u n d o h n e G n a d e n a c h d i e n e n , die sich der Einstellung e n t z o g e n haben, s o b r a u c h t m a n d e n g a n z e n P l u n d e r von Plackerei u n d Schreiberei
nicht, u n d b e k o m m t m e h r R e k r u t e n als vorher.
W i r wollen übrigens, um ganz sicher zu gehen, n u r dasjenige als erwiesen a n n e h m e n , was aus H e r r n von R o o n ' s eigner Statistik hervorgeht: n ä m lich, daß, die einjährigen Freiwilligen ungerechnet, 8 5 0 0 0 j u n g e Leute
82
25
30
35
40
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
jährlich eingestellt werden k ö n n e n . N u n ist der Stand der jetzigen Friedensarmee ungefähr 2 1 0 0 0 0 Mann.- Bei zweijähriger Dienstzeit geben
8S000 M a n n j ä h r l i c h z u s a m m e n 1 7 0 0 0 0 M a n n , w o z u Offiziere, Unteroffiziere u n d K a p i t u l a n t e n , 25 bis 35 000 M a n n , k o m m e n , m a c h t z u s a m m e n
195 bis 205 000 M a n n , m i t d e n einjährigen Freiwilligen 202 bis
212 000 M a n n . M i t zweijähriger Dienstzeit der Infanterie u n d Fußartillerie
(von der Cavalerie sprechen wir später) k ö n n e n also selbst n a c h der eigenen Statistik der Regierung s ä m m t l i c h e Cadres der reorganisirten A r m e e
auf d e n vollen F r i e d e n s s t a n d ||15| gebracht werden. Bei wirklicher D u r c h führung der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht würde m a n , bei zweijähriger Dienstzeit höchst wahrscheinlich 3 0 000 M a n n m e h r h a b e n ; m a n k ö n n t e also, u m
doch die Z a h l v o n 2 0 0 - 2 1 0 0 0 0 M a n n nicht z u überschreiten, e i n e n Theil
der Leute schon n a c h 1 - 1 ½ J a h r entlassen. E i n e solche frühere Entlassung
als P r ä m i e für Diensteifer würde der g a n z e n A r m e e m e h r n ü t z e n als sechs
M o n a t e längerer Dienstzeit.
Der Kriegsfuß würde sich wie folgt stellen:
4 Jahrgänge des Reorganisationsplans ergeben à 63 000 M a n n
252 000 Reservisten. 3 Jahrgänge à 85 000 ergeben 2 5 5 0 0 0 Reservisten.
Also sicher ebenso günstig wie der Reorganisationsplan. (Da es sich hier
nur um das Verhältniß handelt, m a c h t es nichts aus, daß wir von den A b gängen der Reserve-Altersklassen h i e r ganz absehen.)
Hier liegt der schwache P u n k t des Reorganisationsplans. U n t e r d e m
Schein, auf die ursprüngliche allgemeine Wehrpflicht zurückzugreifen,
welche allerdings o h n e eine Landwehr als große Armeereserve n i c h t bestehen k a n n , m a c h t er- vielmehr eine Schwenkung n a c h d e m französischöstreichischen Cadresystem hin, u n d bringt d a d u r c h eine U n s i c h e r h e i t in
die preußische Wehrverfassung, d i e von d e n s c h l i m m s t e n F o l g e n sein
m u ß . M a n k a n n nicht beide Systeme vermischen, m a n k a n n nicht die Vortheile beider zugleich h a b e n . Es ist unläugbar, u n d nie bestritten worden,
daß ein Cadressystem mit langer Dienst- u n d Präsenzzeit der A r m e e für
den Anfang des Kriegs große Vortheile gewährt. Die L e u t e k e n n e n sich
besser; selbst die Beurlaubten, d e n e n der U r l a u b meist n u r auf kürzere
Zeit auf e i n m a l z u g e m e s s e n wird, s e h e n sich w ä h r e n d der g a n z e n Urlaubszeit als Soldaten an u n d sind stets auf d e m Sprunge, zu d e n F a h n e n e i n b e rufen zu werden - was die p r e u ß i s c h e n Reservisten sicher ||16| n i c h t sind;
die Bataillone h a b e n d a d u r c h u n b e d i n g t m e h r Halt, wenn sie z u m ersten
Mal ins F e u e r k o m m e n . Dagegen ist e i n z u w e n d e n , d a ß w e n n m a n hierauf
am m e i s t e n sieht, m a n ebensogut das englische System der zehnjährigen
Dienstzeit b e i d e n F a h n e n a n n e h m e n k a n n ; d a ß d e n F r a n z o s e n ihre algierischen F e l d z ü g e , die Kriege in der K r i m u n d in Italien sicher weit m e h r
genützt h a b e n als die lange Dienstzeit; u n d d a ß m a n endlich, bei d i e s e m
83
Friedrich Engels
System, n u r e i n e n Theil des waffenfähigen Materials a u s b i l d e n k a n n , also
lange nicht alle Kräfte der N a t i o n in Thätigkeit bringt. A u ß e r d e m gewöhnt
sich der deutsche Soldat erfahrungsmäßig sehr leicht ans F e u e r , u n d drei
tüchtige, m i t m i n d e s t e n s wechselndem G l ü c k durchgeführte Gefechte
bringen ein sonst gutes Bataillon schon so weit, wie ein ganzes J a h r ExtraDienstzeit. F ü r e i n e n Staat wie P r e u ß e n ist das Cadressystem eine U n m ö g lichkeit. M i t d e m Cadressystem brächte P r e u ß e n es auf eine A r m e e von
höchstens 3 - 4 0 0 0 0 0 M a n n , bei e i n e m F r i e d e n s s t a n d e von 2 0 0 0 0 0 M. Soviel aber h a t es, um als G r o ß m a c h t sich zu halten, schon für die erste Felda r m e e z u m A u s r ü c k e n nöthig, d.h. es bedarf, m i t F e s t u n g s b e s a t z u n g e n , Ersatzmannschaften, u. s. w. für j e d e n ernsthaften Krieg 5 - 6 0 0 0 0 0 M a n n .
W e n n die 18 M i l l i o n e n P r e u ß e n im Krieg ein a n n ä h e r n d ebenso zahlreiches H e e r aufstellen sollen wie die 35 Mill. F r a n z o s e n , 34 Mill. Oestreicher, u n d 60 Mill. R u s s e n , so k a n n das n u r d u r c h allgemeine Dienstpflicht,
kurze aber angestrengte Dienstzeit, u n d v e r h ä l t n i ß m ä ß i g lange LandwehrVerpflichtung geschehen. M a n wird bei d i e s e m System i m m e r v o n der
Schlagfertigkeit u n d selbst von der Schlagtüchtigkeit der Truppe, im ersten
Augenblicke des Kriegs, etwas zu opfern h a b e n ; Staat u n d Politik w e r d e n
e i n e n n e u t r a l e n , defensiven Charakter erhalten; m a n wird sich aber a u c h
e r i n n e r n dürfen, d a ß die ü b e r m ü t h i g e Offensive des Cadressystems von
J e n a n a c h Tilsit, u n d die bescheidne Defensive des Landwehrsystems |
|17| m i t allgemeiner Dienstpflicht von der K a t z b a c h n a c h Paris geführt hat.
Also: Entweder Conscription u n d Stellvertretung m i t 7 - 8 j ä h r i g e r Dienstzeit, wovon etwa die Hälfte bei den F a h n e n , u n d d a n n keine spätere L a n d wehrverpflichtung; oder aber, allgemeine Dienstpflicht m i t 5, h ö c h s t e n s
6jähriger Dienstzeit, wovon 2 bei den F a h n e n , u n d d a n n Landwehrverpflichtung in preußischer oder schweizerischer Art. A b e r d a ß die Masse
des Volks erst die Last des Conscriptionssystems u n d n a c h h e r n o c h die des
Landwehrsystems tragen soll, das k a n n keine europäische N a t i o n m i t m a chen, n i c h t e i n m a l die Türken, die doch in ihrer kriegerischen Barbarei im
Ertragen n o c h das Meiste leisten. Viele ausgebildete L e u t e bei kurzer
Dienstzeit u n d langer Verpflichtung, oder wenige bei langer Dienstzeit u n d
kurzer Verpflichtung - das ist die Frage; aber m a n m u ß entweder das E i n e
oder das A n d r e wählen.
5
10
15
20
25
30
W i l l i a m Napier, der d e n englischen Soldaten n a t ü r l i c h für d e n ersten 35
der Welt erklärt, sagt in seiner Geschichte des Halbinselkriegs, d a ß der
englische Infanterist n a c h dreijähriger Dienstzeit n a c h allen Seiten vollständig ausgebildet sei. N u n m u ß m a n wissen, d a ß die E l e m e n t e , aus den e n sich die englische A r m e e zu Anfang dieses J a h r h u n d e r t s z u s a m m e n setzte, die niedrigsten waren, aus d e n e n ü b e r h a u p t ein H e e r gebildet 40
werden k a n n . Die h e u t i g e englische A r m e e ist aus viel bessern E l e m e n t e n
84
r
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
gebildet, u n d a u c h diese sind n o c h u n e n d l i c h schlechter, in moralischer
u n d intellectueller Beziehung, als die E l e m e n t e der p r e u ß i s c h e n A r m e e .
U n d was die englischen Offiziere m i t j e n e m L u m p e n g e s i n d e l in drei J a h ren fertig brachten, das sollte m a n in P r e u ß e n m i t d e m so äußerst bildsam e n , theilweise schon so gebildeten, von vorn h e r e i n moralisch geschulten
Rekruten-Rohstoff n i c h t in 2 J a h r e n m a c h e n k ö n n e n ?
Allerdings m u ß der Soldat jetzt m e h r lernen. Aber das ist ||18| n i e ernstlich gegen die zweijährige Dienstzeit eingewandt worden. M a n hat sich
stets auf die A n e r z i e h u n g des wahren Soldatengeistes gestützt, der erst im
dritten Dienstjahr h e r a u s k o m m e . Dies ist, w e n n die H e r r e n ehrlich h e r a u s sprechen, u n d w e n n wir von der o b e n zugegebenen größeren Tüchtigkeit
der Bataillone a b s e h n wollen, weit m e h r ein politisches als ein militärisches Motiv. D e r wahre Soldatengeist soll sich am i n n e r e n D ü p p e l m e h r
bewähren als am ä u ß e r e n . W i r h a b e n nie gesehen, d a ß der einzelne preußisehe Soldat im dritten Dienstjahre etwas m e h r gelernt h a t als sich langweilen, den R e k r u t e n Schnäpse auspressen, u n d ü b e r seine Vorgesetzten
schlechte Witze reißen. W e n n die m e i s t e n unsrer Offiziere n u r ein J a h r als
G e m e i n e oder Unteroffiziere gedient h ä t t e n , so k ö n n t e i h n e n dies u n m ö g lich entgangen sein. - Der „wahre Soldatengeist", soweit er politischer
N a t u r ist, geht erfahrungsmäßig u n d sehr rasch z u m Teufel u n d zwar
auf N i m m e r w i e d e r k e h r e n . D e r militärische bleibt, a u c h n a c h 2 Dienstjahren.
Zwei J a h r e Dienstzeit reichen also, bei u n s e r n Soldaten, vollständig hin,
sie für d e n Infanteriedienst auszubilden. S e i t d e m die Feldartillerie von der
Festungsartillerie getrennt ist, gilt von d e r Fußartillerie dasselbe; einzelne
Schwierigkeiten, welche sich hier zeigen m ö g e n , werden sich h e b e n lassen,
sei es d u r c h n o c h größere T h e i l u n g der Arbeit, sei es d u r c h die o h n e h i n
wünschenswerthe Vereinfachung des Feldartillerie-Materials. E i n e größere
Einstellung von K a p i t u l a n t e n würde ebenfalls keine Schwierigkeiten finden; aber diese Klasse von L e u t e n ist ja grade in der p r e u ß i s c h e n A r m e e
gar n i c h t gern gesehen, sofern sie sich n i c h t zu Unteroffizieren eignen welch ein Z e u g n i ß gegen die lange Dienstzeit! N u r bei der Festungsartillerie u n d m i t i h r e m s o sehr mannichfaltigen Material, u n d b e i m G e n i e m i t
seinen vielseitigen Arbeitszweigen, die d o c h n i e ganz getrennt werden könn e n , werden intelligente K a p i t u l a n t e n werth||19|voll, aber a u c h selten sein.
Die reitende Artillerie wird die Dienstzeit der Cavalerie nöthig h a b e n .
W a s die Cavalerie betrifft, so b r a u c h t eine geborene Reiterei n u r kurze,
eine erzogene dagegen u n b e d i n g t lange Dienstzeit. W i r h a b e n wenig geborene Reiterei, u n d b r a u c h e n daher die vierjährige Dienstzeit des Reorganizo sationsplanes sicher. D i e Reiterei h a t zu ihrer einzigen wahren Kampfform
den geschlossenen Angriff m i t der b l a n k e n Waffe, zu dessen Durchführung
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der höchste M u t h u n d das vollste Vertrauen der L e u t e auf e i n a n d e r gehört.
D i e Leute m ü s s e n also wissen, daß sie sich auf e i n a n d e r u n d auf ihre F ü h rer verlassen k ö n n e n . D a z u gehört lange Dienstzeit. Aber o h n e V e r t r a u e n
des Reiters auf sein Pferd taugt die Cavalerie a u c h nichts; der M a n n m u ß
e b e n reiten k ö n n e n , u n d um diese Sicherheit in der Beherrschung des Pfer5
des - d.h. so ziemlich jedes Pferdes, das i h m zugetheilt wird - erlangen zu
k ö n n e n , d a z u gehört a u c h lange Dienstzeit. In dieser Waffe sind Kapitulanten u n b e d i n g t wünschenswerth, je achtere L a n d s k n e c h t e , desto besser,
so lange sie n u r Spaß am Handwerk h a b e n . M a n wird u n s v o n oppositioneller Seite vorwerfen, das heiße eine Reiterei von lauter M i e t h l i n g e n 10
schaffen, die zu j e d e m Staatsstreich die H a n d b i e t e n würde. W i r antwort e n : mag sein. A b e r die Cavalerie wird u n t e r b e s t e h e n d e n Verhältnissen
i m m e r reaktionär sein ( m a n vergleiche die b a d i s c h e n Dragoner 1849),
grade wie die Artillerie i m m e r liberal sein wird. Das liegt in der N a t u r der
Sache. E i n p a a r K a p i t u l a n t e n m e h r oder weniger ä n d e r n d a r a n nichts. Und
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b e i m B a r r i k a d e n k a m p f in großen Städten, n a m e n t l i c h die H a l t u n g der Infanterie u n d Artillerie dabei, entscheidet aber h e u t zu Tage das Schicksal
aller Staatsstreiche.
N u n gibt es aber, außer der V e r m e h r u n g der K a p i t u l a n t e n , ||20| n o c h andere Mittel, die Schlagfähigkeit u n d d e n i n n e r e n Z u s a m m e n h a n g einer Arm e e m i t kurzer Dienstzeit z u h e b e n . H i e r z u gehören u . A . Uebungslager,
wie der Kriegsminister von R o o n sie selbst als ein Ausgleichsmittel der
kürzeren Dienstzeit bezeichnet hat. Ferner ein rationeller Betrieb der A u s bildung, u n d in dieser Beziehung ist in P r e u ß e n n o c h sehr viel zu t h u n .
Der ganze Aberglaube, daß bei kurzer Dienstzeit die ü b e r t r i e b e n e Präcision des P a r a d e m a r s c h e s , das „stramme" Exerciren, u n d das lächerlich
h o h e A u f h e b e n der Beine - „frei aus d e m Hüftgelenk" ein L o c h in die Natur stoßen - nöthig seien, um die kurze Dienstzeit aufzuwiegen - dieser
ganze A b e r g l a u b e b e r u h t auf lauter Uebertreibung. M a n h a t sich das in der
p r e u ß i s c h e n A r m e e so lange vorgeredet, bis es zuletzt zu e i n e m unzweifelbaren A x i o m geworden ist. Was hat es für e i n e n Vortheil, w e n n die Leute
bei den Gewehrgriffen das Gewehr m i t einer V e h e m e n z gegen die Schulter
schlagen, d a ß sie b e i n a h e umfallen, u n d d o c h ein höchst u n m i l i t ä r i s c h e s
Schüttern d u r c h die ganze Front geht, wie m a n es bei keiner a n d e r n A r m e e
sieht? - E n d l i c h ist als ein Aequivalent der verkürzten Dienstzeit - u n d
als das wesentlichste, a n z u s e h n eine bessere körperliche E r z i e h u n g der Jugend. N u r m u ß m a n d a n n a u c h z u s e h e n , daß wirklich etwas geschieht.
M a n hat zwar in allen Dorfschulen Barren u n d Reck aufgestellt, a b e r d a m i t
k ö n n e n u n s e r e a r m e n Schullehrer n o c h wenig anfangen. M a n setze in jed e n Kreis m i n d e s t e n s e i n e n ausgedienten Unteroffizier h i n , der sich z u m
Turnlehrer qualificirt, u n d gebe i h m die Leitung des Unterrichts im Tur-
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n e n ; m a n sorge dafür, d a ß m i t der Zeit der Schuljugend das M a r s c h i r e n in
R e i h u n d Glied, die Bewegungen eines Zugs u n d einer K o m p a g n i e , die
Vertrautheit m i t den betreffenden K o m m a n d o s beigebracht werden. I n
6 - 8 J a h r e n wird m a n reichlich dafür bezahlt werden u n d - m e h r u n d stärkere R e k r u t e n h a b e n . |
| 2 1 | Bei der obigen Kritik des Reorganisationsplans h a b e n wir u n s , wie
gesagt, lediglich an die thatsächlich vorliegenden politischen u n d militärischen Verhältnisse gehalten. Zu diesen gehört die Voraussetzung, daß u n ter den jetzigen U m s t ä n d e n die gesetzliche Feststellung der zweijährigen
Dienstzeit für die Infanterie u n d Fußartillerie die höchste zu erreichende
Verkürzung der Dienstzeit war. W i r sind sogar der M e i n u n g , daß ein Staat
wie P r e u ß e n d e n größten Bock begehen würde - sei an der Regierung welche Partei da wolle - w e n n er die n o r m a l e Dienstzeit augenblicklich n o c h
m e h r verkürzte. Solange m a n die französische A r m e e auf der einen, die
russische auf der a n d e r n Seite hat, u n d die Möglichkeit eines c o m b i n i r t e n
Angriffs Beider zu gleicher Zeit, b r a u c h t m a n T r u p p e n , die die ersten Elem e n t e der Kriegsschule nicht erst vor d e m F e i n d zu lernen h a b e n . W i r
n e h m e n daher keinerlei Rücksicht auf die P h a n t a s i e n von e i n e m Milizheer
m i t sozusagen gar keiner Dienstzeit; wie m a n sich die Sache vorstellt, ist
sie h e u t e für ein L a n d von 18 M i l l i o n e n E i n w o h n e r n u n d sehr exponirten
G r ä n z e n u n m ö g l i c h , u n d selbst für andere Verhältnisse n i c h t in dieser
Weise möglich.
N a c h allem Vorhergegangenen: waren die G r u n d z ü g e des Reorganisationsplans für ein A b g e o r d n e t e n h a u s a n n e h m b a r , das sich auf d e n preußisehen S t a n d p u n k t stellt? W i r sagen, aus militärischen u n d politischen
G r ü n d e n : die V e r m e h r u n g der Cadres in der durchgeführten Weise, die
Verstärkung der F r i e d e n s a r m e e auf 1 8 0 - 2 0 0 0 0 0 M a n n , die Z u r ü c k s c h i e bung der L a n d w e h r ersten Aufgebots in die große Armeereserve oder
zweite F e l d a r m e e resp. Festungsbesatzung, war a n n e h m b a r auf die Bedingung h i n : daß die allgemeine Dienstpflicht streng durchgeführt, daß die Dienstzeit auf zwei Jahre bei der Fahne, drei in der Reserve, und bis zum 3 6. Jahr in der
Landwehr gesetzlich festgesetzt, u n d endlich d a ß die ||22| Cadres der Landwehr
ersten Aufgebots wiederhergestellt wurden. W a r e n diese B e d i n g u n g e n zu erlangen? N u r W e n i g e , die d e n D e b a t t e n gefolgt sind, werden läugnen, daß dies
unter der „ n e u e n A e r a " u n d selbst vielleicht n o c h später m ö g l i c h war.
W i e b e n a h m sich n u n die bürgerliche Opposition? |
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II.
Die preußische Bourgeoisie, die als der entwickeltste T h e i l der g a n z e n
d e u t s c h e n Bourgeoisie hier ein R e c h t hat, diese m i t zu repräsentiren, fristet ihre politische Existenz d u r c h e i n e n M a n g e l an M u t h , der in der G e schichte, selbst dieser wenig couragirten Klasse, seines G l e i c h e n n i c h t fin- 5
det, u n d n u r d u r c h die gleichzeitigen auswärtigen Ereignisse e i n i g e r m a ß e n
entschuldigt wird. Im M ä r z u n d April 1848 h a t t e sie das Heft in der H a n d ;
aber k a u m b e g a n n e n die ersten selbstständigen R e g u n g e n der Arbeiterklasse, als die Bourgeoisie sofort Angst b e k a m u n d sich u n t e r d e n Schutz
derselben Bureaukratie u n d desselben F e u d a l a d e l s zurückflüchtete, die sie 10
e b e n n o c h m i t Hülfe der Arbeiter besiegt h a t t e . D i e Periode Manteuffel
war die unvermeidliche Folge. E n d l i c h k a m - o h n e Z u t h u n der bürgerlic h e n Opposition - die „neue Aera". D e r unverhoffte Glücksfall verdrehte
den Bürgern die Köpfe. Sie vergaßen ganz die Stellung, die sie sich d u r c h
ihre wiederholten Verfassungsrevisionen, ihre Unterwerfung u n t e r die Bu- 15
reaukratie u n d die F e u d a l e n (bis zur Wiederherstellung der feudalen Provinzial- u n d Kreisstände), ihr fortwährendes Z u r ü c k w e i c h e n von Position
zu Position selbst g e m a c h t hatten. Sie glaubten jetzt wieder das Heft in der
H a n d zu h a b e n , u n d vergaßen ganz, daß sie selbst alle die i h n e n feindlic h e n M ä c h t e wiederhergestellt hatten, die, s e i t d e m erstarkt, ganz wie vor 20
1848 die wirkliche ||24| Staatsgewalt in Besitz hielten. Da k a m die A r m e e Reorganisation wie eine b r e n n e n d e B o m b e zwischen sie gefahren.
Die Bourgeoisie h a t n u r zwei Wege, sich politische M a c h t zu verschaffen. Da sie eine A r m e e von Offizieren o h n e Soldaten ist, u n d sich diese
Soldaten n u r aus d e n Arbeitern schaffen k a n n , so m u ß sie entweder sich 25
die Allianz der Arbeiter sicher stellen, oder sie m u ß d e n ihr n a c h O b e n geg e n ü b e r s t e h e n d e n M ä c h t e n , n a m e n t l i c h d e m K ö n i g t h u m , die politische
M a c h t stückweise abkaufen. Die G e s c h i c h t e der englischen u n d französischen Bourgeoisie zeigt, daß kein anderer W e g existirt.
N u n h a t t e die preußische Bourgeoisie - u n d zwar o h n e allen G r u n d - 30
alle Lust verloren, eine aufrichtige Allianz m i t d e n Arbeitern zu schließen.
Im J a h r e 1848 war die, d a m a l s n o c h in d e n Anfangen der Entwickelung
u n d Organisation begriffene, deutsche Arbeiterpartei bereit, für sehr billige
B e d i n g u n g e n die Arbeit für die Bourgeoisie zu t h u n , aber diese fürchtete
die geringste selbstständige Regung des Proletariats m e h r als d e n F e u d a l a - 35
del u n d die Bureaukratie. D i e um den Preis der Knechtschaft erkaufte
R u h e schien ihr Wünschenswerther als selbst die bloße Aussicht des K a m p fes m i t der Freiheit. S e i t d e m war dieser heilige Schrecken vor d e n Arbeitern bei d e n Bürgern traditionell geworden, bis e n d l i c h H e r r Schulze-De-
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Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei • II
litzsch seine Sparbüchsen-Agitation begann. Sie sollte d e n Arbeitern beweisen, d a ß sie kein größeres G l ü c k h a b e n k ö n n t e n als Zeitlebens, u n d
selbst in i h r e n N a c h k o m m e n , von der Bourgeoisie industriell ausgebeutet
zu werden; ja d a ß sie selbst zu dieser A u s b e u t u n g beitragen m ü ß t e n , in5 d e m sie d u r c h allerhand industrielle Vereine sich selbst e i n e n Nebenverdienst u n d d a m i t d e n Kapitalisten die Möglichkeit z u r H e r a b s e t z u n g des
Arbeitslohns verschafften. Obwohl n u n die industrielle Bourgeoisie sicher
neben d e n Cavalerie-Lieutenants die ungebildetste Klasse deutscher N a tion ist, so war d o c h b e i e i n e m geistig so entwickelten Volk ||25| wie d e m
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deutschen eine solche Agitation von vornherein o h n e alle Aussicht auf
d a u e r n d e n Erfolg. Die einsichtigeren Köpfe der Bourgeoisie selbst m u ß t e n
begreifen, d a ß daraus nichts werden k o n n t e , u n d die Allianz m i t d e n Arbeitern fiel abermals durch.
Blieb das Feilschen m i t der Regierung um politische M a c h t , wofür baares Geld - a u s der Volkstasche n a t ü r l i c h - b e z a h l t wurde. D i e wirkliche
M a c h t der Bourgeoisie im Staate b e s t a n d n u r in d e m , n o c h d a z u sehr verclausulirten - Steuerbewilligungsrecht. Hier also m u ß t e der H e b e l angesetzt werden, u n d eine Klasse, die sich so vortrefflich aufs A b d i n g e n verstand, m u ß t e hier sicher im Vortheil sein.
Aber n e i n . Die preußische bürgerliche Opposition - ganz im Gegensatz
n a m e n t l i c h z u d e m klassischen B ü r g e r t h u m E n g l a n d s i m 17. u n d 18. Jahrhundert - verstand die Sache d a h i n : daß sie M a c h t erfeilsche ohne G e l d
dafür zu zahlen.
V o m rein-bürgerlichen S t a n d p u n k t aus, u n d u n t e r voller Berücksichtigung der Verhältnisse, u n t e r d e n e n die A r m e e - R e o r g a n i s a t i o n vorgebracht
wurde, was war da die richtige Politik der bürgerlichen Opposition? Sie
m u ß t e es wissen, w e n n sie ihre Kräfte k a n n t e , d a ß sie, die e b e n n o c h a u s
der Manteuffelschen Erniedrigung - u n d wahrlich o h n e ihr eigenes Z u thun - e m p o r g e h o b e n worden war, sicher n i c h t die M a c h t hatte, die faktisehe Durchführung des Planes zu hindern, die ja a u c h ins W e r k gesetzt
wurde. Sie m u ß t e wissen, daß m i t j e d e r fruchtlos h i n g e g a n g e n e n Session
die n e u e , faktisch b e s t e h e n d e E i n r i c h t u n g schwerer zu beseitigen war; d a ß
also die Regierung von J a h r zu J a h r weniger b i e t e n würde, um die Z u s t i m m u n g der K a m m e r zu erlangen. Sie m u ß t e wissen, daß sie n o c h lange nicht
soweit war, Minister ein- u n d absetzen zu k ö n n e n , d a ß also, je länger der
Konflikt dauerte, je weniger zu C o m p r o m i s s e n geneigte M i n i s t e r sie sich
gegenüber h a b e n würde. Sie m u ß t e endlich wissen, daß es vor A l l e m ihr
eignes ||26| Interesse war, die Sache n i c h t auf die Spitze zu treiben. D e n n
ein ernstlicher Konflikt m i t der Regierung m u ß t e , b e i d e m Entwicklungsstände der p r e u ß i s c h e n Arbeiter, nothwendig e i n e u n a b h ä n g i g e Arbeiterbewegung ins L e b e n rufen, u n d ihr d a m i t wieder für d e n ä u ß e r s t e n Fall das
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D i l e m m a vorführen: entweder eine Allianz m i t d e n Arbeitern, aber diesm a l u n t e r weit ungünstigeren B e d i n g u n g e n als 1848; oder aber: auf die
K n i e e vor der Regierung, u n d : pater peccavi!
D i e liberale u n d fortschrittliche Bourgeoisie m u ß t e d e m n a c h die A r m e e Reorganisation, m i t s a m m t der davon u n z e r t r e n n l i c h e n E r h ö h u n g des
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Friedensstandes einer u n b e f a n g e n e n sachlichen Prüfung unterwerfen, wobei sie wahrscheinlich zu ungefähr denselben R e s u l t a t e n g e k o m m e n wäre
wie wir. Sie durfte d a b e i n i c h t vergessen, d a ß sie die vorläufige Einführung
der N e u e r u n g doch n i c h t h i n d e r n , u n d ihre schließliche Feststellung n u r
verzögern k o n n t e , so lange der Plan so viel richtige u n d b r a u c h b a r e Ele- 10
m e n t e enthielt. Sie m u ß t e also vor allen D i n g e n sich h ü t e n , von vorn herein in eine direkt feindliche Stellung gegen die Reorganisation zu komm e n ; sie m u ß t e im G e g e n t h e i l diese Reorganisation u n d die dafür zu
bewilligenden G e l d e r b e n u t z e n , um sich dafür von der „ n e u e n A e r a " möglichst viel Aequivalente zu kaufen, um die 9 oder 10 M i l l i o n e n n e u e Steu- 15
ern in möglichst viel politische Gewalt für sich selbst u m z u s e t z e n .
U n d was war da nicht Alles n o c h zu t h u n ! Da war die ganze Manteuffelsche Gesetzgebung ü b e r die Presse u n d das Vereinsrecht; da war die ganze,
aus der absoluten M o n a r c h i e unverändert ü b e r n o m m e n e Polizei- u n d Beamtengewalt; die Beseitigung der Gerichte d u r c h Competenzconflikte; die
Provinzial- u n d Kreisstände; vor A l l e m die u n t e r Manteuffel h e r r s c h e n d e
Auslegung der Verfassung, gegenüber welcher eine n e u e ||27| constitutionelle Praxis festzustellen war; die V e r k ü m m e r u n g der städtischen Selbstregierung d u r c h die Bureaukratie, u n d n o c h h u n d e r t andere D i n g e , die jede
a n d e r e Bourgeoisie in gleicher Lage gern m i t einer Steuervermehrung von
% Thaler pr. Kopf erkauft hätte, u n d die Alle zu h a b e n waren, w e n n m a n
einiger M a ß e n geschickt verfuhr. A b e r die bürgerliche Opposition dachte
anders. W a s die Preß-, Vereins- u n d Versammlungsfreiheit anging, so hatten Manteuffel's Gesetze gerade dasjenige M a ß festgestellt, worin die Bürger sich behaglich fühlten. Sie k o n n t e n u n g e h i n d e r t gelind gegen die Regierung d e m o n s t r i r e n ; j e d e V e r m e h r u n g der Freiheit b r a c h t e ihnen
weniger Vortheil als d e n Arbeitern, u n d ehe die Bourgeoisie d e n Arbeitern
Freiheit zu einer selbstständigen Bewegung gab, ließ sie sich lieber etwas
m e h r Zwang von Seiten der Regierung a n t h u n . E b e n s o war es m i t der Beschränkung der Polizei- u n d Beamtengewalt. Die Bourgeoisie glaubte,
d u r c h das M i n i s t e r i u m der „ n e u e n Aera" die Bureaukratie sich s c h o n unterworfen zu h a b e n , u n d sah es gern, daß diese Bureaukratie freie H a n d gegen die Arbeiter behielt. Sie vergaß ganz, daß die Bureaukratie weit stärker
u n d lebenskräftiger war, als irgend ein bürgerfreundliches Ministerium.
U n d d a n n bildete sie sich ein, daß m i t d e m Fall Manteuffels das tausendjährige R e i c h der Bürger eingetreten sei, u n d d a ß es sich n u r n o c h d a r u m
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h a n d l e , die reife E r n t e der bürgerlichen Alleinherrschaft e i n z u h e i m s e n ,
o h n e e i n e n Pfennig dafür zu zahlen.
Aber die vielen zu bewilligenden Gelder, n a c h d e m schon die paar J a h r e
seit 1848 soviel Geld gekostet, die Staatsschuld so vermehrt u n d die Steuern so erhöht h a t t e n ! - M e i n e Herren, Sie sind die D e p u t i r t e n des j ü n g s t e n
constitutionellen Staats der Welt, u n d Sie wissen nicht, d a ß der Constitutionalismus die theuerste Regierungsform der Welt ist? fast n o c h t h e u r e r
als der B o n a p a r t i s m u s , der - après m o i le déluge - die ||28| alten S c h u l d e n
d u r c h i m m e r n e u e deckt u n d so in z e h n J a h r e n die Ressourcen eines Jahrh u n d e r t s discontirt? Die goldenen Zeiten des gefesselten Absolutismus,
die I h n e n n o c h i m m e r vorschweben, k o m m e n n i e wieder.
A b e r die Verfassungsklauseln wegen F o r t e r h e b u n g e i n m a l bewilligter
Steuern? - J e d e r m a n n weiß, wie verschämt die „neue A e r a " im Geldfordern war. D a d u r c h , d a ß m a n , für wohlverbriefte Gegenconcessionen, die
Ausgaben für die Reorganisation ins O r d i n a r i u m setzte, d a d u r c h war n o c h
wenig vergeben. Es h a n d e l t e sich um die Bewilligung n e u e r Steuern, wodurch diese A u s g a b e n z u d e c k e n waren. Hier k o n n t e m a n knausern, u n d
dazu k o n n t e m a n sich kein besseres M i n i s t e r i u m w ü n s c h e n als das der
n e u e n Aera. M a n behielt d o c h das Heft in der H a n d , soweit m a n es vorher
besaß, u n d m a n h a t t e sich n e u e M a c h t m i t t e l auf a n d e r n G e b i e t e n erobert.
A b e r die Stärkung der Reaktion, wenn m a n ihr Hauptwerkzeug, die Arm e e , verdoppelte? - D i e s ist ein Gebiet, wo die Fortschrittsbürger m i t sich
selbst in die unauflöslichsten Konflikte gerathen. Sie verlangen von Preußen, es soll die Rolle des d e u t s c h e n P i é m o n t spielen. D a z u gehört e i n e
starke schlagfertige A r m e e . Sie h a b e n ein M i n i s t e r i u m der „ n e u e n Aera",
das im Stillen dieselben A n s i c h t e n hegt, das beste M i n i s t e r i u m , das sie,
u n t e r d e n U m s t ä n d e n , h a b e n k ö n n e n . Sie verweigern d i e s e m M i n i s t e r i u m
die verstärkte A r m e e . - Sie führen tagtäglich, von M o r g e n bis A b e n d ,
Preußens R u h m , P r e u ß e n s G r ö ß e , P r e u ß e n s M a c h t e n t w i c k e l u n g auf der
Z u n g e ; aber sie verweigern P r e u ß e n eine Armee-Verstärkung, die n u r im
richtigen V e r h ä l t n i ß zu derjenigen steht, welche die ü b r i g e n G r o ß m ä c h t e
seit 1814 bei sich eingeführt h a b e n . - W e ß h a l b das Alles? Weil sie fürchten, diese Verstärkung werde n u r der R e a k t i o n zu G u t e k o m m e n , werde
den h e r u n t e r g e k o m m e n e n Of||29|fiziersadel h e b e n u n d ü b e r h a u p t der feudalen u n d bureaukratisch-absolutistischen Partei die M a c h t geben, m i t
e i n e m Staatsstreich d e n g a n z e n K o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m u s zu begraben.
Zugegeben, d a ß die Fortschrittsbürger R e c h t hatten, die R e a k t i o n n i c h t
zu stärken, u n d d a ß die A r m e e der sicherste H i n t e r h a l t der R e a k t i o n war.
Aber gab es d e n n je eine bessere Gelegenheit, die A r m e e u n t e r die K o n trole der K a m m e r zu bringen, als grade diese Reorganisation, vorgeschlagen von d e m bürgerfreundlichsten M i n i s t e r i u m , das Preußen in ruhigen
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Zeiten je erlebt hatte? Sobald m a n sich bereit erklärte, die Armeeverstärkung u n t e r gewissen Bedingungen zu bewilligen, war es da n i c h t grade
möglich, ü b e r die K a d e t t e n h ä u s e r , die Adelsbevorzugung u n d alle a n d e r e n
Klagepunkte ins R e i n e z u k o m m e n u n d G a r a n t i e e n z u erlangen, welche
d e m Offizierkorps e i n e n m e h r bürgerlichen Charakter g a b e n ? D i e „neue
Aera" war sich n u r über Eins klar: d a ß die Armeeverstärkung durchgesetzt
werden m ü s s e . Die Umwege, auf d e n e n sie die R e o r g a n i s a t i o n ins Leben
schmuggelte, bewiesen am besten ihr böses Gewissen u n d ihre F u r c h t vor
den A b g e o r d n e t e n . Hier m u ß t e m i t b e i d e n H ä n d e n zugegriffen werden;
eine solche C h a n c e für die Bourgeoisie war in h u n d e r t J a h r e n n i c h t wieder
zu erwarten. W a s ließ sich nicht Alles im Detail aus d i e s e m M i n i s t e r i u m
herausschlagen, w e n n die Fortschrittsbürger die Sache n i c h t knauserig,
sondern als große Spekulanten auffaßten!
U n d n u n gar die praktischen Folgen der Reorganisation auf das Offizierkorps selbst! Es m u ß t e n Offiziere für die doppelte A n z a h l Bataillone gefund e n werden. Die K a d e t t e n h ä u s e r reichten bei w e i t e m n i c h t m e h r aus. M a n
war so liberal wie n o c h nie vorher in F r i e d e n s z e i t e n ; m a n offerirte die
Lieutenantsstellen gradezu als P r ä m i e n an S t u d e n t e n , A u s c u l t a t o r e n u n d
alle gebildeten j u n g e n Leute. W e r die preußische A r m e e n a c h der Reorganisation wieder sah, k a n n t e das Offizierkorps n i c h t m e h r . ||30| W i r sprec h e n n i c h t von Hörensagen, sondern von eigener A n s c h a u u n g . D e r specifische Lieutenantsdialekt war in d e n H i n t e r g r u n d gedrängt, die jüngeren
Offiziere sprachen ihre natürliche Muttersprache, sie gehörten keineswegs
einer geschlossenen Kaste an, sondern repräsentirten m e h r als je seit 1815
alle gebildeten Klassen u n d alle Provinzen des Staats. Hier war also die Position d u r c h die Nothwendigkeit der Ereignisse schon g e w o n n e n ; es handelte sich n u r n o c h d a r u m , sie zu b e h a u p t e n u n d a u s z u n u t z e n . Statt dessen wurde alles das von d e n Fortschrittsbürgern ignorirt u n d fortgeredet,
als ob alle diese Offiziere adlige K a d e t t e n seien. U n d d o c h waren seit 1815
nie m e h r bürgerliche Offiziere in P r e u ß e n als grade jetzt.
Beiläufig gesagt, schreiben wir das flotte Auftreten der p r e u ß i s c h e n Offiziere vor d e m F e i n d im schleswig-holsteinischen Kriege h a u p t s ä c h l i c h dieser Infusion frischen Blutes zu. Die alte Klasse Subalternoffiziere allein
hätte nicht gewagt, so oft auf eigene Verantwortung zu h a n d e l n . In dieser
Beziehung h a t die Regierung Recht, w e n n sie der R e o r g a n i s a t i o n e i n e n wesentlichen Einfluß auf die „Eleganz" der Erfolge zuschreibt; in welcher anderen H i n s i c h t die Reorganisation d e n D ä n e n furchtbar war, ist für uns
n i c h t ersichtlich.
E n d l i c h der H a u p t p u n k t : die Erleichterung eines Staatsstreichs durch
die Verstärkung der Friedensarmee? - Es ist ganz richtig, d a ß A r m e e n die
Werkzeuge sind, womit m a n Staatsstreiche m a c h t , u n d daß also j e d e Ar-
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meeverstärkung a u c h die Durchführbarkeit eines Staatsstreichs vermehrt.
Aber die für einen G r o ß s t a a t erforderliche A r m e e s t ä r k e richtet sich n i c h t
n a c h der größeren o d e r geringeren Aussicht auf Staatsstreiche, s o n d e r n
n a c h der G r ö ß e der A r m e e n der a n d e r e n G r o ß s t a a t e n . H a t m a n A gesagt,
so m u ß m a n a u c h Β sagen. N i m m t m a n e i n M a n d a t als p r e u ß i s c h e r Abgeordneter an, schreibt m a n P r e u ß e n s G r ö ß e u n d europäische M a c h t s t e l l u n g
auf seine F a h n e , s o m u ß m a n a u c h z u s t i m m e n , d a ß | | 3 1 | die M i t t e l hergestellt werden, o h n e welche von P r e u ß e n s G r ö ß e u n d M a c h t s t e l l u n g k e i n e
R e d e sein k a n n . K ö n n e n diese M i t t e l n i c h t hergestellt werden, o h n e Staats10 streiche zu erleichtern, desto s c h l i m m e r für die H e r r e n F o r t s c h r i t t s m ä n n e r .
H ä t t e n sie sich n i c h t 1848 so lächerlich feig u n d u n g e s c h i c k t b e n o m m e n ,
die Periode der Staatsstreiche wäre wahrscheinlich längst vorbei. U n t e r d e n
obwaltenden U m s t ä n d e n aber bleibt i h n e n n i c h t s übrig als die Armeeverstärkung i n der e i n e n o d e r a n d e r n F o r m schließlich d o c h a n z u e r k e n n e n
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u n d ihre B e d e n k e n wegen Staatsstreichen für sich zu b e h a l t e n .
I n d e ß h a t die Sache d o c h n o c h a n d e r e Seiten. Erstens war es i m m e r gerathener, m i t e i n e m M i n i s t e r i u m der „ n e u e n A e r a " ü b e r die Bewilligung
dieses Staatsstreich-Instruments zu v e r h a n d e l n , als m i t e i n e m M i n i s t e r i u m
Bismarck. Zweitens m a c h t selbstredend j e d e r weitere Schritt z u r wirkli20 chen D u r c h f ü h r u n g der a l l g e m e i n e n Wehrpflicht die p r e u ß i s c h e A r m e e
ungeschickter z u m W e r k z e u g für Staatsstreiche. Sobald u n t e r der g a n z e n
Volksmasse das Verlangen n a c h Selbstregierung u n d die N o t h w e n d i g k e i t
des Kampfes gegen alle widerstrebenden E l e m e n t e e i n m a l d u r c h g e d r u n g e n
war, m u ß t e n a u c h die 20- u n d 21jährigen j u n g e n L e u t e von der Bewegung
25 erfaßt sein u n d selbst u n t e r feudalen u n d absolutistischen Offizieren
m u ß t e ein Staatsstreich i m m e r schwerer m i t i h n e n d u r c h z u f ü h r e n sein. J e
weiter die politische Bildung im L a n d e fortschreitet, je mißliebiger wird
die S t i m m u n g der eingestellten R e k r u t e n werden. Selbst der jetzige K a m p f
zwischen Regierung u n d Bourgeoisie m u ß davon bereits Beweise geliefert
30 haben.
Drittens ist die zweijährige Dienstzeit ein h i n r e i c h e n d e s Gegengewicht
gegen die V e r m e h r u n g der A r m e e . In d e m s e l b e n M a ß e wie die Armeeverstärkung für die Regierung die materiellen M i t t e l zu Gewaltstreichen vermehrt, in d e m s e l b e n M a ß verringert die zweijährige Dienstzeit die morali35
sehen M i t t e l dazu. Im ||32| dritten Dienstjahr m a g das ewige E i n p a u k e n
absolutistischer Lehren u n d die G e w o h n h e i t des G e h o r c h e n s m o m e n t a n
u n d für die D a u e r des Dienstes bei d e n Soldaten etwas fruchten. Im dritten
Dienstjahr, wo der einzelne Soldat fast n i c h t s Militärisches m e h r zu lernen
hat, n ä h e r t sich u n s e r allgemeiner Wehrpflichtiger s c h o n einiger M a ß e n
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dem auf lange Jahre eingestellten Soldaten des französisch-östreichischen
Systems. Er b e k o m m t etwas v o m Berufssoldaten, u n d ist als solcher in al-
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len Fällen weit leichter zu verwenden, als der j ü n g e r e Soldat. D i e Entfern u n g der Leute im dritten Dienstjahre würde die Einstellung von
6 0 - 8 0 0 0 0 M a n n m e h r sicher aufwiegen, w e n n m a n vom Staatsstreich-Gesichtspunkte ausgeht.
N u n aber k o m m t n o c h ein anderer, u n d der e n t s c h e i d e n d e P u n k t dazu.
W i r wollen n i c h t läugnen, daß Verhältnisse eintreten k ö n n t e n - d a z u kenn e n wir u n s e r e Bourgeoisie zu gut - u n t e r d e n e n selbst o h n e Mobilisirung,
m i t d e m einfachen Friedensstand der A r m e e ein Staatsstreich d e n n o c h
möglich wäre. Das ist aber nicht wahrscheinlich. Um e i n e n großen Coup
zu m a c h e n , wird m a n fast i m m e r m o b i l m a c h e n m ü s s e n . U n d da tritt die
W e n d u n g ein. D i e preußische F r i e d e n s a r m e e m a g u n t e r U m s t ä n d e n ein
reines W e r k z e u g in d e n H ä n d e n der Regierung, zur V e r w e n d u n g im Inn e r n , werden; die preußische Kriegsarmee sicher nie. W e r je G e l e g e n h e i t
hatte, ein Bataillon erst auf Friedensfuß u n d d a n n auf Kriegsfuß zu sehen,
k e n n t d e n u n g e h e u r e n U n t e r s c h i e d in der g a n z e n H a l t u n g der L e u t e , im
Charakter der g a n z e n Masse. Die Leute, die als halbe K n a b e n in die Arm e e eingetreten waren, k o m m e n jetzt als M ä n n e r wieder zu ihr zurück; sie
bringen e i n e n Vorrath von Selbstachtung, Selbstvertrauen, Sicherheit u n d
Charakter mit, der d e m g a n z e n Bataillon z u G u t e k o m m t . D a s Verhältniß
der Leute zu den Offizieren, der Offiziere zu d e n L e u t e n , wird gleich ein
anderes. Das Bataillon gewinnt militärisch ganz b e d e u t e n d , aber politisch
wird es - ||33| für absolutistische Zwecke - völlig unzuverlässig. Das
k o n n t e m a n n o c h b e i m E i n m a r s c h in Schleswig sehen, wo z u m großen Ers t a u n e n der englischen Zeitungscorrespondenten die p r e u ß i s c h e n Soldaten
überall an d e n politischen D e m o n s t r a t i o n e n offen t h e i l n a h m e n u n d ihre
d u r c h a u s n i c h t o r t h o d o x e n G e s i n n u n g e n u n g e s c h e u t aussprachen. U n d
dies Resultat - die politische Verderbniß der m o b i l e n A r m e e für absolutistische Zwecke - v e r d a n k e n wir hauptsächlich der Manteuffel'schen Zeit
u n d der „ n e u e s t e n " Aera. Im Jahre 1848 war es n o c h ganz anders.
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vor wie n a c h der Reorganisation: d a ß m i t dieser Wehrverfassung P r e u ß e n
weder e i n e n u n p o p u l ä r e n Krieg führen, n o c h e i n e n Staatsstreich m a c h e n
k a n n , der D a u e r verspricht. D e n n selbst w e n n die F r i e d e n s a r m e e sich zu
e i n e m kleinen Staatsstreich g e b r a u c h e n ließe, so würde d o c h die erste M o b i l m a c h u n g u n d die erste Kriegsgefahr genügen, um die g a n z e n „Errun- 35
genschaften" wieder in Frage zu stellen. O h n e die Ratifikation der Kriegsa r m e e wären die H e l d e n t h a t e n der F r i e d e n s a r m e e b e i m „ i n n e r n D ü p p e l "
von n u r kurzer B e d e u t u n g ; u n d diese Ratifikation wird je länger je schwerer zu erlangen sein. R e a k t i o n ä r e Blätter h a b e n gegenüber d e n K a m m e r n
die „ A r m e e " für die wahre Volksvertretung erklärt. Sie m e i n t e n d a m i t na- 40
türlich n u r die Offiziere. W e n n es je d a h i n k ä m e , daß die H e r r e n von der
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Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · II
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Kreuzzeitung e i n e n Staatsstreich m a c h t e n , wozu sie die mobile A r m e e n ö thig h a b e n , sie w ü r d e n ihr blaues W u n d e r erleben an dieser Volksvertretung, darauf k ö n n e n sie sich verlassen.
Darin aber liegt a m E n d e a u c h n i c h t die H a u p t g a r a n t i e gegen d e n
Staatsstreich. Die liegt d a r i n : d a ß keine Regierung, d u r c h e i n e n Staatsstreich, e i n e K a m m e r z u s a m m e n b r i n g e n k a n n , die ihr n e u e Steuern u n d
Anleihen bewilligt; u n d daß, selbst ||34| wenn sie eine d a z u willige K a m mer fertig b r ä c h t e , kein B a n q u i e r in E u r o p a ihr auf solche K a m m e r b e schlüsse h i n Kredit geben würde. In d e n m e i s t e n europäischen Staaten
wäre das anders. A b e r P r e u ß e n steht n u n e i n m a l seit d e n V e r s p r e c h u n g e n
von 1815 u n d d e n vielen vergeblichen M a n ö v e r n bis 1848, Geld zu b e k o m men, i n d e m Rufe, d a ß m a n i h m o h n e rechtsgültigen u n d u n a n t a s t b a r e n
K a m m e r b e s c h l u ß k e i n e n Pfennig borgen darf. Selbst H e r r R a p h a e l von Erlanger, der d o c h d e n a m e r i k a n i s c h e n Conföderirten geborgt hat, würde
einer p r e u ß i s c h e n Staatsstreich-Regierung schwerlich baares G e l d anvertrauen. D a s h a t P r e u ß e n einzig u n d allein der Bornirtheit des Absolutismus zu verdanken.
Hierin liegt die Stärke der Bourgeoisie: d a ß die Regierung, w e n n sie in
G e l d n o t h k o m m t - u n d das m u ß sie früher oder später sicher - genöthigt
ist, selbst sich an die Bourgeoisie um Geld zu wenden, u n d diesmal nicht an
die politische R e p r ä s e n t a t i o n der Bourgeoisie, die am E n d e weiß, d a ß sie
z u m B e z a h l e n da ist, sondern an die h o h e F i n a n z , die an der Regierung
ein gutes Geschäft m a c h e n will, die die Kreditfähigkeit einer Regierung an
demselben M a ß s t a b e m i ß t wie die jedes Privatmannes, u n d der es total
gleichgültig ist, ob der preußische Staat viel oder wenig Soldaten braucht.
Diese H e r r e n discontiren n u r W e c h s e l m i t drei Unterschriften, u n d wenn
neben der Regierung n u r das H e r r e n h a u s , o h n e das A b g e o r d n e t e n h a u s ,
darauf u n t e r s c h r i e b e n hat, oder ein A b g e o r d n e t e n h a u s von S t r o h m ä n n e r n ,
so sehen sie das für Wechselreiterei an u n d d a n k e n für das Geschäft.
Hier hört die Militärfrage auf, u n d die Verfassungsfrage fängt an. Einerlei, d u r c h welche Fehler u n d Verwickelungen, die bürgerliche Opposition
ist jetzt e i n m a l in die Stellung gedrängt: sie m u ß die Militärfrage durchfechten, oder sie verliert den Rest von politischer Macht, d e n sie n o c h besitzt. Die Regie||35|rung hat bereits ihr ganzes Budgetbewilligungsrecht in
Frage gestellt. W e n n n u n die Regierung früher oder später d o c h i h r e n Frieden m i t der K a m m e r m a c h e n muß, ist es da n i c h t die beste Politik, einfach
auszuharren, bis dieser Zeitpunkt eintritt?
N a c h d e m der Conflict e i n m a l soweit getrieben, - u n b e d i n g t - ja. Ob
mit dieser Regierung auf a n n e h m b a r e G r u n d l a g e n ein A b k o m m e n zu
schließen, ist m e h r als zweifelhaft. D i e Bourgeoisie h a t sich durch Ueberschätzung ihrer eigenen Kräfte in die Lage versetzt, d a ß sie an dieser Mili-
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tärfrage erproben m u ß , ob sie im Staate das e n t s c h e i d e n d e M o m e n t , oder
gar nichts ist. Siegt sie, so erobert sie zugleich die M a c h t , M i n i s t e r a b - u n d
einzusetzen, wie das englische U n t e r h a u s sie besitzt. Unterliegt sie, so
k o m m t sie auf verfassungsmäßigem Wege nie m e h r zu irgend welcher Bedeutung.
A b e r der k e n n t u n s r e d e u t s c h e n Bürger schlecht, der der A n s i c h t wäre,
d a ß eine solche A u s d a u e r zu erwarten steht. Die Courage der Bourgeoisie
in politischen D i n g e n steht i m m e r in g e n a u e m Verhältniß zu der Wichtigkeit, die sie in d e m gegebenen L a n d in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft einn i m m t . In D e u t s c h l a n d ist die soziale M a c h t der Bourgeoisie weit geringer
als in England u n d selbst in Frankreich; sie h a t sich weder m i t d e r alten
Aristokratie alliirt wie in England, n o c h diese m i t Hülfe der B a u e r n u n d
Arbeiter vernichtet wie in Frankreich. Die Feudalaristokratie ist in
D e u t s c h l a n d n o c h i m m e r eine M a c h t , eine der Bourgeoisie feindliche u n d
o b e n d r e i n m i t d e n R e g i e r u n g e n verbündete M a c h t . D i e Fabrik-Industrie,
die Basis aller sozialen M a c h t der m o d e r n e n Bourgeoisie, ist in Deutschland weit weniger entwickelt als in Frankreich u n d E n g l a n d , so e n o r m
a u c h ihre Fortschritte seit 1848 sind. Die kolossalen K a p i t a l a n s a m m l u n gen in e i n z e l n e n H ä n d e n , die in England u n d selbst F r a n k r e i c h häufig vork o m m e n , sind in D e u t s c h l a n d seltener. D a h e r ||36| k o m m t der kleinbürgerliche Charakter unserer g a n z e n Bourgeoisie. Die Verhältnisse, in d e n e n sie
lebt, die Gesichtskreise, die sie sich bilden k a n n , sind kleinlicher Art; was
W u n d e r d a ß ihre ganze Denkweise ebenso kleinlich ist! W o h e r soll da der
M u t h k o m m e n , eine Sache bis aufs Aeußerste d u r c h z u f e c h t e n ? D i e preußische Bourgeoisie weiß sehr gut, in welcher Abhängigkeit sie, für ihre
eigne industrielle Thätigkeit, von der Regierung steht. C o n z e s s i o n e n u n d
Verwaltungscontrole drücken wie ein Alp auf sie. Bei jeder n e u e n Untern e h m u n g k a n n die Regierung ihr Schwierigkeiten in d e n Weg legen. U n d
n u n gar auf d e m politischen Gebiet! W ä h r e n d des Konflikts ü b e r die Militärfrage k a n n die Bourgeoiskammer n u r v e r n e i n e n d auftreten, sie ist rein
auf die Defensive verwiesen; indessen geht die Regierung angreifend vor,
interpretirt die Verfassung auf ihre Weise, maßregelt die liberalen Beamten, annullirt die liberalen städtischen W a h l e n , setzt alle H e b e l der bureaukratischen Gewalt i n Bewegung, u m d e n Bürgern i h r e n U n t e r t h a n e n s t a n d p u n k t klar zu m a c h e n , n i m m t thatsächlich eine Position n a c h der
a n d e r n , u n d erobert sich so eine Stellung, wie sie selbst Manteuffel nicht
h a t t e . Inzwischen geht das budgetlose G e l d a u s g e b e n u n d Steuer-Erheben
seinen ruhigen G a n g , u n d die Armee-Reorganisation gewinnt m i t j e d e m
J a h r ihres Bestehens n e u e Stärke. Kurz, der in A u s s i c h t s t e h e n d e endliche
Sieg der Bourgeoisie erhält von J a h r zu J a h r e i n e n revolutionäreren Charakter, u n d die täglich sich m e h r e n d e n Detailsiege der Regierung auf allen
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Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei · III
G e b i e t e n erhalten m e h r u n d m e h r die Gestalt vollendeter T h a t s a c h e n .
D a z u k o m m t eine von Bourgeoisie wie R e g i e r u n g vollständig u n a b h ä n g i g e
Arbeiterbewegung, die die Bourgeoisie zwingt, entweder d e n Arbeitern
sehr fatale K o n z e s s i o n e n zu m a c h e n , oder gefaßt zu sein, im entscheiden5 den Augenblick o h n e die Arbeiter agiren zu m ü s s e n . Sollte die preußische
Bourgeoisie u n t e r diesen U m s t ä n d e n d e n M u t h h a b e n , a u s z u h a r r e n bis
aufs j|37| Aeußerste? Sie m ü ß t e sich seit 1848 w u n d e r b a r verbessert haben - in i h r e m eignen S i n n - u n d die C o m p r o m i ß s e h n s u c h t , die sich in
der Fortschrittspartei seit Eröffnung dieser Session tagtäglich ausseufzt,
10 spricht n i c h t dafür. W i r fürchten, die Bourgeoisie wird a u c h diesmal kein e n A n s t a n d n e h m e n , sich selbst zu verrathen. |
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„Welches ist n u n die Stellung der Arbeiterpartei zu dieser Armee-Reorganisation u n d z u d e m daraus e n t s t a n d e n e n Konflikt zwischen Regierung
u n d bürgerlicher O p p o s i t i o n ? "
Die arbeitende Klasse gebraucht zur vollen Entfaltung ihrer politischen
Thätigkeit ein weit größeres Feld als es die Einzelstaaten des h e u t i g e n zersplitterten D e u t s c h l a n d s darbieten. Die Vielstaaterei wird für das Proletariat ein Bewegungs-Hinderniß sein, aber nie eine berechtigte Existenz, ein
Gegenstand des ernsthaften D e n k e n s . D a s d e u t s c h e Proletariat wird n i e
sich m i t Reichsverfassungen, p r e u ß i s c h e n Spitzen, Trias u n d dergleichen
befassen, a u ß e r um d a m i t a u f z u r ä u m e n ; die Frage, wie viel Soldaten der
preußische Staat braucht, um als G r o ß m a c h t fortzuvegetiren, ist i h m
gleichgültig. Ob die Militärlast durch die Reorganisation sich etwas vermehrt oder nicht, wird der Arbeiterklasse, als Klasse, wenig a u s m a c h e n .
Dagegen ist es ihr d u r c h a u s nicht gleichgültig, ob die allgemeine W e h r pflicht vollständig durchgeführt wird oder nicht. Je m e h r Arbeiter in d e n
Waffen geübt werden, desto besser. D i e allgemeine Wehrpflicht ist die
nothwendige u n d n a t ü r l i c h e Ergänzung des allgemeinen S t i m m r e c h t s ; sie
setzt die S t i m m e n d e n in d e n Stand, ihre Beschlüsse gegen alle Staatsstreich-Versuche m i t d e n Waffen in der H a n d d u r c h z u s e t z e n . |
|39| D i e m e h r u n d m e h r c o n s é q u e n t e Durchführung der allgemeinen
Wehrpflicht ist der einzige Punkt, der die Arbeiterklasse D e u t s c h l a n d s an
der p r e u ß i s c h e n Armee-Reorganisation interessirt.
Wichtiger ist die Frage: wie sich die Arbeiterpartei zu stellen h a t bei
dem daraus e n t s t a n d e n e n Konflikt zwischen Regierung u n d K a m m e r ?
Der m o d e r n e Arbeiter, der Proletarier, ist ein Produkt der großen i n d u striellen Revolution, welche n a m e n t l i c h in d e n letzten h u n d e r t J a h r e n in
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allen, civilisirten L ä n d e r n die ganze Produktionsweise, zuerst der Industrie
u n d n a c h h e r a u c h des Ackerbaus, total umgewälzt hat, u n d i n Folge deren
an der P r o d u k t i o n n u r n o c h zwei Klassen betheiligt sind: die der Kapitalisten, welche sich im Besitz der Arbeitshülfsmittel, der R o h m a t e r i a l i e n u n d
der L e b e n s m i t t e l befinden, u n d die der Arbeiter, welche weder Arbeits5
hülfsmittel, n o c h Rohmaterialien, n o c h L e b e n s m i t t e l besitzen, sondern
sich diese letzteren m i t ihrer Arbeit von d e n Kapitalisten erst kaufen m ü s sen. D e r m o d e r n e Proletarier h a t also direkt n u r m i t einer Gesellschaftsklasse zu t h u n , die i h m feindlich gegenübersteht, i h n a u s b e u t e t ; m i t der
Klasse der Kapitalisten, der Bourgeois. In L ä n d e r n , wo diese industrielle 10
Revolution vollständig durchgeführt ist, wie in England, h a t der Arbeiter
wirklich a u c h n u r mit Kapitalisten z u t h u n , d e n n a u c h auf d e m L a n d e ist
der große G u t s p ä c h t e r nichts als ein Kapitalist; der Aristokrat, der n u r die
G r u n d r e n t e seiner Besitzungen verzehrt, hat m i t d e m Arbeiter absolut
keine gesellschaftlichen Berührungspunkte.
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A n d e r s in L ä n d e r n , wo diese industrielle Revolution erst in der Durchführung begriffen ist, wie in D e u t s c h l a n d . Hier sind aus d e n früheren feud a l e n u n d n a c h f e u d a l e n Z u s t ä n d e n n o c h eine M e n g e gesellschaftlicher
E l e m e n t e haften geblieben, welche, um u n s so a u s z u d r ü c k e n , das gesellschaftliche M i t t e l ( m e d i u m ) ||40| t r ü b e n , d e m sozialen Z u s t a n d Deutschlands j e n e n einfachen, klaren, klassischen Charakter n e h m e n , der den Entwicklungsstand Englands auszeichnet. W i r finden hier in einer sich täglich
m e h r m o d e r n i s i r e n d e n A t m o s p h ä r e u n d u n t e r ganz m o d e r n e n Kapitalisten
u n d Arbeitern die wunderbarsten vorsündfluthlichen Fossilien lebendig
u m h e r w a n d e l n : Feudalherren, Patrimonialgerichte, Krautjunker, Stockprügel, Regierungsräthe, Landräthe, I n n u n g e n , Competenzkonflikte, Verwaltungsstrafmacht u. s. w. U n d wir finden, daß im K a m p f um die politische M a c h t alle diese l e b e n d e n Fossilien sich z u s a m m e n s c h a a r e n gegen
die Bourgeoisie, die, d u r c h ihren Besitz die mächtigste Klasse der n e u e n
Epoche, im N a m e n der n e u e n Epoche i h n e n die politische Herrschaft abverlangt.
A u ß e r der Bourgeoisie u n d d e m Proletariat p r o d u c i t i die m o d e r n e große
Industrie n o c h eine Art Zwischenklasse zwischen Beiden, das Kleinbürg e r t h u m . Dies besteht theils aus d e n R e s t e n des früheren halbmittelalterlichen Pfahlbürgerthums, theils aus etwas e m p o r g e k o m m e n e n Arbeitern. Es
findet seine Stellung weniger in der P r o d u k t i o n als in der Vertheilung der
W a a r e n ; der D e t a i l h a n d e l ist sein Hauptfach. W ä h r e n d das alte Pfahlbürg e r t h u m die stabilste, ist das m o d e r n e K l e i n b ü r g e r t h u m die am meisten
wechselnde Klasse der Gesellschaft; der Bankerott ist bei i h m eine Institution geworden. Es n i m m t Theil durch seinen k l e i n e n Kapitalbesitz an der
Lebenslage der Bourgeoisie, durch die Unsicherheit seiner Existenz an der
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des Proletariats. Widerspruchsvoll wie sein gesellschaftliches D a s e i n ist
seine politische Stellung; im A l l g e m e i n e n j e d o c h ist die „reine D e m o k r a tie" sein correktester Ausdruck. Sein politischer Beruf ist der, die Bourgeoisie in i h r e m K a m p f gegen die Reste der alten Gesellschaft u n d n a mentlich gegen ihre eigene Schwäche u n d Feigheit voranzutreiben u n d
diejenigen F r e i h e i t e n erkämpfen zu helfen, - Preßfreiheit, Vereins- u n d
Versammlungsfreiheit, allgemeines Wahlrecht, lokale Selbstregierung - |
|41| o h n e welche, trotz ihrer bürgerlichen N a t u r , eine s c h ü c h t e r n e Bourgeoisie wohl fertig werden kann, o h n e welche die Arbeiter aber nie ihre
E m a n c i p a t i o n erobern k ö n n e n .
Im Laufe des Kampfes zwischen den R e s t e n der alten, vorsündfiuthlichen Gesellschaft u n d der Bourgeoisie k o m m t überall irgend e i n m a l der
M o m e n t , wo beide K ä m p f e n d e n sich an das Proletariat w e n d e n u n d seine
Unterstützung n a c h s u c h e n . Dieser M o m e n t fällt gewöhnlich m i t demjenigen z u s a m m e n , in d e m die Arbeiterklasse selbst anfängt, sich zu regen.
Die feudalen u n d b u r e a u k r a t i s c h e n R e p r ä s e n t a n t e n der u n t e r g e h e n d e n
Gesellschaft rufen d e n Arbeitern zu, m i t i h n e n auf die Aussauger, die Kapitalisten, die einzigen F e i n d e des Arbeiters loszuschlagen; die Bourgeois
weisen die Arbeiter darauf hin, daß sie beide z u s a m m e n die n e u e Gesellschaftsepoche repräsentiren u n d daher jedenfalls der u n t e r g e h e n d e n alten
Gesellschaftsform gegenüber gleiches Interesse h a b e n . Um diese Zeit
k o m m t d a n n die Arbeiterklasse allmählig z u m Bewußtsein, d a ß sie eine
eigene Klasse m i t eigenen Interessen u n d m i t einer eigenen u n a b h ä n g i g e n
Zukunft ist; u n d d a m i t k o m m t die Frage, die n a c h e i n a n d e r in E n g l a n d , in
Frankreich u n d in D e u t s c h l a n d sich aufgedrängt h a t : wie h a t sich die Arbeiterpartei gegenüber d e n K ä m p f e n d e n zu stellen?
Dies wird vor A l l e m davon abhängen, was die Arbeiterpartei, d . h . derjenige Theil der a r b e i t e n d e n Klasse, welcher z u m Bewußtsein der gemeinsam e n Interessen der Klasse g e k o m m e n ist, im Interesse der Klasse für Ziele
erstrebt?
Soweit bekannt, stellen die avancirtesten Arbeiter in D e u t s c h l a n d die
Forderung: E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeiter von d e n Kapitalisten d u r c h Uebertragung von Staats-Kapital an associirte Arbeiter, z u m Betrieb der Produktion für g e m e i n s a m e R e c h n u n g u n d o h n e Kapitalisten, u n d als M i t t e l zur
Durchsetzung dieses ||42| Zwecks: Eroberung der politischen M a c h t d u r c h
das allgemeine direkte Wahlrecht.
Soviel ist n u n klar: W e d e r die feudal-bureaukratische Partei, die m a n
kurzweg die Reaktion zu n e n n e n pflegt, n o c h die liberal-radikale Bourgeoispartei wird geneigt sein, diese F o r d e r u n g e n freiwillig z u z u g e s t e h e n .
N u n wird aber das Proletariat eine M a c h t von d e m Augenblick an, wo sich
eine selbstständige Arbeiterpartei bildet, u n d mit einer M a c h t m u ß m a n
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r e c h n e n . Beide feindliche Parteien wissen das u n d werden also im gegeben e n A u g e n b l i c k e geneigt sein, d e n Arbeitern scheinbare oder wirkliche
Concessionen zu m a c h e n . A u f welcher Seite k ö n n e n die Arbeiter die größten Zugeständnisse erwirken?
D e r reaktionären Partei ist bereits die Existenz von Bourgeois u n d Proletariern ein D o r n im Auge. Ihre M a c h t b e r u h t darauf, daß die m o d e r n e gesellschaftliche Entwickelung wieder todt g e m a c h t oder wenigstens geh e m m t werde. Sonst verwandeln sich allmählig alle b e s i t z e n d e n Klassen in
Kapitalisten, alle u n t e r d r ü c k t e n Klassen in Proletarier, u n d d a m i t verschwindet die reaktionäre Partei von selbst. D i e R e a k t i o n will, w e n n sie
c o n s e q u e n t ist, allerdings das Proletariat aufheben, aber n i c h t dadurch,
daß sie zur Association fortschreitet, sondern i n d e m sie die m o d e r n e n Proletarier wieder in Zunftgesellen u n d ganz oder halb leibeigene bäuerliche
Hintersassen zurückverwandelt. Ist u n s e r n Proletariern m i t einer solchen
Verwandlung gedient? W ü n s c h e n sie sich wieder u n t e r die väterliche
Z u c h t des Zunftmeisters u n d des „gnädigen H e r r n " zurück, w e n n so etwas
möglich wäre? Sicherlich nicht. Es ist ja gerade erst die L o s t r e n n u n g der
a r b e i t e n d e n Klasse von all d e m früheren Scheinbesitz u n d d e n Scheinprivilegien, die Herstellung des nackten Gegensatzes zwischen Kapital u n d
Arbeit, die ü b e r h a u p t die Existenz einer einzigen großen Arbeiterklasse
m i t g e m e i n s a m e n Interessen, einer Arbeiterbewegung, einer Arbeiterpartei
mög||43|lich g e m a c h t hat. U n d d a z u ist eine solche Z u r ü c k s c h r a u b u n g der
G e s c h i c h t e eine reine Unmöglichkeit. D i e D a m p f m a s c h i n e n , die m e c h a n i schen Spinn- u n d W e b s t ü h l e , die Dampfpflüge u n d D r e s c h m a s c h i n e n , die
E i s e n b a h n e n u n d elektrischen Telegraphen u n d die Dampfpressen der G e genwart lassen k e i n e n solchen absurden Rückschritt zu, im G e g e n t h e i l , sie
vernichten allmählig u n d unerbittlich alle Reste feudaler u n d zünftiger Zustände u n d lösen alle von früher ü b e r k o m m e n e n kleinen gesellschaftlichen
Gegensätze auf in d e n e i n e n weltgeschichtlichen G e g e n s a t z von Kapital
u n d Arbeit.
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Dagegen h a t die Bourgeoisie gar keine a n d e r e geschichtliche Stellung,
als die erwähnten riesenhaften Produktivkräfte u n d Verkehrsmittel der m o d e r n e n Gesellschaft n a c h allen Seiten h i n zu v e r m e h r e n u n d aufs Höchste
zu steigern, d u r c h ihre Credit-Associationen a u c h die Produktionsmittel,
welche aus früheren Zeiten m i t überliefert sind, n a m e n t l i c h d e n G r u n d b e - 35
sitz, sich in die H ä n d e zu spielen, alle Produktionszweige m i t m o d e r n e n
Hülfsmitteln zu betreiben, alle Reste feudaler P r o d u k t i o n e n u n d feudaler
Verhältnisse zu vernichten, u n d so die ganze Gesellschaft zurückzuführen
auf d e n einfachen Gegensatz einer Klasse von Kapitalisten u n d einer
Klasse von besitzlosen Arbeitern. In d e m s e l b e n M a ß e , wie diese Vereinfa- 40
c h u n g der gesellschaftlichen Klassengegensätze stattfindet, wächst die
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tato»*»
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M a c h t der Bourgeoisie, aber in n o c h g r ö ß e r e m M a ß e wächst a u c h die
Macht, das Klassenbewußtsein, die Siegesfähigkeit des Proletariats; n u r
durch diese Machtvergrößerung der Bourgeoisie bringt es das Proletariat
allmählig d a h i n , die Majorität, die überwiegende Majorität im Staate zu
werden, wie es dies in England bereits ist, aber n o c h keineswegs in
Deutschland, wo B a u e r n aller Art auf d e m L a n d e u n d kleine Meister,
Kleinkrämer u. s. w. in d e n Städten i h m n o c h die Stange h a l t e n .
Also: J e d e r Sieg der R e a k t i o n h e m m t die gesellschaftliche ||44| Entwickelung, entfernt unfehlbar d e n Zeitpunkt, wo die Arbeiter siegen können. Jeder Sieg der Bourgeoisie ü b e r die R e a k t i o n dagegen ist n a c h einer
Seite h i n zugleich ein Sieg der Arbeiter, trägt z u m e n d l i c h e n Sturz der Kapitalistenherrschaft bei, rückt d e n Z e i t p u n k t n ä h e r heran, wo die Arbeiter
über die Bourgeoisie siegen werden.
M a n n e h m e die Stellung der d e u t s c h e n Arbeiterpartei 1848 u n d jetzt. Es
gibt in D e u t s c h l a n d n o c h V e t e r a n e n genug, die an d e n ersten Anfangen
der G r ü n d u n g einer d e u t s c h e n Arbeiterpartei vor 1848 mitgewirkt, die
n a c h der R e v o l u t i o n an i h r e m A u s b a u halfen, so lange die Zeitverhältnisse
es erlaubten. Sie Alle wissen, welche M ü h e es kostete, selbst in j e n e n aufgeregten Z e i t e n eine Arbeiterbewegung zu S t a n d e zu bringen, sie im
Gange zu halten, reaktionär-zunftmäßige E l e m e n t e zu entfernen u n d wie
die ganze Sache n a c h ein paar J a h r e n wieder einschlief. W e n n jetzt eine
Arbeiterbewegung so zu sagen von selbst e n t s t a n d e n ist, woher k o m m t das?
Daher, weil seit 1848 die große Bourgeois-Industrie in D e u t s c h l a n d u n erhörte Fortschritte gemacht, weil sie eine Masse kleiner Meister u n d
sonstiger Zwischenleute zwischen d e m Arbeiter u n d d e m Kapitalisten
vernichtet, eine M a s s e Arbeiter in direkten Gegensatz z u m Kapitalisten
gestellt, kurz ein b e d e u t e n d e s Proletariat da geschaffen hat, wo es früher
nicht oder n u r i n geringem M a ß e bestand. E i n e Arbeiterpartei u n d Arbeiterbewegung ist d u r c h diese industrielle Entwickelung eine Nothwendigkeit geworden.
D a m i t ist n i c h t gesagt, daß nicht M o m e n t e eintreten k ö n n e n , wo es der
Reaktion g e r a t h e n erscheint, d e n Arbeitern Concessionen zu m a c h e n .
Aber diese Concessionen sind stets ganz eigener Art. Sie sind n i e politischer N a t u r . D i e feudal-bureaukratische R e a k t i o n wird weder das S t i m m recht a u s d e h n e n , n o c h die Presse, das Vereins- u n d V e r s a m m l u n g s r e c h t
befreien, n o c h die M a c h t der Bureaukratie b e s c h r ä n k e n . ||45| D i e Concessionen, die sie m a c h t , sind stets direkt gegen die Bourgeoisie gerichtet u n d
der Art, d a ß sie die politische M a c h t der Arbeiter d u r c h a u s n i c h t vermehren. So wurde in England das Z e h n s t u n d e n Gesetz für die Fabrikarbeiter
gegen d e n Willen der F a b r i k a n t e n durchgeführt. So wäre von der Regierung in P r e u ß e n die g e n a u e E i n h a l t u n g der Vorschriften ü b e r die Arbeits-
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zeit in den F a b r i k e n - welche jetzt n u r auf d e m Papier b e s t e h e n - ferner
das Coalitionsrecht der Arbeiter u . s . w . zu fordern u n d möglicher Weise zu
erlangen. A b e r es ist bei allen diesen Concessionen von Seiten der Reaktion [feststehend, d a ß sie erlangt werden o h n e irgend e i n e n G e g e n d i e n s t
von Seiten der Arbeiter, u n d m i t Recht, d e n n i n d e m die R e a k t i o n den
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Bourgeois das L e b e n sauer m a c h t , h a t sie schon ihren Zweck erreicht, u n d
die Arbeiter sind ihr k e i n e n D a n k schuldig, d a n k e n ihr a u c h nie.
N u n gibt es n o c h eine Art von Reaktion, welche in letzter Zeit großen
Erfolg gehabt hat u n d bei gewissen L e u t e n sehr in M o d e k o m m t ; es ist die
Art, welche m a n h e u t z u t a g e Bonapartismus n e n n t . Der B o n a p a r t i s m u s ist 10
die nothwendige Staatsform in e i n e m L a n d e , wo die Arbeiterklasse, auf
einer h o h e n Stufe ihrer Entwickelung in d e n Städten, aber an Z a h l überwogen von den kleinen B a u e r n auf d e m L a n d e , in e i n e m g r o ß e n revolutionären K a m p f von der Kapitalistenklasse, d e m K l e i n b ü r g e r t h u m u n d der Arm e e besiegt worden ist. Als in Frankreich in d e m Riesenkampfe v o m J u n i 15
1848 die Pariser Arbeiter besiegt waren, h a t t e sich zugleich die Bourgeoisie
an d i e s e m Siege vollständig erschöpft. Sie war sich bewußt, k e i n e n zweiten
solchen Sieg ertragen zu k ö n n e n . Sie herrschte n o c h d e m N a m e n n a c h ,
aber sie war zu schwach zur Herrschaft. An die Spitze trat die A r m e e , der
eigentliche Sieger, gestützt auf die Klasse, aus der sie sich vorzugsweise re- 20
krutirte, die k l e i n e n Bauern, welche R u h e h a b e n wollten vor d e n Städtekrawallern. Die F o r m dieser Herrschaft war selbstredend der militärische
Despo||46|tismus, ihr natürlicher Chef, der a n g e s t a m m t e Erbe desselben,
Louis Bonaparte.
G e g e n ü b e r d e n Arbeitern wie den Kapitalisten z e i c h n e t sich der Bona- 25
p a r t i s m u s d a d u r c h aus, daß er sie verhindert auf e i n a n d e r loszuschlagen.
D a s heißt, er schützt die Bourgeoisie vor gewaltsamen Angriffen der Arbeiter, begünstigt ein kleines friedliches Plänkelgefecht zwischen beiden
Klassen, u n d entzieht i m Uebrigen den E i n e n wie d e n A n d e r n j e d e Spur
politischer M a c h t . K e i n Vereinsrecht, kein V e r s a m m l u n g s r e c h t , keine 30
Preßfreiheit; ein allgemeines Wahlrecht u n t e r solchem bureaukratischen
Druck, daß Oppositionswahlen fast u n m ö g l i c h sind; eine Polizeiwirthschaft, wie sie selbst in d e m polizirten F r a n k r e i c h bisher u n e r h ö r t war. Dan e b e n wird ein Theil der Bourgeoisie wie der Arbeiter direkt gekauft; der
eine durch colossale Creditschwindeleien, wodurch das Geld der kleinen 35
Kapitalisten in die Tasche der großen gelockt wird; der andere durch colossale Staatsbauten, die n e b e n d e m natürlichen, selbstständigen Proletariat
ein künstliches, imperialistisches, von der Regierung abhängiges Proletariat in d e n großen Städten concentriren. E n d l i c h wird d e m Nationalstolz
geschmeichelt d u r c h scheinbar heroische Kriege, die aber stets m i t h o h e r 40
obrigkeitlicher E r l a u b n i ß Europas gegen d e n jeweiligen allgemeinen Sün-
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denbock geführt werden, u n d n u r u n t e r solchen Bedingungen, d a ß der Sieg
von vorn h e r e i n gesichert ist.
Das Höchste, was u n t e r einer solchen Regierung für die Arbeiter wie für
die Bourgeoisie h e r a u s k o m m t , ist, daß sie sich v o m K a m p f e a u s r u h e n , daß
die Industrie sich - u n t e r sonst günstigen U m s t ä n d e n - stark entwickelt,
daß also die E l e m e n t e eines n e u e n u n d heftigeren Kampfes sich ausbilden,
u n d daß dieser K a m p f ausbricht, sobald das Bedürfniß eines solchen R u h e punktes n i c h t m e h r existirt. Es wäre die höchste H ö h e der Thorheit, m e h r
zu erwarten für die Arbeiter von einer Regierung, ||47| die gerade bloß d a z u
existirt, die Arbeiter gegenüber der Bourgeoisie im Z a u m e zu h a l t e n . K o m m e n wir n u n auf d e n u n s speciell vorliegenden Fall. W a s k a n n die
Reaktion in P r e u ß e n der Arbeiterpartei bieten?
K a n n diese R e a k t i o n der Arbeiterklasse e i n e n wirklichen A n t h e i l an der
politischen M a c h t bieten? - U n b e d i n g t n e i n . Erstens ist es in der n e u e r e n
Geschichte, weder Englands n o c h Frankreichs, je v o r g e k o m m e n , daß eine
reaktionäre Regierung dies gethan hätte. Zweitens h a n d e l t es sich in d e m
gegenwärtigen K a m p f in P r e u ß e n ja gerade d a r u m , ob die Regierung alle
wirkliche M a c h t in sich vereinigen, oder sie m i t d e m P a r l a m e n t theilen
soll. U n d die Regierung wird wahrlich nicht alle Mittel aufbieten, der
Bourgeoisie die M a c h t zu entreißen, bloß um diese M a c h t n a c h h e r d e m
Proletariat zu s c h e n k e n !
Die Feudalaristokratie u n d die Bureaukratie k ö n n e n ihre wirkliche
M a c h t i n P r e u ß e n b e h a l t e n a u c h o h n e parlamentarische Vertretung. Ihre
traditionelle Stellung am Hof, in der A r m e e , im B e a m t e n t h u m garantirt
ihnen diese M a c h t . Sie dürfen sogar keine besondere Vertretung wünschen, d e n n Adels- u n d B e a m t e n k a m m e r n , wie Manteuffel sie hatte, sind
heutzutage auf die D a u e r in P r e u ß e n d o c h u n m ö g l i c h . Sie w ü n s c h e n d a h e r
auch die ganze Kammerwirthschaft z u m Teufel.
Dagegen k ö n n e n Bourgeoisie u n d Arbeiter eine wirkliche geregelte politische M a c h t n u r durch parlamentarische Vertretung a u s ü b e n ; u n d diese
parlamentarische Vertretung ist n u r d a n n etwas werth, w e n n sie m i t z u r e den u n d m i t z u b e s c h l i e ß e n h a t , m i t a n d e r n W o r t e n , w e n n sie „ d e n K n o p f
auf d e m Beutel" h a l t e n k a n n . Das ist ja aber gerade, was Bismarck eingestandener M a ß e n verhindern will. W i r fragen: ist es das Interesse der Arbeiter, d a ß dies P a r l a m e n t aller M a c h t b e r a u b t werde, dies Parlament, in
das sie selbst d u r c h Erringung des allgemeinen direkten W a h l r e c h t s einzutreten u n d worin sie einst die Majorität ||48| zu bilden hoffen? Ist es ihr Interesse, alle H e b e l der Agitation in Bewegung zu setzen, um in eine Vers a m m l u n g zu k o m m e n , die schließlich d o c h nichts zu sagen h a t ?
Sicherlich nicht.
W e n n n u n aber die Regierung das b e s t e h e n d e Wahlgesetz u m s t i e ß e ,
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u n d das allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c h t octroyirte? Ja, wenn! Wenn die Regierung e i n e n solchen Bonapartistischen Streich m a c h t e , u n d die Arbeiter
gingen darauf ein, so h ä t t e n sie ja d a m i t schon von vorn h e r e i n der Regierung das R e c h t z u e r k a n n t , durch eine n e u e Octroyirung, sobald es ihr beliebte, das allgemeine direkte Wahlrecht a u c h wieder aufzuheben, u n d was
wäre da das ganze allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c h t werth?
Wenn die Regierung das allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c h t oktroyirte, so
würde sie es von vornherein so verklausuliren, d a ß es e b e n kein allgemeines direktes W a h l r e c h t m e h r wäre.
U n d was selbst das allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c h t angeht, so braucht
m a n n u r n a c h F r a n k r e i c h zu gehen, um sich zu ü b e r z e u g e n , welche zahm e n W a h l e n m a n d a m i t z u Stande bringen k a n n , sobald m a n eine zahlreiche stupide Landbevölkerung, eine wohlorganisirte Bureaukratie, eine gut
gemaßregelte Presse, d u r c h Polizei h i n r e i c h e n d niedergehaltene Vereine,
u n d gar keine politischen V e r s a m m l u n g e n hat. W i e viel Vertreter der Arbeiter bringt d e n n das allgemeine direkte S t i m m r e c h t in die französische
K a m m e r ? U n d d o c h h a t das französische Proletariat vor d e m deutschen
eine weit größere K o n c e n t r a t i o n u n d eine längere Erfahrung im Kampf
u n d in der Organisation voraus.
Dies bringt u n s n o c h auf e i n e n a n d e r n Punkt. In D e u t s c h l a n d ist die
Landbevölkerung doppelt so stark wie die Städtebevölkerung, d. h. es leben
% v o m Ackerbau, % von der Industrie. U n d da der große G r u n d b e s i t z in
D e u t s c h l a n d die Regel, u n d der kleine Parzellenbauer die A u s n a h m e ist,
so heißt das m i t a n d e r n W o r t e n : daß wenn % der Arbeiter ||49| u n t e r d e m
K o m m a n d o des Kapitalisten stehn, so Stenn % unter dem Kommando des
Feudalherrn. Die Leute, welche in e i n e m fort ü b e r die Kapitalisten herfallen, aber gegen die F e u d a l e n kein W ö r t c h e n des Zorns h a b e n , m ö g e n sich
dies zu G e m ü t h e führen. D i e ' F e u d a l e n b e u t e n in D e u t s c h l a n d doppelt so
viel Arbeiter aus wie die Bourgeois; sie sind in D e u t s c h l a n d ganz ebenso
direkte G e g n e r der Arbeiter wie die Kapitalisten. Das ist aber n o c h lange
nicht Alles. D i e patriarchalische Wirthschaft auf d e n alten F e u d a l g ü t e r n
bringt eine a n g e s t a m m t e Abhängigkeit des l ä n d l i c h e n Tagelöhners oder
Häuslers von s e i n e m „gnädigen H e r r n " zu Wege, die d e m Ackerbauproletarier d e n Eintritt in die Bewegung der städtischen Arbeiter sehr erschwert.
D i e Pfaffen, die systematische V e r d u m m u n g auf d e m L a n d e , der schlechte
Schulunterricht, die Abgeschlossenheit der L e u t e von aller Welt, t h u n den
Rest. Das Ackerbauproletariat ist derjenige Theil der Arbeiterklasse, d e m
seine eignen Interessen, seine eigne gesellschaftliche Stellung am schwersten u n d am letzten klar werden, m i t a n d e r n W o r t e n , derjenige Theil, der
am längsten ein bewußtloses Werkzeug in der H a n d der i h n a u s b e u t e n d e n ,
bevorzugten Klasse bleibt. U n d welche Klasse ist dies? In D e u t s c h l a n d ,
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nicht die Bourgeoisie, s o n d e r n der Feudaladel. N u n h a t selbst in Frankreich, wo d o c h fast n u r freie g r u n d b e s i t z e n d e B a u e r n existiren, wo der F e u daladel aller politischen M a c h t längst b e r a u b t ist, das allgemeine S t i m m recht die Arbeiter n i c h t in die K a m m e r gebracht, sondern sie fast ganz
davon ausgeschlossen. W a s würde das Resultat des allgemeinen S t i m m rechts in D e u t s c h l a n d sein, wo der F e u d a l a d e l n o c h eine wirkliche soziale
u n d politische M a c h t ist, u n d wo zwei A c k e r b a u t a g e l ö h n e r auf e i n e n i n d u striellen Arbeiter k o m m e n ? Die Bekämpfung der feudalen u n d b u r e a u k r a tischen R e a k t i o n - d e n n beide sind b e i u n s jetzt u n t r e n n b a r - ist in
Deutschland g l e i c h b e d e u t e n d m i t d e m K a m p f für ||50| geistige u n d politische E m a n c i p a t i o n des Landproletariats - u n d solange das Landproletariat
nicht in die Bewegung m i t hineingerissen wird, solange k a n n u n d wird das
städtische Proletariat in D e u t s c h l a n d n i c h t das Geringste ausrichten, solange ist das allgemeine direkte W a h l r e c h t für das Proletariat k e i n e Waffe,
sondern ein Fallstrick.
Vielleicht wird diese sehr offenherzige, aber nöthige A u s e i n a n d e r s e t zung die F e u d a l e n e r m u t h i g e n , für das allgemeine directe W a h l r e c h t aufzutreten. Um so besser.
Oder sollte die Regierung n u r deswegen die Presse, das Vereinsrecht, das
Versammlungsrecht der bürgerlichen Opposition gegenüber v e r k ü m m e r n
(wenn ü b e r h a u p t an d e n jetzigen Z u s t ä n d e n n o c h viel zu v e r k ü m m e r n ist),
um d e n A r b e i t e r n ein G e s c h e n k m i t einer freien Presse, freiem Vereinsu n d V e r s a m m l u n g s r e c h t zu m a c h e n ? In der That, geht n i c h t die Arbeiterbewegung ruhig u n d ungestört i h r e n G a n g ?
Da liegt ja gerade der H a s e im Pfeffer. D i e Regierung weiß, u n d die
Bourgeoisie weiß auch, d a ß die ganze jetzige deutsche Arbeiterbewegung
nur geduldet ist, n u r solange lebt, wie es der Regierung beliebt. Solange der
Regierung d a m i t gedient ist, d a ß diese Bewegung besteht, daß der bürgerlichen Opposition n e u e , u n a b h ä n g i g e G e g n e r erwachsen, solange wird sie
diese Bewegung d u l d e n . V o n d e m Augenblick an, wo diese Bewegung die
Arbeiter zu einer selbstständigen M a c h t entwickelt, wo sie d a d u r c h der R e gierung gefährlich wird, hört die Sache sofort auf. D i e Art u n d Weise, wie
den Fortschrittlern die Agitation in Presse, V e r e i n e n u n d V e r s a m m l u n g e n
gelegt worden ist, möge d e n Arbeitern zur W a r n u n g d i e n e n . Dieselben G e setze, V e r o r d n u n g e n u n d Maßregeln, welche da in A n w e n d u n g gebracht
worden sind, k ö n n e n j e d e n Tag gegen sie angewandt werden, u n d ihrer
Agitation d e n G a r a u s m a c h e n ; sie werden es, sobald diese Agitation gefährlich wird. Es ist von der höch||51|sten Wichtigkeit, d a ß die Arbeiter in
diesem P u n k t e klar sehen, d a ß sie n i c h t derselben T ä u s c h u n g verfallen wie
die Bourgeoisie u n t e r der n e u e n Aera, wo sie ebenfalls n u r geduldet war,
aber bereits im Sattel zu sein glaubte. U n d w e n n J e m a n d sich e i n b i l d e n
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sollte, die jetzige Regierung würde die Presse, das Vereinsrecht u n d Vers a m m l u n g s r e c h t von den jetzigen Fesseln befreien, so gehörte er e b e n zu
d e n L e u t e n , m i t d e n e n nicht m e h r z u sprechen ist. U n d o h n e Preßfreiheit,
Vereins- u n d V e r s a m m l u n g s r e c h t ist keine Arbeiterbewegung möglich.
D i e b e s t e h e n d e Regierung in Preußen ist n i c h t so einfältig, daß sie sich
5
selbst d e n Hals a b s c h n e i d e n sollte. U n d w e n n es d a h i n k ä m e , d a ß die Reaktion d e m d e u t s c h e n Proletariat einige politische Scheinkonzessionen
hinwerfen sollte, um es d a m i t zu ködern - d a n n wird hoffentlich das deutsche Proletariat antworten m i t den stolzen Worten des alten Hildebrandsliedes:
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M i t gêrû seal m a n geba infâhan, ort widar orte.
„Mit d e m Speere soll m a n G a b e empfangen, Spitze gegen Spitze."
W a s die sozialen K o n z e s s i o n e n betrifft, die die R e a k t i o n d e n Arbeitern
m a c h e n k ö n n t e - Verkürzung der Arbeitszeit in d e n F a b r i k e n , bessere
H a n d h a b u n g der Fabrikgesetze, Coalitionsrecht u . s . w . - so beweist die Erfahrung aller Länder, daß die R e a k t i o n solche Anträge stellt, o h n e daß die
Arbeiter ihr das Geringste als Entgelt zu b i e t e n h a b e n . D i e R e a k t i o n hat
die Arbeiter nöthig, die Arbeiter aber n i c h t die R e a k t i o n . So lange die Arbeiter also in ihrer eignen selbstständigen Agitation auf diesen P u n k t e n bestehen, so k ö n n e n sie darauf rechnen, daß der M o m e n t eintreten wird, wo
reaktionäre E l e m e n t e dieselben F o r d e r u n g e n aufstellen, bloß um die Bourgeoisie zu chicaniren; u n d d a m i t gewinnen die Arbeiter Erfolge gegenüber
der Bourgeoisie, o h n e der R e a k t i o n irgend welchen D a n k schuldig zu
sein. -1
|52| W e n n aber die Arbeiterpartei von der R e a k t i o n N i c h t s zu erwarten
hat, als kleine Konzessionen, die ihr o h n e h i n zufließen, o h n e daß sie
d a r u m betteln zu gehen braucht - was h a t sie d a n n von der bürgerlichen
Opposition zu erwarten?
W i r h a b e n gesehen, daß Bourgeoisie u n d Proletariat beides K i n d e r einer
n e u e n E p o c h e sind, daß sie Beide in ihrer gesellschaftlichen Thätigkeit
d a r a u f h i n a r b e i t e n , die Reste des aus früherer Zeit ü b e r k o m m e n e n G e r u m pels zu beseitigen. Sie h a b e n zwar u n t e r sich e i n e n sehr ernsten Kampf
a u s z u m a c h e n , aber dieser K a m p f k a n n erst ausgefochten werden, w e n n sie
e i n a n d e r allein gegenüberstehen. Erst d a d u r c h d a ß der alte P l u n d e r über
Bord fliegt, wird „klar Schiff z u m Gefecht" g e m a c h t - n u r d a ß d i e s m a l das
Gefecht n i c h t zwischen zwei Schiffen, sondern am Bord des E i n e n Schiffs,
zwischen Offizieren u n d Mannschaft geschlagen wird.
D i e Bourgeoisie k a n n ihre politische Herrschaft n i c h t erkämpfen, diese
politische Herrschaft nicht in einer Verfassung u n d in G e s e t z e n ausdrükken, o h n e gleichzeitig d e m Proletariat Waffen in die H a n d zu geben. Ge-
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genüber d e n alten, d u r c h G e b u r t u n t e r s c h i e d e n e n S t ä n d e n m u ß sie die
M e n s c h e n r e c h t e , gegenüber d e m Zunftwesen die H a n d e l s - u n d Gewerbefreiheit, gegenüber der bureaukratischen B e v o r m u n d u n g die Freiheit u n d
die Selbstregierung auf ihre F a h n e schreiben. C o n s e q u e n t e r W e i s e m u ß sie
also das allgemeine direkte Wahlrecht, Preß-, Vereins- u n d V e r s a m m l u n g s freiheit u n d A u f h e b u n g aller A u s n a h m s g e s e t z e gegen einzelne Klassen der
Bevölkerung verlangen. Dies ist aber a u c h Alles, was das Proletariat von ihr
zu verlangen braucht. Es k a n n n i c h t fordern, d a ß die Bourgeoisie aufhöre
Bourgeoisie zu sein, aber wohl d a ß sie ihre eigenen Prinzipien c o n s e q u e n t
durchführe. D a m i t b e k o m m t das Proletariat aber a u c h alle die Waffen in
die H a n d , d e r e n es zu s e i n e m e n d l i c h e n Siege bedarf. M i t der Preßfreiheit,
dem V e r s a m m l u n g s - u n d Vereinsrechte ||53| erobert es sich das allgemeine
Stimmrecht, m i t d e m allgemeinen direkten Stimmrecht, in Vereinigung
mit d e n obigen Agitationsmitteln, alles Uebrige.
Es ist also das Interesse der Arbeiter, die Bourgeoisie in i h r e m Kampfe
gegen alle r e a k t i o n ä r e n E l e m e n t e zu u n t e r s t ü t z e n , solange sie sich selbst treu
bleibt. J e d e Eroberung, die die Bourgeoisie der R e a k t i o n abzwingt, k o m m t ,
unter dieser Bedingung, der Arbeiterklasse schließlich zu gut. D i e s e n richtigen Instinkt h a b e n die d e u t s c h e n Arbeiter a u c h gehabt. Sie h a b e n , m i t
vollem Recht, in allen deutschen Staaten, überall für die radikalsten Kandidaten gestimmt, die Aussicht z u m D u r c h k o m m e n h a t t e n .
Aber w e n n n u n die Bourgeoisie sich selbst u n t r e u wird, ihre eigenen
Klassen-Interessen u n d die daraus folgenden Prinzipien verräth?
D a n n b l e i b e n d e n Arbeitern zwei W e g e übrig!
Entweder die Bourgeoisie gegen ihren Willen voranzutreiben, sie soweit
möglich zu zwingen, das W a h l r e c h t a u s z u d e h n e n , die Presse, die Vereine
u n d V e r s a m m l u n g e n zu befreien, u n d d a m i t d e m Proletariat ein G e b i e t zu
schaffen, auf d e m es sich frei bewegen u n d sich organisiren k a n n . Dies haben die englischen Arbeiter seit der Reformbill von 1832, die französisehen Arbeiter seit der Julirevolution 1830 gethan, u n d gerade d u r c h u n d
mit dieser Bewegung, deren n ä c h s t e Ziele rein bürgerlicher N a t u r waren,
ihre eigene Entwicklung u n d Organisation m e h r als durch irgend ein anderes Mittel gefördert. Dieser Fall wird i m m e r eintreten, d e n n die Bourgeoisie, bei i h r e m M a n g e l an politischem M u t h , wird sich von Zeit zu Zeit
überall u n t r e u .
Oder aber, die Arbeiter ziehen sich ganz von der bürgerlichen Bewegung
zurück u n d überlassen die Bourgeoisie i h r e m Schicksale. Dieser Fall trat
in England, F r a n k r e i c h u n d D e u t s c h l a n d n a c h d e m Scheitern der europäischen Arbeiterbewegung ||54| von 1 8 4 8 - 5 0 ein. Er ist n u r möglich n a c h
gewaltsamen u n d m o m e n t a n e n fruchtlosen A n s t r e n g u n g e n , n a c h d e n e n
die Klasse R u h e bedarf. Im g e s u n d e n Z u s t a n d der Arbeiterklasse ist er u n -
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möglich; er k ä m e ja einer vollständigen politischen A b d a n k u n g gleich, u n d
deren ist eine ihrer N a t u r n a c h m u t h i g e Klasse, eine Klasse, die N i c h t s zu
verlieren u n d Alles zu gewinnen hat, auf die D a u e r unfähig.
Selbst in d e m ä u ß e r s t e n Fall, daß die Bourgeoisie, aus F u r c h t vor den
Arbeitern, sich u n t e r der Schürze der R e a k t i o n verkriechen, u n d an die
M a c h t der ihr feindlichen E l e m e n t e um Schutz gegen die Arbeiter appelliren sollte - selbst d a n n wird der Arbeiterpartei nichts übrig bleiben, als die
von d e n Bürgern verrathene Agitation für bürgerliche Freiheit, Preßfreiheit, V e r s a m m l u n g s - u n d Vereinsrecht trotz der Bürger fortzuführen. O h n e
diese F r e i h e i t e n k a n n sie selbst sich n i c h t frei bewegen; sie kämpft in dies e m K a m p f für ihr eigenes Lebenselement, für die Luft, die sie z u m Athm e n nöthig hat.
Es versteht sich von selbst, d a ß in allen diesen Fällen die Arbeiterpartei
n i c h t als der bloße Schwanz der Bourgeoisie, sondern als eine d u r c h a u s
von ihr u n t e r s c h i e d e n e , selbstständige Partei auftreten wird. Sie wird der
Bourgeoisie bei jeder Gelegenheit ins G e d ä c h t n i ß rufen, daß die Klasseninteressen der Arbeiter d e n e n der Kapitalisten direkt entgegengesetzt, u n d
daß die Arbeiter sich dessen bewußt sind. Sie wird ihre eigene Organisation gegenüber der Parteiorganisation der Bourgeoisie festhalten u n d fortbilden, u n d m i t der letzteren n u r u n t e r h a n d e l n wie eine M a c h t m i t der and e m . Auf diese W e i s e wird sie sich eine a c h t u n g g e b i e t e n d e Stellung
sichern, die e i n z e l n e n Arbeiter ü b e r ihre Klasseninteressen aufklären, u n d
bei d e m n ä c h s t e n revolutionären S t u r m - u n d diese Stürme sind ja jetzt
von so regelmäßiger W i e d e r k e h r wie die Handelskrisen u n d Aequinoctials t ü r m e - z u m H a n d e l n bereit sein. |
|55| D a r a u s folgt die Politik der Arbeiterpartei in d e m p r e u ß i s c h e n Verfassungskonflikt von selbst.
Die Arbeiterpartei vor A l l e m organisirt erhalten, soweit es die jetzigen
Z u s t ä n d e zulassen;
die Fortschrittspartei vorantreiben z u m wirklichen Fortschreiten, soweit
das möglich; sie nöthigen, ihr eigenes P r o g r a m m radikaler zu m a c h e n u n d
daran z u h a l t e n ; j e d e ihrer I n c o n s e q u e n z e n u n d Schwächen u n n a c h s i c h t lich z ü c h t i g e n u n d lächerlich m a c h e n ;
die eigentliche Militärfrage gehen lassen wie sie geht, in d e m Bewußtsein, d a ß die Arbeiterpartei a u c h e i n m a l ihre eigene, deutsche „Armee-ReOrganisation" m a c h e n wird;
der R e a k t i o n aber auf ihre heuchlerischen L o c k u n g e n antworten: „Mit
d e m Speere soll m a n G a b e empfangen", „Spitze gegen Spitze". |
108
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
F
Karl M a r x / F r i e d r i c h E n g e l s
Erklärung.
An die Redaktion des „Social-Demokraten"
Erklärung
An die Redaction
des „Social-Demokraten".
Die U n t e r z e i c h n e t e n versprachen ihre Mitarbeit am „Social-Demokrat"
u n d erlaubten die Veröffentlichung ihrer N a m e n als Mitarbeiter u n t e r d e m
ausdrücklichen Vorbehalt, daß das Blatt im Geist des i h n e n mitgetheilten
kurzen P r o g r a m m s redigirt werde. Sie v e r k a n n t e n k e i n e n Augenblick die
schwierige Stellung des „Social-Demokrat" u n d m a c h t e n d a h e r keine für
den M e r i d i a n von Berlin u n p a s s e n d e n A n s p r ü c h e . Sie forderten aber wie10 derholt, d a ß d e m M i n i s t e r i u m u n d der feudal-absolutistischen Partei gegenüber eine wenigstens e b e n so k ü h n e Sprache geführt werde als gegenüber d e n Fortschrittlern. D i e von d e m „Social-Demokrat" befolgte Taktik
schließt ihre weitere Betheiligung an d e m s e l b e n aus. Die A n s i c h t der U n terzeichneten v o m königlich p r e u ß i s c h e n Regierungssocialismus u n d der
15 richtigen Stellung der Arbeiterpartei zu solchem Blendwerk findet sich bereits ausführlich entwickelt in No. 73 der „Deutschen Brüsseler Zeitung" v o m
12. September 1847, in Antwort auf N. 206 des damals in K ö l n erscheinend e n „Rheinischen Beobachter", worin die Allianz des „Proletariats" m i t der
„Regierung" gegen die „liberale Bourgeoisie" vorgeschlagen war. Jedes
20 Wort unsrer d a m a l i g e n Erklärung u n t e r s c h r e i b e n wir n o c h h e u t e . |
5
109
Friedrich
Engels
Notiz über „Die p r e u ß i s c h e Militärfrage
I In diesen T a g e n erscheint bei O . M e i ß n e r in H a m b u r g eine Broschüre von
Fr. Engels: „Die preußische Militärfrage und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei". Sie
verdankt i h r e n Ursprung einer Aufforderung von Seiten eines sogenannt
„sozial-demokratischen" Blattes an d e n Verfasser, sich ü b e r diesen Gegenstand in d i e s e m Blatt auszusprechen. E i n e e i n g e h e n d e B e h a n d l u n g des
G e g e n s t a n d e s erforderte j e d o c h m e h r R a u m als einer Z e i t u n g z u G e b o t e
stand; u n d die bismarckophile R i c h t u n g , die die n e u e s t e „Sozial-Demokrat i e " g e n o m m e n , m a c h t e e s a u ß e r d e m d e n L e u t e n von der „ N e u e n R h e i n i schen Z e i t u n g " u n m ö g l i c h , an den O r g a n e n dieser „Sozialdemokratie" mitzuarbeiten. U n t e r diesen U m s t ä n d e n erscheint die g e n a n n t e Arbeit
selbstständig in Broschürenform // u n d entwickelt d e n S t a n d p u n k t d e n die
„ S o z i a l d e m o k r a t e n " von 1848 sowohl der Regierung wie der Fortschrittspartei gegenüber e i n n e h m e n . /
110
Karl
Marx
N o t i z e n z u m Konflikt i n d e r S e c t i o n d e Paris
11865
21 Febr. (Tuesday) Beschluß des Central Council d e n Le Lubez herüberzuschicken, reist ab.
Wednesday. 22 Feb. (Abends.) Lubez reist ab.
Paris 23 Febr. E i n l a d u n g zu meeting des Lefort bei Fribourg etc. (Sieh
Letter of Fribourg). Antwort des Lefort in Schily's Brief, (p. 2)
24 Febr. A b e n d . Meeting on Fribourg etc.
24 Feb. Morgen: Lefort besucht Schily mit Lubez - Schily geht n u n , Lefort
zunächst in der N ä h e lassend, zu Fribourg, where they found different
friends, a m o n g s t others a friend of Lefort's. All were decidedly against his
intrusion. Schily t h e n went away to fetch h i m , a n d did n o t conceal from
him that he considered his claim, s u c h as formulated by h i m , u n t e n a b l e ,
(p.2.) Betrogen der Lefort bei der Gelegenheit. (I.e.) Schritte g e t h a n entgeg e n k o m m e n d gegen Lefort. (2,3.)
24 Feb. Abend: Meeting. Le Lubez nicht da; ging zur Lefortschen Soirée.
(3,4.)
Schilderung dieses m e e t i n g v o m 24. F e b . (p. 4, 5, 6 . ) |
111
Karl
Marx
Resolutions of the Central Council
on t h e conflict in t h e Section de Paris
(Original
draft)
I Ich schlage d e m S u b c o m m i t t e e folgende Resolutions vor:
1) T h e present Paris b r a n c h A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , consisting of citizens Tolain, Fribourg, a n d L i m o u s i n , is confirmed in its functions by t h e L o n d o n
Central Council, which also expresses its t h a n k s for their zeal a n d activity;
2) T h e adjunction of citizen Pierre Vinçard to the Paris b r a n c h A d m i n i s tration is thought desirable;
3) W h i l e t h a n k i n g citizen Lefort for the part he took in the f o u n d a t i o n of
the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Society, and earnestly whishing for his collaboration, as
homme de conseil, with the Paris b r a n c h A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ; the L o n d o n Central Council, at the s a m e t i m e , consider themselves n o t entitled to impose
citizen Lefort in any official capacity u p o n t h e Paris b r a n c h Administration;
4) Citizen Victor Schily is appointed the Paris delegate of the L o n d o n
Central Council. || In this character he has to act only with t h e Paris branch
Administration. He will exercise that droit de surveillance which t h e Paris
b r a n c h themselves have thought proper to acknowledge as a necessary attrib u t e of the Central Council u n d e r the present political conjuncture. |
112
Karl
Marx
Resolutions of the Central Council
on t h e conflict in t h e Section de Paris
5
10
15
do
25
1I) Resolution. W h e r e a s citizen Tolain has several t i m e s t e n d e r e d his resignation, a n d the Central C o u n c i l has as often refused to accept it, the
said C o u n c i l now leaves it to citizen T o l a i n a n d the Paris A d m i n i s t r a t i o n
to reconsider, w h e t h e r or n o t u n d e r present circumstances, this resignation
be opportune. T h e Central Council confirms beforehand whatever resolution the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n m a y come to on this point.
II) Resolution. In deference to the wishes of a m e e t i n g of 32 m e m b e r s of
the working m e n ' s international Association held at Paris F e b . 24, a n d in
obedience to t h e principles of popular sovereignty a n d selfgovernment, t h e
Central C o u n c i l cancels its resolution relating to the a p p o i n t m e n t of an official vindicator for t h e F r e n c h press. At t h e s a m e t i m e the C o u n c i l seizes
this opportunity of expressing its h i g h esteem for citizen Lefort, in particular as o n e of the initiators of the Working M e n ' s I n t e r n a t i o n a l Society a n d
in general for h i s approved public character, a n d further it protests t h a t it
does not sanction the principle that n o n e b u t an ouvrier is admissible as an
official in o u r society.
III) Resolution: T h e Council resolves that the present A d m i n i s t r a t i o n
with the a d d i t i o n of citizen Vinçard be confirmed.
IV) Resolution: T h e Central C o u n c i l earnestly requests t h e A d m i n i s t r a tion at Paris to c o m e to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g with citizens Lefort a n d Beluze,
so as to a d m i t t h e m , a n d the group of ouvriers they represent, to be represented in the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n by three m e m b e r s , b u t the council while emitting such a wish, has no power n o r design to dictate.
K)The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n at Paris having expressed its readiness to acknowledge a direct delegation from the Central Council, t h e Council
accordingly appoints citizen Schily to be its delegate to the said A d m i n i s tration. J
113
Karl Marx
/ Privatinstruction an Schily.
„In case no c o m p r o m i s e be arrived at, t h e Council declare t h a t t h e group
Lefort, a f t e r having taken out their cards of membership, will have t h e Power
u n d e r our Statutes (see § 7) to form a local b r a n c h Society."
77i¿y to be held out in terrorem, but confidentially, to Fribourg et Co., in order to i n d u c e t h e m to m a k e t h e necessary concessions, supposed Lefort
a n d Beluze (the director of the B a n q u e du Peuple) are earnest in i n d u c i n g
their group to b e c o m e m e m b e r s . |
114
Karl
Inhaltsanzeige von
Marx
Friedrich
„Die preußische
und
Engels' Broschüre
Militärfrage
die deutsche Arbeiterpartei"
Hermann.
Nr. 324, 18. März 1865
Die preußische Militärfrage
und die deutsche Arbeiterpartei.
Von Friedrich Engels.
(Hamburg, Otto Meißner.)
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25
Diese sehr b e d e u t e n d e Brochure zerfallt in drei A b s c h n i t t e .
In d e m ersten unterwirft der Verfasser die preußische A r m e e - R e o r g a n i sation einer militärisch wissenschaftlichen Kritik. D e n Hauptfehler findet
er darin, daß der Reorganisationsplan „ u n t e r d e m Schein, auf die ursprüngliche allgemeine Wehrpflicht zurückzugreifen, welche o h n e eine
Landwehr als große Armeereserve nicht b e s t e h e n k a n n , vielmehr eine
Schwenkung n a c h d e m französisch-ostreichischen Cadresystem m a c h t " .
Der zweite A b s c h n i t t kritisirt in scharfen Z ü g e n die B e h a n d l u n g der M i litärfrage d u r c h die bürgerliche Opposition. D e r Verfasser k o m m t zu d e m
Schlüsse: „Einerlei, d u r c h welche Fehler u n d Verwicklungen, die bürgerliche Opposition ist jetzt e i n m a l in die Stellung gedrängt: sie m u ß die Militärfrage durchfechten, oder sie verliert d e n Rest von politischer M a c h t , d e n
sie n o c h b e s i t z t . . . Sollte die preußische Bourgeoisie d e n M u t h h a b e n , auszuharren bis aufs Aeußerste? Sie m ü ß t e sich seit 1848 w u n d e r b a r verbessert h a b e n u n d die C o m p r o m i ß s e h n s u c h t , die sich in der Fortschrittspartei
seit Eröffnung dieser Session tagtäglich ausseufzt, spricht n i c h t dafür."
In d e m dritten A b s c h n i t t u n t e r s u c h t der Verfasser die Stellung „der Arbeiterpartei zu dieser A r m e e - R e o r g a n i s a t i o n " u n d d e n „daraus e n t s t a n d e nen Verfassungs-Conflict". Seine Antwort ist z u s a m m e n g e f a ß t in d e n folgenden Sätzen:
„Die m e h r u n d m e h r c o n s é q u e n t e Durchführung der allgemeinen W e h r pflicht ist der einzige Punkt, der die Arbeiterklasse D e u t s c h l a n d s an d e r
preußischen Armee-Reorganisation interessirt."
115
Karl Marx
Die Politik, welcher die Arbeiterklasse in d e m Verfassungs-Conflict zu
folgen hat, ist „die Arbeiterpartei vor A l l e m organisirt erhalten so gut es
die jetzigen Z u s t ä n d e zulassen; die Fortschrittspartei vorantreiben z u m
wirklichen Fortschreiten, so weit es möglich; der R e a c t i o n aber auf ihre
h e u c h l e r i s c h e n L o c k u n g e n antworten: M i t d e m Speere soll m a n G a b e
empfangen, Spitze gegen Spitze".
116
Karl
Marx
Notiz ü b e r Friedrich Engels' Broschüre
„Die
preußische
Militärfrage
Londoner Anzeiger.
Nr. 12, 17. März 1865
Die preußische Militärfrage u n d die deutsche Arbeiterpartei. V o n Friedrich
Engels. ( H a m b u r g . Otto Meißner.) W i r k ö n n e n u n s e r e n Lesern diese Brochure, welche die jetzt in D e u t s c h l a n d b r e n n e n d s t e n Fragen m i t großer
Schärfe, Unparteilichkeit u n d S a c h k e n n t n i ß b e h a n d e l t , aufs Beste empfehlen. Die alte Organisation der p r e u ß i s c h e n A r m e e , die Zwecke ihrer Reorganisation, die E n t s t e h u n g des p r e u ß i s c h e n Verfassungsconflikts, die F ü h rung der Opposition d u r c h die Fortschrittspartei, die gleichzeitigen W i r r e n
zwischen der Fortschrittspartei u n d der Arbeiterpartei, alles dies wird hier
kurz, aber originell u n d erschöpfend dargestellt.
117
Karl
Marx
Erklärung über die Ursachen des Bruchs
mit d e m
„Social-Demokraten"
Berliner Reform.
Nr. 67, 19. März 1865
Erklärung.
S e i n e m N a c h w o r t zur Austritts-Erklärung der H e r r e n Rüstow u n d Herwegh
(No. 31 des „Social-Demokrat") einverleibt H e r r v. Schweitzer e i n e n von
L o n d o n in die „Neue Frankfurter Zeitung" spedirten Artikel z u m Beweis,
„wie inconsequent u n d innerlich haltlos das Verfahren der H e r r e n Marx u n d
Engels ist". Er versucht Fälschung der T h a t s a c h e n . D a h e r folgendes Tatsächliche.
Am 11.November 1864 kündigte Herr V.Schweitzer die Stiftung des „Social-Demokrat", Organ des Allgemeinen Deutschen Arbeiter-Vereins, m i r schriftlich an u n d sagte bei dieser Gelegenheit u. A. :
„Wir h a b e n u n s an etwa 6 - 8 bewährte Mitglieder der Partei oder derselb e n wenigstens n a h e s t e h e n d e M ä n n e r gewandt, um sie für die Mitarbeiterschaft zu g e w i n n e n u n d es steht ziemlich a u ß e r Zweifel, daß diese Herren
zusagen werden. Allein für ungleich wichtiger h a l t e n wir es, d a ß Sie, der Begründer der Deutschen Arbeiterpartei (diese Worte sind von H r n . v. Schweitzer
selbst unterstrichen) und ihr erster Vorfechter, u n s Ihre Mitwirkung angedeihen lassen. Wir hegen die Hoffnung, daß Sie einem Verein, der, w e n n a u c h n u r
indirekt auf Ihre eigene Wirksamkeit zurückzuführen ist, n a c h d e m großen
Verluste, der i h n betroffen, in s e i n e m schweren Kampfe z u r Seite stehen
werden."
D i e s e m Einladungsschreiben lag ein Prospectus bei „als Manuscript gedruckt". Statt daß in d i e s e m Prospectus, wie H e r r v. Schweitzer j e t z t der
„Neuen Frankfurter Zeitung" nachlügt, „Lassalle's W o r t e als die m a ß g e b e n d e n standen", o d e r „Lassalle's N a m e n auf die F a h n e geschrieben" war, figurirte Lassalle hier weder m i t Wort n o c h N a m e n . D e r Prospectus enthielt
n u r drei P u n k t e : „Solidarität der Völkerinteressen", „das ganze gewaltige
D e u t s c h l a n d - Ein freier Volksstaat", „Abschaffung der Kapitalherrschaft". M i t ausdrücklicher Berufung auf diesen Prospectus sagten Engels
u n d ich die Mitarbeit zu.
118
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25·
Erklärung über die Ursachen des Bruchs mit dem „Social-Demokraten"
5
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25
30
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40
Am 19. November 1864 schrieb m i r Hr. v. Schweitzer: „Sollten Sie in Betreff der A u s g a b e des Prospectus n o c h etwas zu b e m e r k e n h a b e n , so m ü ß t e
dies umgehend g e s c h e h e n . " Ich b e m e r k t e nichts.
Hr. v. Schweitzer frag ferner an, ob „wir (die Redaction) h i e r u n d da
einen Artikel von I h n e n erwarten dürfen u n d ob es u n s zugleich erlaubt,
dies unsern Lesern anzukündigen". Engels u n d ich verlangten vorher die G e sellschaft zu k e n n e n , worin wir öffentlich figuriren sollten. Hr. v. Schweitzer
zählte sie n u n auf, h i n z u s c h r e i b e n d : „ W e n n Sie an e i n e m oder d e m andern dieser H e r r e n A n s t o ß n e h m e n sollten, so wird sich das hoffentlich
durch die Erwägung erledigen, d a ß ja zwischen d e n Mitarbeitern eines
Blattes keine gar strenge Solidarität besteht."
Am 28.November schrieb Hr.V.Schweitzer: „Ihre u n d Engels' Zusage h a t
in der Partei, so weit dieselbe ü b e r h a u p t eingeweiht ist, die freudigste Sensation hervorgerufen."
Die zwei ersten P r o b e n u m m e r n e n t h i e l t e n schon m a n c h e r l e i Bedenkliches. Ich remonstrirte. U n d unter anderm sprach ich m e i n e E n t r ü s t u n g darüber aus, d a ß aus e i n e m Privatbriefe, d e n ich auf die N a c h r i c h t von Lassalle's T o d der Gräfin Hatzfeldt schrieb, ein p a a r Trostworte herausgerissen, m i t m e i n e r Namensunterschrift veröffentlicht u n d schamlos d a z u
mißbraucht worden seien, eine servile L o b h u d e l e i Lassalle's „ein- und auszuläuten". Er antwortete am 30. D e z e m b e r : „Sehr geehrter Herr! H a b e n Sie
Geduld m i t u n s - die Sache wird schon nach und nach besser gehen, u n s e r e
Position ist sehr schwierig. G u t D i n g will Weile h a b e n , u n d so hoffe ich,
daß Sie sich beruhigen und eine Zeit lang zusehen." Dies schon am 30sten Dezember 1864, als n u r n o c h die ersten P r o b e n u m m e r n in m e i n e r H a n d !
Anfangs Januar 1865, n a c h Confiscation einer der ersten N u m m e r n des
„Social-Demokrat", beglückwünschte ich H r n . v. Schweitzer zu d i e s e m Ereigniß, hinzufügend, er m ü s s e offen m i t d e m M i n i s t e r i u m brechen.
Auf die N a c h r i c h t von Proudhon's T o d bat er um e i n e n Artikel ü b e r
Proudhon. I c h entsprach s e i n e m W u n s c h m i t u m g e h e n d e r Post, ergriff jedoch diese Gelegenheit, um jetzt in s e i n e m eigenen Blatt, „selbst j e d e n
Scheincompromiß m i t der b e s t e h e n d e n Gewalt", als Verletzung „des einfachen sittlichen T a k t e s " u n d P r o u d h o n ' s Kokettiren m i t L. Bonaparte n a c h
dem Staatsstreich als eine „ G e m e i n h e i t " zu charakterisiren. Gleichzeitig
sandte i h m Engels die Uebersetzung eines a l t d ä n i s c h e n Bauernliedes, um
in einer Randglosse die Nothwendigkeit des Kampfes wider das Krautjunkerthum d e n Lesern des „Social-Demokrat" ans H e r z zu legen.
Während desselben M o n a t s Januar j e d o c h h a t t e ich von N e u e m gegen
Hrn. v. Schweitzer's „Taktik" zu protestiren. Er antwortete am 4. Februar:
„ Unsere Taktik betreffend, bitte ich Sie zu b e d e n k e n , wie schwierig u n s e r e
Stellung ist. W i r m ü s s e n d u r c h a u s erst zu erstarken s u c h e n u. s. w."
119
Karl Marx
Ende Januar veranlaßte eine I n s i n u a t i o n der Pariser Correspondenz des
„Social-Demokrat" Engels u n d m i c h zu einer Erklärung, worin es u. A. hieß,
wir freuten u n s , u n s e r e A n s i c h t bestätigt zu finden, daß „das Pariser Proletariat d e m B o n a p a r t i s m u s in beiderlei Gestalt - der Gestalt der Tuilerien
u n d derjenigen des Palais Royal - n a c h wie vor unversöhnlich gegenübersteht u n d k e i n e n Augenblick daran gedacht hat, sein historisches Erstgeburtsrecht als Vorkämpfer der Revolution um ein G e r i c h t L i n s e n zu verschachern". D i e Erklärung schloß m i t d e n W o r t e n : „Wir empfehlen d e n
d e u t s c h e n Arbeitern dies Muster."
D e r Pariser Correspondent hatte u n t e r d e s s e n in Nr. 21 des „Social-Demokrat" seine frühere A n g a b e berichtigt u n d entzog unserer Erklärung so den
u n m i t t e l b a r e n Vorwand. W i r n a h m e n daher H r n . v. Schweitzer's Druckverweigerung h i n . Zugleich aber schrieb ich i h m : „wir würden anderswo u n sere Ansicht ü b e r das Verhältniß der Arbeiter zur P r e u ß . Regierung ausführlich aussprechen." E n d l i c h m a c h t e ich e i n e n letzten Versuch, i h m an
e i n e m praktischen Beispiel, der Coalitionsfrage, die Erbärmlichkeit seiner
„Taktik", war sie anders redlich gemeint, klar zu m a c h e n . Er erwiderte am
15. F e b r u a r :
„ W e n n Sie mir, wie im letzten Schreiben, ü b e r theoretische (!) Fragen
Aufklärung geben wollen, so würde ich solche Belehrung von Ihrer Seite
dankbar e n t g e g e n n e h m e n . Was aber die praktischen Fragen momentaner
Taktik betrifft, so bitte i c h Sie zu b e d e n k e n , daß, um diese Dinge zu beurtheilen, m a n i m M i t t e l p u n k t der Bewegung s t e h e n m u ß . Sie t h u n u n s daher U n r e c h t , w e n n Sie irgendwo und irgendwie Ihre Unzufriedenheit mit unserer Taktik aussprechen. Dies' dürften Sie n u r d a n n t h u n , wenn Sie die
Verhältnisse genau k e n n t e n . A u c h vergessen Sie nicht, daß der Allgemeine
Arbeiter-Verein ein consolidirter Körper ist u n d bis zu e i n e m gewissen
G r a d e an seine Traditionen g e b u n d e n bleibt. Die Dinge in concreto schlepp e n e b e n i m m e r irgend ein Fußgewicht m i t sich h e r u m . "
Auf dies Schweitzer'sche U l t i m a t u m antwortete Engels' u n d m e i n e öffeniliche Austrittserklärung.
L o n d o n , 15. M ä r z 1865.
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Marx.
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M e m o r a n d u m t o H e r m a n n Jung a b o u t t h e conflict
in t h e Section de Paris
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|[1]| Subcommittee Sitting 4 March, he wanted already to m o v e his resolution,
according to which the Paris A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was to be c o m p o s e d as follows: Fribourg, Vinçard, L i m o u s i n , 3 m e m b e r s to be designated by Lefort,
Schily as a sort of umpire.
Subcommittee Sitting. 6 March. He reproduces that m o t i o n .
Sitting of the Central Council. 7 March. He allowed the a p p o i n t m e n t of
Schily to pass without division, that is he accepted it, speaking in a parliamentary sense.
After this h a d t a k e n place, he writes in hot-haste to Paris, even before he
had the Resolutions in his h a n d . He expected, as he said (14 M a r c h ) , t h a t
the Paris Administration would protest against Schily. As by R e s o l u t i o n V
[Resolution V. The Administration at Paris having expressed its readiness to acknowledge a direct delegation from the Central Council, the C o u n c i l accordingly appoints Citizen Schily to be its delegate to the said Administration.)
Schily was only accredited to that A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , his ||[2]| a p p o i n t m e n t
could only be protested against by t h e m .
Having failed with t h e m , L u b e z conspires with the brothers of his lodge,
to declare Schily's a p p o i n t m e n t the cause of their withdrawal.
He puts himself in this awkward position: He protests against t h e Paris
Administration in the n a m e of Lefort, a n d he protests against Schily in t h e
name of the Paris A d m i n i s t r a t i o n which represents the F r e n c h b r a n c h etc.
On the remark of Mr. F o x (last sitting of Central Council) that h i s forgetfulness of Schily's nationality on 4 a n d 6 M a r c h , a n d his vivid recollection
of it on M a r c h 14 could only be a c c o u n t e d for by his wish to revenge h i m self because of the slight he thought Mr. Lefort was p u t to, he accepted this
plain explanation.
His mean i n s i n u a t i n g :
l ) as if the introductory words of R e s o l u t i o n V h a d b e e n inserted as a
catch-vote on false pretences. These words rest u p o n facts, Mr. Schily's open
letter, brought over by Lubez, read on February 28 in presence of Tolain
stly
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Karl Marx
etc, secondly Mr. Schily's report, c o m m u n i c a t e d to t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e ,
lastly the resolutions passed by the meeting of 24th February at Paris. T h e
words were only inserted to avoid even the appearance of dictatorship on
the part of t h e Central Council. |
I [3] I 2 ) T h e r e h a d on M a r c h 7 t i m e b e e n killed by personal altercations in order to hurry t h e acceptance of the 3 last Resolutions, carry t h e m
by surprise.
3 ) Mr. Schily was no ouvrier. Rejected as principle by R e s o l u t i o n II.
Schily h a d only to act privately with the Paris a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ; Lefort was to
act u p o n the public stage before the world in the n a m e of the Association.
The cases not analogous.
As to Lefort.
H e asks u s t o appoint h i m Defender G e n e r a l i n the F r e n c h Press. W e d o
so because we suppose h i m to act in u n d e r s t a n d i n g , and in concurrence
with Tolain etc. This n o m i n a t i o n so o b t a i n e d he t u r n s afterwards against us
into a legal title. On Tolain's letter, a n d before L u b e z was sent to Paris, we
cancel this a p p o i n t m e n t , as far as Mr. Lefort's name a n d public position is
concerned. (We r e d u c e it to this: he is allowed to write articles not signed
by himself, b u t by an ouvrier - a thing which he m i g h t have d o n e without
our consent.) T h a t such is the case, results from an angry letter he t h e n
wrote to L u b e z , b u t he yielded. T h e Paris m e e t i n g of F e b r u a r y 24th comm i t t e d only this b l u n d e r : that it protested against a resolution that had
ceased to exist. A n d upon this Mr. Lefort, or his friends at L o n d o n , feign to
forget that he h a d already given up the post he was n a m e d ||[4]| to. He even
m e n a c e s us to warn all democrats against us, forgetting t h a t we can warn
against h i m , if necessary.
n d l y
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He a n d his m a n Lubez say that he is n o t m o v e d by personal a m b i t i o n . He
only wants a political guarantee. Well. We appoint Vinçard, a m a n who represents m o r e guarantees t h a n Lefort et Le L u b e z p u t together. Having 30
b e e n appointed, Mr. Vinçard turns into a n o n - e n t i t y for Lefort a n d Lubez.
T h e only thing they could say against his proposal by Tolain etc, afterwards
confirmed by u s , is this: that it was n o t at the right t i m e c o m m u n i c a t e d to
Lefort. T h u s this miserable point of etiquette is their last pretence of opposition etc.
35
International Character of the society endangered, a n d Power of t h e Council to
appoint ambassadors.
The class character of this movement. R é p u b l i c a i n s formalistes.
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Karl Marx: Memorandum to Hermann Jung about the conflict
in the Section de Paris. Seite [5]
Memorandum to Hermann Jung about the conflict in the Section de Paris
I[5]I 1) Pas de résolution contre Schily; M a r x déclare la n o m i n a t i o n de
M ö n s . Schily c o m m e n o n - a v e n u e , qu'il l'avait s e u l e m e n t acceptée parcequ'elle a passé unanimement.
2) T h e instructions given to Le Lubez to c o m m u n i c a t e to the F r e n c h administration a n d Lefort (in the sitting of C o u n c i l 7th M a r c h ) , r u n t h u s : „In
case no compromise be arrived at, the Council declare that the group Lefort,
a f t e r having t a k e n o u t their cards of m e m b e r s h i p , will have t h e Power, u n der our statutes (see § 7), to form a local b r a n c h society."
In the sitting of the C o u n c i l of M a r c h 14 this Private I n s t r u c t i o n was
changed into a Resolution, because no c o m p r o m i s e could be arrived at. This
was the only Resolution passed.
(There was the other R e s o l u t i o n passed that L u b e z h a d to c o m m u n i c a t e literally to b o t h sides the whole of the Resolutions.)
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Note to Hermann Jung
a b o u t Ernest J o n e s ' s letter to t h e Central Council
I Ernest Jones writes to M a r x (d.d. M a r c h 16, M a n c h e s t e r ) , t h a t he will support the delegation sent to the M a n c h e s t e r Conference. T h e m i d d l e class
h a d sent to h i m a n d H o o s o n to sign the Circular convening t h e M a n c h e s t e r
Conference. He h a d n o t accepted it at the date of the letter. Er schreibt
ausserdem: " W e are going to hold district meetings in M a n c h e s t e r to organise the M a n h o o d Suffrage m o v e m e n t in support of t h e L o n d o n one."
Give Mr.Cremer (privately) the address of E.Jones, 55, Cross Street, Manchester. I
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Erklärung an die Redaktion der „Berliner Reform"
I An die Redaction der (Berliner) „Reform".
Aus den h i e r h i n m i r nachgeschickten N . 6 8 der „Reform" u n d N . 3 7 des „Social-Demokrat" ersehe ich, d a ß Herr v. Schweitzer verlegne u n d verlogne
Versuche m a c h t , u m sich aus selbstbereiteten „holden H i n d e r n i s s e n " her5 auszuwinden. H a b e a t sibi! I c h erlaube i h m j e d o c h nicht, m e i n e Erklärung
vom 15. M ä r z , worin ich ihn einfach sich selbst schildern lasse, in eine Erklärung über Lassalle zu verdrehn. D i e ungefähr fünfzehn J a h r e u m f a s s e n d e
und in m e i n e m Besitz befindliche Correspondenz Lassalle's m i t m i r entzieht es ganz u n d gar der M a c h t der Schweitzer u n d Consorten, u n s e r per10 sönliches Verhältniß zu entstellen, oder die Motive || m e i n e r n e u t r a l e n
Haltung zur Lassalleschen Agitation zu verdächtigen. W a s andrerseits das
Verhältniß der theoretischen Arbeiten Lassalle's zu d e n m e i n i g e n betrifft,
so ist das Sache wissenschaftlicher Kritik. Z u r Erörterung ü b e r d e n e i n e n
oder den a n d e r n P u n k t bietet sich später vielleicht die Gelegenheit. U n t e r
15 allen U m s t ä n d e n aber verbietet m i r die Pietät Derartiges z u m G e g e n s t a n d
der Zeitungspolemik m i t Sykophanten zu m a c h e n .
Zalt-Bommel 2 8 . M ä r z 1865.
Karl M a r x |
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Der „Präsident der Menschheit"
Rheinische Zeitung.
Nr. 102, 12. April 1865
Der „Präsident der Menschheit".
Bei m e i n e r R ü c k k e h r von Holland n a c h L o n d o n präsentirt m i r der „SocialDemokrat" in Nr. 39 e i n e n von H r n . Bemh. Becker eigenhändig gebackenen
A s a - F ö t i d a - K u c h e n , größtentheils a u s Vogt'schen V e r l ä u m d u n g s k r u m e n
z u s a m m e n g e s e t z t . D i e gerichtlich d o k u m e n t i r t e Widerlegung der
V o g t ' s c h e n L ü g e n m ä r c h e n findet m a n in m e i n e r Schrift „Herr Vogt. London, 1860". G a n z wider seine G e w o h n h e i t j e d o c h , begnügt sich
H r . Bernhard Becker, der „Präsident der Menschheit", diesmal n i c h t blos mit
Abschreiberei. Z u m ersten M a l in s e i n e m L e b e n versucht er, a u c h etwas
Eigenes zu geben.
„Ja, Marx", sagt der „Präsident der Menschheit", „versetzte d u r c h D r o n k e
für 1000 Thlr. ein Manuscript, welches der p r e u ß i s c h e Polizei-Commissar
Stieber, der in L o n d o n u n t e r den Flüchtlingen h e r u m s p i o n i r t e , auslöste."
U n d dreimal i m Lauf seines selbstmündlichen Präsidialvortrags kehrt u n ser Bernhard Becker m i t stets wachsender Heiterkeit z u r ü c k zu dieser „Thatsache".
Seite 124 m e i n e s „Herr Vogt", sage ich in einer N o t e : „Ich selbst hatte
Bangya m i t s e i n e m d a m a l i g e n F r e u n d e , d e m jetzigen G e n e r a l Tun, 1850 in
L o n d o n k e n n e n gelernt. Der Verdacht, d e n m i r seine M o g e l e i e n m i t allen
m ö g l i c h e n Parteien, Orleanisten, Bonapartisten u. s. w., u n d sein U m g a n g
m i t Polizisten j e d e r R a t i o n a l i t ä t ' einflößten, schlug er einfach nieder
d u r c h Vorzeigung eines i h m von Kossuth eigenhändig ausgefertigten Patents, worin er früher schon provisorischer Polizei-Präsident zu Komorn
u n t e r Klapka, z u m Polizei-Präsidenten in partibus bestallt war. G e h e i m e r
Polizeichef im Dienste der Revolution, m u ß t e er sich n a t ü r l i c h die Zugänge zur Polizei im Dienste der R e g i e r u n g e n „offen" halten. Im Laufe des
S o m m e r s 1852 entdeckte ich, daß er ein Manuscript, das ich ihm zur Besorgung an einen Buchhändler in Berlin anvertraut, unterschlagen und einer deutschen Regierung in die Hände gespielt hatte. N a c h d e m ich ü b e r diesen Vorfall
128
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u n d andere, m i r längst auffällige E i g e n t h ü m l i c h k e i t e n des M a n n e s an
e i n e n U n g a r n (Szemere) zu Paris geschrieben, u n d d u r c h die Intervention
einer dritten g e n a u u n t e r r i c h t e t e n Person das M y s t e r i u m Bangya völlig gelöst worden war, s a n d t e ich eine öffentliche Denunciation, unterzeichnet mit
meinem Namen, Anfang 1853 der Newyorker Criminalzeitung zu."'
Der „Präsident der Menschheit" h a t offenbar die ausführliche, von m i r vor
12 J a h r e n in der „Newyorker C r i m i n a l z e i t u n g " veröffentlichte D e n u n c i a tion Bangya's, der d a m a l s n o c h zu L o n d o n hauste, nicht gelesen. Er h ä t t e
sonst wohl seine D i c h t u n g d e m T h a t b e s t a n d e etwas n ä h e r angeschmiegt.
So überläßt er sich ganz d e m Spiel seiner h o l d e n Phantasie, u n d was lag
der näher, als die a n g e n e h m e Ideenassociation von London u n d Versetzen ?
Doch stehe ich dafür, daß Bernhard Becker n i e m a l s seine M a n u s c r i p t e versetzt hat.
D e r „Präsident der Menschheit" geruhte ferner h i n z u z u f ü g e n :
„daß M a r x b e i m E n t s t e h e n des W i e n e r .Botschafters', des officiösen Organs der östreichischen Regierung, m i c h (eben denselbigen Bernhard Becker)
als C o r r e s p o n d e n t e n für denselben gewinnen wollte, i n d e m er m i r d e n officiösen Charakter des a u f t a u c h e n d e n Blattes, das, wie er sagte, i h m zugeschickt worden war, verschwieg u n d im G e g e n t h e i l b e t o n t e , daß ich ganz
rothe Artikel hineinliefern dürfe."
Herr Bernhard Becker, der damals n o c h nicht „Präsident der Menschheit"
war, a u c h die unverbrüchliche G e w o h n h e i t besaß, „ganz blasse Artikel" in
den L o n d o n e r „Hermann" zu kritzeln, überraschte m i c h (ich hatte ihn vorher n u r ein oder zweimal zufällig gesehn), - kurz bevor er sich aus sicheren G r ü n d e n still aus L o n d o n wegstahl, eines s c h ö n e n A b e n d s m i t e i n e m
leibhaftigen B e s u c h e in m e i n e m H a u s e . Er winselte m i r kläglich sein M i ß geschick vor u n d frag an, ob ich i h m C o r r e s p o n d e n z e n zur Hülfe aus bitterer N o t h verschaffen k ö n n e ? Ich erwiderte, Herr Kolatschek h a b e vor wenigen Tagen H e r r n S. Borkheim, politischem Flüchtling u n d K a u f m a n n in der
City, die G r ü n d u n g eines n e u e n , angeblich „sehr liberalen" W i e n e r Blattes
angezeigt, i h m P r o b e n u m m e r n zugeschickt u n d i h n ersucht, e i n e n L o n d o ner C o r r e s p o n d e n t e n zu werben. A u f Bernhard Becker's h e i ß e n W u n s c h versprach ich, m i c h für i h n an Herrn Borkheim, der F l ü c h t l i n g e n stets gern gefällig ist, in dieser Angelegenheit zu w e n d e n . Bernhard Becker schrieb auch,
so viel ich m i c h erinnere, e i n e n oder m e h r e r e Probeartikel n a c h W i e n . U n d
sein fehlgeschlagener Versuch, Correspondent des Botschafters zu werden,
beweist meine Allianz m i t der östreichischen Kanzlei! Herr Bernhard Becker
glaubt offenbar, daß weil die Gräfin Hatzfeldt i h m ein A m t , der Herrgott
ihm a u c h d e n d a z u n ö t h i g e n Verstand gegeben hat!
„Systematisch", erzählt Bernhard Becker weiter, „bearbeitete Liebknecht
n u n die Gräfin Hatzfeldt, an welche a u c h M a r x Telegramme u n d Briefe
schickt, um sie gegen den Verein aufzureizen."
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Herr Bernhard Becker wähnt, ich n e h m e die i h m t e s t a m e n t a r i s c h überk o m m e n e Wichtigkeit ganz so „systematisch" ernsthaft wie er selbst!
M e i n e Briefe an die Gräfin Hatzfeldt n a c h d e m Tode Lassalle's b e s t a n d e n
aus e i n e m Condolenzschreiben, aus Antworten auf verschiedene, m i r wegen der beabsichtigten Lassalle-Brochüre gestellte F r a g e n u n d aus Erörter u n g e n ü b e r eine m i r abverlangte u n d in der T h a t erfolgte A b w e h r wider
einen V e r l ä u m d e r Lassalle's. Z u r V e r m e i d u n g von Mißverständnissen hielt
ich es j e d o c h für zweckmäßig, die Gräfin in e i n e m Brief v o m 22. Dezember
1864 zu erinnern, daß ich m i t Lassalle's Politik nicht ü b e r e i n s t i m m t e . Dam i t schloß u n s e r e Correspondenz, worin keine Silbe ü b e r den Verein. Die 10
Gräfin h a t t e m i c h u. a. ersucht ihr umgehend zu schreiben, ob die Z u g a b e
gewisser Portraits zur beabsichtigten Brochure m i r passend schiene. Ich
antwortete d u r c h Telegraph: Neinl D i e ß eine T e l e g r a m m setzt H e r r Bernhard Becker, der ein eben so großer G r a m m a t i k e r , wie Dichter u n d D e n k e r
ist, in den Plural.
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Er erzählt, ich h a b e m i c h a u c h später an einer wider i h n in's W e r k gesetzten Agitation betheiligt. Der einzige Schritt meinerseits in dieser allwichtigen Angelegenheit war dieser: M a n h a t t e m i r aus Berlin geschrieben,
Bernhard Becker werde von gewisser Seite her verfolgt, weil er d e n „SocialDemokrat" u n d d e n „Verein" nicht zur Agitation für die Einverleibung
Schleswig-Holsteins in P r e u ß e n m i ß b r a u c h e n lassen wolle. M a n hatte
m i c h gleichzeitig ersucht, Herrn Klings in Solingen, auf d e n m a n m i r wegen früherer V e r b i n d u n g e i n e n gewissen Einfluß zu schrieb, u n d Herrn
Philipp Becker in Genf, diese „Intrigue" z u r W a r n u n g m i t z u t h e i l e n . Ich
that beides, das eine d u r c h e i n e n Barmer F r e u n d , das a n d r e d u r c h m e i n e n
F r e u n d Schily in Paris, der befangen wie ich war in d e m W a h n e es sei dem
„Präsidenten der Menschheit" etwas m e n s c h l i c h e s passirt u n d er h a b e sich
wirklich e i n m a l anständig aufgeführt. Er verdreht jetzt n a t ü r l i c h d e n Thatb e s t a n d ins grade G e g e n t h e i l - als Dialektiker.
D e r „Präsident der Menschheit" ist aber nicht n u r groß als Dichter, Denker, G r a m m a t i k e r u n d Dialektiker. Er ist o b e n d r e i n Patholog reinsten Wassers. M e i n e anderthalbjährige Karbunkelkrankheit, die zufällig n o c h 6 M o n a t e n a c h Lassalle's T o d fortdauerte, diese blutrothe K r a n k h e i t erklärt er
aus „blassem N e i d e über Lassalle's Größe". Aber, fügt er emphatisch
h i n z u , „er wagte es n i c h t gegen Lassalle aufzutreten, d e n n er wußte recht
wohl, der würde i h n m i t seiner R i e s e n k e u l e gleich d e m Bastiat-Schulze
m a u s e t o d t geschlagen h a b e n " .
N u n preißt Lassalle grade in dieser seiner letzten Schrift ü b e r „BastiatSchulze" m e i n e „Kritik der Pol. Oekonomie. Berlin 1859" ü b e r G e b ü h r , n e n n t
sie „Epochemachend" ein „Meisterwerk" u n d stellt sie m i t d e n W e r k e n
A. Smiths u n d R i c a r d o ' s in gleiche Linie. H i e r a u s schließt Herr Bernhard
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Becker m i t d e m i h m e i g e n t h ü m l i c h e n D e n k v e r m ö g e n , d a ß Lassalle m i c h
gleich Schulze-Bastiat t o d t m a c h e n k o n n t e . Lassalle h a t t e übrigens a u c h
ganz andre Vorstellungen von d e m was ich „wage". Als ich i h m bei einer
hier nicht zu erörternden Gelegenheit schrieb, Engels u n d ich w ü r d e n aus
G r ü n d e n , d i e i c h aufzählte, zu e i n e m öffentlichen Angriff auf ihn gezwungen sein, antwortete er ausführlich in e i n e m in diesem Augenblick vor m i r
liegenden Briefe, worin er erst seine G e g e n g r ü n d e aufstellt, u n d d a n n m i t
der W e n d u n g abschließt: „Bedenket das Alles, bevor ihr laut u n d öffentlich
sprecht. A u c h die Theilung u n d Spaltung unserer würde für u n s r e o h n e h i n
nicht große specielle Partei ein beklagenswerthes Ereigniß sein!"
Herr Bernhard Becker findet e i n e n v o l l k o m m e n e n Widerspruch darin, d a ß
ich von einer i n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Winkelassociation, worin er, Bernhard Becker,
figurirt h a b e n soll, nichts wissen wollte, w ä h r e n d ich m i c h d o c h m i t großem Eifer an der vergangenen September von d e n Chefs der L o n d o n e r Trades U n i o n gestifteten i n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Association betheilige.
Die Unterscheidungsgabe des H e r r n Bernhard Becker hält offenbar s e i n e m
Schlußvermögen die Stange. Seine Association, r ü h m t er, b r a c h t e es zu
einer Blüthe von g a n z e n „400 M a n n " , während u n s e r e Association so u n bescheiden ist, schon j e t z t in England allein z e h n t a u s e n d Mitglieder zu
zählen. Es ist in der T h a t unerlaubt, daß sich so etwas gewissermaßen h i n ter d e m R ü c k e n des „Präsidenten der Menschheit" zutrage.
Alles in A l l e m erwogen u n d n a m e n t l i c h d e n n u r ganz kurz von m i r angedeuteten Fähigkeitenschwarm des Herrn Bernhard Becker, findet m a n
seine Beschwerde k a u m gerechtfertigt, daß m a n e i n e m M a n n e wie i h m z u
viel auf e i n m a l h a b e aufbürden wollen; d a ß m a n i h m nicht n u r die A u t o kratieverrichtung als sein Hauptfach, sondern „nebenbei" a u c h das kleinere
Amt aufoctroyirt: „Eier u n d Butter für's H a u s zu kaufen." D o c h scheint
eine bessere H a u s o r d n u n g u n t e r seinen zwieschlächtigen F u n k t i o n e n zulaßbar. In Zukunft m a c h e m a n es zu s e i n e m Hauptgeschäft „Eier u n d Butter für's H a u s zu kaufen" u n d lasse ihn dahingegen n u r ganz „ n e b e n b e i "
die M e n s c h h e i t verpräsidiren.
London,
8.
April
1865.
Karl
Marx.
131
Karl
Marx
Berichtigung.
An den
Redakteur des „Weißen Adlers"
Berichtigung.
N a c h d e m die in N . 3 0 Ihres Blatts erwähnten zwei Anträge der H e r r e n Beales u n d Leverson auf d e m L o n d o n e r Polenmeeting v o m l . M ä r z angenomm e n worden waren, stellte Herr Peter Fox (Engländer), im N a m e n der „Internationalen Arbeiterassociation" d e n Antrag, „Daß ein integrales und
u n a b h ä n g i g e s Polen eine u n e n t b e h r l i c h e B e d i n g u n g eines demokratischen
Europa's ist, u n d daß so lange diese Bedingung unerfüllt bleibt, revolution ä r e T r i u m p h e auf d e m Continent n u r kurzlebige Vorspiele verlängerter
Perioden der Herrschaft der Conterrevolution sein k ö n n e n . "
N a c h einer k u r z e n historischen Skizze der Uebel, die E u r o p a in Folge
des Verlusts der Freiheit Polens befielen, u n d der Erobrungspolitik R u ß lands, wies Herr P. F o x n a c h , daß die H a l t u n g der liberalen Partei in dieser
Frage n i c h t zusammenfalle m i t der der demokratischen Gesellschaft, in deren N a m e n er spreche. Das M o t t o des conservativen E u r o p a ' s sei: Ein geknechtetes E u r o p a m i t e i n e m geknechteten Polen als Basis. Das M o t t o der
„ I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Arbeiterassociation" sei dagegen: E i n freies E u r o p a gestützt auf ein freies u n d unabhängiges Polen.
Herr Eccarius (deutscher Arbeiter, Vicepräsident der „Internationalen
Arbeiterassociation") unterstützte den Antrag u n d setzte ausführlich Preuß e n s T h e i l n a h m e an d e n verschiednen T h e i l u n g e n Polens auseinander. Er
schloß m i t d e n W o r t e n : „Der Untergang der preussischen Monarchie ist die
conditio sine q u a n o n für D e u t s c h l a n d ' s Herstellung u n d Polens Wiederherstellung." I
I Herr Le Lubez, französisches Mitglied der „Internationalen Arbeiterassociation" sprach ebenfalls für den Antrag, der einstimmig und unter anhaltendem Beifallsruf des Meeting's angenommen ward.
D i e Daily News u n d ein paar andre „liberale" L o n d o n e r Tagesblätter unterdrückten diesen Theil des Berichts aus Aerger ü b e r d e n T r i u m p h der „In-
132
5
io-
15
20
25
Berichtigung · An den Redakteur des „Weißen Adlers"
temationalen Arbeiterassociation", o h n e deren Mitwirkung, n e b e n b e i bemerkt, das P o l e n m e e t i n g zu St. M a r t i n ' s Hall ü b e r h a u p t n i c h t
stattgefunden h ä t t e . Ich ersuche Sie im N a m e n der „ I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Arbeiterassociaton" u m A u f n a h m e dieser Berichtigung.
London etc.
H. Jung, correspondirender Secretar
d e r „Int. Arbeiterass." für die Schweitz. |
133
Karl
Marx
To Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States of America
The Bee-Hive Newspaper.
Nr. 188, 20. Mai 1865
To Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States.
Sir,—The d e m o n of t h e "peculiar institution," for the supremacy of which
t h e South rose in arms, would n o t allow his worshippers to h o n o u r a b l y succ u m b in t h e o p e n field. W h a t he h a d b e g u n in treason, he m u s t n e e d s end
5
in infamy. As Philip II.'s war for the Inquisition bred a Gerard, t h u s Jefferson Davis's pro-slavery war, a Booth.
It is n o t our part to cull words of sorrow a n d horror, while the heart of
two worlds heaves with e m o t i o n . Even the sycophants who, year after year,
a n d day by day, stuck to their Sisyphus work of morally assassinating Abra- 10
h a m Lincoln, a n d the great Republic he h e a d e d , stand now aghast at this
universal outburst of popular feeling, a n d rival with each o t h e r to strew rhetorical flowers on his o p e n grave. They have now at last found out that he
was a m a n , n e i t h e r to be browbeaten by adversity, n o r intoxicated by success, inflexibly pressing on to his great goal, never c o m p r o m i s i n g it by 15
blind haste, slowly m a t u r i n g his steps, never retracing t h e m , carried away
by no surge of popular favour, disheartened by no slackening of the popular
pulse, t e m p e r i n g stern acts by the gleams of a kind heart, illuminating
scenes dark with passion by the smile of h u m o u r , doing his titanic work as
h u m b l y a n d h o m e l y as Heaven-born rulers do little things with the grandil- 20
o q u e n c e of p o m p a n d state; in o n e word, o n e of t h e rare m e n who succeed
in b e c o m i n g great, without ceasing to be good. Such, indeed, was t h e modesty of this great and good m a n , that the world only discovered h i m a hero
after he h a d fallen a martyr.
To be singled out by the side of such a chief, the second victim to the in- 25
fernal gods of slavery, was an h o n o u r d u e to Mr. Seward. H a d he not, at a
t i m e of general hesitation, the sagacity to foresee a n d the m a n l i n e s s to
foretell "the irrepressible conflict?" Did he not, in the darkest h o u r s of that
134
The Bee-Hive Newspaper. London.
Nr. 188, 20. Mai 1865. Titelseite mit der Adresse
„To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States of America"
von Marx
To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States of America
conflict, prove true to the R o m a n duty to never despair of the R e p u b l i c a n d
its stars? We earnestly h o p e that he a n d his son will be restored to health,
public activity, a n d well deserved h o n o u r s within m u c h less t h a n "90 days."
After a t r e m e n d o u s civil war, b u t which, if we consider its vast d i m e n sions, and its broad scope, a n d compare it to t h e Old World's 100 years'
wars, a n d 30 years' wars, a n d 23 years' wars, can hardly be said to have
lasted 90 days, Yours, Sir, has b e c o m e the task to uproot by the law what
has been felled by the sword, to preside over t h e arduous work of political
reconstruction a n d social regeneration. A profound sense of your great
mission will save you from any c o m p r o m i s e with stern duties. Y o u will
never forget that, to initiate t h e new era of the e m a n c i p a t i o n of labour, the
American people devolved the responsibilities of leadership u p o n two m e n
of l a b o u r — t h e o n e A b r a h a m Lincoln, the other Andrew J o h n s o n .
Signed, on behalf of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Working M e n ' s Association, London, M a y 13th, 1865, by the Central Council—Charles K a u b , Edwin
Coulson, F. Lessner, Carl Pfaender, N. P. H a n s e n , Karl Schapper, W i l l i a m
Dell, George Lochner, George Eccarius, J o h n Osborne, P. Petersen,
A J a n k s , H . K l i m o s c h , J o h n Weston, H.Bolleter, B.Lucraft, J.Buckley, Peter Fox, N. Salvatella, George Howell, Bordage, A. Valltier, R o b e r t Shaw,
J. H. Longmaid, W. Morgan, G. W. Wheeler, J. D. Nieass, W. C. Worley,
D.Stainsby, F. de Lassassie, J.Carter, E m i l e Holtorp, Secretary for P o l a n d ;
Carl Marx, Secretary for G e r m a n y ; H. J u n g , Secretary for Switzerland;
E.Dupont, Secretary for F r a n c e ; J.Whitlock, F i n a n c i a l Secretary; G.Odger,
President; W. R. Cremer, H o n . G e n . Secretary.
137
Karl
An
Marx
Andrew Johnson,
Präsident der Vereinigten
Staaten von Amerika
Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen
Oberrheinischer Courier.
Nr. 140, 15. Juni 1865
An den Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten
Hrn. Andrew Johnson.
Herr Präsident!
D e r D ä m o n der Sclaverei, welcher d e m S ü d e n die Waffen in die H a n d gedrückt hatte, d a m i t der „eigenthümlichen E i n r i c h t u n g " („peculiar institu- 5
tion") die Oberherrschaft erkämpft werde, h a t seinen A n b e t e r n n i c h t die
ehrliche Niederlage in offenem Feld gegönnt. W a s er m i t Verrath begonn e n , m u ß t e e r m i t Infamie e n d e n .
W i e Philipps II. Krieg für die Inquisition e i n e n Gerard, so erzeugte des
Jefferson Davis Krieg für die Sclaverei e i n e n Booth.
10
W i r v e r s c h m ä h e n es, W o r t e der Trauer u n d des A b s c h e u s zu drechseln,
während das Herz zweier W e l t e n im Schmerz z u s a m m e n z u c k t . Selbst die
Sykophanten, d e n e n J a h r für J a h r u n d Tag für Tag die Sysiphusarbeit
oblag, A b r a h a m Lincoln u n d die große Republik, der er vorstand, moralisch zu m e u c h e l n , sie blicken jetzt m i t s t a u n e n d e m G r a u e n auf diesen all- 15
g e m e i n e n , gewaltigen A u s b r u c h des Volksgefühls u n d wetteifern m i t einander, R e d n e r b l u m e n auf sein offenes G r a b zu streuen. Jetzt h a b e n sie
endlich entdeckt, daß er ein M a n n war, weder zu b e u g e n v o m Unglück,
n o c h zu b l e n d e n v o m Glück; u n a u f h a l t s a m vorwärts d r ä n g e n d auf dem
W e g z u m großen Ziel; n i e m a l s durch blinde H a s t d e n Erfolg gefährdend; 20
l a n g s a m überlegend vor j e d e m Schritt, aber nie e i n e n Schritt rückwärts
m a c h e n d ; d u r c h keine B r a n d u n g der Volksgunst vorangerissen; durch
keine Ebbe des Staatsschatzes e n t m u t h i g t ; H a n d l u n g e n der Strenge durch
M i l d e des Herzens sänftigend; düstre S c e n e n der Leidenschaft d u r c h ein
launiges L ä c h e l n erleuchtend; sein Titanenwerk so bescheiden u n d einfach 25
verrichtend wie Herrscher von G o t t e s g n a d e n kleinliche Geschäfte m i t dem
138
An Andrew Johnson, Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika
5
10
15
20
25
anspruchsvollen P o m p des Staatsceremoniels betreiben - m i t E i n e m Wort,
Einer j e n e r seltenen M ä n n e r , d e n e n es gelingt groß zu werden, o h n e daß
sie aufhören, gut zu sein. Ja, so b e s c h e i d e n war dieser M a n n , d a ß die Welt
ihn erst als H e l d e n erkannte, n a c h d e m er als Märtyrer gefallen war.
N e b e n e i n e m solchen F ü h r e r z u m zweiten Opfer für die höllischen Götter der Sclaverei auserlesen zu werden, war eine E h r e , die H r n . Seward gebührte. H a t t e er n i c h t zu einer Zeit allgemeiner U n k l a r h e i t u n d U n e n t schlossenheit die Scharfsicht, den „ u n a b w e n d b a r e n K a m p f vorherzusehen, u n d die Mannhaftigkeit, ihn vorherzusagen? Erwies er sich nicht in
den schwärzesten S t u n d e n j e n e s Kampfes treu der Römerpflicht, n i e m a l s
zu verzweifeln an der Republik u n d i h r e n Sternen? W i r hoffen von ganzer
Seele, daß Er u n d sein Sohn b i n n e n weniger als „neunzig T a g e n " der G e sundheit, d e m öffentlichen L e b e n u n d der wohlverdienten E h r e zurückgegeben werden.
N a c h e i n e m furchtbaren Bürgerkrieg, der aber, w e n n wir s e i n e u n g e heure A u s d e h n u n g u n d seine m ä c h t i g e n Ziele ins A u g e fassen, u n d ihn
mit den hundertjährigen, d e n dreißigjährigen, d e n dreiundzwanzigjährigen
Kriegen der alten Welt vergleichen, k a u m „neunzig T a g e " gedauert zu haben scheint - ist es, Hr. Präsident, Ihre Aufgabe geworden, d u r c h das G e setz zu entwurzeln, was das Schwert gefallt hat, d e m schweren Werk des
staatlichen U m b a u s u n d der gesellschaftlichen N e u g e b u r t vorzustehen.
Das Bewußtsein Ihrer großen Mission wird Sie vor j e d e m C o m p r o m i ß m i t
der strengen Pflicht bewahren.
Sie werden n i e m a l s vergessen, d a ß das a m e r i k a n i s c h e Volk, um die n e u e
Aera der E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeit einzuweisen, zwei S ö h n e n der Arbeit
die Verantwortlichkeit der Leitung übertragen h a t : erst A b r a h a m Lincoln
u n d d a n n Andrew J o h n s o n .
I m N a m e n u n d Auftrag der „internationalen Arbeiter-Association". Folgen die Unterschriften.
139
Karl
Marx
Draft f o r t h e final p a s s a g e o f „ V a l u e ,
price and
profit"
I 1) A general rise in t h e rate of wages will, broadly speaking, p r o d u c e a
general fall in the rate of profits, leaving the values of c o m m o d i t i e s u n a l tered.
2) U n d e r very exceptional circumstances, only a general rise of wages
could be realised. If obtained, it could only last u n d e r very exceptional circumstances. T h e general tendency of production, u p o n its present basis, is
n o t to raise, b u t to lower wages. Even if a general rise in the rate of wages
should obtain for any longer period, it would n o t abolish, b u t only mitigate
the slavery of the wages' labourer, t h a t is, of the m a s s of t h e people.
3) Trades' U n i o n s work well as far as they counteract, if even temporarily, the tendency to a fall in the general rate of wages, a n d as far as they
t e n d to shorten a n d regulate the t i m e of labour, in other words the || extent
of the working day. T h e y work well as far as they are a m e a n s of organising
the working class as a class. They fail accidentally, by an injudicious use of
their power, a n d they fail generally, by accepting the present relations of
capital and labour as p e r m a n e n t , instead of working for their abolition. |
140
Karl
Value,
Marx
p r i c e a n d profit
Value, price and profit
| 1 | Read to the Central Council on Tuesday,
(20 June 1865).
th
Citizens,
Before entering into the subject matter, allow me to m a k e a few preliminary remarks.
There reigns now on t h e C o n t i n e n t a real epidemy of strikes a n d a general clamour for a rise of wages. T h e question will t u r n u p , on our Congress. You, as t h e h e a d of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association, ought to have settled convictions u p o n this p a r a m o u n t question. F o r my own part, I
10 considered it therefore my duty to enter fully into the matter, even at the
peril of putting your patience to a severe test.
Another preliminary r e m a r k I have to m a k e in regard to citizen W e s t o n .
He has n o t only proposed to you, b u t publicly defended, in t h e interest of
the working class, as he thinks, opinions he knows to be m o s t u n p o p u l a r
15 with the working class. Such an exhibition of m o r a l courage, all of us m u s t
highly h o n o u r . I h o p e that, despite the u n v a r n i s h e d style of my paper, at its
conclusion he will find me to agree with what appears to me the j u s t idea
lying at t h e b o t t o m of his theses, which, however, in their present form, I
cannot b u t consider theoretically false a n d practically dangerous.
20
I shall n o w at o n c e proceed to the business before us.
5
1)
Citizen W e s t o n ' s a r g u m e n t rested in fact u p o n two premises:
7 ) T h a t the amount of national production is a fixed thing, a constant
quantity or m a g n i t u d e , as the m a t h e m a t i c i a n s would say;
25
2 ) T h a t the amount of real wages, that is to say of wages as m e a s u r e d
by the quantity of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s they c a n buy, is a fixed a m o u n t , a constant m a g n i t u d e .
stIy
ndly
143
Karl Marx
Now, his first assertion is evidently erroneous. Year after year, you will
find, that the value a n d m a s s of p r o d u c t i o n increase, t h a t the productive
powers of the n a t i o n a l labour increase, a n d t h a t the a m o u n t of m o n e y , necessary to circulate this increasing production, continuously changes. What
is true at the end of the year, and for different years c o m p a r e d with each
other, is true for every average day of the year. T h e a m o u n t or m a g n i t u d e
of national p r o d u c t i o n changes continuously. It is not a constant, but a variable m a g n i t u d e , and, apart from changes in population, it m u s t be so, because of the c o n t i n u o u s change in the accumulation of capital a n d the productive powers of labour. It is perfectly true that, if a rise in the general rate of
wages should take place to-day, t h a t rise, whatever its ulterior effects might
be, would, by i t s e l f , n o t immediately change the a m o u n t of production. It
would, in the first instance, proceed from the existing state of things. But if
before the rise of wages the n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n was variable a n d n o t fixed,
it will c o n t i n u e to be variable, a n d not fixed, after that rise of wages.
But suppose the a m o u n t of n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n to be constant instead of
variable. Even t h e n what o u r friend W e s t o n considers a logical conclusion
would still r e m a i n a gratuitous assertion. If I have a given n u m b e r , say 8,
the absolute limits of this n u m b e r do n o t prevent its parts to change their
relative limits. If profits were 6 a n d wages 2, wages might increase to 6 and
profits decrease to 2, and still the total a m o u n t r e m a i n 8. T h u s the fixed
a m o u n t of production would by no m e a n s prove the fixed a m o u n t of wages.
H o w t h e n does our friend W e s t o n prove this fixity? By asserting it.
B u t even conceding h i m his assertion, it would cut two sides, while he
presses it only in o n e direction. If the a m o u n t of wages is a constant magnit u d e , t h e n it can be n e i t h e r increased, n o r diminished. If t h e n , in enforcing
a temporary rise of wages, the working m e n act foolishly, the capitalists, in
enforcing a temporary fall of wages, would act n o t less foolishly. O u r friend
W e s t o n does n o t deny that, u n d e r certain circumstances, t h e workingmen
can enforce a rise of wages, but, their a m o u n t being naturally fixed, there 30j
m u s t follow a reaction. On t h e other h a n d , he knows also t h a t the capitalj
ists can enforce a fall of wages, and, indeed, continuously try to enforce it.
\
According to the principle of the constancy of wages, a reaction ought to
follow in this case n o t less t h a n in the former. T h e workingmen, therefore,
reacting against the attempt at, or the act of, lowering wages, would act 35¡
rightly. They would, therefore, act rightly in enforcing a rise of wages, because every reaction against the lowering of wages is an action for raising
wages. According to citizen W e s t o n ' s own principle of the constancy of
wages, the workingmen ought, therefore, u n d e r certain circumstances, to
c o m b i n e and struggle for a rise of wages.
4
If he denies this conclusion, he m u s t give up the premise from which it
144
Karl Marx: Value, price and profit. Seite 1
5
10
15
20
flows. He m u s t n o t say that t h e a m o u n t of wages is a constant quantity, b u t
that, although it can not a n d m u s t n o t rise, it can a n d m u s t fall, whenever
capital pleases to lower it. If the capitalist pleases to feed you u p o n potatoes instead of u p o n meat, and u p o n oat instead of u p o n wheat, you m u s t
accept his will as a law of political economy, a n d s u b m i t to it. If in one
country t h e rate of wages is higher t h a n in another, in t h e U n i t e d St. f. i.
than in E n g l a n d , you m u s t explain this difference in the rate of wages by a
difference b e t w e e n t h e will of t h e A m e r i c a n capitalist a n d t h e will of t h e
English capitalist, a m e t h o d which certainly would very m u c h simplify n o t
only the study of e c o n o m i c a l p h e n o m e n a , b u t of all other p h e n o m e n a .
But even t h e n , we m i g h t ask, why the will of t h e A m e r i c a n capitalist differs from t h e will of the English capitalist? A n d to answer this question,
you m u s t go beyond t h e d o m a i n of will. A parson m a y tell me that god wills
one thing in F r a n c e , a n d a n o t h e r thing in England. If I s u m m o n h i m to explain me this duality of will, he m i g h t have t h e brass to answer me t h a t god
wills to have o n e will in F r a n c e a n d a n o t h e r will in England. But o u r friend
Weston is certainly the last m a n to m a k e an a r g u m e n t of such a complete
negation of all reasoning.
The will of the capitalist is certainly to take as m u c h as possible. W h a t
we have to do, is n o t to talk about his will, but to inquire into his power, the
limits of that power, a n d t h e character of those limits. |
|2|2)
The address citizen Weston read to us, m i g h t have b e e n compressed into a
nutshell.
25
All his reasoning a m o u n t e d to this: If t h e working class forces the capitalist class to pay 5sh. instead of 4sh. in t h e shape of m o n e y wages, the capitalist will return, in the shape of c o m m o d i t i e s , 4sh. worth instead of 5sh.
worth. T h e working class would have to pay 5sh. for what, before the rise of
wages, they b o u g h t with 4sh. But why is this t h e case? W h y does the capi30 talist only return 4sh. worth for 5sh.? Because t h e a m o u n t of wages is fixed.
But why is it fixed at 4sh. worth of c o m m o d i t i e s ? W h y n o t at 3, or 2, or any
other s u m ? If the limit of the a m o u n t of wages is settled by an e c o n o m i c a l
law, i n d e p e n d e n t alike of the will of the capitalist a n d the will of the workingman, the first thing citizen W e s t o n h a d to do, was, to state t h a t law a n d
35 prove it. He ought then, moreover, to have proved, that the a m o u n t of
wages, actually paid at every given m o m e n t , always corresponds exactly to
the necessary a m o u n t of wages, and does never deviate from it. If, on t h e
other h a n d , the given limit of the a m o u n t of wages, is founded on the mere
147
Karl Marx
will of the capitalist, or the limits of his avarice, it is an arbitrary limit.
There is n o t h i n g necessary in it. It m a y be changed by the will of t h e capitalist, a n d m a y , therefore, be changed against his will.
Citizen W e s t o n illustrated his theory, by telling you t h a t w h e n a bowl
contains a certain quantity of soup, to be e a t e n by a certain n u m b e r of persons, an increase in the broadness of t h e spoons, would p r o d u c e no increase in the a m o u n t of soup. He m u s t allow me to find this illustration
rather spoony. It r e m i n d e d me somewhat of the simile employed by M e n e nius Agrippa. W h e n t h e R o m a n plebeijans struck against the R o m a n patricians, the patrician Agrippa told t h e m , that the patrician belly fed the plebeijan m e m b e r s of the body politick. Agrippa failed to show t h a t y o u feed
the m e m b e r s of one m a n by filling the belly of an other. Citizen Weston,
on his part, has forgotten, that the bowl from which the w o r k m e n eat, is
filled with the whole p r o d u c e of the n a t i o n a l labour, a n d that what prevents
t h e m fetching m o r e o u t of it, is n e i t h e r the narrowness of the bowl, n o r the
scantiness of its contents, b u t only the smallness of their spoons.
By what contrivance is the capitalist enabled to return 4sh. worth for
5sh.? By raising the price of the c o m m o d i t y he sells. Now, does a rise, and
m o r e generally, a change in the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s , do the prices of
c o m m o d i t i e s themselves, depend on the m e r e will of the capitalist? Or are,
on the contrary, certain circumstances wanted to give effect to that will? If
not, the ups a n d downs, the incessant fluctuations of m a r k e t prices would
b e c o m e an insolvable riddle.
As we suppose, that no change whatever has taken place either in the
productive powers of labour, or in the a m o u n t of capital and l a b o u r employed, or in the value of the money, wherein the values of products are estimated, b u t only a change in the rate of wages, how could that rise of wages
affect the prices of commodities ? Only by affecting the actual proportion between the d e m a n d for, and the supply of, these c o m m o d i t i e s .
It is perfectly true, that considered as a whole, the working class spends, 30
a n d m u s t spend, its i n c o m e u p o n necessaries. A general rise in the rate of
wages would therefore produce a rise in the d e m a n d a n d , consequently, in
the market prices of necessaries. T h e capitalists who p r o d u c e these necessa:
ries, would be c o m p e n s a t e d for the risen wages by the rising m a r k e t prices
of their c o m m o d i t i e s . But how with t h e other capitalists who do not pro- 35
d u c e necessaries? A n d you m u s t n o t fancy t h e m a small body. If you consider t h a t % of the n a t i o n a l produce are c o n s u m e d by % of the populat i o n — a m e m b e r of the H. o. C. stated it recently to be b u t % of the
p o p u l a t i o n — y o u will u n d e r s t a n d what i m m e n s e proportion of the national
p r o d u c e m u s t be produced in the shape of luxuries, or be exchanged for 40
luxuries, a n d what i m m e n s e a m o u n t of the necessaries themselves m u s t be
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wasted u p o n flunkeys, horses, cats, a n d so forth, a waste we know from experience to b e c o m e always m u c h limited with the rising prices of necessaries.
Well, what would be the position of those capitalists who do not p r o d u c e
necessaries? F o r the fall in the rate of profit, c o n s e q u e n t u p o n t h e general
rise of wages, they could n o t c o m p e n s a t e themselves by a rise in the prices of
their commodities, b e c a u s e the d e m a n d for those c o m m o d i t i e s would n o t
have increased. T h e i r i n c o m e would have decreased, a n d from this decreased i n c o m e they would have to pay m o r e for the s a m e a m o u n t of
higher priced necessaries. But this would not be all. As their i n c o m e h a d
diminished, they would have less to spend u p o n luxuries, and, therefore,
their m u t u a l d e m a n d for their respective c o m m o d i t i e s would d i m i n i s h .
Consequent u p o n this d i m i n i s h e d d e m a n d , t h e prices o f their c o m m o d i t i e s
would fall. In these b r a n c h e s of industry, therefore, the rate of profit would
fall, not only in the simple proportion to the general rise in the rate of
wages, b u t in the c o m p o u n d ratio of the general rise of wages, the rise in
the prices of necessaries, a n d the fall in the prices of luxuries.
W h a t would be the c o n s e q u e n c e of this difference in the rates of profit for
capitals employed in t h e different b r a n c h e s of industry? Why, the consequence that generally obtains, whenever, from whatever reason, the average
rate of profit c o m e s to differ in different spheres of production. Capital a n d
labour would be transferred from the less remunerative to t h e m o r e r e m u nerative branches, a n d this process of transfer would go on, until the supply
in the o n e d e p a r t m e n t of industry would have risen proportionately to the
increased d e m a n d , a n d would have sunk, in the other d e p a r t m e n t s , according to the decreased d e m a n d . T h i s change was effected, t h e general rate of
profit would again be equalised in the different branches. As the whole derangement originally arose from a m e r e c h a n g e in the proportion of the demand for, a n d t h e supply of, different c o m m o d i t i e s , the c a u s e ceasing, t h e
effect would cease, a n d prices would r e t u r n to their former level a n d equilibrium. I n s t e a d of being limited to s o m e b r a n c h e s of industry, the fall in
the rate of profit, c o n s e q u e n t u p o n the rise of wages, would have b e c o m e
general. According to our supposition, there would have t a k e n place no
change in the productive powers of labour, n o r in the aggregate a m o u n t of
production, b u t that given amount of production would have changed its form.
A greater part of the produce would exist in the shape of necessaries, a
lesser part in the shape of luxuries, or, what comes to the same, a lesser
part would be exchanged for Foreign luxuries, a n d be c o n s u m e d in its original form, or, what again c o m e s to the same, a greater part of the native
produce would be e x c h a n g e d for Foreign necessaries instead of for luxuries. T h e general rise in the rate of wages would, therefore, after a t e m p o -
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rary disturbance of m a r k e t prices, only result in a general fall of t h e rate of
profit, without any p e r m a n e n t change in the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s .
If I am told, that in the previous a r g u m e n t , I a s s u m e the whole surplus
wages to be spent u p o n necessaries, I shall answer t h a t I have m a d e the
supposition m o s t advantageous to the o p i n i o n of citizen W e s t o n . If the surplus wages were spent u p o n articles formerly n o t entering into the cons u m p t i o n of the workingmen, the real increase of their p u r c h a s i n g power
would n e e d no proof. Being, however, only derived from an advance of
wages, that increase of their purchasing power, m u s t exactly correspond to
the decrease of the purchasing power of the capitalists. 'The aggregate demand for c o m m o d i t i e s would, therefore, n o t increase, b u t the constituent
parts of t h a t d e m a n d would change. T h e increasing d e m a n d on the one side
would be c o u n t e r b a l a n c e d by the decreasing d e m a n d on t h e other side.
T h u s , the aggregate d e m a n d r e m a i n i n g stationary, no change whatever
could take place in the m a r k e t prices of c o m m o d i t i e s .
Y o u arrive, therefore, at this d i l e m m a : Either the surplus wages are
equally spent u p o n all articles of c o n s u m p t i o n . T h e n the e x p a n s i o n of dem a n d on the part of the working class m u s t be c o m p e n s a t e d by t h e contraction of d e m a n d on the part of the capitalist class. Or the surplus wages are
only spent u p o n s o m e articles whose m a r k e t prices will temporarily rise.
T h e n the c o n s e q u e n t rise in the rate of profit in some, a n d the consequent
fall of the rate of profit in other branches of industry, will p r o d u c e a change
in the distribution of capital and labour, going on u n t i l the supply is
brought up to the increased d e m a n d in the one d e p a r t m e n t of industry,
a n d brought down to the d i m i n i s h e d d e m a n d in the other.
On the o n e supposition, there will occur no change in t h e prices of commodities. On t h e other supposition, after s o m e fluctuations of market
prices, the exchangeable values of c o m m o d i t i e s will subside to their former
level. On b o t h suppositions, the general rise in the rate of wages will ultimately result in n o t h i n g else b u t a general fall in t h e rate of profit. |
| 3 | To stir up y o u r powers of imagination, citizen W e s t o n requested you
to think of the difficulties which a general rise of English agricultural
wages from 9 to 18sh. would produce. Think, he exclaimed, of the i m m e n s e
rise in the d e m a n d for necessaries a n d the c o n s e q u e n t fearful rise in their
prices! Now, all of you know, that the average wages of the A m e r i c a n agricultural labourer a m o u n t to more t h a n d o u b l e t h a t of t h e English agricultural labourer, although the prices of agricultural p r o d u c e are lower in the
U n . States t h a n in the U n . Kingdom, although the general relations of capital a n d labour o b t a i n in the U. St. the s a m e as in England, a n d although
t h e a n n u a l a m o u n t of production is m u c h smaller in t h e U. St. t h a n in
England. W h y t h e n does our friend ring this a l a r u m bell? Simply to shift
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the real q u e s t i o n before u s . A s u d d e n rise of wages from 9 to 18sh. would
be a s u d d e n rise to t h e a m o u n t of 100%. N o w we are n o t at all discussing
the question whether t h e general rate of wages in E n g l a n d could suddenly
be increased by 100%. We have n o t h i n g at all to do with the magnitude of
the rise, which in every practical instance m u s t d e p e n d on, and be suited
to, given circumstances. We have only to e n q u i r e , how a general rise in the
rate of wages, even if restricted to o n e per cent, will act.
Dismissing friend W e s t o n ' s fancy rise of 100 %, I propose calling your attention to t h e real rise of wages t h a t took place in G r e a t Britain from 1849
to 1859.
You are all aware of the T e n H o u r ' s Bill or rather T e n a n d a half H o u r s '
Bill, introduced since 1848. This was o n e of the greatest e c o n o m i c a l
changes we have witnessed. It was a s u d d e n a n d compulsory rise of wages,
not in some local trades, but in the leading industrial branches, by which
England sways the m a r k e t s of the world. It was a rise of wages u n d e r circumstances singularly u n p r o p i t i o u s . Dr. Ure, Prof. Senior, a n d all the other
official e c o n o m i c a l m o u t h p i e c e s of the m i d d l e class, proved, and I m u s t say
upon m u c h stronger grounds t h a n those of o u r friend W e s t o n , that it would
sound the d e a t h knell of English industry. They proved, that it n o t only
amounted to a simple rise of wages, b u t to a rise of wages, initiated by, and
based u p o n , a d i m i n u t i o n of the quantity of labour employed. T h e y asserted that t h e 1 2 h o u r you wanted to take from the capitalist, was exactly
the only h o u r from which he derived his profit. They threatened with a decrease of a c c u m u l a t i o n , rise of prices, loss of markets, stinting of p r o d u c tion, c o n s e q u e n t reaction u p o n wages, u l t i m a t e r u i n . In fact, they declared
Maximilian Robespierre's M a x i m u m laws to be a small affair c o m p a r e d to
it, and they were right in a certain sense. Well, what was the result? A rise
in the m o n e y wages of the factory operatives despite the curtailing of the
working day, a great increase in the n u m b e r of factory h a n d s employed, a
continuous fall in the prices of their products, a marvellous development in
the productive powers of their labour, an u n h e a r d of progressive expansion
of the m a r k e t s for their c o m m o d i t i e s . At Manchester, on the m e e t i n g , in
1861, of the Society for t h e a d v a n c e m e n t of science, I heard myself
Mr. Newman confess, t h a t h e , Dr. U r e , Senior, and all other official p r o p o u n d ers of e c o n o m i c a l science h a d b e e n wrong, while the instinct of t h e people
had b e e n right. I m e n t i o n M r . W . N e w m a n , n o t Professor Francis N e w m a n ,
because he occupies an e m i n e n t position in e c o n o m i c a l science, as the
contributor to, a n d editor of, Mr. Thomas Tooke's: "History of Prices", that
magnificent work w h i c h traces the history of prices from 1793 to 1856. If
our friend W e s t o n ' s fixed ideas of a fixed a m o u n t of wages, a fixed a m o u n t
of production, a fixed degree of the productive power of labour, a fixed and
t h
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p e r m a n e n t will of t h e capitalists, and all his other fixedness a n d finality,
were correct, Prof. Senior's woeful forebodings would have b e e n right, and
R o b e r t Owen who, already in 1816, proclaimed a general limitation of the
working day the first preparatory step to the e m a n c i p a t i o n of t h e working
class, and, actually, in the teeth of the general prejudice, i n a u g u r a t e d it, on
his own hook, in his own cotton factory at N e w Lanark, would have been
wrong.
In the very s a m e period, during which the I n t r o d u c t i o n of the Ten
H o u r s ' Bill, a n d the rise of wages, c o n s e q u e n t u p o n it, occurred, there took
place in G r e a t Britain, for reasons which it would be out of place to enum e r a t e here, a general rise in agricultural wages.
A l t h o u g h it is n o t required for my i m m e d i a t e purpose, in order to not
mislead you, I shall m a k e some preliminary remarks.
If a m a n got 2sh. wages weekly, a n d if his wages rose to 4sh., the rate of
wages would have risen by 100%. This would s e e m a very magnificent
thing, if expressed as a rise in the rate of wages, although t h e actual amount
of wages, 4 shillings weekly, would still r e m a i n a wretchedly small, a starvation pittance. Y o u m u s t not, therefore, allow yourselves to be carried away
by the h i g h sounding per cents of the rate of wages. Y o u m u s t always ask,
what was their original a m o u n t ?
Moreover, you will u n d e r s t a n d , that if there were 10 m e n , receiving each
2sh. per week, 5 m e n receiving each 5sh., a n d 5 m e n receiving l l s h .
weekly, these 20 m e n together would receive lOOsh. or 5/.weekly. If t h e n a
rise, say by 20 %, u p o n the aggregate s u m of their weekly wages took place,
there would be an advance from 5/. to 6/.Taking t h e average, we m i g h t say
that the general rate of wages h a d risen by 25 %, although in fact the wages
of the 10 m e n h a d r e m a i n e d stationary, the wages of the o n e lot of 5 m e n
h a d risen from 5 to 6sh. o n l y , and the wages of t h e other lot of 5 m e n , from
55sh. to 75sh. O n e half of t h e m e n would n o t have improved at all their positions, Y would have improved it in an inperceptible degree, a n d only %
would have bettered it really. Still, reckoning by the average, t h e total
a m o u n t of the wages of those 20 m e n would have increased by 25 %, and as
far as the aggregate capital that employs t h e m , a n d the prices of the comm o d i t i e s they produce, are concerned, it would be exactly the s a m e as if all
of t h e m h a d equally shared in the average rise of wages. In t h e case of agri- 35
cultural labour, the standard wages being very different in the different
c o u n t i e s of E n g l a n d a n d Scotland, the rise affected t h e m very unequally.
Lastly, during the period when that rise of wages took place, counteracting influences were at work, such as the n e w taxes, c o n s e q u e n t u p o n the
R u s s i a n war, the extensive demolition of t h e dwelling houses of the agri- 40
cultural labourers, a n d so forth.
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Having premissed so m u c h , I proceed to state t h a t from 1849 to 1859
there took place a rise of about 40 % in the average rate of the agricultural
wages of G r e a t Britain. I could give y o u a m p l e details in proof of my assertion, but, for the present purpose, t h i n k it sufficient to refer you to the conscientious and critical paper, read in 1860, by the late Mt.John C.Morton, at
the L o n d o n Society of Arts, on "The Forces used in agriculture". Mr. M o r t o n
gives the returns from bills a n d other a u t h e n t i c d o c u m e n t s , which he h a d
collected from a b o u t 100 farmers residing in 12 Scotch a n d 35 English
counties.
According to our friend W e s t o n ' s opinion, a n d t a k e n together with t h e
simultaneous rise in the wages of the factory operatives there ought to have
occurred a t r e m e n d o u s rise in t h e prices of agricultural p r o d u c e d u r i n g t h e
period of 1 8 4 9 - 1 8 5 9 . But what is the fact? Despite the R u s s i a n war, a n d
the consecutive unfavourable harvests from 1 8 5 4 - 1 8 5 6 , t h e average price
of wheat, which is the leading agricultural produce of England, fell from
about 31. per qr for t h e years 1838 to 1848 to about 21. lOsh. per qr for the
years 1849 to 1859. This constitutes a fall in the price of wheat of m o r e
than 16 %, simultaneously with an average rise of agricultural wages, of
40%. D u r i n g the s a m e period, if we c o m p a r e its e n d with its beginning,
1859 with 1849, there was a decrease of official p a u p e r i s m from 9 3 4 4 1 9 to
860470, t h e difference b e i n g ||4| 73 949, a very small decrease, I grant, a n d
which in t h e following years was again lost, b u t still a decrease.
It m i g h t be said that, c o n s e q u e n t u p o n the abolition of the cornlaws, the
import of Foreign corn was m o r e t h a n doubled during the period from
1849 to 1859, as c o m p a r e d to the period from 1838 to 1848. A n d what of
that? F r o m citizen W e s t o n ' s standpoint, one would have expected that this
sudden, i m m e n s e , a n d continuously increasing d e m a n d u p o n Foreign m a r kets, m u s t there have sent up the prices of agricultural p r o d u c e to a frightful height, the effect of increased d e m a n d remaining the same, whether it
came from w i t h o u t or from within. W h a t was t h e fact? A p a r t from s o m e
years of failing harvests, during all that period the r u i n o u s fall in the price
of corn formed a standing t h e m e of d e c l a m a t i o n in F r a n c e , the A m e r i c a n s
were again a n d again compelled to b u r n their surplusproduce, a n d Russia,
if we were to believe M r . U r q u h a r t , p r o m p t e d the civil war in the U. St., because her agricultural exports were crippled by t h e Y a n k e e c o m p e t i t i o n in
the markets of Europe.
Reduced to its abstract form, citizen W e s t o n ' s a r g u m e n t would c o m e to
this:
Every rise of d e m a n d occurs always on t h e basis of a given a m o u n t of
production. It can, therefore, never increase the supply of the articles demanded, b u t can only enhance their money prices. N o w the m o s t c o m m o n o b -
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servation shows, that an increased d e m a n d will in s o m e instances leave the
m a r k e t prices of c o m m o d i t i e s altogether u n c h a n g e d a n d will in other instances cause a temporary rise of market prices, followed by an increased
supply, followed by a reduction of the prices to their original level, and in
m a n y cases, below their original level. W h e t h e r the rise of d e m a n d spring
from surplus wages, or from any other cause, does n o t at all c h a n g e the
conditions of the problem. F r o m citizen W e s t o n ' s s t a n d p o i n t the general
p h e n o m e n o n was as difficult to explain as the p h e n o m e n o n occuring u n d e r
the exceptional circumstances of a rise of wages. His a r g u m e n t h a d therefore no peculiar bearing whatever u p o n the subject we treat. It only ex- 10
pressed his perplexity at accounting for the laws, by which an increase of
d e m a n d produces an increase of supply, instead of an u l t i m a t e rise of market prices.
3)
On the second day of the debate, our friend W e s t o n clothed his old assertion into new forms. He said: C o n s e q u e n t u p o n a general rise in money
wages, m o r e currency will be wanted to pay the s a m e wages. T h e currency
being fixed, how can you pay, with this fixed currency, increased m o n e y
wages? First the difficulty arose from t h e fixed a m o u n t of c o m m o d i t i e s accruing to the workingman, despite his increase of m o n e y wages; now it
arises from t h e increased m o n e y wages, despite the fixed a m o u n t of commodities. Of course, if you reject his original dogma, his secondary grieva n c e will disappear.
However, I shall show, that this currency q u e s t i o n has n o t h i n g at all to
do with the subject before u s .
In your country, t h e m e c h a n i s m of p a y m e n t s is m u c h m o r e perfectioned
t h a n in any other country of Europe. T h a n k s to t h e extent a n d concentrat i o n of t h e b a n k i n g system, m u c h less currency is wanted to circulate the
s a m e a m o u n t of values, a n d to transact the s a m e or a greater a m o u n t of
business. F. i., as far as wages are concerned, t h e English factory operative,
pays his wages weekly to t h e shopkeeper, w h o sends t h e m weekly to the
banker, who returns t h e m weekly to the manufacturer, who again pays
t h e m away to his workingmen, a n d so forth. By this contrivance t h e yearly
wages of an operative, say of 52/., m a y be paid by o n e single sovereign,
turning every week r o u n d in the s a m e circle. Even in E n g l a n d this mechan i s m is less perfect t h a n in Scotland, a n d is n o t everywhere equally perfect,
and, therefore, we find f. i., that in s o m e agricultural districts, as compared
to the m a n u f a c t u r i n g districts, m u c h m o r e currency is wanted to circulate a
m u c h smaller a m o u n t of values.
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If you cross the Channel, you will find that the money wages are m u c h
lower t h a n in England, b u t t h a t they are circulated in G e r m a n y , Italy, Switzerland a n d F r a n c e , by a much larger amount of currency. T h e s a m e sovereign will n o t be so quickly intercepted by the banker, or return to t h e in5 dustrial capitalist, and, therefore, instead of o n e sovereign circulating 521.
yearly, you want perhaps 3 sovereigns to circulate yearly wages to the
a m o u n t of 251. T h u s by c o m p a r i n g c o n t i n e n t a l countries to England, y o u
will see at once, that low m o n e y wages m a y require a m u c h larger currency
for their circulation t h a n h i g h m o n e y wages, and that this is in fact a
10 merely t e c h n i c a l point, quite foreign to o u r subject.
According to the best calculations I know, the yearly i n c o m e of the
working class of this country m a y be estimated at 250 Millions of I. This
i m m e n s e s u m is circulated by a b o u t 3 Mill. I. Suppose a rise of wages of
50% to take place. T h e n instead of 3 millions of currency 4½ millions
15 would be wanted. As a very considerable part of the workingman's daily expenses is laid out in silver a n d copper, that is to say in m e r e tokens, whose
relative value to gold is arbitrarily fixed by law, like t h a t of inconvertible
money paper, a rise of m o n e y wages by 50 %, would, in t h e extreme case,
require an additional circulation of sovereigns, say to the a m o u n t of o n e
20 million. O n e million, now d o r m a n t , in t h e shape of bullion or coin, in t h e
cellars of t h e B a n k of E., or of private b a n k e r s , would circulate. B u t e v e n
the trifling expense, resulting from the additional m i n t i n g or the a d d i t i o n a l
wear a n d tear of that million, m i g h t be spared, a n d would actually be
spared, if any friction should arise from the want of t h e additional cur25 rency. All of you know, that the currency of this country is divided into two
great d e p a r t m e n t s . O n e sort, supplied by b a n k n o t e s of different descriptions, is used in the transactions between dealers a n d dealers, a n d t h e
larger p a y m e n t s from c o n s u m e r s to dealers, while a n o t h e r sort of currency,
metallic coin, circulates in the retail trade. A l t h o u g h distinct, these two
30 sorts of currency i n t e r m i x with e a c h other. T h u s gold coin, to a very great
extent, circulates even in larger p a y m e n t s for all the o d d s u m s u n d e r 5/. If
to-morrow 41. notes, or 3/. notes, or 21. notes were issued, the gold coin filling these c h a n n e l s of circulation, would at once be driven o u t of t h e m a n d
flow into those channels, where they would be n e e d e d from t h e increase of
35 money wages. T h u s the additional million required by an advance of wages
by 50 %, would be supplied without the a d d i t i o n of o n e single sovereign.
The same effect might be produced, without o n e additional b a n k n o t e , by
an additional Bill circulation, as was t h e case in Lancashire for a very considerable t i m e .
» 40
If a general rise in the rate of wages f.i., of 100 %, as citizen W e s t o n s u p posed it to take place in agricultural wages, would produce a great rise in
155
Karl Marx
the prices of necessaries, a n d according to his views, require an additional
a m o u n t of currency n o t to be procured, a general fall in wages m u s t produce
the same effect, on t h e same scale, in an opposite direction. Well! All of
you know t h a t the years 1858 to 1860 were the m o s t prosperous years for
the cotton industry, a n d t h a t peculiarly the year 1860 stands in t h a t respect
unrivalled in t h e annals of c o m m e r c e , while at the s a m e t i m e all other
branches of industry were most flourishing. T h e wages of t h e cotton operatives, a n d of all the other workingmen connected with their trade, stood in
1860 higher t h a n ever before. T h e A m e r i c a n crisis c a m e , a n d those aggregate wages were suddenly reduced to a b o u t % of their former a m o u n t . This
would have b e e n in the opposite direction a rise of 300 %. If wages rise
from 5 to 20, we say t h a t they rise by 300 %; if they fall from 20 to 5, we say
that they fall by 75 %, but the a m o u n t of rise in the o n e , a n d the a m o u n t of
fall in the other case would be the same, viz. 15sh. This t h e n was a sudden
change in t h e rate of wages unprecedented, a n d at the s a m e t i m e extending
over a n u m b e r of operatives which, if we c o u n t all the operatives, not only
directly engaged in, b u t indirectly d e p e n d e n t u p o n , the cotton trade, was
larger by o n e half t h a n the n u m b e r of agricultural labourers. D i d the price
of wheat fall? It rose from the a n n u a l average of 47sh. 8d. per qr during the
three years of 1858 to 1860 to the a n n u a l average of 55sh. lOd. per qr. during the three years 1 8 6 1 - 6 3 . As to the currency, there were coined in the
m i n t in 1861 /.8 673 232 against /.3 3 7 8 1 0 2 in 1860. ||5| T h a t is to say,
there were coined /.5 295 130 m o r e in 1861 t h a n in 1860. It is true, the
b a n k n o t e circulation was in 1861 by /. 1 3 1 9 0 0 0 less t h a n in 1860. Take
this off. T h e r e r e m a i n s still an overplus of currency for t h e year 1861, as
compared to the prosperity year 1860, to t h e a m o u n t of / . 3 976130, or
about 4 Mill. /., b u t the bullion reserve in the B a n k of E n g l a n d h a d simultaneously decreased not quite in the same, b u t in an approaching proportion.
C o m p a r e t h e year 1862 to 1842. Apart from the i m m e n s e increase in the
value a n d a m o u n t of commodities circulated, in 1862 t h e capital paid in
regular terms, for shares, loans, etc, for the railways in E n g l a n d a n d Wales,
a m o u n t e d alone to /. 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 , a s u m that would have appeared fabulous
in 1842. Still t h e aggregate a m o u n t s of currency in 1862 a n d 1842, were
pretty nearly equal, a n d generally you will find a t e n d e n c y to a progressive
d i m i n u t i o n of currency in the face of an e n o r m o u s l y increasing value not
only of c o m m o d i t i e s , b u t of m o n e t a r y transactions generally. F r o m our
friend W e s t o n ' s standpoint, this is an unsolvable riddle.
Looking s o m e w h a t deeper into this matter, he would have found, that
quite apart from wages, and supposing t h e m to be fixed, the value and
mass of the c o m m o d i t i e s to be circulated, a n d generally, t h e a m o u n t of
156
monetary t r a n s a c t i o n s to be settled, vary daily; t h a t the a m o u n t of bank
notes issued, varies daily; t h a t t h e a m o u n t of p a y m e n t s realised w i t h o u t t h e
intervention of a n y m o n e y , by t h e i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y of bills, c h e q u e s , b o o k
credits, clearing h o u s e s , varies daily; that, as far as a c t u a l metallic currency
5
is required, the p r o p o r t i o n between the coin in circulation a n d the coin
and b u l l i o n in reserve, or sleeping in t h e cellars of b a n k s varies daily; t h a t
the a m o u n t of b u l l i o n absorbed by t h e n a t i o n a l circulation, a n d t h e
amount being sent abroad, for i n t e r n a t i o n a l circulation, vary daily. He
would have found, t h a t his d o g m a of a fixed currency is a m o n s t r o u s error,
10
incompatible with the every day's m o v e m e n t . He would have e n q u i r e d i n t o
the laws, which e n a b l e the currency to a d a p t itself to c i r c u m s t a n c e s so con
tinually changing, instead of t u r n i n g his m i s c o n c e p t i o n of t h e laws of cur
rency i n t o an a r g u m e n t against a rise of wages.
4)
15
Our friend W e s t o n accepts t h e L a t i n proverb, t h a t "repetitio est m a t e r studiorum", t h a t is to say, t h a t r e p e t i t i o n is t h e m o t h e r of study, a n d conse
quently, he repeated his original d o g m a again u n d e r the n e w form, t h a t t h e
contraction of currency, resulting from an e n h a n c e m e n t of wages, would
produce a d i m i n u t i o n of capital a n d so forth. Having already discarded his
20
currency crotchet, I consider it q u i t e useless to e n t e r u p o n the i m a g i n a r y
ί'
consequences he fancies to flow from h i s imaginary currency m i s h a p . I
,
shall proceed at o n c e to r e d u c e his one and the same dogma, r e p e a t e d in so
many different
shapes,
to
its simplest theoretical expression.
The u n c r i t i c a l way, in which he has treated his subject, will b e c o m e evi25
dent from o n e single r e m a r k . He pleads against a rise of wages or against
high wages as the result of s u c h a rise. Now, I ask h i m , what is h i g h wages,
and what is low wages? W h y constitute f.i. 5sh. weekly low, a n d 20sh.
weekly, high wages? If 5 is low as c o m p a r e d to 20, 20 is still lower as com
pared to 200. If a m a n was to lecture on t h e t h e r m o m e t e r , a n d c o m m e n c e d
•X
by declaiming on high a n d low degrees, he would impart no knowledge
whatever. He m u s t first tell me how t h e freezing point is found out, a n d
how the boiling p o i n t , a n d how these s t a n d a r d points are settled by n a t u r a l
laws, not by t h e fancy of the sellers or m a k e r s of t h e r m o m e t e r s . N o w , in re
gard to wages a n d profits, citizen W e s t o n h a s n o t only failed to d e d u c t s u c h
35
::
standard p o i n t s from e c o n o m i c a l laws, b u t he has n o t even felt t h e necessity to look after t h e m . He satisfied himself by the a c c e p t a n c e of t h e popu-
Ψ
lar slang t e r m s of low a n d h i g h as s o m e t h i n g having a fixed m e a n i n g , al-
γ
though it is self-evident t h a t wages can only be said to be h i g h or low as
--,
compared to a s t a n d a r d by which to m e a s u r e t h e i r m a g n i t u d e s .
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Karl Marx
He will be u n a b l e to tell m e , why a certain a m o u n t of m o n e y is given for
a certain a m o u n t of labour? If he should answer m e , this was settled by the
law of supply a n d d e m a n d , I should ask h i m , in the first instance, by what
law supply a n d d e m a n d themselves are regulated? Aye, s u c h an answer
would at o n c e p u t h i m out of court. T h e relations between t h e supply and
d e m a n d of labour u n d e r g o perpetual changes, a n d with t h e m the m a r k e t
prices of labour. If t h e d e m a n d overshoots t h e supply, wages rise; if the
supply overshoots t h e d e m a n d , wages sink although it might, in s u c h circ u m s t a n c e s , be necessary to test the real state of d e m a n d a n d supply by a
strike f.i., or any other m e t h o d . But if you accept supply a n d d e m a n d as the
law regulating wages, it would be as childish as useless to d e c l a i m against a
rise of wages, because, according to the s u p r e m e law you appeal to,, a periodical rise of wages is quite as necessary a n d legitimate as a periodical fall
of wages. If you do not accept supply a n d d e m a n d as t h e law regulating
wages, I again repeat t h e question, why a certain a m o u n t of m o n e y is given
for a certain a m o u n t of labour?
But to consider matters m o r e broadly: you would be altogether mistaken
in fancying, that the value of labour or of any other c o m m o d i t y whatever, is
ultimately fixed by supply a n d d e m a n d . Supply a n d d e m a n d regulate nothing but the temporary fluctuations of m a r k e t prices. They will explain you
why the m a r k e t price of a c o m m o d i t y rises above, or sinks below its value,
b u t they can never a c c o u n t for that value itself. Suppose supply a n d dem a n d to equilibrate, or as t h e Economists call it, to cover e a c h other. Why,
the very m o m e n t these opposite forces b e c o m e equal, they paralyse each
other, and cease to work in the o n e or the other direction. At the m o m e n t
when supply a n d d e m a n d equilibrate e a c h other, a n d therefore cease to act,
the market price of a c o m m o d i t y coincides with its real value, with the
standard price, r o u n d which its m a r k e t prices oscillate. In i n q u i r i n g into
the n a t u r e of that value, we have therefore n o t h i n g at all to do with the temporary affections of m a r k e t prices by supply a n d d e m a n d . T h e s a m e holds
true with wages as with the prices of all other c o m m o d i t i e s .
R e d u c e d to their simplest theoretical expression, all o u r friend's argum e n t s dissolve themselves into this one single d o g m a : "The prices of commodities are determined or regulated by wages. "
I might appeal to practical observation to b e a r witness against this antiq u a t e d a n d exploded fallacy. I might tell you, t h a t the English factory operatives, m i n e r s , shipbuilders a n d so forth, whose labour is relatively highpriced, undersell, by the cheapness of their p r o d u c e , all other nations,
while the English agricultural labourer f.i., whose labour is relatively lowpriced, is u n d e r s o l d by almost every other n a t i o n , because of the dearness
of his p r o d u c e . By comparing article with article in the s a m e country, and
158
25
30
35
40-
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
the c o m m o d i t i e s of different countries, I m i g h t show, apart from s o m e exceptions m o r e a p p a r e n t t h a n real that, on an average, the highpriced labour
produces t h e lowpriced, a n d the lowpriced l a b o u r p r o d u c e s t h e high-priced
commodities. This, of course, would n o t prove, that the h i g h price of labour in the one, a n d its low price in the other instance are the respective
causes of those diametrically opposed effects, b u t at all events it would
prove t h a t the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s are n o t ruled by the prices of labour.
However, it is q u i t e superfluous for us to employ this empirical m e t h o d . |
|6| It might, perhaps, be denied t h a t citizen W e s t o n has put forward this
dogma: "The prices of commodities are determined or regulated by wages." In
point of fact he h a s never formulated it. He said on t h e contrary, that profit
and rent form also constituent parts of t h e prices of c o m m o d i t i e s , because
it is out of the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s that n o t only the workingman's
wages, b u t also the capitalist's profits, and t h e landlord's rents m u s t be
paid. But how, in his idea, are prices formed? First by wages. T h e n an additional percentage is j o i n e d to the price on behalf of the capitalist, a n d another additional percentage on behalf of t h e landlord. Suppose the wages of
the labour employed in the p r o d u c t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y , to be 10. If the rate
of profit was 100 % u p o n t h e wages advanced, t h e capitalist would add ten,
and if the rate of rent was also 100 % u p o n the wages, there would be a d d e d
10 more, a n d the aggregate price of the c o m m o d i t y would a m o u n t to 30.
But such a d e t e r m i n a t i o n of prices would be simply their d e t e r m i n a t i o n by
wages. If wages, in the above case, rose to 20, the price of t h e c o m m o d i t y
would rise to 60, a n d so forth. Consequently, all the s u p e r a n n u a t e d writers
on Political E c o n o m y , who p r o p o u n d e d the d o g m a that wages regulate
prices, have tried to prove it by treating profit a n d rent as mere additional
percentages upon wages. N o n e of t h e m was of course able to r e d u c e the limits of those percentages to any e c o n o m i c law. T h e y s e e m on the contrary to
think profits settled by tradition, custom, the will of the capitalist, or s o m e
other equally arbitrary a n d inexplicable m e t h o d . If they assert, that they
are settled by t h e c o m p e t i t i o n between the capitalists, they say n o t h i n g .
That c o m p e t i t i o n is sure to equalise the different rates of profit in different
trades, or r e d u c e t h e m to o n e average level, b u t it can never d e t e r m i n e t h a t
level itself, or t h e general rate of profit.
W h a t do we m e a n in saying that the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s are determined by wages? Wages being b u t a n a m e for t h e price of labour, we m e a n
that the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s are regulated by the price of labour. As
"price" is exchangeable v a l u e - a n d in speaking of value, I speak always of
exchangeable value,—is exchangeable value expressed in money, the proposition c o m e s to this, t h a t "the value of commodities is determined by the value
of labour", or t h a t "the value of labour is the general measure of value".
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Karl Marx
But how t h e n is the "value of labour" itself d e t e r m i n e d ? H e r e we c o m e to
a standstill. Of course, to a standstill, if we try reasoning logically. Yet, the
p r o p o u n d e r s of t h a t doctrine m a k e short work of logical scruples. Take our
friend W e s t o n f.i. First he told us that wages regulate the prices of commodities, a n d that, consequently, when wages rise, prices m u s t rise. T h e n
he turned r o u n d to show us that a rise of wages will be no good, because
the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s h a d risen, and b e c a u s e wages were i n d e e d measured by t h e prices of the c o m m o d i t i e s u p o n which they are spent. T h u s we
begin by saying that the value of labour d e t e r m i n e s the value of c o m m o d ities, and we wind up by saying that the value of c o m m o d i t i e s determines
the value of labour. T h u s we move to and fro in the m o s t vicious circle, and
arrive at no conclusion at all.
On the whole, it is evident, that by m a k i n g t h e value of o n e commodity,
say labour, corn, or any other commodity, the general m e a s u r e a n d regulator of value, we only shift t h e difficulty, since we d e t e r m i n e o n e value by
a n o t h e r value which on its side wants to be d e t e r m i n e d .
T h e d o g m a t h a t "wages d e t e r m i n e the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s " , expressed
in its m o s t abstract terms, comes to this, that "value is d e t e r m i n e d by valu e " , and this tautology m e a n s that, in fact, we know n o t h i n g at all about
value. Accepting this premise, all reasoning a b o u t the general laws of Political E c o n o m y turns into m e r e twaddle. It was, therefore, the great merit of
Ricardo that, in his work "On the Principles of Pol. Econ.", published in 1817,
he fundamentally destroyed the old, popular, a n d worn out fallacy that
"wages d e t e r m i n e prices", a fallacy which A. S m i t h a n d his F r e n c h predecessors h a d spurned in the really scientific parts of their researches, but
which, nevertheless, they reproduced in their m o r e exoterical and vulgarising chapters.
6)
Citizens, I have now arrived at a point, where I m u s t enter u p o n t h e real
development of the question. I c a n n o t p r o m i s e to do this in a very satisfactory way, because, to do so, I should be obliged to walk over the whole field
of Political E c o n o m y . I can, as the F r e n c h would say, b u t "effleurer la question", t o u c h u p o n the m a i n points.
T h e first question we have to p u t is, W h a t is the value of a commodity?
H o w is it d e t e r m i n e d ?
On first sight, it would seem, that the value of a c o m m o d i t y is a thing
quite relative, a n d n o t to be settled without considering o n e c o m m o d i t y in
its relations to all other commodities. In fact, in speaking of the value, the
160
value in e x c h a n g e of a c o m m o d i t y , we m e a n the proportional quantities in
which it exchanges with all other c o m m o d i t i e s . But t h e n arises t h e q u e s tion, how are the proportions in which c o m m o d i t i e s exchange with e a c h
other, regulated?
We know from experience that these proportions vary infinitely. Taking
one single c o m m o d i t y , wheat f.L, we shall find t h a t a qr of wheat exchanges
in almost countless variations of proportion with different c o m m o d i t i e s .
Yet, its value remaining always the same, whether expressed in silk, gold, or
any other c o m m o d i t y , it m u s t be s o m e t h i n g distinct from, a n d i n d e p e n dent of, these different rates of exchange with different articles. It m u s t be
possible to express it in a very different form these various e q u a t i o n s with
various c o m m o d i t i e s .
Besides: If I say, a qr of wheat exchanges with iron in a certain proportion, or the value of a qr of wheat is expressed in a certain a m o u n t of iron, I
say that t h e value of wheat a n d its equivalent in iron are equal to some third
thing, which is n e i t h e r wheat nor iron, b e c a u s e I suppose t h e m to express
the same m a g n i t u d e in two different shapes. Either of t h e m , the wheat a n d
the iron, m u s t therefore, independently of the other, be reducible to this
third thing which is their c o m m o n m e a s u r e .
To elucidate this point, I shall recur to a very simple geometrical illustration. In c o m p a r i n g the areas of triangles of all possible forms a n d m a g n i tudes, or c o m p a r i n g triangles with rectangles, or any other rectilinear figure, how do we proceed? We reduce the area of any triangle whatever to an
expression quite different from its visible form. Having found from the n a ture of the triangle, that its area is equal to half the p r o d u c t of its base by
its height, we can t h e n c o m p a r e the different values of all sorts of triangles,
and of all rectilinear figures whatever, because all of t h e m m a y be dissolved into a certain n u m b e r of triangles.
The s a m e m o d e of p r o c e d u r e m u s t obtain with the values of c o m m o d ities. We m u s t be able to reduce all of t h e m to an expression c o m m o n to
all and distinguishing t h e m only by the proportions in w h i c h they c o n t a i n
that same a n d identical m e a s u r e . |
|7| As the exchangeable values of c o m m o d i t i e s are only social functions of
those things, a n d have n o t h i n g at all to do with their natural qualities, we
must first ask: W h a t is t h e c o m m o n social substance of all c o m m o d i t i e s ? It
is Labour. To p r o d u c e a c o m m o d i t y , a certain a m o u n t of l a b o u r m u s t be
bestowed u p o n it, or worked up in it. A n d I say n o t only Labour, b u t Social
Labour. A m a n who p r o d u c e s an article for his own i m m e d i a t e use, to consume it himself, creates a product, but n o t a commodity. As a selfsustaining
producer, he has n o t h i n g to do with society. But to p r o d u c e a commodity, a
m a n m u s t n o t only p r o d u c e an article satisfying s o m e social want, b u t his
161
Karl Marx
labour itself m u s t form part a n d parcel of the total s u m of labour, expended
by society. It m u s t be subordinate to the Division of Labour within Society. It
is n o t h i n g without the other divisions of labour, and, on its part, is required
to integrate t h e m .
If we consider commodities as values, we consider t h e m exclusively u n d e r
the single aspect of realised, fixed, or if you like, crystallised social labour. In
this respect they can differ only by representing greater or smaller quantities of labour, as f. i. a greater a m o u n t of labour m a y be worked up in a
silken h a n d k e r c h i e f t h a n in a brick. But how do we m e a s u r e quantities of labour? By the Time the labour lasts, in m e a s u r i n g the l a b o u r by t h e hour, the
day etc. Of course, to apply this m e a s u r e , all sorts of labour are reduced to
average or simple labour as their unity.
We arrive, therefore, at this conclusion: A c o m m o d i t y has a value, because it is a crystallisation of social labour. T h e greatness of its value, or its
relative value, d e p e n d s u p o n the greater or less a m o u n t of t h a t social substance c o n t a i n e d in it; that is to say, on the relative m a s s of labour necessary for its production. T h e relative values of commodities are, therefore, det e r m i n e d by t h e respective quantities or amounts of labour, worked up, realised,
fixed in them. T h e correlative quantities of c o m m o d i t i e s , which c a n be prod u c e d in t h e same time of labour, are equal. Or the value of o n e commodity
is to the value of an other c o m m o d i t y , as the quantity of labour fixed in the
one, is to the quantity of labour, fixed in the other.
I suspect t h a t m a n y of y o u will ask: D o e s t h e n , indeed, there exist such a
vast or any difference whatever between determining the values of commodities by wages, a n d determining t h e m by t h e relative quantities of labour
necessary for their production? Y o u m u s t , however, be aware t h a t reward
for labour, a n d quantity of labour, are quite disparate things. Suppose f.i.
equal quantities of labour to be fixed in o n e quarter of wheat a n d o n e ounce
of gold. I resort to this example because it was used by Benjamin Franklin
in his first essay published in 1731, a n d entitled: "A modest Inquiry into the
nature and necessity of a Paper Currency", where h e , o n e of the first, hit upon
t h e true n a t u r e of value. Well! We suppose, t h e n , that o n e quarter of wheat
a n d one o u n c e of gold are equal values, or equivalents, because they are crystallisations of equal amounts of average labour, of so m a n y days', or so many
weeks' labour, respectively fixed in t h e m . In t h u s d e t e r m i n i n g t h e relative
values of gold a n d corn, do we refer in any way whatever to the wages of the
agricultural labourer and the miner? N o t a bit. We leave it quite indeterminate how their day's or their week's labour was paid, or even whether wages
labour was employed at all. If it was, wages m a y have b e e n very unequal.
T h e labourer whose labour is realised in the quarter of wheat, m a y receive
2 bushels only, and the labourer employed in mining, m a y receive one half
162
of the o u n c e of gold. Or supposing their wages to be equal, they m a y deviate in all possible proportions from the values of the c o m m o d i t i e s produced by t h e m . They m a y a m o u n t to / , %, %, %, or any other proportional
part of t h e o n e q u a r t e r of corn or t h e o n e o u n c e of gold. T h e i r wages can, of
course, n o t exceed, n o t be more t h a n the values of the c o m m o d i t i e s they
produced, b u t they can be less in every possible degree. Their wages will be
limited by t h e values of their products, b u t the values of their products will
not be limited by their wages. A n d above all, values, the relative values of
corn and gold f.i., will have b e e n settled without any regard whatever to the
value of the labour employed, that is to say, to wages. To d e t e r m i n e the values of c o m m o d i t i e s by the relative quantities of labour fixed in them, is, therefore, a thing quite different from the tautological m e t h o d of d e t e r m i n i n g
the values of c o m m o d i t i e s by the value of labour, or by wages. This point,
however, will be further elucidated, in the progress of our inquiry. |
|8| In calculating t h e exchangeable value of a c o m m o d i t y , we m u s t add
to the quantity of labour last employed, the quantity of labour previously
worked up in the raw m a t e r i a l of the c o m m o d i t y , a n d "the labour bestowed
on the i m p l e m e n t s , tools, machinery, a n d buildings with which s u c h labour
is assisted". F.i. t h e value of a certain a m o u n t of cotton yarn is t h e crystallisation of t h e quantity of labour added to the cotton during t h e spinning
process, t h e quantity of labour previously realised in t h e c o t t o n itself, t h e
quantity of labour realised in the coal, oil, a n d other auxiliary m a t t e r used,
the quantity of l a b o u r fixed in the s t e a m engine, the spindles, t h e factory
building, a n d so forth. I n s t r u m e n t s of production, properly so called, such
as tools, m a c h i n e r y , buildings, serve again a n d again, for a longer or shorter period, during repeated processes of production. If they were used up at
once like t h e raw material, their whole value would at o n c e be transferred
to the c o m m o d i t i e s they assist in producing. But as a spindle f.i. is b u t
gradually u s e d u p , an average calculation is m a d e , based u p o n t h e average
time it lasts, and its average waste or wear a n d tear during a certain period,
say a day. In this way, we calculate how m u c h of the value of the spindle is
transferred to the y a r n daily spun, and h o w m u c h , therefore, of t h e total
amount of labour, realised in a lb of yarn, f.i., is d u e to the quantity of labour, previously realised in the spindle. F o r o u r present purpose, it is n o t
necessary to dwell any longer u p o n this point.
It m i g h t s e e m t h a t if the value of a c o m m o d i t y be d e t e r m i n e d by the
quantity of labour bestowed upon its production, t h e lazier a m a n , or the c l u m sier a m a n , t h e m o r e valuable his c o m m o d i t y , b e c a u s e t h e greater t h e t i m e
of labour required for finishing the c o m m o d i t y . This, however, would be a
sad mistake. Y o u will recollect that I u s e d t h e word "Social Labour", a n d
many points are involved in this qualification of "Social". In saying that the
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value of a c o m m o d i t y is d e t e r m i n e d by the quantity of labour worked up or
crystallised in it, we m e a n the quantity of labour necessary for its production
in a given state of society, u n d e r certain social average c o n d i t i o n s of production, with a given social average intensity a n d average skill of the lab o u r employed. W h e n , in England, the powerloom c a m e to c o m p e t e with
t h e h a n d l o o m , only half t h e former t i m e of labour was w a n t e d to convert a
given a m o u n t of yarn into a yard of cotton, or cloth. T h e poor h a n d l o o m
weaver now worked 17 and 18 hours daily, instead of t h e 9 or 10 hours he
h a d worked before. Still the product of 20 h o u r s of his labour represented
now only 10 social h o u r s of labour, or 10 h o u r s of l a b o u r socially necessary
for t h e conversion of a certain a m o u n t of yarn into textile stuffs. His produ c t of 20 h o u r s h a d , therefore, no m o r e value t h a n his former product of
10 h o u r s .
If, t h e n , t h e quantity of socially necessary labour, realised in c o m m o d i ties, regulates their exchangeable values, every increase of t h e quantity of
labour wanted for the production of a c o m m o d i t y , m u s t a u g m e n t its value,
as every d i m i n u t i o n m u s t lower it.
If t h e respective quantities of labour, necessary for the p r o d u c t i o n of the
respective c o m m o d i t i e s , r e m a i n e d constant, their relative values also
would be constant. B u t such is not the case. T h e quantity of labour necessary for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y c h a n g e s continuously with the
changes in the productive powers of t h e l a b o u r employed. T h e greater the
productive powers of labour, the m o r e p r o d u c e is finished in a given time
of labour, a n d the smaller the productive powers of labour, t h e less produce
is finished in the s a m e time. If f.i. in the progress of population, it should
b e c o m e necessary to cultivate less fertile soils, the s a m e a m o u n t of prod u c e would be only attainable by a greater a m o u n t of l a b o u r spent, a n d the
value of agricultural produce would, consequently, rise. On t h e other hand,
if, with the m o d e r n m e a n s of production, a single spinner converts into
yarn, during o n e working day, m a n y t h o u s a n d t i m e s t h e a m o u n t of cotton
which he could have s p u n during the s a m e t i m e with t h e spinning wheel, it
is evident that every single p o u n d of cotton will absorb m a n y thousand
times less of spinning labour t h a n it did before, a n d , consequently, the value a d d e d by spinning to every single lb of cotton, will be t h o u s a n d times
less t h a n before. T h e value of yarn will sink accordingly.
Apart from the different n a t u r a l energies a n d acquired working abilities
of different peoples, the Productive Powers of L a b o u r m u s t principally depend: I
|9| i ) U p o n t h e natural conditions of labour, s u c h as fertility of soil,
m i n e s , a n d so forth;
2 ) U p o n t h e progressive i m p r o v e m e n t of the Social Powers of Labour,
s t l y
n d l y
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such as are derived from P r o d u c t i o n on a grand scale, C o n c e n t r a t i o n of
Capital a n d C o m b i n a t i o n of Labour, Subdivision of labour, m a c h i n e r y , improved m e t h o d s , appliance of c h e m i c a l a n d other n a t u r a l agencies, shortening of t i m e a n d space by m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d transport, a n d
every other contrivance by which science presses n a t u r a l agencies into the
service of labour, a n d by which the Social, or Cooperative Character of Labour is developed.
T h e greater t h e productive powers of labour, the less l a b o u r is bestowed
upon a given a m o u n t of produce. H e n c e the smaller the value of this produce. T h e smaller the productive powers of labour, the m o r e l a b o u r is bestowed u p o n t h e s a m e a m o u n t of p r o d u c e . H e n c e the greater its value. As a
general law we m a y , therefore, set it down that:
The values of commodities are directly as the times of labour employed in their
production, and are inversely as the productive powers of the Labour employed.
Having till n o w only spoken of Value, I shall add a few words a b o u t Price,
which is a peculiar form a s s u m e d by value.
Price, t a k e n by itself, is n o t h i n g b u t t h e monetary expression of value. T h e
values of all c o m m o d i t i e s of this country f.i. are expressed in gold prices,
while, on t h e continent, they are m a i n l y expressed in silver-prices. T h e value of gold or silver, like t h a t of all other commodities, is regulated by the
quantity of labour necessary for getting t h e m . Y o u exchange a certain
a m o u n t of your n a t i o n a l products, in which a certain a m o u n t of your national labour is crystallised, for the produce of the gold a n d silver p r o d u c ing countries, in which a certain quantity of their labour is crystallised. It is
in this way, in fact by barter, that you learn to express in gold a n d silver the
values of all c o m m o d i t i e s , that is, the respective quantities of labour b e stowed u p o n t h e m . Looking somewhat closer into the monetary expression of
value, or what c o m e s to the same, t h e conversion of value into price, you will
find that it is a process by which you give to the values of all c o m m o d i t i e s
an independent a n d homogeneous form, or by which you express t h e m as
quantities of equal, social labour. So far as it is b u t the m o n e t a r y expression
of value, price h a s b e e n called natural price by A. Smith, "prix nécessaire" by
the F r e n c h physiocrats.
W h a t t h e n is the relation between value and market prices, or between
natural prices a n d market prices?
You all know that the market price is the same for all c o m m o d i t i e s of the
same kind, however the conditions of p r o d u c t i o n m a y differ for the i n d i vidual producers. T h e m a r k e t prices express only the average amount of social labour, necessary u n d e r the average conditions of production, to supply
the m a r k e t with a certain m a s s of a certain article. It is calculated u p o n the
whole lot of a c o m m o d i t y of a certain description.
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So far the market price of a c o m m o d i t y coincides with its value. On the
other h a n d , the oscillations of m a r k e t prices, rising now over, sinking now
u n d e r the value or n a t u r a l price, depend u p o n the fluctuations of supply
a n d d e m a n d . T h e deviations of m a r k e t prices from values are c o n t i n u o u s ,
b u t as A.Smith says:
"The n a t u r a l price is the central price to which the prices of c o m m o d i ties are continually gravitating. Different accidents m a y s o m e t i m e s keep
t h e m suspended a good deal above it, a n d s o m e t i m e s force t h e m down
even somewhat below it. B u t whatever m a y be the obstacles w h i c h h i n d e r
t h e m from settling in this centre of repose a n d c o n t i n u a n c e , they are constantly tending towards it."
I c a n n o t now sift this matter. It suffices to say, t h a t if supply a n d dem a n d equilibrate each other, the m a r k e t prices of c o m m o d i t i e s will correspond to their n a t u r a l prices, that is to say to their values, as d e t e r m i n e d by
t h e respective quantities of labour required for their p r o d u c t i o n . But supply
a n d d e m a n d must constantly tend to equilibrate each other, a l t h o u g h they
do so only by c o m p e n s a t i n g o n e fluctuation by another, a rise by a fall, and
vice versa. If, instead of considering only t h e daily fluctuations, you analyse the m o v e m e n t of m a r k e t prices for longer periods, as Mr. T o o k e f.i. has
d o n e in his "History of Prices", you will find t h a t the fluctuations of market
prices, their deviations from values, their u p s and downs, paralyse and
c o m p e n s a t e each other, so that, apart from the effect of m o n o p o l i e s , and
s o m e other modifications I m u s t now pass by, all descriptions of c o m m o d i ties are, on the average, sold at their respective values or n a t u r a l prices. The
average periods during which the fluctuations of m a r k e t prices compensate
each other, are different for different kinds of c o m m o d i t i e s , because with
o n e kind it is easier to adapt supply to d e m a n d t h a n with t h e other.
If then, speaking broadly, and embracing somewhat longer periods, all
descriptions of c o m m o d i t i e s sell at their respective values, it is n o n s e n s e to
suppose that profit, n o t in individual cases, b u t that the constant a n d usual
profits of different trades, spring from surcharging the prices of c o m m o d i ties, or selling t h e m at a price over a n d above their value. T h e absurdity of
this n o t i o n b e c o m e s evident, if it be generalised. W h a t a m a n would constantly win as a seller, he would as constantly lose as a purchaser. It would
not do to say, that there are m e n who are buyers without being sellers, or
c o n s u m e r s without being producers. W h a t these people pay to the producers, they m u s t first get from t h e m for n o t h i n g . If a m a n first takes your
m o n e y and, afterwards returns that m o n e y in buying your commodities,
y o u will never enrich yourselves, by selling your c o m m o d i t i e s too dear to
that s a m e m a n . This sort of transaction m i g h t d i m i n i s h a loss, b u t would
never help in realising a profit.
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To explain, therefore, t h e general nature of profits, y o u m u s t start from t h e
t h e o r e m t h a t , on an average, c o m m o d i t i e s are sold at their real values, a n d
that profits are derived from selling them at their values, t h a t is, in p r o p o r t i o n
to the q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r realised in t h e m . If y o u c a n n o t explain profit
5
u p o n this supposition, y o u c a n n o t explain it at all. This seems p a r a d o x a n d
contrary to t h e everyday's observation. It is also p a r a d o x t h a t t h e e a r t h
moves r o u n d t h e sun, a n d t h a t water consists of two highly i n f l a m m a b l e
gases. Scientific t r u t h is always paradox, if j u d g e d by everyday's experi
ence, which catches only t h e delusive a p p e a r a n c e s of things. |
κι
|10| 7) (The Labouring Power.)
Having now, as far as it c o u l d be d o n e in s u c h a cursory m a n n e r , analysed
the n a t u r e of Value, of t h e Value of any commodity whatever, we m u s t t u r n
our a t t e n t i o n to t h e specific Value of Labour. A n d h e r e again I m u s t startle
you by a s e e m i n g p a r a d o x . All of you feel sure t h a t what they daily sell, is
15
their L a b o u r ; t h a t , therefore, L a b o u r h a s a Price, a n d that, t h e price of a
commodity being only t h e m o n e t a r y expression of its value, there m u s t cer
tainly exist s u c h a t h i n g as t h e Value of Labour. However, there exists no
such thing as t h e Value of Labour in t h e c o m m o n a c c e p t a n c e of t h e word.
We have seen t h a t t h e a m o u n t of necessary l a b o u r crystallised in a c o m -
20
modify constitutes its value. Now, applying this n o t i o n of value, h o w could
we define, say t h e value of a 10 h o u r s ' working day? H o w m u c h l a b o u r is
contained in t h a t day? T e n h o u r s ' labour. To say t h a t t h e value of a
10 h o u r s ' working day is e q u a l to 10 h o u r s ' labour, or t h e q u a n t i t y of la
bour c o n t a i n e d in it, would be a tautological a n d , moreover, a n o n s e n s i c a l
25
expression. Of course, having o n c e found o u t t h e true b u t h i d d e n sense of
the expression: ΎαΙαε of Labour", we will be able to interprete this irra
tional a n d seemingly impossible application of value, in t h e same way, t h a t
having o n c e m a d e sure of t h e real m o v e m e n t of t h e celestial bodies, we shall
be able to explain t h e i r a p p a r e n t or merely p h e n o m e n a l m o v e m e n t s .
30
W h a t t h e working m a n sells is n o t directly his Labour, b u t his Labouring
Power, t h e t e m p o r a r y disposal of which he m a k e s over to t h e capitalist. T h i s
is so m u c h t h e case that, I do n o t know w h e t h e r by t h e English Law, b u t
certainly by s o m e C o n t i n e n t a l Laws, t h e Maximum time is fixed, for which
a m a n is allowed to sell his labouring power. If allowed to do so for any pe-
35
riod whatever, slavery would be i m m e d i a t e l y restored. S u c h a sale, if it
comprised his lifetime f.i., would m a k e h i m at o n c e t h e lifelong slave of his
employer.
One of t h e oldest e c o n o m i s t s a n d m o s t original philosophers of E n g l a n d ,
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Thomas Hobbes, has already in his Leviathan instinctively hit u p o n this
point, overlooked by all his successors. He says: "The value, or worth of a
man, is, as in all other things, his price: t h a t is, so m u c h as would be given
for t h e Use of his Power."
Proceeding from this basis, we shall be able to d e t e r m i n e the value of labour, as t h a t of all other c o m m o d i t i e s .
But before doing so, we might ask, how does this strange p h e n o m e n o n
arise, that we find on the m a r k e t a set of buyers, possessed of land, machinery, raw materials, and the m e a n s of life, all of t h e m , save l a n d in its crude
state, the products of labour, and, on t h e other h a n d , a set of sellers, who
have n o t h i n g to sell except their labouring power, their working arms and
brains? T h a t t h e o n e set buys continually, in order to m a k e a profit and enrich themselves, while the other set continuously sells, in order to gain
their lives? T h e inquiry into this question would be an inquiry into what
t h e economists call: The Previous or Original Accumulation, but which ought
to be called t h e Original Expropriation. We would find that this so-called
Original Accumulation m e a n s nothing b u t a series of historical processes resulting in a Decomposition of the Original Union existing between the Labouring M a n a n d his M e a n s of Labour. S u c h an inquiry, however, lies beyond t h e pale of my present subject. T h e Separation between t h e M a n of
L a b o u r a n d t h e M e a n s of Labour o n c e established, s u c h a state of things
will m a i n t a i n itself a n d reproduce itself u p o n a constantly increasing scale,
u n t i l a new a n d fundamental revolution in the m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n should
again overturn it, and restore the original u n i o n in a new historical form.
W h a t t h e n is the Value of the Labouring Power?
Like t h a t of every other commodity, its value is d e t e r m i n e d by the quantity of labour necessary to produce it. T h e labouring power of a m a n exists
only in his living individuality. A certain m a s s of necessaries m u s t be cons u m e d by a m a n to grow up a n d m a i n t a i n his life. B u t the m a n , like the
m a c h i n e , will wear out, a n d m u s t be replaced by a n o t h e r m a n . Besides the
m a s s of necessaries required for his own m a i n t e n a n c e , he wants another
a m o u n t of necessaries to bring up a certain q u o t a of children t h a t are to replace h i m on the labour market a n d to p e r p e t u a t e the r a c e of labourers.
Moreover, to develop his labouring power, a n d acquire a given skill, an
other a m o u n t of values m u s t be spent. For o u r purpose it suffices to consider only average labour, the costs of whose e d u c a t i o n a n d development
are vanishing m a g n i t u d e s . Still, I m u s t seize this occasion to state that, as
the costs of producing labouring powers of different qualities do differ, so
m u s t differ t h e values of the labouring powers employed in different trade;
T h e cry for an equality of wages rests, therefore, u p o n a mistake, is an insane wish never to be fulfilled. It is an offspring of that false a n d superficial
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radicalism t h a t accepts premises a n d tries to evade conclusions. U p o n the
basis of t h e wages system, t h e value of the labouring power is settled like
that of every other c o m m o d i t y , and as different k i n d s of labouring power
have different values, or require different quantities of labour for their production, they must fetch different prices in the labour market. To c l a m o u r
for equal or even equitable retribution on t h e basis of t h e wages system, is the
same as to c l a m o u r for freedom, on the basis of the slavery system. W h a t
you t h i n k j u s t or equitable, is out of t h e question. T h e question is, w h a t is
necessary a n d u n a v o i d a b l e with a given system of production.
After what has b e e n said, the value of the labouring power is d e t e r m i n e d
by the value of the necessaries required to produce, develop, m a i n t a i n , a n d
perpetuate the labouring power.
8) (Production of Surplus Value.)
Now suppose that the average a m o u n t of the daily necessaries of a labouring m a n require 6 hours of average labour for their p r o d u c t i o n . Suppose,
moreover, 6 h o u r s of average labour to be also realised in a q u a n t i t y of
gold, equal to 3sh. T h e n 3sh. would be the Price, or the m o n e t a r y expression of t h e Daily Value of t h a t m a n ' s Labouring Power. If he worked daily
6 hours, he would daily p r o d u c e a value sufficient to buy t h e average
amount of his daily necessaries, or to m a i n t a i n himself as a labouring m a n .
But our m a n is a wages' labourer. He m u s t , therefore, sell his labouring
power to a capitalist. If he sells it at 3sh. daily, or 18sh. weekly, he sells it at
its value. Suppose h i m to be a spinner. If he works 6 h o u r s daily, he will
add to the cotton a value of 3sh. daily. This value, daily a d d e d by h i m ,
would be an exact equivalent for the wages, or t h e price of his labouring
power, received daily. B u t in t h a t case no surplusvalue or surplus produce
whatever would go to the capitalist. H e r e , then, we c o m e to the r u b .
In buying the labouring power of the w o r k m a n a n d paying its value, the
capitalist, like every other purchaser, has acquired t h e right to c o n s u m e or
use the c o m m o d i t y bought. You c o n s u m e or u s e the labouring power of a
man, by m a k i n g h i m work, as you c o n s u m e or u s e a m a c h i n e by m a k i n g it
ran. By paying the daily or weekly value of the labouring power of the
workman, t h e capitalist h a s , therefore, acquired the right to u s e or m a k e
that labouring power work during the whole day or week. T h e working day or
the working week h a s of course certain limits, b u t those we shall afterwards
look more closely u p o n . F o r the present, I want to t u r n your a t t e n t i o n to
one decisive point.
The value of t h e labouring power is d e t e r m i n e d by the quantity of labour
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necessary to m a i n t a i n or reproduce it, b u t the use of that labouring power
is only limited by the acting energies a n d physical strength of t h e labourer.
T h e daily or weekly value of the labouring power is quite distinct from the
daily ox weekly exercise of that s a m e power, the s a m e as the food a horse
wants a n d t h e t i m e it can carry the h o r s e m a n , are quite distinct. T h e quantity of labour, by which the value of the w o r k m a n ' s labouring power is limited, forms by no m e a n s a limit to the quantity of l a b o u r which his labouring power is apt to perform. Take the e x a m p l e of our spinner. We have seen
that, to | | 1 1 | daily reproduce his labouring power, he m u s t daily reproduce a
value of 3sh., which he will do by working 6 h o u r s daily. But this does not
disable h i m from working 10 or 12 or m o r e h o u r s a day. B u t by paying the
daily or weekly value of t h e spinner's labouring power, the capitalist has
acquired the right of using that labouring power during the whole day or
week. He will, therefore, m a k e h i m work daily, say 12 h o u r s . Over and above
the 6 hours, required to replace his wages, or the value of his labouring
power, he will, therefore, have to work 6 other hours, which I shall call hours
of surpluslabour, which surplus labour will realise itself in a surplusvalue and
a surplus produce. If o u r spinner f.i., by his daily labour of 6 h o u r s , added
3sh. Value to the cotton, a value forming an exact equivalent for his wages,
he will, in 12 hours, add 6sh.'s worth to the cotton, a n d p r o d u c e a proportional surplus of yarn. As he has sold his labouring power to the capitalist,
t h e whole value or produce, created by h i m , belongs to t h e capitalist, the
owner pro tern, of his labouring power. By advancing 3sh., the capitalist
will, therefore, realise a value of 6sh., because, advancing a value, in which
6 hours of labour are crystallised, he will receive in return a value, in which
12 h o u r s of l a b o u r are crystallised. By repeating this s a m e process daily,
t h e capitalist will daily advance 3sh. a n d daily pocket 6sh., o n e half of
which will go to pay wages anew, a n d the other half of which will form surplus value, for which the capitalist pays no equivalent. It is this sort of exchange between capital and labour, u p o n which capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n , or the
wages system, is founded, a n d which m u s t constantly result in reproducing
the working m a n as a working m a n , a n d the capitalist as a capitalist.
T h e Rate of Surplus value will, all other circumstances r e m a i n i n g the
same, d e p e n d on the proportion between that part of the working day, necessary to reproduce the value of the labouring power, a n d t h e surplustime or
surplus labour, performed for the capitalist. It will, therefore, d e p e n d on the
ratio in which the working day is prolonged over and above that extent, by working which the working m a n would only reproduce the value of his labouring power, or replace his wages.
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9) (Value of Labour.)
We must now return to the expression: 'Value or Price of Labour".
We have seen t h a t it is in fact only t h e value of t h e L a b o u r i n g Power,
measured by t h e values of the c o m m o d i t i e s necessary for its m a i n t e n a n c e .
5 But since the w o r k m a n receives his wages after his l a b o u r is performed,
and knows, moreover, that what he actually gives to the capitalist, is his labour, the value or price of his labouring power necessarily appears to h i m ,
as the price or value of his labour itself. If the price of his labouring power is
3sh., in which 6 h o u r s of labour are realised, and if he works 12 hours, he
10 necessarily considers these 3sh. as the value or price of 12 h o u r s of labour,
although t h e s e 12 h o u r s of labour realise themselves in a value of 6sh. A
double c o n s e q u e n c e flows from this.
Firstly, the value or price of the labouring power takes the s e m b l a n c e of t h e
Price or Value of Labour itself, although, strictly speaking, value a n d price of
15 labour are senseless terms.
Secondly: A l t h o u g h o n e part only of the w o r k m a n ' s daily labour is paid,
while the other part is unpaid, and while t h a t u n p a i d or surplus labour constitutes exactly the fund o u t of which surplusvalue or profit is formed, it
seems as if the aggregate labour was paid labour.
20
This false a p p e a r a n c e distinguishes wages' labour from other historical
forms of labour. On the basis of the wages' system, even t h e unpaid labour
'
seems to be p a i d labour. W i t h the slave, on the contrary, even t h a t part of
his labour, which is paid, appears to be u n p a i d . Of course, in order to work,
the slave m u s t live, a n d o n e part of his working day goes to replace the val25 ue of his own m a i n t e n a n c e . But since no bargain is struck between h i m
and his master, a n d no acts of selling a n d buying are going on between the
.. two parties, all his labour seems to be given away for n o t h i n g .
Take on the other h a n d the peasant serf, such, as he, I m i g h t say, still
yesterday, existed in the whole East of Europe. This p e a s a n t worked f.i.
30 3 days for himself on his own field, or the field allotted to h i m , a n d t h e
three s u b s e q u e n t days he performed compulsory a n d gratuitous l a b o u r on
'. the estate of his lord. Here, t h e n , t h e paid a n d u n p a i d parts of labour were
visibly separated, separated in t i m e and space, a n d o u r liberals overflowed
with moral i n d i g n a t i o n at the preposterous n o t i o n of m a k i n g a m a n work
35 for nothing.
In point of fact, however, whether a m a n works 3 days of the week for
himself on his own field, and three days for n o t h i n g on the estate of his
lord, or whether he works in the factory or the workshop 6 h o u r s daily for
himself, a n d 6 for his employer, comes to the same, although in the latter
171
Karl Marx
case the paid a n d u n p a i d portions of labour are inseparably m i x e d up with
e a c h other, a n d t h e n a t u r e of the whole transaction is completely masked
by the intervention of a contract, a n d the pay received at t h e e n d of t h e week.
T h e gratuitous labour appears to be voluntarily given in t h e o n e instance,
and to be compulsory in the other. T h a t m a k e s all the difference.
In using the word "value of labour", I shall only use it as a p o p u l a r slang
t e r m for "value of the labouring power".
10) (Profit is made by selling
a commodity at its value.)
Suppose an average h o u r of labour to be realised in a value, equal to 6d., or
12 average h o u r s of labour to be realised in 6sh. Suppose further the value
of labour to be 3sh., or the produce of 6 h o u r s ' labour. If, t h e n , in the raw
material, machinery, and so forth, used up in a c o m m o d i t y , 24 average
h o u r s of labour were realised, its value would a m o u n t to 12sh. If, moreover,
the w o r k m a n employed by the capitalist, a d d e d 12 h o u r s of l a b o u r to those
m e a n s of production, these 12 h o u r s would be realised in an additional value of 6sh. T h e total value of the product would, therefore, a m o u n t to
36 h o u r s of realised labour, a n d be equal to 18sh. But as the value of labour, or the wages paid to the workman, would be 3sh. only, no equivalent
would have b e e n p a i d by the capitalist for the 6 h o u r s of surplus labour,
worked by the workman, a n d realised in t h e value of t h e c o m m o d i t y . By
selling this c o m m o d i t y at its value, for 18sh., t h e capitalist would, therefore, realise a value of 3sh., for which he h a d p a i d no equivalent. These
3sh. would constitute the surplus value or profit, pocketed by h i m . T h e capitalist would, consequently, realise the profit of 3sh., n o t by selling his
c o m m o d i t y at a price over and above its value, b u t by selling it at its real
value.
T h e value of a c o m m o d i t y is d e t e r m i n e d by the total quantity of labour
c o n t a i n e d in it. But part of that quantity of l a b o u r is realised in a value, for
which an equivalent has b e e n paid in the form of wages; part of it is realised in a value, for which no equivalent has b e e n paid. Part of the labour;
c o n t a i n e d in the c o m m o d i t y , is paid labour; part is unpaid labour. By selling, therefore, the c o m m o d i t y at its value, t h a t is as the crystallisation of the
total quantity of labour bestowed u p o n it, the capitalist m u s t necessarily sell
it at a profit. He sells n o t only, what has cost h i m an equivalent, b u t he
sells also what has cost h i m nothing, although it has cost the labour of his
workman. T h e cost of the c o m m o d i t y to the capitalist, a n d its real cost, are
172
10"«
15¾
20 \
25Ì
different things. I repeat, therefore, that n o r m a l a n d average profits are
made by selling c o m m o d i t i e s n o t above, b u t at their real values. \
1121 11) (Different parts
into which Surplusvalue is decomposed.)
The surplusvalue, or that part of t h e total value of t h e c o m m o d i t y , in w h i c h
the surplus labour or unpaid labour of the workingman is realised, I call
Profit. T h e whole of t h a t profit is n o t pocketed by the employing capitalist.
The monopoly of land enables the landlord to vindicate o n e part of t h a t
surplusvalue, u n d e r the n a m e of rent, whether the land be used for agriculture, or buildings, or railways, or for any other productive purpose. On the
other h a n d , the very fact, that the possession of the means of labour, enables
the employing capitalist to p r o d u c e a surplus value, or what c o m e s to the
same, to appropriate to himself a certain amount of unpaid labour, enables the
owner of the m e a n s of labour, which he lends wholly or partly to the e m ploying capitalist, enables in o n e word the money lending capitalist to claim
for himself, u n d e r the n a m e of interest, another part of t h a t surplus value,
so that there r e m a i n s to the employing capitalist as such only what is called
industrial or commercial profit.
By what laws this division of the total a m o u n t of surplusvalue a m o n g s t
these three categories of people is regulated, is a question quite foreign
from our subject. This m u c h , however, results from what has b e e n stated.
Rent, Interest, and Industrial Profit are only different names for different
parts of the surplus value of t h e c o m m o d i t y , or the unpaid labour, realised in
it, and they are equally derived from this source, and from this source alone.
They are n o t derived from land as such, n o r from capital as such, b u t land
and capital enable their owners to get their respective shares out of the surplus value, extracted by the employing capitalist from the labourer. F o r the
labourer himself, it is a m a t t e r of subordinate i m p o r t a n c e , whether t h a t
surplus value, the result of his surplus labour or u n p a i d labour, be altogether pocketed by t h e employing capitalist, or whether the latter be
obliged to pay portions of it, u n d e r the n a m e s of r e n t a n d interest, away to
third parties. Suppose the employing capitalist to use only h i s own capital,
and to be his own landlord, a n d the whole surplusvalue would go into his
pocket.
It is the employing capitalist, who immediately extracts from the labourer this surplusvalue, whatever part of it he m a y ultimately be able to
keep for himself. U p o n this relation, therefore, between the employing cap-
173
Karl Marx
italist and t h e wages' labourer, the whole wages system a n d t h e whole present system of p r o d u c t i o n hinge. S o m e of the citizens, who took part in our
debate, were, therefore, wrong in trying to m i n c e matters, a n d to treat this
fundamental relation between the employing capitalist a n d t h e working
m a n as a secondary question, although they were right in stating, that, under given circumstances, a rise of prices m i g h t affect in very u n e q u a l degrees the employing capitalist, the landlord, the m o n i e d capitalist, and, if
you please, the taxgatherer.
A n o t h e r c o n s e q u e n c e follows from what h a s b e e n stated.
T h a t part of t h e value of the c o m m o d i t y , which presents only the value
of the raw materials, the machinery, in o n e word, the value of the m e a n s of
production used u p , forms no revenue at all, b u t replaces only capital. But
apart from this, it is false that the other part of the value of the commodity,
which forms revenue, or m a y be spent in t h e form of wages, profits, rents, interest, is constituted by the value of wages, the value of rent, the value of
profit, a n d so forth. We shall, in the first instance, discard wages, and only
treat industrial profit, interest, a n d rent. We have j u s t seen, t h a t the surplusvalue c o n t a i n e d in the commodity, or t h a t part of its value, in which unpaid
labour is realised, dissolves itself into different fractions, bearing three different n a m e s . But it would be quite the reverse of the t r u t h to say, thai its
value is composed of, or formed by, the addition of t h e independent values of
these three constituents.
If one h o u r of labour realises itself in a value of 6d., if the working day of
the labourer comprises 12 hours, if half of this t i m e is u n p a i d labour, that
surplus labour will a d d to the c o m m o d i t y a surplus value of 3sh., that is of
value for w h i c h no equivalent has b e e n paid. This surplusvalue of 3sh. constitutes the whole fund which the employing capitalist m a y divide, in whatever proportions, with the landlord a n d the m o n e y lender. T h e value of
these 3sh. constitutes the limit of the value they have to divide amongst
each other. B u t it is n o t t h e employing capitalist who a d d s to the value of
the c o m m o d i t y an arbitrary value for his profit, to which a n o t h e r value is
a d d e d for the landlord, and so forth, so that the a d d i t i o n of those arbitrarily fixed values would constitute the total value. Y o u see, therefore, the
fallacy of the popular notion, which confounds t h e decomposition of a given value into three different parts, with the formation of t h a t value by the
addition of three independent values, t h u s converting t h e aggregate value,
from which rent, profit, a n d interest are derived, into an arbitrary magnitude.
10..
20-,f
25|
30j
If the total profit, realised by a capitalist, be equal to 100/., we call this
s u m , considered as an absolute m a g n i t u d e , the amount of profit. But if we 40|
calculate the ratio which those 100/. b e a r to t h e capital advanced, we call
174
this relative m a g n i t u d e , the rate of profit. It is evident, that this rate of profit
may be expressed in a d o u b l e way.
Suppose 100/. to be the capital, advanced in wages. If the surplus value
created is also /. 1 0 0 — a n d this would show us, that half the working day of
the labourer consists of unpaid l a b o u r — a n d if we m e a s u r e d this profit by
the value of the capital advanced in wages, we should say, that t h e rate of
profit a m o u n t e d to 100 %, b e c a u s e t h e value a d v a n c e d would be 100, a n d
the value realised would be 200.
If, on the other h a n d , we should n o t only consider the capital advanced in
wages, b u t the total capital advanced, say f.i. 500/., of which 400/. represented the value of raw materials, machinery, a n d so forth, we should say
that the rate of profit a m o u n t e d only to 20%, because the profit of 100
would be b u t the fifth part of the total capital advanced.
The first m o d e of expressing the rate of profit is the only o n e which
shows you the real ratio between paid a n d u n p a i d labour, the real degree of
the exploitation (you m u s t allow me this F r e n c h word) of labour. T h e other
mode of expression is that in c o m m o n use, a n d is i n d e e d appropriate for
certain purposes. At all events, it is very useful for concealing the degree,
in which the capitalist extracts gratuitous l a b o u r from the workman.
In the remarks I have still to m a k e , I shall u s e t h e word Profit for t h e
whole a m o u n t of surplusvalue, extracted from the capitalist without any regard to the division of that surplusvalue between different parties, a n d in
using the words Rate of Profit, I shall always m e a s u r e profits by the value of
the capital advanced in wages. |
|13| 12) (General relation
of Profits, Wages, and Prices.)
Deduct from the value of a c o m m o d i t y t h e value replacing the value of the
raw materials a n d other m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n u s e d u p o n it, that is to say deduct the value representing the past labour c o n t a i n e d in it, a n d t h e remainder of its value will dissolve into the quantity of labour a d d e d by the working m a n last employed. If that workingman works 12 hours daily, if
12 hours of average labour crystallise themselves in an a m o u n t of gold
equal to 6sh., this additional value of 6sh. is the only value his l a b o u r will
have created. This given value, d e t e r m i n e d by the t i m e of his labour, is the
only fund, from which, b o t h he a n d the capitalist, have to draw their respective shares or dividends, the only value to be divided into wages a n d
profits. It is evident that this value itself will n o t be altered by the variable
175
Karl Marx
proportions, in which it m a y be divided a m o n g s t the two parties. There will
also be n o t h i n g changed, if in the place of o n e workingman, you p u t the
whole working population, 12 millions of working days f.i., instead of one.
Since t h e capitalist a n d the w o r k m a n have only to divide this limited
value, t h a t is the value m e a s u r e d by t h e total labour of the workingman,
the m o r e t h e o n e gets, the less will the other get, a n d vice versa. Whenever
a quantity is given, o n e part of it will increase inversely as t h e other decreases. If the wages change, profits will c h a n g e in an opposite direction. If
wages fall, profits will rise, and if wages rise, profits will fall. If the working
m a n , on our former supposition, gets 3sh., e q u a l to one half of the value he 10
has created, or if his whole working day consists half of paid, a n d half of
u n p a i d labour, the rate of profit will be 100%, b e c a u s e t h e capitalist would
also get 3sh. If the workingman receives only 2sh., or works only % of the
whole day for himself, the capitalist will get 4sh., a n d the rate of profit will
be 200 %. If the working m a n receives 4sh., t h e capitalist will only receive 15
two, and t h e rate of profit would sink to 50 %, b u t all these variations will
n o t affect the value of the c o m m o d i t y . A general rise of wages would, therefore, result in a fall of the general rate of profit, b u t n o t affect values.
r
But although the values of commodities, which m u s t ultimately regulate
their marketprices, are exclusively d e t e r m i n e d by the total quantities of lab o u r fixed in t h e m , a n d n o t by the division of that quantity into paid and
u n p a i d labour, it does by no m e a n s follow, that the values of the single
c o m m o d i t i e s or lots of c o m m o d i t i e s p r o d u c e d during 12 h o u r s f.i. will rem a i n constant. T h e number or m a s s of c o m m o d i t i e s , p r o d u c e d in a given
t i m e of labour, or by a given quantity of labour, d e p e n d s u p o n the productive power of the labour employed, a n d n o t u p o n its extent, or length. With
o n e degree of t h e productive power of s p i n n i n g labour f.i. a working day of
12 h o u r s m a y produce 121bs of yarn, with a lesser degree of productive
power only 21bs. If t h e n 12 h o u r s ' average l a b o u r were realised in the value
of 6sh., in the o n e case t h e 121bs of yarn would cost 6sh., in the other case 30
the 21bs of yarn would also cost 6sh. O n e lb of yarn would, therefore, cost
6d. in t h e one case, a n d 3sh. in the other. T h e difference of price would result from the difference in the productive powers of the l a b o u r employed.
O n e h o u r of labour would be realised in o n e lb of yarn, with the greater
productive power, while with the smaller productive power, 6 h o u r s of lab o u r would be realised in l i b of yarn. T h e price of a lb of yarn would, in
the o n e instance, be only 6d, although wages were relatively high and the
rate of profit low; it would be 3sh. in the other instance, although wages
were low and the rate of profit high. This would be so, b e c a u s e t h e price of
the lb of yarn is regulated by the total amount of labour worked up in it, and
n o t by the proportional division of that total amount into paid and unpaid la-
176
bour. T h e fact, I have before m e n t i o n e d , that high priced l a b o u r m a y produce cheap, a n d low priced labour m a y p r o d u c e dear c o m m o d i t i e s , loses,
therefore, its paradoxical appearance. It is b u t t h e expression of t h e general
law, that t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y is regulated by t h e q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r
worked up in it, b u t t h a t the quantity of labour worked up in it, d e p e n d s altogether u p o n the productive power of the l a b o u r employed, a n d will,
therefore, vary with every variation in t h e productivity of labour.
13) (Main cases of attempts at rising wages
or resisting their fall.)
1) Let us n o w seriously consider t h e m a i n cases in which a rise of wages is
attempted or a r e d u c t i o n of wages resisted.
We have seen: that the value of the labouring power, or in m o r e popular
parlance, t h e value of labour, is d e t e r m i n e d by the value of necessaries, or
the quantity of labour required to p r o d u c e t h e m . If t h e n , in a given c o u n try, the value of the daily average necessaries of the labourer represented
6 hours of labour, expressed in 3sh., labourer would have to work 6 h o u r s
daily to p r o d u c e an equivalent for his daily m a i n t e n a n c e . If t h e whole
working day was 12 h o u r s , the capitalist would pay h i m the value of his labour by paying h i m 3sh. Half the working day would be u n p a i d labour, a n d
the rate of profit would m o u n t to 100 %. But now suppose that, c o n s e q u e n t
upon a decrease of productivity, m o r e labour should be wanted to p r o d u c e
say the s a m e a m o u n t of agricultural p r o d u c e , so that the price of the average daily necessaries should rise from 3 to 4sh. In that case the value of labour would rise by ]/ or 33¾ %. Eight h o u r s of t h e working day would be required to p r o d u c e an equivalent for the daily m a i n t e n a n c e of the labourer,
according to his old standard of living. T h e surplus labour would therefore
sink from 6 h o u r s to 4, a n d the rate of profit from 100 to 50 %. But in insisting upon a rise of wages, the labourer would only insist u p o n getting the increased value of his labour, like every other seller of a c o m m o d i t y , who, the
costs of his c o m m o d i t i e s having increased, tries to get its increased value
paid. If wages did n o t rise, or not sufficiently rise, to c o m p e n s a t e for the increased values of necessaries, the price of labour would sink below the value
of labour, a n d t h e labourer's standard of life would deteriorate.
3
But a change m i g h t also take place in an opposite direction. By virtue of
the increased productivity of labourer, the s a m e a m o u n t of the average
daily necessaries, m i g h t sink from 3sh. to 2, or only 4 h o u r s o u t of t h e
working day, instead of 6, be wanted to r e p r o d u c e an equivalent for the val-
177
Karl Marx
ue of t h e daily necessaries. T h e w o r k i n g m a n would now be able to b u y with
2sh. as m a n y necessaries as he did before with 3sh. I n d e e d , t h e value of la
bour w o u l d h a v e sunk, b u t t h a t d i m i n i s h e d value w o u l d c o m m a n d the
s a m e a m o u n t of c o m m o d i t i e s as before. T h e n profits w o u l d rise from 3sh.
to 4, a n d t h e r a t e of profit, from 100 to 200 %. A l t h o u g h t h e labourer's abso
lute s t a n d a r d of life would have r e m a i n e d t h e s a m e , his relative wages, and,
therewith, his relative social position, as c o m p a r e d to t h a t of t h e capitalist,
would have b e e n lowered. If t h e working m a n should resist t h a t reduction
of relative wages, he w o u l d only try to get s o m e s h a r e in t h e i n c r e a s e d pro
ductive powers of his own labour, a n d to m a i n t a i n his former relative posi- %
t i o n in t h e social scale. T h u s , after t h e abolition of t h e ||14| Cornlaws, and ί
in flagrant violation of t h e m o s t s o l e m n pledges given d u r i n g t h e AntiC o r n Law Agitation, t h e English factory lords generally r e d u c e d wages by Í
10 %. T h e resistance of t h e workmen was at first baffled, but, consequent u|
u p o n c i r c u m s t a n c e s I c a n n o t now enter u p o n , t h e 10 % lost were afterwards 15
regained.
2) T h e values of necessaries, a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y the value of labour, might
|
r e m a i n t h e s a m e , b u t a change m i g h t occur in their money prices, conseq u e n t u p o n a previous change in the value of money.
Λ
By t h e discovery of m o r e fertile m i n e s a n d so forth, two o u n c e s of gold, 2t|
m i g h t f.i. cost n o m o r e l a b o u r t o p r o d u c e t h a n o n e o u n c e did before. The
value of gold would t h e n be depreciated by o n e half or by 50 %. As t h e val
ues of all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s would t h e n be expressed in twice their former
moneyprices, t h u s t h e s a m e value of labour. Twelve h o u r s of labour, formerly
expressed in 6sh., would now be expressed in 12sh. If t h e workingman's 2"¾
wages would r e m a i n 3sh., instead of rising to 6sh., t h e moneyprice of hü labour w o u l d only be e q u a l to half the value of his labour, a n d h i s standard of
life would fearfully deteriorate. This would also h a p p e n in a greater or ;
lesser degree, if his wages should rise, but n o t proportionately to t h e fall in
t h e value of gold. In such a case n o t h i n g would have b e e n changed, neither ;
in t h e productive powers of labour, nor in supply and d e m a n d , n o r in val-;
u e s . N o t h i n g would have changed except t h e m o n e y names of those values. ?
To say, t h a t in s u c h a case, t h e w o r k m a n o u g h t n o t to insist u p o n a proport i o n a t e rise of wages, is to say, that he m u s t be c o n t e n t to be paid with
n a m e s , instead of with things. All past history proves, that whenever such a M
depreciation of m o n e y occurs, t h e capitalists are on t h e alert to seize this 3
opportunity for defrauding the w o r k m e n . A very large school of Pol. Econ- M
omists asserts, that, c o n s e q u e n t u p o n t h e new discoveries of goldlands, the m
better working of silver mines, a n d t h e c h e a p e r supply of quicksilver, the m
value of precious m e t a l s h a s b e e n again depreciated. This would explain |
t h e general a n d s i m u l t a n e o u s attempts, on the c o n t i n e n t , at a rise of wages.
;
178
3) We have till now supposed t h a t t h e working day has given limits. T h e
working day, however, has, by itself, no constant limits. It is t h e constant
tendency of capital to stretch it to its u t m o s t physically possible length, because in t h e s a m e degree surpluslabour, a n d consequently the profit result5 ing therefrom, will be increased. T h e m o r e capital succeeds in prolonging
the working day, the greater the a m o u n t of other peoples' labour it will appropriate. D u r i n g the 1 7 , a n d even the two first thirds of the 1 8 century,
a 10 h o u r s ' working day was t h e n o r m a l working day all over England. D u r ing the A n t i J a c o b i n war, which was in fact a war waged by the British Bario ons against the British working masses, capital celebrated its bacchanalia,
and prolonged the working day from 10 to 12, 14, 18 h o u r s . Malthus, by no
means a m a n , w h o m you would suspect of a m a u d l i n s e n t i m e n t a l i s m , declared in a pamphlet, published a b o u t 1815, t h a t if this sort of thing was to
go on, the life of the n a t i o n would be attacked in its very source. A few
15 years before the general i n t r o d u c t i o n of the newly invented m a c h i n e r y ,
about 1765, a p a m p h l e t appeared in England u n d e r the title: "An Essay on
Trade". T h e a n o n y m o u s author, an avowed e n e m y of the working classes,
declaims on the necessity of expanding the limits of the working day.
Amongst other m e a n s to this end, he proposes working houses, which, he
th
)
5
D
5
0
t h
says, ought to be "Houses of Terror". A n d what is the length of t h e working
day he prescribes for these "Houses of Terror"? Twelve hours, the very s a m e
time which, in 1832, was declared by capitalists, political economists, a n d
ministers, to be n o t only the existing, b u t t h e necessary t i m e of l a b o u r for a
child u n d e r 12 years.
By selling his labouring power, a n d he m u s t do so u n d e r the present system, the working m a n m a k e s over to the capitalist t h e c o n s u m p t i o n of that
power, b u t within certain rational limits. He sells his labouring power, in
order to m a i n t a i n it, apart from its n a t u r a l tear a n d wear, b u t not to destroy
it. In selling his labouring power at its daily or weekly value, it is u n d e r stood that in o n e day or o n e week, that labouring power shall n o t be s u b mitted to 2 days or 2 weeks waste, or wear and tear. Take a m a c h i n e , worth
1000/. If it is used up in 10 years, it will a d d to the value of the c o m m o d i ties, in whose p r o d u c t i o n it assists, 100/. yearly. If it be used up in 5 years,
it would add 200/. yearly, or the value of its a n n u a l wear a n d tear is in inverse ratio to t h e quickness with which it is c o n s u m e d . But this distinguishes the working m a n from the m a c h i n e . M a c h i n e r y does n o t wear out
exactly in t h e s a m e ratio in which it is u s e d . M a n , on the contrary, decays
in a greater ratio t h a n would be visible from t h e m e r e n u m e r i c a l addition
of work.
In their attempts at reducing the working day to its former rational dimensions, or, w h e n they c a n n o t enforce a legal fixation of a n o r m a l work-
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ing day, at c h e c k i n g overwork by a rise of wages, a rise n o t only in propor
t i o n to t h e surplus t i m e exacted, b u t in a greater proportion, w o r k i n g m e n
fulfil only a d u t y against themselves, a n d their race. T h e y set only limits to
t h e t y r a n n i c a l u s u r p a t i o n s of capital. T i m e is t h e r o o m of h u m a n develop
m e n t . A m a n w h o h a s to dispose of no free t i m e , whose whole lifetime,
apart from t h e m e r e physical i n t e r r u p t i o n s by sleep, meals, a n d so forth, is
absorbed by his l a b o u r for t h e capitalist, is less t h a n a beast of b u r t h e n . He
is a m e r e m a c h i n e for p r o d u c i n g F o r e i g n Wealth, b r o k e n in-body, a n d brutalised in m i n d . Yet, t h e whole history of m o d e r n industry shows, t h a t capi
tal, if n o t checked, will recklessly a n d restlessly work to cast down the
whole working class to this u t m o s t state of d e g r a d a t i o n .
In prolonging t h e working day, t h e capitalist m a y p a y higher wages, and
still lower t h e value of labour, if t h e rise of wages do n o t c o r r e s p o n d to the
greater a m o u n t of l a b o u r extracted, a n d t h e quicker decay of t h e labouring
power t h u s caused. T h i s m a y b e d o n e i n a n o t h e r way. Y o u r middleclass
statisticians will tell you f. inst. t h a t t h e average wages of factory families in
L a n c a s h i r e h a v e risen. T h e y forget t h a t i n s t e a d of t h e l a b o u r of t h e m a n ,
t h e h e a d of t h e family, his wife, a n d p e r h a p s 3 or 4 children are n o w thrown
u n d e r t h e J u g g e r n a u t wheels of capital, a n d t h a t t h e rise of t h e aggregate
wages does n o t correspond to t h e aggregate surplus labour extracted from
t h e family.
Even with given limits of t h e working day, such as they n o w exist in all
b r a n c h e s of industry subjected to t h e factory laws, a rise of wages m a y be
c o m e necessary, if only to keep up t h e old s t a n d a r d value of labour. By in
creasing t h e intensity of labour, a m a n m a y be m a d e to e x p e n d as m u c h vi
tal force in o n e hour, as he formerly did in two. T h i s h a s , to a certain
degree, b e e n effected in t h e trades, placed u n d e r t h e factory acts, by the ac
celeration of m a c h i n e r y , a n d t h e greater n u m b e r of working machines
which a single individual h a s now to s u p e r i n t e n d . If t h e increase in the in
tensity of labour, or t h e m a s s of l a b o u r s p e n t | | 1 5 | in an h o u r , keeps some
fair p r o p o r t i o n to t h e decrease in t h e extent of t h e working day, t h e work
ing m a n will still be t h e winner. If t h i s limit is overshot, he loses in one
form what he has gained in another, a n d 10 h o u r s of l a b o u r m a y t h e n ber
c o m e as r u i n o u s as 12 h o u r s were before. In c h e c k i n g this t e n d e n c y of
capital, by struggling for a rise of wages, corresponding to t h e rising inten-
3
sity of labour, t h e working m a n only resists t h e d e p r e c i a t i o n of his labour,
a n d t h e d e t e r i o r a t i o n of his race.
4) All of y o u know that, from reasons I have n o t now to explain, capital
istic p r o d u c t i o n moves t h r o u g h certain periodical cycles. It m o v e s through
ν
a state of quiescence, growing a n i m a t i o n , prosperity, overtrade, crisis, and
:
stagnation. T h e marketprices of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d t h e m a r k e t rates of
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èri
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profit, follow these phases, now sinking below their averages, n o w rising
above t h e m . C o n s i d e r i n g the whole cycle, you will find t h a t o n e deviation
of t h e m a r k e t p r i c e is being c o m p e n s a t e d by t h e other, a n d that, taking t h e
average of the cycle, t h e marketprices of c o m m o d i t i e s are regulated by
their values. Well! D u r i n g t h e phasis of sinking marketprices, a n d the
phases of crisis a n d stagnation, the working m a n , if n o t thrown o u t of e m
ployment altogether, is sure to have his wages lowered. To n o t be de
frauded, he must, even with such a fall of marketprices, d e b a t e with the
capitalist in w h a t degree a proportional fall of wages h a s b e c o m e necessary.
If, during t h e phases of prosperity, w h e n extra profits are m a d e , he battled
not for a rise of wages, he would, taking t h e average of o n e industrial cycle,
not even receive his average wages, or t h e value of his labour. It is t h e ut
most height of foolery to d e m a n d , t h a t while his wages are necessarily af
fected by t h e adverse phases of t h e cycle, he should exclude himself from a
compensation d u r i n g the prosperous phases of t h e cycle. Generally, t h e val
ues of all c o m m o d i t i e s are only realised by t h e c o m p e n s a t i o n of t h e contin
uously changing marketprices, springing from t h e c o n t i n u o u s fluctuations
of d e m a n d a n d supply. On t h e basis of t h e present system, labour is only a
commodity like others. It m u s t , therefore, pass t h r o u g h t h e s a m e fluctuations to fetch an average price corresponding to its value. It would be ab
surd to treat it on t h e o n e h a n d as a c o m m o d i t y , a n d to w a n t on t h e o t h e r
hand to e x e m p t it from t h e laws which regulate the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s .
The slave receives a p e r m a n e n t a n d fixed a m o u n t of m a i n t e n a n c e ; the
wages labourer does n o t . He m u s t try to get a rise of wages in t h e o n e instance, if only to c o m p e n s a t e for a fall of wages, in t h e other. If he resigned
himself to accept the will, t h e dictates of t h e capitalist as a p a r a m o u n t
economical law, he would share in all the miseries of the slave, without the
security of t h e slave.
5) In all the cases I have considered, a n d they form 99 o u t of 100, you
have seen t h a t a struggle for a rise of wages follows only in t h e track of pre
vious changes, a n d as their necessary offspring, of previous changes in the
amount of p r o d u c t i o n , the productive power of labour, t h e value of labour,
the value of m o n e y , t h e extent or the intensity of t h e l a b o u r extracted, the
fluctuations of m a r k e t prices, d e p e n d e n t u p o n t h e fluctuations of d e m a n d
and supply, a n d coexistent with the different phases of the industrial cycle;
in one word, as reactions of labour against t h e previous a c t i o n of capital.
By treating the struggles for a rise of wages i n d e p e n d e n t l y of all these circumstances, by looking only u p o n the change of wages, a n d overlooking all
the other changes from w h i c h , t h e y e m a n a t e , you proceed from a false
premise in order to arrive at false conclusions.
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14) (The struggle between capital and labour,
and its results.)
1) Having shown, that the periodical resistance on the part of t h e workingm e n against a r e d u c t i o n of wages, a n d their periodical attempts at getting a
rise of wages, are inseparable from the wages system, a n d dictated by the
very fact of l a b o u r being assimilated to c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d therefore subject
to t h e laws regulating the general m o v e m e n t of prices; having, furthermore,
shown that a general rise of wages would result in a fall of the general rate
of profit, b u t n o t affect the average prices of c o m m o d i t i e s , or their values;
the question now, ultimately, arises, how far, in this incessant struggle between capital a n d labour, the latter is likely to prove successful?
I might answer by a generalisation, and say that, as with all other commodities, so with labour, its market price will, in the long run, adapt itself to
its value; that, therefore, despite all the ups a n d downs, a n d do what he
may, the working m a n will, on an average, only receive t h e value of his labour, which dissolves into the value of his labouring power, which is determ i n e d by the value of the necessaries required for its m a i n t e n a n c e a n d reproduction, which value of necessaries, finally, is regulated by t h e quantity
of labour wanted to produce t h e m .
But there are some peculiar features which distinguish the value of the labouring power, or the value of labour, from the values of all other c o m m o d i ties. T h e value of the labouring power is formed by two elements, the one
m a i n l y physical, the other historical or social. Its ultimate limit is determ i n e d by the physical element, that is to say, to m a i n t a i n a n d r e p r o d u c e itself, to p e r p e t u a t e its physical existence, the working class m u s t receive the
necessaries absolutely indispensable for living a n d multiplying. T h e value
of those indispensable necessaries forms, therefore, the u l t i m a t e limit of
the value of labour. On the other h a n d , the length of the working day is also
limited by u l t i m a t e , although very elastic b o u n d a r i e s . Its u l t i m a t e limit is
given by t h e physical force of the labouring m a n . If the daily exhaustion of
his vital forces exceeds a certain degree, it can n o t be exerted anew, day by
day. However, as I said, this limit is very elastic. A quick succession of unhealthy a n d shortlived generations will keep t h e labour m a r k e t as well supplied as a series of vigorous a n d longlived generations.
Besides this mere physical element, the value of labour is in every country d e t e r m i n e d by a traditional standard of life. It is n o t m e r e physical life,
b u t it is the satisfaction of certain wants springing from the social conditions in which people are placed and reared u p . T h e English standard of
life m a y be r e d u c e d to the Irish standard, the standard of life of a G e r m a n
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peasant to t h a t of a Livonian peasant. T h e important part which historical
tradition a n d social h a b i t u d e play in this respect, y o u m a y learn from M r .
Thornton's work o n : "Overpopulation", where he shows t h a t t h e average
wages in different agricultural districts of E n g l a n d still n o w a days differ
more or less according to the m o r e or less favourable circumstances, u n d e r
which they h a d emerged from the state of serfdom.
This historical or social element, entering into the value of labour, m a y
be expanded, or contracted, or altogether extinguished, so that n o t h i n g remains b u t t h e physical limit. D u r i n g the t i m e of the Anti Jacobin War, u n d e r taken, as the incorrigible taxeater a n d synecurist, Old George Rose, used to
say, to save the comforts of O u r Holy Religion from t h e inroads of the
French infidels, the h o n e s t English farmers, so tenderly h a n d l e d in a former sitting of ours, depressed the wages of the agricultural labourers, even
beneath that mere physical minimum, b u t m a d e up by poortaxes t h e r e m a i n der necessary for the physical p e r p e t u a t i o n of t h e race. This was a glorious
way to convert the wages labourer into a slave and Shakespeare's p r o u d
yeoman into a pauper.
By c o m p a r i n g the standard wages or values of labour in different countries, and by comparing t h e m in different historical epochs of the s a m e
country, you will find that the value of labour itself is n o t a fixed, b u t a variable m a g n i t u d e , even supposing t h e values of all other c o m m o d i t i e s to remain constant.
A similar comparison would prove that not only the marketrates of profit
change, b u t its average rates.
But as to profits, there exists no law which determines their minimum. We
cannot say which is the ultimate limit of their decrease. A n d why can we
not fix that limit? Because, a l t h o u g h we c a n fix the minimum of wages, we
cannot fix their maximum. We can only say, that the limits of the working
day being given, the maximum of profit corresponds to the physical minimum
of wages; a n d that wages being given, the maximum of profit corresponds to
such a prolongation of the working day, as is compatible with the physical
forces of the labourer. T h e m a x i m u m of profit is therefore limited by the
physical m i n i m u m of wages a n d the physical m a x i m u m of the working
day. It is evident that between the two limits of this maximum rate of profit,
an i m m e n s e scale of variations is possible. T h e fixation of its actual degree
is only settled by the c o n t i n u o u s struggle between capital a n d labour; t h e
capitalist constantly tending to r e d u c e wages to their physical m i n i m u m ,
and to extend the working day to its physical m a x i m u m , while the workingman constantly presses in the opposite direction.
The question resolves itself into a question of the respective powers of
the c o m b a t a n t s . |
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1161 2) As to t h e limitation of the working day, in England, as in all other
countries, it has never b e e n settled except by legislative interference. Without the workingmen's c o n t i n u o u s pressure from without, t h a t interference
would never have t a k e n place. But, at all events, the result was n o t to be attained by private settlement between the workingmen a n d the capitalists.
This very necessity of general political action affords the proof that, in its
merely e c o n o m i c a l action, capital was the stronger side.
As to t h e limits of the value of labour, its actual settlement always dep e n d s u p o n supply a n d d e m a n d , I m e a n the d e m a n d for labpur on the part
of capital, a n d the supply of labour by t h e working m e n . In colonial countries, the law of supply and d e m a n d favours the workingmen. H e n c e the
relatively h i g h s t a n d a r d of wages in the U n . States. Capital m a y there try its
u t m o s t . It c a n n o t prevent the labour m a r k e t from being continuously emptied by the c o n t i n u o u s conversion of wages labourers into independent,
self-sustaining peasants. T h e function of a wages' labourer is, for a very
large part of the A m e r i c a n people, b u t a probational state, w h i c h they are
sure to leave within a longer or shorter term. To m e n d this colonial state of
things, the paternal British government accepted for s o m e t i m e what is
called the m o d e r n Colonisation Theory, a n d which consists in putting an
artificial high price u p o n colonial land, in order to prevent t h e too quick
conversion of the w a g e s ' l a b o u r e r into t h e i n d e p e n d e n t peasant.
B u t let us now c o m e to old civilised countries, in which capital domineers over t h e whole process of production. T a k e f.i. the rise in England of
agricultural wages from 1849 to 1859. W h a t was its c o n s e q u e n c e ? The
farmers could not, as our friend W e s t o n would have advised t h e m , raise the
value of wheat, n o r even its marketprices. T h e y h a d , on the contrary, to
s u b m i t [to] their fall. But during these 11 years, they i n t r o d u c e d machinery
of all sorts, adopted m o r e scientifick m e t h o d s , converted part of arable
land into pasture, increased the size of farms, and, with it, t h e scale of production, a n d by these and other processes, d i m i n i s h i n g the d e m a n d for labour by increasing its productive power, m a d e t h e agricultural population
again relatively r e d u n d a n t . This is the general m e t h o d in which a reaction,
quicker or slower, of capital against a rise of wages takes place in old settled countries. Ricardo has justly remarked that m a c h i n e r y is in constant
c o m p e t i t i o n with labour a n d can often be only introduced, w h e n the price
of l a b o u r has reached a certain height, b u t the appliance of machinery is
b u t o n e of the m a n y m e t h o d s for increasing the productive powers of labour. This very s a m e development, which m a k e s c o m m o n l a b o u r relatively
r e d u n d a n t , simplifies, on the other h a n d , skilled labour, a n d t h u s depreciates it.
T h e s a m e law obtains in an other form. W i t h the d e v e l o p m e n t of the pro-
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ductive powers of labour, t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital will be accelerated,
even despite a relatively high rate of wages. H e n c e o n e m i g h t infer, as
A. Smith, in whose days m o d e r n industry was still in its infancy, d i d infer,
that this accelerated a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital m u s t t u r n the b a l a n c e in favour of the workingman, by securing a growing d e m a n d for h i s labour.
From this s a m e standpoint, m a n y contemporary writers have wondered
that, English capital having grown in these last 20 years so m u c h quicker
than English population, wages should n o t have b e e n m o r e e n h a n c e d . But
simultaneously with t h e progress of a c c u m u l a t i o n , t h e r e t a k e s p l a c e a progressive change in the composition of capital. T h a t part of the aggregate capital, which consists of fixed capital, machinery, raw materials, m e a n s of production in all possible forms, progressively increases as c o m p a r e d to t h a t
other part of capital which is laid out in wages, or in the p u r c h a s e of labour. This law h a s b e e n stated in a m o r e or less accurate m a n n e r by Mr.
Barton, R i c a r d o , Sismondi, Prof. R i c h a r d Jones, Prof. R a m s a y , Cherbuliez,
and others.
If the proportion of those two elements of capital was originally o n e to
one, it will, in the progress of industry, b e c o m e 5 to 1, a n d so forth. If of a
total capital of 600, 300 is laid o u t in i n s t r u m e n t s , raw materials, a n d so
forth, a n d 300 in wages, the total capital wants only to be d o u b l e d to create
a d e m a n d for 600 w o r k i n g m e n instead of for 300. B u t if of a capital of 600,
500 is laid out in m a c h i n e r y , materials, a n d so forth, a n d 100 only in
wages, the same capital m u s t increase from 600 to 3600, in order to create
a d e m a n d for 600 w o r k m e n instead of for 100. In the progress of industry,
the d e m a n d for l a b o u r keeps, therefore, no pace with the a c c u m u l a t i o n of
capital. It will still increase, b u t increase in a constantly d i m i n i s h i n g ratio
as compared to t h e increase of capital.
These few h i n t s will suffice to show, t h a t t h e very d e v e l o p m e n t of m o d ern industry m u s t progressively t u r n the scales in favour of the capitalist
against t h e workingman, a n d that, consequently the general t e n d e n c y of
capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n is n o t to raise, b u t sink the average s t a n d a r d of
wages, or to p u s h the value of labour m o r e or less to its minimum limit. S u c h
being the t e n d e n c y of things in this system, is this to say t h a t t h e working
class ought to r e n o u n c e their resistance against the e n c r o a c h m e n t s of capital, and a b a n d o n their attempts at m a k i n g the best of the occasional
chances for their temporary i m p r o v e m e n t ? If they did, they would be degraded to o n e level m a s s of b r o k e n d o w n wretches past salvation. I think, I
have shown, that their struggles for the standard of wages are incidents inseparable from the whole wages system, t h a t in 99 cases o u t of 100, their efforts at rising wages are only efforts at m a i n t a i n i n g the given value of labour, a n d t h a t the necessity of debating their price with the capitalist is
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i n h e r e n t to their condition of having to sell themselves as c o m m o d i t i e s . By
cowardly giving way in their every days' conflicts with capital, they would
certainly disqualify themselves for the initiative of any larger m o v e m e n t .
At the s a m e t i m e , a n d quite apart from the general servitude involved in
the wages system, the working class ought n o t to exaggerate to themselves
the u l t i m a t e working of those every days' struggles. They o u g h t n o t to forget, t h a t they are fighting with effects, b u t n o t with the causes of those effects; that they are retarding the downward m o v e m e n t , b u t n o t changing its
direction; t h a t they are applying palliatives, n o t curing the m a l a d y . They
ought, therefore, n o t to be exclusively absorbed in those u n a v o i d a b l e guerilla fights, incessantly springing up from the never ceasing e n c r o a c h m e n t s
of capital or changes of the market. They ought to u n d e r s t a n d that, with all
the miseries it imposes u p o n them, the present system s i m u l t a n e o u s l y engenders the material conditions a n d the social forms necessary for an econ o m i c a l reconstruction of society. I n s t e a d of the conservative m o t t o : "A fair
day's wages for a fair day's work!", they ought to inscribe on their b a n n e r the
revolutionary watchword: "Abolition of the wages' System!"
After this very long, and I fear t e d i o u s exposition, which I was obliged to
enter into to do some justice to the subject matter, I shall c o n c l u d e by proposing the following resolutions:
/ 0 A general rise in the rate of wages would result in a fall of the general rate of profit, but, broadly speaking, n o t affect the prices of commodities;
2 ) T h e general tendency of capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n is n o t to raise, but
to sink the average standard of wages;
jjrdiy) T d ' U n i o n s work well as centres of resistance against the enc r o a c h m e n t s of capital. They fail partially from an injudicious u s e of their
power. T h e y fail generally from limiting themselves to a guerilla war
against the effects of the existing System, instead of simultaneously trying
to change it, instead of using their organised forces as a lever for the final
e m a n c i p a t i o n of the working class, t h a t is to say, the u l t i m a t e abolition of
the wages' system. |
s i l
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Marx
Programme du Congrès de Genève
a d o p t é à la C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s (1865)
I The following are the q u e s t i o n s :
I) Questions relating to the Association.
1) Questions relating to its organisation.
2) Établissement des secours m u t u e l s pour les m e m b r e s de l'Association. - A p p u i m o r a l et matériel accordé a u x orphelins de l'association.
II) Social Questions.
1) Du Travail coopératif.
2) De la R é d u c t i o n des heures du travail.
3) Du travail des femmes et des enfants.
4) Des Trades Unions. L e u r passé, leur état actuel, leur avenir.
5) De l'action c o m b i n é e , par le m o y e n de l'Association I n t e r n a t i o n a l e ,
dans les luttes entre le capital et le travail. |
|6) Du Crédit International: F o n d a t i o n des institutions internationales de
crédit, leur forme, et leur m o d e d'action.
7) Impôts directs et indirects.
8) Des a r m é e s p e r m a n e n t e s d a n s leurs rapports avec la p r o d u c t i o n .
III)
International Politics.
De la nécessité d'anéantir l'influence moscovite en E u r o p e p a r l'application du droit des peuples de disposer d ' e u x - m ê m e s , et la reconstitution de
la Pologne sur des bases d é m o c r a t i q u e s et sociales.
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IV) Question Philosophique.
De l'idée religieuse d a n s ses rapports avec le d é v e l o p p e m e n t social, politiq u e et intellectuel. |
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Marx
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l J a n u a r y 16,
1866.
Minutes
I J a n u a r y 16, 1866.
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Eccarius in t h e chair.
Minutes read and confirmed.
Citizens L o n g u e t et Crespelle were n o m i n a t e d m e m b e r s of t h e Council.
Marx c o m m u n i c a t e d to the C o u n c i l the receipt by F o x of a letter of
thanks by M r s O ' D o n o v a n for his articles in t h e W o r k m a n ' s Advocate on
Fenianism, a n d the reprint, in the s a m e paper, of the appeal for t h e support
of the convicted F e n i a n s .
Marx proposed Cit Longuet's n o m i n a t i o n in his place as Correspondent
for Belgium. S e c o n d e d by Jung. Accepted.
Jung read a letter of Dujoncquoy (Hotel de N e w York) requesting the payment of 11. 17s. owed to h i m from the t i m e s of the Conference.
A discussion followed in which Le Lubez, J u n g , D u p o n t , Wheeler, Lessner, - a n d others took part.
Cremer: T h e m e m b e r s of the Council a n d the Association ought pay
their cards immediately.
Jung: proposes that D u p o n t should tell Dujoncquoy, t h a t t h e Council,
having n o t b e e n largely attended, part of the bill be paid on W e d n e s d a y
next, and a definite answer given. Seconded by Lessner.
Jung read: Talbot, of Caen, letter, a n d o n e p o u n d (for 20 cards) (to D u pont)
Propaganda in different towns of t h e d e p a r t m e n t s of Calvados, Orne, La
Manche.
Mr. Wheeler moves: that notice be given that every o n e who does n o t (renew) pay his card u n t i l 1 5 February, will cease to be m e m b e r of the Association. (To be advertised in the Advocate) Seconded by Citizen Jung. Carried.
Werecki (as delegate of the Poles) : explains t h e i r absence on t h e standing
Committee. On M o n d a y they had a m e e t i n g a n d got the necessary m o n e y
together. After s o m e discussion—as to the place of m e e t i n g , St. Martin's
Hall, next Monday (22 Jan.) 8 o'clock in the evening.
t h
189
Karl Marx
Cremer read the Appeal to the Brit. Members. Accepted Address. Difficulty as to the signature of the n a m e s . Moved Subscriptionsheets to be
printed for. Carried on the m o t i o n of Wheeler. |
190
Karl Marx: Meeting of the Central Council
January 16, 1866. Minutes
Friedrich
Engels
W h a t h a v e t h e working classes to do with
Poland?
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 159, 24. März 1866
What have the working classes
to do with Poland?
I.
To the Editor of the Commonwealth.
5
Sir,—Wherever the working classes have t a k e n a part of their own in political m o v e m e n t s , there, from the very beginning, their foreign policy was expressed in the few words—Restoration of Poland. This was t h e case with t h e
Chartist m o v e m e n t so long as it existed; this was the case with t h e F r e n c h
working m e n long before 1848, as well as during that m e m o r a b l e year,
10 when on t h e 15th of M a y they m a r c h e d on to the N a t i o n a l Assembly to t h e
cry of 'Vive la Pologne!"—Poland for ever! This was the case in G e r m a n y ,
when, in 1848 a n d '49, the organs of the working class d e m a n d e d war with
Russia for the restoration of Poland. It is the case even now;—with o n e exception—of which m o r e a n o n — t h e working m e n o f E u r o p e u n a n i m o u s l y
15 proclaim the restoration of Poland as a part a n d parcel of their political
programme, as t h e most comprehensive expression of their foreign policy.
The middle-class, too, have had, a n d have still, "sympathies" with the
Poles; which sympathies have not prevented t h e m from leaving the Poles in
the lurch in 1831, in 1846, in 1863, nay, have not even prevented t h e m
20 from leaving the worst e n e m i e s of Poland, s u c h as Lord Palmerston, to
manage m a t t e r s so as to actually assist R u s s i a while they talked in favour
of Poland. But with the working classes it is different. They m e a n intervention, not n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n ; they m e a n war with Russia while Russia m e d dles with P o l a n d ; a n d they have proved it every t i m e the Poles rose against
25 their oppressors. A n d recently, the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Working M e n ' s Association has given a fuller expression to this universal instinctive feeling of t h e
body it claims to represent, by inscribing on its b a n n e r , "Resistance to R u s sian e n c r o a c h m e n t s u p o n E u r o p e — R e s t o r a t i o n of Poland."
193
Friedrich Engels
This p r o g r a m m e of the foreign policy of the working m e n of W e s t e r n and
Central E u r o p e h a s found a u n a n i m o u s c o n s e n t a m o n g the class to whom
it was addressed, with one exception, as we said before. There are among
the working m e n of F r a n c e a small minority who belong to the school of
t h e late P. J. P r o u d h o n . This school differs in toto from the generality of the
advanced a n d thinking working m e n ; it declares t h e m to be ignorant fools,
a n d m a i n t a i n s , on most points, opinions q u i t e contrary to theirs. This
holds good in their foreign policy also. T h e P r o u d h o n i s t s , sitting in judgm e n t on oppressed Poland, find the verdict of the Staleybridge jury,
"Serves her right." They a d m i r e R u s s i a as the great land of the future, as
the m o s t progressive nation u p o n the face of t h e earth, at t h e side of which
s u c h a paltry country as the U n i t e d States is n o t worthy of b e i n g n a m e d .
They have charged t h e Council of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association with setting up the Bonapartist principle of nationalities, a n d with declaring that
m a g n a n i m o u s R u s s i a n people without the pale of civilised E u r o p e ; such
being a grievous sin against the principles of universal d e m o c r a c y and the
fraternity of all n a t i o n s . These are the charges. Barring t h e democratic
phraseology at t h e wind-up, they coincide, it will be seen at o n c e , verbally
a n d literally with what the extreme Tories of all countries have to say about
Poland a n d Russia. S u c h charges are n o t worth refuting; but, as they come
from a fraction of the working classes, be it ever so small a one, they may
r e n d e r it desirable to state again the case of Poland a n d Russia, a n d to
vindicate what we m a y henceforth call the foreign policy of the united
working m e n of Europe.
B u t why do we always n a m e Russia alone in c o n n e c t i o n with Poland?
Have n o t two G e r m a n Powers, Austria and Prussia, shared in the plunder?
Do n o t they, too, hold parts of Poland in b o n d a g e , and, in c o n n e c t i o n with
Russia, do they n o t work to keep down every n a t i o n a l Polish m o v e m e n t ?
It is well known how h a r d Austria has struggled to keep o u t of the Polish
business; how long she resisted the plans of Russia a n d Prussia for the partition. Poland was a n a t u r a l ally of Austria against Russia. W h e n Russia
o n c e b e c a m e formidable, n o t h i n g could be m o r e in the interest of Austria
t h a n to k e e p Poland alive between herself a n d t h e newly-rising Empire. It
was only w h e n Austria saw that Poland's fate was settled, that with or witho u t her, t h e other two Powers were d e t e r m i n e d to a n n i h i l a t e her, it was
only t h e n t h a t in self-protection she went in for a share of the territory. But
as early as 1815 she held out for the restoration of an i n d e p e n d e n t Poland;
in 1831 a n d in 1863 she was ready to go to war for that object, a n d give up
her own share of Poland, provided England a n d F r a n c e were prepared to
j o i n her. T h e s a m e during the C r i m e a n war. This is n o t said in justification
of the general policy of the Austrian G o v e r n m e n t . A u s t r i a has shown often
194
The Commonwealth. London. Nr. 159, 24. März 1866.
Titelkopf und Seite 5 mit dem ersten Teil des Artikels
„What have the working classes to do with Poland?"
von Engels
What have the working classes to do with Poland? • II
5
10
15
20
25
enough that to oppress a weaker n a t i o n is congenial work to her rulers. B u t
in the case of Poland t h e instinct of self-preservation was stronger t h a n t h e
desire for new territory or the habits of G o v e r n m e n t . A n d this puts A u s t r i a
out of court for the present.
As to Prussia, h e r share of Poland is too trifling to weigh m u c h in t h e
scale. H e r friend a n d ally, Russia, h a s m a n a g e d to ease h e r of n i n e - t e n t h s
of what she got during the three partitions. B u t what little is left to her
weighs as an i n c u b u s u p o n her. It has chained h e r to the t r i u m p h a l car of
Russia, it h a s b e e n t h e m e a n s of enabling her G o v e r n m e n t , even in 1863
and '64, to practise u n c h a l l e n g e d , in Prussian-Poland, those b r e a c h e s of
the law, those infractions of individual liberty, of the right of m e e t i n g , of
the liberty of the press, which were so soon afterwards to be applied to the
rest of t h e country; it h a s falsified the whole middle-class Liberal m o v e ment which, from fear of risking the loss of a few square miles of land on
the eastern frontier, allowed the G o v e r n m e n t to set all law aside with regard to the Poles. T h e working m e n , n o t only of Prussia, b u t of all Germany, have a greater interest t h a n those of any other country in t h e restoration of Poland, a n d they have shown in every revolutionary m o v e m e n t t h a t
they know it. R e s t o r a t i o n of Poland, to t h e m , is e m a n c i p a t i o n of t h e i r own
country from R u s s i a n vassalage. A n d this, we think, puts Prussia out of
court, too. W h e n e v e r the working classes of R u s s i a (if there is s u c h a thing
in that country, in the sense it is u n d e r s t o o d in W e s t e r n Europe) form a
political p r o g r a m m e , a n d t h a t p r o g r a m m e c o n t a i n s the liberation of P o land—then, b u t n o t till t h e n , Russia as a n a t i o n will be o u t of court too,
and the G o v e r n m e n t of the Czar will r e m a i n alone u n d e r i n d i c t m e n t .
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 160, 31. März 1866
II.
To the Editor of the Commonwealth.
Sir,—It is said that to claim i n d e p e n d e n c e for P o l a n d is to acknowledge the
"principle of nationalities," a n d that the principle of nationalities is a Bon30 apartist invention concocted to prop up the N a p o l e o n i c d e s p o t i s m in
France. N o w what is this "principle of nationalities"?
By the treaties of 1815 the b o u n d a r i e s of t h e various States of E u r o p e
were drawn merely to suit diplomatic convenience, a n d especially to suit
«
the convenience of t h e t h e n strongest c o n t i n e n t a l Power—Russia. No ac35 count was t a k e n either of t h e wishes, the interests, or the n a t i o n a l diversi-
197
Friedrich Engels
ties of the populations. T h u s , Poland was divided, G e r m a n y was divided,
Italy was divided, n o t to speak of the m a n y smaller nationalities inhabiting
south-eastern Europe, a n d of which few people at that t i m e knew anything.
T h e c o n s e q u e n c e was that for Poland, G e r m a n y , a n d Italy, t h e very first
step in every political m o v e m e n t was to attempt the restoration of that na5
tional unity without which n a t i o n a l life was b u t a shadow. A n d when, after
the suppression of the revolutionary attempts in Italy a n d Spain, 1 8 2 1 - 2 3 ,
a n d again, after the revolution of July, 1830, in F r a n c e , the e x t r e m e politicians of the greater part of civilised E u r o p e c a m e into contact with each
other, and attempted to work out a kind of c o m m o n p r o g r a m m e , t h e libera- 10
tion a n d unification of the oppressed a n d subdivided n a t i o n s b e c a m e a
watchword c o m m o n to all of them. So it was again in 1848, when the n u m ber of oppressed n a t i o n s was increased by a fresh one, viz., Hungary. There
<
could, indeed, be no two opinions as to the right of every o n e of the great
n a t i o n a l subdivisions of E u r o p e to dispose of itself, i n d e p e n d e n t l y of its 15=
neighbours, in all internal matters, so long as it did not e n c r o a c h u p o n the
liberty of the others. This right was, in fact, o n e of t h e f u n d a m e n t a l conditions of t h e internal liberty of all. How could, for instance, G e r m a n y aspire
to liberty and unity, if at the s a m e t i m e she assisted Austria to keep Italy
in b o n d a g e , either directly or by her vassals? W h y , the total breaking-up 20of the A u s t r i a n m o n a r c h y is the very first c o n d i t i o n of the unification of
Germany!
This right of the great national subdivisions of E u r o p e to political indep e n d e n c e , acknowledged as it was by the E u r o p e a n democracy, could not
b u t find the s a m e acknowledgment with the working classes especially. It 25.
was, in fact, n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n to recognise in other large n a t i o n a l bodies
of u n d o u b t e d vitality the s a m e right of individual n a t i o n a l existence which
the working m e n of each separate country claimed for themselves. But this
recognition, a n d the sympathy with these n a t i o n a l aspirations, were restricted to the large a n d well-defined historical n a t i o n s of E u r o p e ; there was 30?
Italy, Poland, G e r m a n y , Hungary. F r a n c e , Spain, England, Scandinavia,
were n e i t h e r subdivided n o r u n d e r foreign control, a n d therefore but indirectly interested in the matter; and as to Russia, she could only be mentioned as the detainer of an i m m e n s e a m o u n t of stolen property, which
would have to be disgorged in the day of reckoning.
35j
After the coup d'état of 1851, Louis N a p o l e o n , the E m p e r o r "by the grace
of G o d a n d the n a t i o n a l will," h a d to find a democraticised a n d popular- i
s o u n d i n g n a m e for his foreign policy. W h a t could be better t h a n to inscribe
u p o n his b a n n e r s the "principle of nationalities"? Every nationality to be
t h e arbiter of its own fate—every detached fraction of any nationality to be 40
allowed to a n n e x itself to its great m o t h e r - c o u n t r y — w h a t could be more '
198
What have the working classes to do with Poland? • II
5
10
15
' 20
25
' 30
¡35
<
10
liberal? Only, m a r k , there was not, now, any m o r e q u e s t i o n of nations, b u t
of nationalities.
There is no country in E u r o p e where there are n o t different nationalities
under the s a m e government. T h e Highland Gaels a n d the W e l s h are u n doubtedly of different nationalities to what t h e English are, although n o body will give to these r e m n a n t s of peoples long gone by the title of nations, any m o r e t h a n to the Celtic i n h a b i t a n t s of Brittany in F r a n c e .
Moreover, no state b o u n d a r y coincides with the n a t u r a l b o u n d a r y of n a tionality, t h a t of language. There are plenty of people out of F r a n c e whose
mother t o n g u e is F r e n c h , s a m e as t h e r e are plenty of people of G e r m a n
language o u t of G e r m a n y ; a n d in all probability it will ever r e m a i n so. It is
a natural c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e confused a n d slow-working historical development t h r o u g h which E u r o p e h a s passed during the last t h o u s a n d years,
that almost every great n a t i o n has parted with s o m e outlying portions of its
own body, w h i c h have b e c o m e separated from the n a t i o n a l life, and in
most cases participated in t h e n a t i o n a l life of some other people; so m u c h
so, that they do n o t wish to rejoin their own m a i n stock. T h e G e r m a n s in
Switzerland a n d Alsace do not desire to be reunited to G e r m a n y , any m o r e
than the F r e n c h in Belgium a n d Switzerland wish to b e c o m e attached p o litically to F r a n c e . A n d after all, it is no slight advantage that t h e various
nations, as politically constituted, have most of t h e m s o m e foreign elements within themselves, which form connecting links with their neighbours, and vary the otherwise too m o n o t o n o u s uniformity of the n a t i o n a l
character.
Here, t h e n , we perceive t h e difference between the "principle of nationalities" and the old democratic and working-class tenet as to the right of the
great E u r o p e a n nations to separate a n d i n d e p e n d e n t existence. T h e "principle of n a t i o n a l i t i e s " leaves entirely u n t o u c h e d the great question of the
right of n a t i o n a l existence for the historic peoples of E u r o p e ; nay, if it
touches it, it is merely to disturb it. T h e principle of nationalities raises two
sorts of q u e s t i o n s ; first of all, questions of b o u n d a r y between these great
historic peoples; a n d secondly, questions as to the right to i n d e p e n d e n t n a tional existence of those n u m e r o u s small relics of peoples which, after having figured for a longer or shorter period on t h e stage of history, were finally absorbed as integral portions into one or t h e other of those m o r e
powerful n a t i o n s whose greater vitality enabled t h e m to overcome greater
obstacles. T h e E u r o p e a n i m p o r t a n c e , t h e vitality of a people is as n o t h i n g
in the eyes of t h e principle of nationalities; before it, the R o u m a n s of W a l lachia, who never h a d a history, nor t h e energy required to have one, are of
equal i m p o r t a n c e to the Italians who have a history of 2,000 years, and an
unimpaired n a t i o n a l vitality; the W e l s h a n d M a n x m e n , if they desired it,
199
IT"
Friedrich Engels
would have an equal right to i n d e p e n d e n t political existence, absurd
t h o u g h it would b e , with the English. T h e whole thing is an absurdity, got
up in a popular dress in order to throw dust in shallow people's eyes, a n d to
be used as a convenient phrase, or to be laid aside if t h e occasion requires
it.
Shallow as the thing is, it required cleverer brains t h a n Louis N a p o l e o n ' s
to invent it. T h e principle of nationalities, so far from being a Bonapartist
invention to favour a resurrection of Poland, is n o t h i n g b u t a Russian invention concocted to destroy Poland. Russia has absorbed t h e greater part of ancient P o l a n d on the plea of the principle of nationalities, as we shall see
hereafter. T h e idea is m o r e t h a n a h u n d r e d years old, a n d R u s s i a uses it
now every day. W h a t is Panslavism but the application, by Russia, a n d in
R u s s i a n interest, of the principle of nationalities to the Serbians, Croats,
R u t h e n e s , Slovaks, Czechs, a n d other r e m n a n t s of bygone Slavonian peoples in Turkey, Hungary, a n d G e r m a n y ? Even at this present m o m e n t , the
R u s s i a n G o v e r n m e n t have agents travelling a m o n g the L a p p o n i a n s in
N o r t h e r n Norway a n d Sweden, trying to agitate a m o n g these n o m a d i c savages the idea of a "great F i n n i c nationality," which is to be restored in the
extreme N o r t h of Europe, u n d e r R u s s i a n protection, of course. T h e "cry of
anguish" of the oppressed Laplanders is raised very loud in the R u s s i a n papers—not by those same oppressed n o m a d s , b u t by the R u s s i a n agents—
a n d i n d e e d it is a frightful oppression, to i n d u c e these poor Laplanders to
learn the civilised Norwegian or Swedish language, instead of confining
themselves to their own barbaric, half E s q u i m a u x idiom! T h e principle of
nationalities, indeed, could be invented in Eastern E u r o p e alone, where the
tide of Asiatic invasion, for a t h o u s a n d years, recurred again a n d again,
a n d left on the shore those heaps of intermingled ruins of n a t i o n s which
even now t h e ethnologist can scarcely disentangle, a n d where the Turk, the
F i n n i c Magyar, the R o u m a n , the Jew, a n d a b o u t a d o z e n Slavonic tribes,
live intermixed in i n t e r m i n a b l e confusion. T h a t was the g r o u n d to work the
principle of nationalities, a n d how Russia has worked it there, we shall see
by-and-bye in the e x a m p l e of Poland.
5
10.
15
20.·
25^
30?!
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 165, 5. Mai 1866
III.
The doctrine of nationality applied to Poland.
Poland, like almost all other E u r o p e a n countries, is i n h a b i t e d by people of 35different nationalities. T h e mass of the population, the n u c l e u s of its
strength, is no d o u b t formed by the Poles proper, who speak t h e Polish lan-
200
What have the working classes to do with Poland? • III
guage. B u t ever since 1390 P o l a n d proper has b e e n u n i t e d to t h e G r a n d
Duchy of L i t h u a n i a , which h a s formed, up to the last partition in 1794, an
integral portion of t h e Polish R e p u b l i c . T h i s G r a n d D u c h y of L i t h u a n i a
was i n h a b i t e d by a great variety of races. T h e n o r t h e r n provinces, on t h e
5
Baltic, were in possession of Lithuanians proper, people speaking a lan
guage distinct from t h a t of t h e i r Slavonic n e i g h b o u r s ; t h e s e L i t h u a n i a n s
had been, to a great extent, c o n q u e r e d by G e r m a n i m m i g r a n t s , who, again,
j
found it h a r d to h o l d t h e i r own against t h e L i t h u a n i a n G r a n d D u k e s . F u r
ther south, a n d east of t h e present k i n g d o m of Poland, were the White Rus10
sians, speaking a language betwixt Polish a n d Russian, b u t n e a r e r the lat
ter; a n d finally t h e s o u t h e r n provinces were i n h a b i t e d by t h e so-called Little
Russians, whose language is now by m o s t a u t h o r i t i e s considered as per
L
fectly distinct from t h e G r e a t R u s s i a n (the language we c o m m o n l y call
Russian). Therefore, if people say that, to d e m a n d t h e restoration of P o l a n d
15
is to appeal to t h e principle of nationalities, they merely prove t h a t they do
not know what they are talking about, for the restoration of P o l a n d m e a n s
the re-establishment of a State c o m p o s e d of at least four different n a t i o n a l -
f
ities.
W h e n t h e old Polish State was t h u s being formed by the u n i o n with Lith-
l
20
f
uania, where was t h e n Russia? U n d e r the h e e l of t h e M o n g o l i a n c o n q u e r o r ,
whom t h e Poles a n d G e r m a n s c o m b i n e d , 150 years before, h a d driven back
east of t h e D n i e p e r . It took a long struggle u n t i l the G r a n d D u k e s of M o s
cow finally shook off t h e M o n g o l yoke, a n d set a b o u t c o m b i n i n g t h e m a n y
different principalities of G r e a t Russia i n t o o n e State. B u t this success
-25
seems only to have increased their a m b i t i o n . No sooner h a d C o n s t a n t i n o
ple fallen to t h e Turk, t h a n t h e Moscovite G r a n d D u k e placed in his coat
of-arms t h e d o u b l e - h e a d e d eagle of the B y z a n t i n e E m p e r o r s , thereby set-
! '"
'
ting up his c l a i m as t h e i r successor and future avenger; a n d ever since, it is
well known, have the R u s s i a n s worked to c o n q u e r Czaregrad, the town of
30
the Czar, as they call C o n s t a n t i n o p l e in their language. T h e n , the r i c h
plains of Little Russia excited their lust of a n n e x a t i o n ; b u t the Poles were
then a strong, a n d always a brave people, a n d n o t only knew how to fight
for their own, b u t also how to retaliate: in t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e s e v e n t e e n t h
century they even held Moscow for a few years.
'
35
T h e g r a d u a l d e m o r a l i s a t i o n of t h e ruling aristocracy, t h e w a n t of power
to develop a m i d d l e class, a n d t h e c o n s t a n t wars devastating t h e country, at
last broke t h e strength of Poland. A country which persisted in m a i n t a i n i n g
[
unimpaired t h e feudal state of society, while all its n e i g h b o u r s progressed,
formed a m i d d l e class, developed c o m m e r c e a n d industry, a n d created
ψ 40
large t o w n s — s u c h a country was d o o m e d to r u i n . No d o u b t the aristocracy
did ruin P o l a n d , a n d r u i n h e r thoroughly; a n d after r u i n i n g her, they u p -
Friedrich Engels
braided e a c h other for having d o n e so, a n d sold themselves a n d their country to the foreigner. Polish history, from 1700 to 1772, is n o t h i n g b u t a record of R u s s i a n u s u r p a t i o n of d o m i n i o n in Poland, rendered possible by the
corruptibility of the nobles. Russian soldiers were almost constantly occupying the country, a n d the Kings of Poland, if not willing traitors themselves, were placed m o r e a n d more u n d e r the t h u m b of the R u s s i a n Ambassador. So well h a d this g a m e succeeded, a n d so long h a d it b e e n played,
that, when P o l a n d at last was annihilated, there was no outcry at all in Europe, and, indeed, people were astonished at this only, t h a t R u s s i a should
have the generosity of giving such a large slice of the territory to Austria
a n d Prussia.
T h e way in which this partition was brought about, is particularly interesting. T h e r e was, at t h a t time, already an enlightened "public o p i n i o n " in
Europe. A l t h o u g h the Times newspaper h a d n o t yet b e g u n to manufacture
that article, there was that kind of public o p i n i o n which h a d b e e n created
by the i m m e n s e influence of Diderot, Voltaire, R o u s s e a u , a n d the other
F r e n c h writers of the eighteenth century. Russia always knew that it is important to have public opinion on one's side, if possible; a n d Russia took
care to have it, too. T h e Court of C a t h e r i n e II was m a d e the head-quarters
of the enlightened m e n of the day, especially F r e n c h m e n ; the m o s t enlightened principle was professed by the Empress a n d her Court, a n d so well did
she succeed in deceiving t h e m that Voltaire a n d m a n y others sang the
praise of the " S e m i r a m i s of the N o r t h , " a n d proclaimed Russia the most
progressive country in the world, t h e h o m e of liberal principles, the champion of religious toleration.
Religious t o l e r a t i o n — t h a t was the word wanted to p u t down Poland. Poland h a d always b e e n extremely liberal in religious m a t t e r s ; witness the
asylum t h e Jews found there while they were persecuted in all other parts
of Europe. T h e greater portion of the people in t h e Eastern provinces belonged to the G r e e k faith, while the Poles proper were R o m a n Catholics. A
considerable portion of these G r e e k Catholics h a d b e e n i n d u c e d , during
the sixteenth century, to acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope, and were
called U n i t e d Greeks; but a great m a n y c o n t i n u e d true to their old Greek
religion in all respects. They were principally the serfs, their noble masters
being almost all R o m a n Catholics, they were Little Russians by nationality.
Now, this R u s s i a n G o v e r n m e n t , which did n o t tolerate at h o m e any other
religion b u t t h e Greek, a n d p u n i s h e d apostasy as a c r i m e ; which was
conquering foreign nations and a n n e x i n g foreign provinces right and left;
a n d which was at that t i m e engaged in riveting still firmer the fetters of the
Russian serf—this s a m e Russian G o v e r n m e n t c a m e soon u p o n Poland in
the n a m e of religious toleration, because Poland was said to oppress the
202
What have the working classes to do with Poland? • III
Greek Catholics; in the n a m e of t h e principle of nationalities, because the
inhabitants of these Eastern provinces were Little Russians, a n d ought,
therefore, to be a n n e x e d to Great Russia; and in the n a m e of the right of
revolution a r m i n g the serfs against their masters. Russia is not at all scrupulous in the selection of her m e a n s . Talk a b o u t a war of class against class
as something extremely revolutionary;—why, Russia set such a war on foot
in Poland nearly 100 years ago, a n d a fine specimen of a class-war it was,
when R u s s i a n soldiers a n d Little Russian serfs went in c o m p a n y to b u r n
down the castles of the Polish lords, merely to prepare R u s s i a n a n n e x a t i o n ,
which being o n c e accomplished, the s a m e R u s s i a n soldiers p u t the serfs
back again u n d e r the yoke of their lords.
All this was d o n e in the cause of religious toleration, because the principle of nationalities was not t h e n fashionable in W e s t e r n Europe. B u t it was
held up before t h e eyes of t h e Little R u s s i a n p e a s a n t s at t h e t i m e , a n d h a s
played an i m p o r t a n t part since in Polish affairs. T h e first a n d foremost a m bition of R u s s i a is the u n i o n of all R u s s i a n tribes u n d e r the Czar, who calls
himself the Autocrat of all the R u s s i a n s (Samodergetz vseckh Rossyiskikh),
and a m o n g these she includes W h i t e a n d Little Russia. A n d in order to
prove that h e r a m b i t i o n went no further, she took very good care, during
the three partitions, t o a n n e x n o n e b u t W h i t e a n d Little R u s s i a n provinces;
leaving the country i n h a b i t e d by Poles, a n d even a portion of Little Russia
(Eastern Galicia) to h e r accomplices. But how do matters stand now? T h e
greater portion of the provinces a n n e x e d in 1793 a n d 1794 by Austria a n d
Prussia are now u n d e r R u s s i a n d o m i n i o n , u n d e r the n a m e of the K i n g d o m
of Poland, a n d from t i m e to t i m e hopes are raised a m o n g the Poles, that if
they will only s u b m i t to R u s s i a n supremacy, a n d r e n o u n c e all claims to the
ancient L i t h u a n i a n provinces,- they m a y expect a r e u n i o n of all other Polish provinces a n d a restoration of Poland, with the R u s s i a n E m p e r o r for a
King. A n d if at t h e present j u n c t u r e Prussia a n d Austria c a m e to blows, it
is more t h a n probable that t h e war will n o t be, ultimately, for the a n n e x a tion of Schleswig-Holstein to Prussia, or of V e n i c e to Italy, b u t rather of
Austrian, a n d at least a portion of Prussian, Poland to Russia.
So m u c h for the principle of nationalities in Polish affairs.
203
Karl
Marx
Warnung
I
Warnung.
Vor einiger Zeit bildeten die L o n d o n e r Schneidergesellen eine allgemeine
Association zur G e l t e n d m a c h u n g ihrer A n s p r ü c h e gegen die Londoner
Schneidermeister, die großentheils große Kapitalisten sind. Es galt nicht
n u r die L ö h n e in Gleichgewicht m i t d e n gestiegnen Preisen der Lebensmittel zu setzen, sondern a u c h der ausnahmsweise b r u t a l e n B e h a n d l u n g der
Arbeiter in diesem Gewerbszweig ein E n d e zu m a c h e n . D i e Meister sucht e n diese C o m b i n a t i o n d u r c h W e r b u n g von Schneidergesellen n a m e n t l i c h
in Belgien, F r a n k r e i c h u n d der Schweiz zu b r e c h e n . D i e Sekretäre des
Centrairaths der „Internationalen Arbeiterassociation" veröffentlichten
darauf in d e n belgischen, französischen u n d Schweizer Z e i t u n g e n eine
W a r n u n g , deren Erfolg vollständig war. Das M a n ö v e r der L o n d o n e r Meister wurde vereitelt, sie m u ß t e n die Waffen strecken u n d die gerechten Ansprüche ihrer Arbeiter befriedigen.
In England geschlagen, versuchen die Meister jetzt von Schottland aus
eine R e a k t i o n herbeizuführen. In Folge der L o n d o n e r Ereignisse waren sie
n ä m l i c h genöthigt a u c h in E d i n b u r g h z u n ä c h s t eine L o h n e r h ö h u n g von
1 5 % zu bewilligen. U n t e r der H a n d j e d o c h s a n d t e n sie A g e n t e n nach
D e u t s c h l a n d , u m n a m e n t l i c h i m H a n n o v e r s c h e n u n d Mecklenburgischen
Schneidergesellen zur || I m p o r t a t i o n n a c h E d i n b u r g h zu werben. Die erste
Verschiffung dieser A r t h a t bereits stattgefunden. D e r Zweck dieser Importation ist derselbe wie der der I m p o r t a t i o n von i n d i s c h e n Coolies n a c h Jam a i k a , - Verewigung der Sklaverei. Gelänge es d e n M e i s t e r n von Edinburgh
vermittelst deutscher Einfuhr ihre bereits g e m a c h t e n Zugeständnisse zu
brechen, so wäre ein Rückschlag auf E n g l a n d unvermeidlich. Niemand
würde schwerer d a r u n t e r b ü ß e n als die d e u t s c h e n Arbeiter selbst, die zahlreicher in G r o ß b r i t a n n i e n vertreten sind als die Arbeiter aller a n d e r n contin e n t a l e n N a t i o n e n . Die N e u i m p o r t i r t e n aber, völlig hülflos im fremden
L a n d e , w ü r d e n bald zu einer Pariastellung h e r a b s i n k e n .
204
Warnung
Es ist a u ß e r d e m ein E h r e n p u n k t für die d e u t s c h e n Arbeiter d e m A u s land zu beweisen, d a ß sie, gleich i h r e n B r ü d e r n in Frankreich, Belgien u n d
der Schweiz, das g e m e i n s a m e Interesse ihrer Klasse zu vertreten wissen
und sich n i c h t zu willenlosen L a n z k n e c h t e n des Kapitals in s e i n e m
Kampfe gegen die Arbeit hergeben.
Im Auftrag des „Centrairaths der I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n
Arbeiterassociation".
Karl M a r x
London 4. M a i 1866.
Die d e u t s c h e n Schneidergesellen, die n ä h e r e n Aufschluß ü b e r die britischen Verhältnisse w ü n s c h e n , sind ersucht ihre Briefe an das deutsche
Zweigcomitee der L o n d o n e r Schneiderassociation zu richten u n t e r der
Adresse: Albert F. Haufe, Crown Public H o u s e , H e d d o n Court, Regent
Street, London. \
205
Friedrich
Engels
N o t e s o n t h e W a r (1866)
The Manchester Guardian.
Nr. 6190, 20. Juni 1866
Notes on the war in Germany.
No. I.
T h e following n o t e s are i n t e n d e d to c o m m e n t impartially, a n d from a
strictly military point of view, u p o n the current events of the war, and, as
far as possible, to point out their probable influence u p o n i m p e n d i n g operations.
T h e locality where the first decisive blows m u s t be struck is the frontier
of Saxony a n d B o h e m i a . T h e war in Italy can scarcely lead to any decisive
results so long as the Quadrilateral r e m a i n s u n t a k e n , and to take that will
be rather a lengthy operation. There may be a good deal of warlike action
in W e s t e r n G e r m a n y , b u t from the strength of t h e forces engaged, it will be
altogether s u b o r d i n a t e in its results to the events on t h e B o h e m i a n frontier.
To this n e i g h b o u r h o o d , therefore, we shall, for the present, exclusively direct our attention.
In order to j u d g e of the strength of the c o n t e n d i n g armies it will suffice,
for all practical purposes, if we take into account the infantry only, keeping
in m i n d , however, t h a t the strength of the Austrian cavalry will be to the
Prussian as three to two. T h e artillery will be, in b o t h armies, in about the
same proportion as the infantry, say three g u n s per 1,000 m e n .
T h e Prussian infantry consists of 253 battalions of the line, 8 3 ½ depot
battalions, a n d 116 battalions of the landwehr (first levy, containing the
m e n from 27 to 32 years of age). Of these, t h e depot battalions a n d landwehr form the garrisons of the fortresses, a n d are i n t e n d e d , besides, to act
against the smaller G e r m a n states, while the line is m a s s e d in a n d around
Saxony to oppose the Austrian army of the north. D e d u c t i n g a b o u t 15 battalions occupying Schleswig-Holstein, a n d a n o t h e r 15 b a t t a l i o n s — t h e late
garrisons of Rastadt, M a i n z , a n d Frankfort, now concentrated at Wetzlar—
there r e m a i n about 220 battalions for the m a i n army. W i t h cavalry and ar-
206
Notes on the War (1866) • I
tillery, a n d such landwehr as m a y be drawn from the n e i g h b o u r i n g fortresses, this army will c o n t a i n a b o u t 300,000 m e n , in n i n e army corps.
T h e A u s t r i a n army of t h e n o r t h counts seven army corps, each of which
is considerably stronger t h a n a Prussian o n e . We know very little at present
of their composition and organisation, b u t there is every reason to believe
that they form an army of from 320,000 to 350,000 m e n . N u m e r i c a l superiority, therefore, seems assured to the Austrians.
The Prussian army will be u n d e r t h e c o m m a n d in chief of t h e
King,—that is to say, of a p a r a d e soldier of at best very m e d i o c r e capacities, a n d of weak, but often obstinate, character. He will be s u r r o u n d e d ,
firstly, by the general staff of the army, u n d e r G e n e r a l M o l t k e , an excellent
officer; secondly, by his "private military cabinet," c o m p o s e d of personal
favourites; and, thirdly, by s u c h other u n a t t a c h e d general officers as he
may call to his suite. It is impossible to invent a more efficient system for
,5 ensuring defeat at the very head-quarters of an army. H e r e is, at t h e very
beginning, the n a t u r a l jealousy between t h e staff of the army a n d t h e C a b inet of the King, e a c h of w h i c h sections will struggle for s u p r e m e influence
and will concoct and advocate its own pet p l a n of operations. This alone
would render almost impossible all singleness of purpose, all consistent action. But t h e n c o m e t h e i n t e r m i n a b l e councils of war, which are u n a v o i d able u n d e r s u c h circumstances, a n d which, in n i n e cases o u t of ten, e n d in
the adoption of some half m e a s u r e — t h e very worst course in war. T h e orders of to-day, in s u c h cases, generally contradict those of yesterday, a n d
when matters b e c o m e complicated or t h r e a t e n to go wrong, no orders at all
are given out, a n d things take their own course. "Ordre, contre-ordre, désordre, " as N a p o l e o n used to say. N o b o d y is responsible, because the irresponsible K i n g takes all responsibility u p o n himself, and, therefore, n o b o d y
does anything u n t i l distinctly ordered to do so. T h e c a m p a i g n of 1806 was
commanded in a similar way by the father of t h e present King; t h e defeats
30 of J e n a a n d Auerstädt, a n d the destruction of the whole Prussian army
within three weeks, was the c o n s e q u e n c e . There is no reason to suppose
that the present King is superior in m e t t l e to his father; a n d if he h a s found
in C o u n t Bismarck a m a n whose political direction he can implicitly follow, there is no m a n of sufficient standing in the army to take exclusive
charge, in a similar way, of military matters.
The A u s t r i a n army is u n d e r t h e u n c o n d i t i o n a l c o m m a n d of G e n e r a l
Benedek, who is an experienced officer a n d who, at least, knows his m i n d .
The superiority of s u p r e m e c o m m a n d is decidedly on the side of t h e A u s trians.
w
The Prussian troops are subdivided into two "armies;" the first, u n d e r
Prince Frederick Charles, composed of t h e 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 7th, a n d 8th
207
Friedrich Engels
corps; t h e second, u n d e r t h e Crown Prince, of t h e 5th a n d 6th corps. The
G u a r d s , forming the general reserve, will probably j o i n the first army. Now
this subdivision n o t only breaks the u n i t y of c o m m a n d , b u t it also induces,
very often, the two armies to m o v e on two different lines of operation, to
m a k e c o m b i n e d m o v e m e n t s , to lay their m u t u a l point of j u n c t i o n within
t h e reach of t h e e n e m y ; in other words, it t e n d s to keep t h e m separated
whereas they ought, as m u c h as possible, to keep together. T h e Prussians in
1806, a n d the Austrians in 1859, u n d e r very similar circumstances, followed the s a m e course, a n d were b e a t e n . As to the two c o m m a n d e r s , the
Crown P r i n c e is an u n k n o w n m a g n i t u d e as a soldier; a n d Prince Frederick
Charles certainly did n o t show himself to be a great c o m m a n d e r in the
D a n i s h war.
T h e A u s t r i a n army has no s u c h subdivision; the c o m m a n d e r s of the
army corps are placed directly u n d e r G e n e r a l Benedek. T h e y are, therefore,
again superior to their o p p o n e n t s as far as the organisation of the army
goes.
T h e Prussian soldiers, especially t h e m e n of the reserve a n d s u c h landwehr m e n as h a d to be t a k e n to fill up vacancies in the line (and there are
m a n y ) go to war against their will; t h e Austrians, on the contrary, have long
wished for a war with Prussia, a n d await with i m p a t i e n c e the order to move.
They have, therefore, also the advantage in the morale of the troops.
Prussia has h a d no great war for fifty years; her army is, on t h e whole, a
peace army, with t h e pedantry a n d m a r t i n e t i s m i n h e r e n t to all peace arm i e s . No d o u b t a great deal has b e e n d o n e latterly, especially since 1859,
to get rid of this; b u t the habits of forty years are n o t so easily eradicated,
a n d a great n u m b e r of incapable a n d p e d a n t i c m e n m u s t still be found,
particularly in the most important places—those of the field officers. Now
the Austrians have b e e n fundamentally cured of this c o m p l a i n t by the war
of 1859, a n d have t u r n e d their dearly-bought experience to the very best
use. No d o u b t , in organisation of detail, in adaptation for, a n d experience
in, warfare, the Austrians again are superior to the Prussians.
W i t h the exception of the Russians the Prussians are the only troops
whose n o r m a l formation for fighting is the d e e p close c o l u m n . Imagine the
eight c o m p a n i e s of an English battalion in a quarter-distance c o l u m n , but
two c o m p a n i e s instead of one forming t h e front, so that four rows of two
c o m p a n i e s e a c h form the column, a n d y o u have the "Prussian column of
attack." A better target for rifled fire-arms t h a n this could not be imagined,
and, since rifled c a n n o n can throw a shell i n t o it at 2,000 yards range, such
a formation m u s t r e n d e r it almost impossible to r e a c h the e n e m y at all. Let
o n e single shell explode in the m i d s t of this mass, a n d see whether that battalion is fit for anything afterwards on that day.
208
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5
10
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20
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30
T h e Austrians h a v e a d o p t e d the loose o p e n c o l u m n of the F r e n c h , which
is scarcely to be called a c o l u m n ; it is m o r e like two or three lines following
each other at 20 or 30 yards distance, a n d is scarcely, if anything m o r e exposed to losses by artillery t h a n a deployed line. T h e advantage of tactical
formation is, again, on the side of the A u s t r i a n s .
Against all these advantages the Prussians have b u t two points to set off.
Their commissariat is decidedly better, a n d the troops will therefore be better fed. T h e A u s t r i a n commissariat, like all Austrian administration, is o n e
den of bribery a n d p e c u l a t i o n scarcely better t h a n in Russia. E v e n now we
hear of the troops being badly a n d irregularly fed; in the field a n d in t h e
fortresses it will be worse still, a n d the A u s t r i a n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n m a y h a p pen to be a m o r e dangerous e n e m y to t h e fortresses in the Quadrilateral
than the Italian artillery.
T h e second set-off t h e Prussians have is their superior a r m a m e n t . Although their rifled artillery is decidedly better t h a n t h a t of the A u s t r i a n s ,
this will m a k e very little difference in the o p e n field. T h e range, trajectory,
and accuracy of the Prussian a n d A u s t r i a n rifles will be about on a par; b u t
the Prussians have breech-loaders, a n d can deliver a steady well-aimed fire
in the ranks at least four t i m e s in a m i n u t e . T h e i m m e n s e superiority of
this a r m has b e e n proved in t h e D a n i s h war, a n d there is no d o u b t t h e A u s trians will experience it in a far higher degree. If they, as it is said B e n e d e k
has instructed t h e m to do, will n o t lose m u c h t i m e with firing, b u t go at t h e
enemy at o n c e with the bayonet, they will have e n o r m o u s losses. In t h e
Danish war, the loss of the Prussians was never m o r e t h a n o n e fourth,
sometimes only o n e t e n t h , of that of the D a n e s ; and, as a military correspondent of the Times a short t i m e ago very correctly p o i n t e d out, t h e
Danes were almost everywhere b e a t e n by a minority of troops actually engaged.
Still, in spite of the n e e d l e gun, the odds are against the Prussians; a n d if
they refuse to be b e a t e n in t h e first great battle by the superior leadership,
organisation, tactical formation, a n d morale of t h e Austrians, a n d last, n o t
least, by their own c o m m a n d e r s , t h e n they m u s t certainly be of a different
mettle from t h a t of which a peace army of 50 years' standing m a y be expected to b e .
209
Friedrich Engels
Nr. 6194, 25. Juni 1866
No. II.
People begin to grow i m p a t i e n t at the apparent inactivity of the two great
armies on the B o h e m i a n frontier. But there are plenty of reasons for this
delay. Both the Austrians a n d the Prussians are perfectly aware of the imp o r t a n c e of the i m p e n d i n g collision, which m a y decide the result of the
whole campaign. B o t h are hurrying up to the front whatever m e n they can
lay their h a n d s o n ; t h e A u s t r i a n s from their new formations (the fourth and
fifth battalions of the infantry regiments), the Prussians from t h e landwehr,
which at first was i n t e n d e d for garrison duty only.
At the s a m e time, there appears to be on either side an a t t e m p t to outmanoeuvre the opposing army, a n d to enter u p o n the c a m p a i g n u n d e r the
m o s t favourable strategical conditions. To u n d e r s t a n d this, we shall have to
look at t h e m a p a n d e x a m i n e the country in which these armies are placed.
Taking it for granted t h a t Berlin and V i e n n a are the n o r m a l points of retreat of the two armies, a n d that therefore t h e A u s t r i a n s will a i m at the
conquest of Berlin a n d the Prussians at t h a t of V i e n n a , there are three
routes by which they m i g h t operate. A large a r m y requires a certain extent
of country from the resources of which it h a s to live on t h e m a r c h , and is
compelled, in order to m o v e quickly, to m a r c h in several c o l u m n s on as
m a n y parallel roads; its front will, therefore, be extended on a line which
m a y vary between, say sixty a n d sixteen miles, according to the proximity
of t h e e n e m y and t h e distance of the roads from each other. This will have
to be kept in m i n d .
T h e first route would be on the left b a n k of the Elbe a n d M o l d a u , by
Leipsic a n d Prague. It is evident that on this r o u t e e a c h of t h e belligerents
would have to cross t h e river twice, the second t i m e in t h e face of the enemy. Supposing either army to attempt to turn, by this r o u t e , t h e flank of
its opponent, the latter, having t h e shorter, b e c a u s e straighter road, could
still anticipate t h e turning force on the line of the river, a n d if successful in
repelling it, could m a r c h straight u p o n the e n e m y ' s capital. This route,
equally disadvantageous to b o t h parties, m a y therefore be dismissed from
consideration.
T h e second r o u t e is on the right b a n k of the Elbe, between it and the Sudetic m o u n t a i n c h a i n which divides Silesia from B o h e m i a a n d Moravia.
T h i s is almost on t h e straight line from Berlin to V i e n n a ; t h e portion now
lying between the two armies is m a r k e d o u t by the railway from L o b a u to
P a r d u b i t z . This railway passes through that portion of B o h e m i a which is
210
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:
30
35
Notes on the War (1866) • II
b o u n d e d by the Elbe to the s o u t h a n d west, a n d the m o u n t a i n s to the
north-east. It has plenty of good roads, and if the two armies were to m a r c h
straight at e a c h other, here would be the point of collision.
T h e third r o u t e is t h a t by Breslau, a n d t h e n c e across the Sudetic chain.
This chain, of no considerable elevation, on the M o r a v i a n frontier, where it
is crossed by several good roads, rises to greater elevation a n d abruptness
in the Riesengebirge, which forms the b o u n d a r y of B o h e m i a . H e r e there
are b u t few roads across; in fact, between T r a u t e n a u a n d Reichenberg, a
distance of forty miles, t h e whole n o r t h - e a s t e r n p o r t i o n of t h e range is n o t
traversed by a single military road. T h e only road in existence there, t h a t
from Hirschberg to the valley of t h e Iser, stops short at the Austrian frontier. It follows, then, t h a t this whole barrier of forty miles in length, is i m passable, at least for a large army, with its i n n u m e r a b l e i m p e d i m e n t a , a n d
that an advance u p o n or by Breslau m u s t pass the m o u n t a i n s to the southwest of t h e Riesengebirge.
Now, what are the relative positions of the two armies, with regard to
their c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , if engaged on this route?
T h e Prussians, by advancing due s o u t h from Breslau, lay o p e n their communications with Berlin. T h e Austrians might, if strong e n o u g h to command the almost absolute certainty of victory, leave t h e m to advance as far
as t h e i n t r e n c h e d c a m p of O l m u t z , w h i c h would stop t h e m , while they
themselves could m a r c h u p o n Berlin, trusting to re-open any temporarilyinterrupted c o m m u n i c a t i o n s by a decisive victory; or they might m e e t t h e
Prussian c o l u m n s singly as they d e b o u c h from the m o u n t a i n s , and, if successful, drive t h e m back u p o n Glogau a n d Posen, whereby Berlin a n d the
greater portion of the Prussian states would be at their mercy. T h u s an advance by Breslau would be advisable for t h e Prussians in case of a great n u merical superiority only.
T h e A u s t r i a n s are in a far different position. They have the advantage
that the bulk of the m o n a r c h y lies south-east of Breslau;, that is, in the direct prolongation of a line drawn from Berlin to Breslau. Having fortified t h e
northern b a n k of the D a n u b e n e a r V i e n n a , so as to shelter t h e capital from
a surprise, they, m a y , temporarily a n d even for a length of t i m e , sacrifice
their direct c o m m u n i c a t i o n with V i e n n a , and draw their supplies of m e n
and stores from Hungary. They can, therefore, with e q u a l safety operate by
way of L o b a u a n d by way of Breslau, to the n o r t h or to the s o u t h of t h e
hills; they h a v e far greater freedom in manoeuvring t h a n their o p p o n e n t s .
T h e Prussians, moreover, have further reasons to be cautious. F r o m t h e
northern frontier of B o h e m i a , the distance to Berlin is n o t m u c h m o r e t h a n
half of that to V i e n n a ; Berlin is so m u c h m o r e exposed. V i e n n a is sheltered
by the D a n u b e , b e h i n d which a b e a t e n a r m y c a n find protection; by t h e
211
Friedrich Engels
fortifications erected to the north of that river; a n d by t h e i n t r e n c h e d c a m p
of O l m u t z , which t h e Prussians could n o t pass u n n o t i c e d with i m p u n i t y , if
the m a s s of the A u s t r i a n army, after a defeat, were to take up a position
there. Berlin has no protection of any kind, except the a r m y in t h e field.
U n d e r these circumstances, and those detailed in our first n u m b e r , t h e part
5
destined for the Prussians appears to be clearly m a r k e d out as a defensive
one.
T h e s a m e series of circumstances, and strong political necessity besides,
almost compels Austria to act on the offensive. A single victory m a y ensure
to her great results, while her defeat would n o t break h e r power of resis- 10
tance.
T h e strategical plan of the c a m p a i g n in its f u n d a m e n t a l features is necessarily very simple. Whichever of the two attacks first, he has only this alternative: either a false attack north-west of the Riesengebirge, a n d the true
attack south-east of it, or vice versa. T h e forty-mile barrier is the decisive 15
feature of the seat of war, and round it the armies m u s t gravitate. We shall
hear of fighting at b o t h its extremities, a n d a very few days afterwards will
clear up t h e direction of the true attack, a n d probably the fate of the first
campaign. Yet, with two s u c h unwieldy armies opposed to e a c h other, we
feel inclined to think that t h e most direct route is the safest, a n d that the 20 ·
difficulty a n d danger of m o v i n g s u c h large b o d i e s of troops in separate col u m n s on different roads through a difficult m o u n t a i n country, will almost
naturally draw b o t h opposing armies on the route L o b a u - P a r d u b i t z .
T h e actual m o v e m e n t s which have t a k e n place are as follows:—The
Prussians, in the first week of J u n e , m a s s e d their army of Saxony along the 25 j
Saxon frontier, from Zeitz to Görlitz, a n d their Silesian a r m y from Hirschberg to N e i s s e . By t h e 10th J u n e they drew n e a r e r together, having their
right wing on the Elbe n e a r Torgau, a n d their extreme left n e a r W a l d e n burg. F r o m the 12th to the 16th, the army of Silesia, now consisting of the
1st, 5th, a n d 6th corps a n d the G u a r d s , were again e x t e n d e d to the east,
1
this t i m e as far as Ratibor, that is to say, into the extreme south-eastern
corner of Silesia. This looks like a feint, especially t h e parading of the
G u a r d s , which are supposed to be always with the m a i n army. If it be more
t h a n a feint, or if m e a s u r e s have not b e e n t a k e n to m o v e these four corps
back towards Görlitz at the shortest n o t i c e a n d in the shortest time, then
this massing of m o r e t h a n 120,000 m e n in a r e m o t e corner is a palpable
m i s t a k e ; they m a y be cut off from all possibility of retreat a n d certainly
from all c o n n e c t i o n with the r e m a i n d e r of t h e army.
Of the Austrians we know little more t h a n t h a t they were concentrated
a r o u n d O l m u t z . T h e Times correspondent in their c a m p states t h a t their
sixth corps, 40,000 strong, arrived on the 19th from Weisskirchen at 01-
212
Notes on the War (1866) · II
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
m u t z indicating a m o v e m e n t to the westward. He adds t h a t on t h e 21st
head-quarters were to be shifted to T r u b a u , on the frontier between Moravia a n d B o h e m i a . This m o v e would p o i n t in t h e same direction, if it did
not look exceedingly like a canard sent on to L o n d o n with t h e i n t e n t i o n of
being t h e n c e telegraphed to t h e Prussian head-quarters in order to mislead
them. A general who acts with such secrecy as Benedek, a n d who has s u c h
objections to newspaper correspondents, is n o t likely to inform t h e m on t h e
19th where his head-quarters will be on t h e 21st, unless he has his reasons
for it.
Before concluding, we m a y be allowed to cast a glance at the operations
in North-western G e r m a n y . T h e Prussians h a d m o r e troops here t h a n was
at first known. T h e y h a d 15 battalions disposable in Holstein, 12 in
M i n d e n , a n d 18 in Wetzlar. By rapid concentric moves, during which t h e
troops showed a q u i t e u n e x p e c t e d capability of supporting forced m a r c h e s ,
they took possession in two days of all t h e country n o r t h of a line from Coblentz to Eisenach, a n d of every line of c o m m u n i c a t i o n between the eastern a n d western provinces of the kingdom. T h e Hessian troops, a b o u t
7,000 strong, m a n a g e d to escape, b u t the H a n o v e r i a n s , 10,000 or 12,000,
had their direct line of retreat towards Frankfort cut off, a n d already on the
17th the rest of the 7th Prussian army corps, 12 battalions, together with
the two Coburg battalions, arrived in E i s e n a c h from t h e E l b e . T h u s t h e
Hanoverians appear to be h e m m e d in on all sides, a n d could escape only
by a miracle of stupidity on the part of the Prussians. As soon as their fate
will be settled, a force of 50 Prussian battalions will be available against t h e
Federal a r m y which Prince A l e x a n d e r of D a r m s t a d t is forming at Frankfort, and which will consist of a b o u t 23,000 Wurtembergers, 10,000 D a r m stadters, 6,000 N a s s a u e r s , 13,000 B a d e n e r s (only mobilising now), 7,000
Hessians, a n d 12,000 Austrians, now on t h e r o a d from Salzburg; in all
about 65,000 m e n , who m a y be possibly reinforced by from 10,000 to
20,000 Bavarians. A b o u t 60,000 m e n of these are now reported as already
concentrated at Frankfort, a n d Prince A l e x a n d e r has ventured u p o n a forward move by re-occupying Glessen on t h e 22d. This, however, is of no
consequence. T h e Prussians will n o t advance against h i m u n t i l they are
well concentrated, a n d t h e n , with 70,000 m e n of all arms, a n d their superior a r m a m e n t , they ought to m a k e short work of this m o t l e y army.
213
Friedrich Engels
Nr. 6197, 28. Juni 1866
No. III.
T h e first great battle has b e e n fought, not in B o h e m i a , b u t in Italy, a n d the
Quadrilateral has again given the Italians a lesson in strategy. T h e strength
of this famous position, as indeed of all fortified positions of any value,
consists, n o t so m u c h in the high defensive capabilities of its four fortresses, b u t in their being so grouped in a country with strongly-marked
military features that the attacking force is almost always i n d u c e d , a n d oft e n compelled, to divide itself and attack on two different points, while the
defending force can send its whole c o m b i n e d strength against o n e of these
attacks, crush it by superior n u m b e r s , a n d t h e n t u r n against t h e other. The
Italian a r m y has been i n d u c e d to c o m m i t this fault. T h e King stood with
eleven divisions on t h e M i n c i o , while Cialdini with five divisions faced the
Lower Po, n e a r P o n t e Lagoscuro a n d Polesella. An Italian division counts
17 battalions of 700 m e n each; consequently, Victor E m m a n u e l would
have, with cavalry a n d artillery, at least 120,000 or 125,000 m e n , a n d Ciald i n i about half that n u m b e r . While the King crossed the M i n c i o on the
23d, Cialdini was to cross the Lower Po a n d act u p o n the rear of the Austria n s ; b u t up to t h e m o m e n t we write, no certain news have arrived of this
latter m o v e m e n t having b e e n effected. At all events, the 60,000 m e n whose
presence might, and probably would, have t u r n e d the scale on Sunday last
at Custozza, cannot, so far, have o b t a i n e d any advantage at all c o m m e n s u rate to the loss of a great battle.
T h e Lake of G a r d a lies encased between two spurs of the Alps, forming,
to the south of it, two clusters of hills, between which the M i n c i o forces its
way towards the lagoons of M a n t u a . B o t h of these groups form strong military positions; their slopes towards the s o u t h overlook the L o m b a r d plain,
a n d c o m m a n d it within gun-range. T h e y are well k n o w n in military history.
T h e western group, between Peschiera a n d L o n a t o , was the scene of the
battles of Castiglione a n d L o n a t o in 1797, a n d of Solferino in 1859; the
eastern group, between Peschiera a n d Verona, was contested during three 30|
days in 1848, a n d again in the battle of last Sunday.
This eastern group of hills slopes down on o n e side towards the Mincio,
where it e n d s in the p l a i n at Valleggio; on t h e other side, in a long arc, facing south-east, towards the Adige, which it reaches at Bussolengo. It is divided, from n o r t h to south, in two a b o u t e q u a l portions by a deep ravine, 4
t h r o u g h which flows the rivulet T i o n e ; so t h a t a force advancing from the
M i n c i o will have first to force the passage of t h e river, a n d i m m e d i a t e l y af-
214
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Notes on the War (1866) • III
terwards find itself again arrested by this ravine. On t h e edge of t h e slope,
facing t h e plain, a n d east of t h e ravine, are t h e following villages:—Custozza, o n t h e s o u t h e r n extremity; further north, i n succession, S o m m a
C a m p a g n a , Sona, a n d S a n t a G i u s t i n a . T h e railway from P e s c h i e r a to Ver5
o n a crosses the hills at S o m m a C a m p a g n a , t h e high road at Sona.
I n 1848, after t h e P i e d m o n t e s e h a d t a k e n Peschiera, they b l o c k a d e d
M a n t u a a n d e x t e n d e d their army from b e y o n d t h a t place t o Rivoli, o n the
Lake of G a r d a , their centre occupying t h e hills in q u e s t i o n . On the 23d
July R a d e t z k y a d v a n c e d with seven brigades from Verona, broke t h r o u g h
10
the centre of this over-extended line, a n d o c c u p i e d t h e hills himself. On
the 2 4 t h a n d 2 5 t h t h e P i e d m o n t e s e tried t o re-take t h e position, b u t were
decisively b e a t e n o n t h e 25th, a n d retreated a t o n c e t h r o u g h M i l a n b e y o n d
the Ticino. This first battle of Custozza decided the c a m p a i g n of 1848.
T h e telegrams from t h e I t a l i a n head-quarters a b o u t last S u n d a y ' s battle
15
are rather contradictory; but, with t h e assistance of t h o s e from t h e o t h e r
side, we get a pretty clear insight i n t o t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s u n d e r w h i c h it was
fought. Victor E m m a n u e l i n t e n d e d his 1st corps ( G e n e r a l D u r a n d o , four
divisions or 68 battalions), to take up a position between Peschiera a n d
Verona, so as to be able to cover a siege of t h e former place. This p o s i t i o n
20
must, of course, be S o n a a n d S o m m a C a m p a g n a . T h e 2d corps ( G e n e r a l
Cucchiari, three divisions or 51 battalions) a n d 3d corps ( G e n e r a l Delia
Rocca, of t h e s a m e strength as t h e second) were to cross t h e M i n c i o at t h e
same t i m e , to cover t h e o p e r a t i o n s of t h e 1st. T h e 1st corps m u s t have
crossed n e a r or s o u t h of Salionce, a n d t a k e n t h e road of t h e hills at o n c e ;
25
the 2d seems to have crossed at Valleggio, a n d t h e 3d at G o i t o , a n d ad
vanced in t h e plain. T h i s took place on Saturday the 23d. T h e A u s t r i a n bri
gade Pulz, which h e l d t h e outposts on t h e M i n c i o , fell slowly b a c k on Ver
ona; a n d on Sunday,
the anniversary of Solferino, t h e whole of t h e
Austrian army d e b o u c h e d from V e r o n a to m e e t the e n e m y . T h e y appear to
30
have arrived in t i m e to occupy the heights of S o n a a n d S o m m a C a m p a g n a ,
and t h e eastern edge of t h e ravine of t h e T i o n e before t h e Italians. T h e
struggle t h e n would principally be fought for t h e passage of the ravine. At
the s o u t h e r n extremity t h e two corps in t h e p l a i n could co-operate with t h e
1st I t a l i a n corps in the hills, a n d t h u s Custozza fell i n t o their h a n d s . G r a d -
35
ually the I t a l i a n s in t h e plain would a d v a n c e m o r e a n d m o r e in t h e direc
tion of Verona, in o r d e r to act u p o n t h e A u s t r i a n flank a n d rear, a n d t h e
Austrians would send troops to m e e t t h e m . T h u s t h e front lines of t h e two
armies, w h i c h were originally facing east a n d west respectively, would
wheel r o u n d a quarter circle, the Austrians facing s o u t h a n d t h e Italians
40
north. But, as t h e hills retreat from C u s t o z z a to the north-east, this flank
m o v e m e n t of t h e I t a l i a n 2d a n d 3d corps could n o t i m m e d i a t e l y affect t h e
215
Friedrich Engels
position of their 1st corps in t h e hills, because it could n o t be e x t e n d e d far
e n o u g h without d a n g e r to the flanking troops themselves. T h u s the Austrians appear merely to have occupied the 2d and 3d corps by troops sufficient to break their first i m p e t u s , while they l a u n c h e d every available m a n
u p o n the 1st corps, a n d crushed it by superior n u m b e r s . T h e y were perfectly successful; the first corps was repulsed, after a gallant struggle, and at
last Custozza was stormed by the Austrians. By this, the Italian right wing
advanced east a n d north-east b e y o n d Custozza, appears to have b e e n seriously e n d a n g e r e d ; consequently a new struggle for t h e village took place,
during which t h e lost c o n n e c t i o n m u s t have b e e n restored, a n d t h e Aus- 10 |
trian advance from Custozza checked, b u t the place r e m a i n e d in their
h a n d s , a n d the Italians h a d to re-cross the M i n c i o the s a m e night.
We give this sketch of the battle, not as a historical account—for which
every detail is as yet w a n t i n g — b u t merely as an attempt, m a p in h a n d , to
reconcile t h e various telegrams relating to it a m o n g s t e a c h other, a n d with 15 *
military c o m m o n sense; and if the telegrams were anything like correct and
complete, we feel confident that t h e general outline of t h e battle would appear to be n o t very different from what we have stated.
T h e Austrians lost a b o u t 600 prisoners, t h e Italians 2,000, a n d a few
guns. This shows the battle to have b e e n a defeat, b u t no disaster. T h e for- 20.
ces m u s t have b e e n pretty equally m a t c h e d , although it is very probable
t h a t the A u s t r i a n s h a d less troops u n d e r fire t h a n their o p p o n e n t s . T h e Italians have every reason to congratulate themselves that they were n o t driven
back into t h e M i n c i o ; the position of the 1st corps between t h a t river and
the ravine, on a strip of land between two a n d four miles wide, a n d a supe- 25 J
rior e n e m y in front, m u s t have b e e n one of considerable danger. It was und o u b t e d l y a m i s t a k e to send the m a i n b o d y of the troops i n t o the plain;
while the c o m m a n d i n g heights, the decisive points, were neglected; b u t the
greatest m i s t a k e was, as we pointed out before, to divide the army, to leave
Cialdini with 60,000 m e n on the Lower Po, a n d to attack with t h e remain- 30 '
der alone. Cialdini could h a v e contributed to a victory before Verona, and
then, m a r c h i n g back to the Lower Po, have effected his passage m u c h more
easily, if this c o m b i n e d m a n œ u v r e was to be insisted u p o n at all hazards.
As it is, he seems no further advanced t h a n on the first day, a n d m a y now
have to m e e t stronger forces t h a n h i t h e r t o . T h e Italians ought, by this time, 35
to know t h a t they have a very tough o p p o n e n t to deal with. At Solferino,
Benedek, with 26,000 Austrians, h e l d the whole P i e d m o n t e s e a r m y of fully
d o u b l e t h a t n u m b e r at bay for the whole day, u n t i l he was ordered to retreat in c o n s e q u e n c e of the defeat of the other corps by t h e F r e n c h . That
P i e d m o n t e s e army was m u c h superior to t h e p r e s e n t Italian army; it was
better schooled, m o r e h o m o g e n e o u s , a n d better officered. T h e present
216
r
Notes on the War (1866) • IV
army is b u t of very recent formation a n d m u s t suffer from all the disadvantages i n h e r e n t to such; while the A u s t r i a n a r m y of to-day is m u c h superior
to that of 1859. N a t i o n a l e n t h u s i a s m is a capital thing to work u p o n , b u t
until disciplined a n d organised, n o b o d y c a n win battles with it. Even G a r i 5 baldi's " t h o u s a n d " were n o t a crowd of m e r e enthusiasts, they were drilled
m e n who h a d learnt to obey orders a n d to face powder a n d shot in 1859. It
is to be h o p e d t h a t the staff of the Italian army, for their own good, will refrain from taking liberties with an army which, if numerically inferior is intrinsically superior to theirs, and, moreover, holds one of t h e strongest posilo tions in E u r o p e .
Nr. 6201, 3. Juli 1866
No. IV.
15
20
25
30
35
Suppose a y o u n g Prussian ensign or cornet, u n d e r e x a m i n a t i o n for a lieutenancy, to be asked what would be the safest plan for a Prussian a r m y to
invade B o h e m i a ? Suppose our y o u n g officer were to answer,—"Your best
way will be to divide your troops into two about equal bodies, to send one
round by t h e east of the Riesengebirge, the other to the west, a n d effect
their j u n c t i o n in G i t s c h i n . " W h a t would t h e e x a m i n i n g officer say to this?
He would inform the y o u n g g e n t l e m a n that this plan sinned against the
two very first laws of strategy:—Firstly, never to divide your troops so that
they c a n n o t support e a c h other, b u t to keep t h e m well together; and, secondly, in case of an advance on different roads, to effect t h e j u n c t i o n of the
different c o l u m n s at a point which is n o t within reach of the e n e m y ; that,
therefore, t h e p l a n proposed was t h e very worst of all; t h a t it could only be
taken into consideration at all in case B o h e m i a was quite u n o c c u p i e d by
hostile troops; a n d that, consequently, an officer proposing such a p l a n of
campaign was n o t fit to hold even a l i e u t e n a n t ' s commission.
Yet, this is t h e very plan which the wise a n d learned staff of the Prussian
army have adopted. It is almost incredible; b u t it is so. T h e m i s t a k e for
which the Italians h a d to suffer at Custozza, has b e e n again c o m m i t t e d by
the Prussians, a n d u n d e r circumstances which m a d e it ten-fold worse. T h e
Italians knew at least that, with ten divisions, they would be numerically
superior to the enemy. T h e Prussians m u s t have k n o w n t h a t if they kept
their n i n e corps together they would be at best barely on a par, as far as
numbers went, with Benedek's eight corps; a n d that by dividing their
troops they exposed the two armies to t h e almost certain fate of being
crushed in succession by superior n u m b e r s . It would be completely inexpli-
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Friedrich Engels
cable how s u c h a plan could ever -be discussed, m u c h less adopted, by a
body of s u c h u n q u e s t i o n a b l y capable officers as form the Prussian staff—if
it was not for the fact of King William being in chief c o m m a n d . But nobody could possibly expect that the fatal c o n s e q u e n c e s of kings a n d princes
taking high c o m m a n d would c o m e out so soon a n d so strong. T h e Prussians are now fighting, in Bohemia, a life-and-death struggle. If the junction of the two armies at or about G i t s c h i n is prevented, if each of t h e two,
being beaten, h a s to retire o u t of Bohemia, and, by retiring, to get further
away again from the other, t h e n the c a m p a i g n m a y be said to be virtually
over. T h e n B e n e d e k m a y leave the army of the Crown Prince unnoticed
while it retires towards Breslau, a n d follow u p , with all his forces, the army
of Prince Frederic Charles, which can hardly escape u t t e r destruction.
T h e question is, Will this j u n c t i o n have b e e n prevented? Up to the mom e n t we write we have no news of events later t h a n Friday evening, the
29th. T h e Prussians, b e a t e n o u t of Gitschin (the n a m e of the place, in Boh e m i a n , is spelt Jicin) on the 28th by G e n e r a l Edelsheim, claim to have
stormed the town again on the 29th, and this is the last information we possess. T h e j u n c t i o n was n o t t h e n effected; at least four A u s t r i a n a n d parts of
the Saxon army corps h a d t h e n b e e n engaged against a b o u t five or six Prussian corps.
T h e various c o l u m n s of the army of the Crown Prince, as they descended
into the valley on the B o h e m i a n side of t h e hills, were m e t by the Austrians
at favourable points where the valley, widening out, allowed t h e m to offer a
larger front to the Prussian columns, a n d to a t t e m p t to prevent t h e m from
deploying; while the Prussians would send troops, wherever practicable,
t h r o u g h the lateral valleys, to take their o p p o n e n t s in flank a n d rear. This is
always the case in m o u n t a i n warfare, a n d accounts for t h e great n u m b e r of
prisoners that are always m a d e u n d e r s u c h circumstances. On the other
side, the armies of Prince Frederick Charles a n d Herwarth von Bittenfeld
appear to h a v e got through the passes almost u n o p p o s e d ; the first engagem e n t s took place on the line of the Iser river, that is almost midway between the starting points of the two armies. It would be idle to try to disentangle a n d bring into h a r m o n y the fearfully contradictory, a n d often totally
u n a u t h e n t i c a t e d , telegrams which have c o m e to h a n d these last three or
four days.
T h e fighting has b e e n necessarily very m u c h c h e q u e r e d in its results; as
new forces c a m e u p , victory favoured first o n e a n d t h e n t h e other side. Up
to Friday, however, the general result appears to have b e e n , so far, in favour
of t h e Prussians. If they m a i n t a i n e d themselves in Gitschin, no doubt the
j u n c t i o n was effected on Saturday or Sunday, a n d t h e n their greatest
danger would be passed. The final fight for t h e j u n c t i o n would probably be
218
10
15
20
25;-
30:
='
Notes on the War (1866) · IV
fought with concentrated masses on b o t h sides, and decide the c a m p a i g n
for s o m e time, at least. If the Prussians were victorious, they would be at
once out of all their self-begotten difficulties, b u t they m i g h t have o b t a i n e d
the same, a n d even greater, advantages without exposing themselves to
such unnecessary dangers.
T h e fighting appears to have b e e n severe. T h e very first A u s t r i a n brigade
which m e t the Prussians in battle, was the "black a n d yellow" brigade,
which, in Schleswig, stormed the Königsberg, n e a r Oberselk, the day before
the evacuation of the D a n n e v i r k e . It is called black a n d yellow after t h e
facings of t h e two regiments composing it, a n d was always considered o n e
of the best brigades in t h e service. They were, however, b e a t e n by t h e n e e dle-gun, a n d above 500 m e n of o n e of its regiments (Martini) were t a k e n
prisoners after they h a d charged the Prussian lines five t i m e s in vain. In a
later engagement, the colours of the 3d battalion of the D e u t s c h m e i s t e r regiment were taken. This regiment, recruited in V i e n n a exclusively, is considered the best in the whole army. T h u s the very best troops have b e e n already in action. T h e Prussians m u s t h a v e behaved splendidly for an old
peace army. W h e n war was actually declared, a totally different spirit c a m e
over the army, brought on, chiefly, by the clearing-out of the small fry of
potentates in the north-west. It gave the troops—rightly or wrongly, we
merely register t h e fact—the idea t h a t they were asked to fight, this t i m e ,
for the unification of G e r m a n y , a n d the hitherto sullen a n d sulky m e n of
the reserve a n d landwehr t h e n crossed the frontier of Austria with l o u d
cheers. It is owing to this chiefly t h a t they fought so well; b u t at t h e s a m e
time we m u s t ascribe t h e greater portion of whatever success they have h a d
to their breech-loaders; a n d if they ever get o u t of the difficulties into
which their generals so wantonly placed t h e m , they will have to t h a n k t h e
needle g u n for it. T h e reports as to its i m m e n s e superiority over t h e m u z zle-loaders are again u n a n i m o u s . A sergeant from the M a r t i n i regiment,
taken prisoner, said to the correspondent of the Cologne Gazette : " W e h a v e
surely d o n e whatever m a y be expected from brave soldiers, but no m a n can
stand against t h a t rapid fire." If the Austrians are beaten, it will be n o t so
m u c h G e n e r a l B e n e d e k or G e n e r a l R a m m i n g as G e n e r a l R a m r o d who is to
blame for t h e result.
In the north-west, the Hanoverians, brought to a sense of their position
by a sharp attack from G e n e r a l Manteuffel's advanced guard u n d e r G e n eral Flies, have surrendered, a n d thereby 59 Prussian battalions will be at
liberty to act against the Federal troops. It was high t i m e , too, that this
should be d o n e before Bavaria h a d completed all her a r m a m e n t s , for otherwise m u c h stronger forces would be required to s u b d u e South-western Germany. Bavaria is notoriously always slow a n d b e h i n d h a n d with her military
219
1
Friedrich Engels
arrangements, b u t w h e n they are complete, she c a n bring into the field
from 60,000 to 80,000 good troops. We m a y now soon h e a r of a rapid concentration of Prussians on the M a i n e a n d of active operations against
Prince A l e x a n d e r of Hesse D a r m s t a d t a n d his army.
Nr. 6204, 6. Juli 1866
No. V.
T h e c a m p a i g n which the Prussians o p e n e d with a signal strategic blunder
has b e e n since carried on by t h e m with s u c h a terrible tactical energy that
it was brought to a victorious close in exactly eight days.
We said in our last n o t e that the only case in which the Prussian plan of
invading B o h e m i a by two armies separated by t h e Riesengebirge could be 10
justified was that in which B o h e m i a was u n o c c u p i e d by hostile troops. The
mysterious p l a n of G e n e r a l B e n e d e k appears to have m a i n l y consisted in
creating a situation of that sort. There appear to have b e e n b u t two Austrian army corps—the 1st (Clam Gallas) a n d t h e 6th ( R a m m i n g ) — i n the
north-western corner of Bohemia, where, from the beginning, we expected 15'1
the decisive actions would be fought. If this was i n t e n d e d to draw the Prussians into a trap, B e n e d e k has succeeded so well that he got caught in it
himself. At all events, t h e Prussian advance on two lines, with from forty to
fifty miles of impassable ground between t h e m , towards a point of junction,
two full m a r c h e s from the starting points, a n d within t h e enemy's 20.
lines,—this advance r e m a i n s a highly dangerous m a n œ u v r e u n d e r all circ u m s t a n c e s , a n d one which would have b e e n followed by signal defeat but
for Benedek's strange slowness, for the u n e x p e c t e d dash of t h e Prussian
troops, and for their breech-loading rifles.
T h e advance of Prince Frederick Charles took place with three corps (the
: ;
3d, 4th, a n d 2d, t h e latter in reserve), by Reichenberg, n o r t h of a difficult
range of hills, on the southern side of which G e n e r a l Herwarth advanced
with a corps a n d a half (the 8th a n d o n e division of the 7th). At the same
time, the Crown Prince stood, with the 1st, 5th, a n d 6th corps, a n d the
G u a r d s , in the m o u n t a i n s about Glatz. T h u s t h e army was divided into 30
three c o l u m n s — o n e on the right, of 45,000, o n e in the centre, of 90,000,
a n d o n e on the left, of 120,000 m e n — n o n e of which could support either
of the others for at least several days. H e r e , if ever, there was a c h a n c e for a
general c o m m a n d i n g at least an equal n u m b e r of m e n to crush his oppon e n t s in detail. But n o t h i n g appears to have b e e n d o n e . On the 26th Prince 35
Frederick Charles h a d the first serious engagement, at T u r n a u , with a bri-
220
Notes on the War (1866) • V
gade of the 1st corps, by which he established his c o m m u n i c a t i o n with
Herwarth; on the 27th, t h e latter took M u n c h e n g r a t z , while, of the a r m y of
the Crown Prince, a first c o l u m n , the 5th corps, advanced beyond N a c h o d ,
and beat t h e 6th A u s t r i a n corps ( R a m m i n g ) severely; on the 28th, the only
slightly u n l u c k y day for the Prussians, Prince Frederick Charles's advance
guard took Gitschin, b u t was again dislodged by G e n e r a l E d e l h e i m ' s cavalry, while the 1st corps of the army of t h e Crown Prince was checked with
some loss at T r a u t e n a u by t h e 10th Austrian corps of G a b l e n z , a n d only
disengaged by the advance of the G u a r d s towards Eipel, on an i n t e r m e d i a t e
road between the 1st a n d 5th Prussian corps. On the 29th, Prince Frederick
Charles stormed Gitschin, a n d the army of t h e Crown P r i n c e totally defeated the 6th, 8th, a n d 10th A u s t r i a n corps. On the 30th, a fresh a t t e m p t of
Benedek's to re-take G i t s c h i n by the 1st corps a n d the Saxon a r m y was signally foiled, and t h e two Prussian armies effected a j u n c t i o n . T h e A u s t r i a n
loss represents m e n to t h e n u m b e r of at least a corps a n d a half, while t h a t
of the Prussians is less t h a n o n e fourth t h a t n u m b e r .
T h u s we find that on the 27th there were only two A u s t r i a n army corps,
of about 33,000 m e n each, at h a n d ; on t h e 28th, three; on the 29th, four,
and if o n e Prussian telegram be correct, part of a fifth (the 4 t h corps); while
on the 30th the Saxon army corps only h a d b e e n able to c o m e up in support. There were, t h e n , two, if n o t three, corps absent from the contested
ground during all that t i m e , while the Prussians brought every m a n down
into B o h e m i a . In fact, up to t h e evening of the 29th, the whole of the A u s trian troops on t h e spot were barely superior in n u m b e r s to either of t h e
two Prussian armies, a n d being brought into line successively, the supports
arriving after the defeat only of the troops first engaged, the result was disastrous.
The 3d army corps (Archduke Ernest), which fought at Custozza, is reported to have b e e n sent to the n o r t h by rail i m m e d i a t e l y after t h a t battle,
and is, in some accounts, set down a m o n g Benedek's available forces. This
corps, which would m a k e t h e whole force, including the Saxons, n i n e
corps, could not have b e e n up in t i m e for the battles in the latter days of
June.
The Prussians, whatever the faults of their plan of operations were, m a d e
up for t h e m by their rapidity a n d energy of action. No fault c a n be found
with the operations of either of their two armies. Short, sharp, and decisive
were all their blows, a n d completely successful. N o r did this energy forsake
them after the two armies were j o i n e d ; on they m a r c h e d , a n d already on
the 3d they m e t B e n e d e k ' s c o m b i n e d forces with the whole of theirs, a n d
gave t h e m a last crushing blow.
It is hardly possible to suppose that B e n e d e k accepted this battle of his
221
Friedrich Engels
own free will. No d o u b t the rapid pursuit of t h e Prussians compelled h i m to
take a strong position with all his army, in order to re-form his troops, and
to give a day's start to his retiring army train, expecting n o t to be attacked
in force during t h e day, a n d to be able to draw off during the night. A man
in his position, with four of his corps completely shattered, a n d after such
t r e m e n d o u s losses, c a n n o t have desired, there a n d t h e n , to deliver a decisive battle, if he could draw off in safety. B u t t h e Prussians appear to have
compelled h i m to fight, a n d the result was the complete r o u t of the Austrians, who, if t h e armistice be n o t granted, will now be trying to m a k e towards O l m u t z or V i e n n a , u n d e r the most disadvantageous circumstances,
for t h e slightest out-flanking m o v e m e n t of the Prussians on their right must
cut off n u m e r o u s d e t a c h m e n t s from the direct road, a n d drive t h e m into
the hills of Glatz, to be m a d e prisoners. T h e "army of the n o r t h , " as splendid a host as there was in E u r o p e ten days ago, has ceased to exist.
No d o u b t the n e e d l e gun, with its rapid fire, has d o n e a great part of this.
It m a y be d o u b t e d whether without it the j u n c t i o n of the two Prussian arm i e s could have b e e n effected; a n d it is quite certain t h a t this immense
a n d rapid success could n o t have b e e n o b t a i n e d without s u c h superior fire,
for the A u s t r i a n a r m y is habitually less subject to p a n i c t h a n m o s t Europ e a n armies. But there were other circumstances co-operating. We have already m e n t i o n e d the excellent dispositions a n d u n h e s i t a t i n g action of the
two Prussian armies, from the m o m e n t they entered B o h e m i a . We m a y add
t h a t they also deviated, in this campaign, from the c o l u m n system, and
b r o u g h t t h e i r masses forward principally in deployed lines, so as to bring
every rifle into activity, a n d to save their m e n from the fire of artillery. We
m u s t acknowledge that the m o v e m e n t s b o t h on the m a r c h a n d before the
e n e m y were carried o u t with an order and punctuality which no m a n could
have expected from an army a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n covered with the rust of
fifty years' p e a c e . A n d , finally, all the world m u s t have b e e n surprised at
the dash displayed by t h e s e young troops in e a c h a n d every engagement
without exception. It is all very well to say t h e breech-loaders did it, but
they are n o t self-acting, they want stout hearts a n d strong a r m s to carry
t h e m . T h e Prussians fought very often against superior n u m b e r s , and were
almost everywhere t h e attacking party; the Austrians, therefore, had the
choice of g r o u n d . A n d in attacking strong positions a n d barricaded towns,
the advantages of t h e breech-loader almost disappear; the bayonet has to
do the work, a n d there has b e e n a good deal of it. T h e cavalry, moreover,
acted with the same dash, a n d with t h e m cold steel a n d speed of horse are
the only weapons in a charge. T h e F r e n c h canards of P r u s s i a n cavalry lines
first peppering their o p p o n e n t s with carbine fire (breech-loading or otherwise) and t h e n rushing at t h e m sword in h a n d , could only originate among
222
Notes on the War (1866) • V
a people whose cavalry has very often b e e n guilty of t h a t trick, and always
been p u n i s h e d for it by being b o r n e down by the superior i m p e t u s of t h e
charging e n e m y . T h e r e is no mistaking it, the Prussian army has, within a
single week, c o n q u e r e d a position as high as ever it held, a n d may well feel
confident now to be able to cope with any o p p o n e n t . T h e r e is no c a m p a i g n
on record where an equally signal success, in an equally short t i m e , and
without any noteworthy check, has b e e n obtained, except that campaign of
Jena which a n n i h i l a t e d t h e Prussians of t h a t day, and, if we except the defeat of Ligny, the c a m p a i g n of Waterloo.
223
Karl M a r x
P r o g r a m m e d u C o n g r è s d e G e n è v e (1866)
li9| Association internationale
des Travailleurs.
Les questions suivantes seront discutées d a n s le p r o c h a i n Congrès :
I Organisation de l'Association i n t e r n a t i o n a l e ;
2° C o m b i n a i s o n des efforts, par le m o y e n de l'Association, p o u r la lutte
du travail contre le capital ;
3° R é d u c t i o n des heures de travail ;
4° Travail des femmes et des enfants ;
5° Sociétés ouvrières (trade's unions), leur passé, leur présent, leur avenir;
6° Travail coopératif ;
7° I m p ô t s directs et indirects ;
8° Institution internationale du crédit ;
9° De la nécessité d ' a n é a n t i r l'influence russe en E u r o p e par l'application
du droit des peuples de disposer d ' e u x - m ê m e s et la reconstitution 16
d ' u n e Pologne sur des bases d é m o c r a t i q u e s et sociales ;
10° Des a r m é e s p e r m a n e n t e s dans leurs rapports avec la p r o d u c t i o n ;
11° Des idées religieuses, leur influence sur le m o u v e m e n t social, politique et intellectuel ;
12° Établissement des sociétés de secours m u t u e l s . A p p u i m o r a l et maté- 20
riel accordé a u x orphelins de l'Association. |
o
224
Karl
Marx
Instructions for t h e D e l e g a t e s
of the Provisional General Council
The
different questions
The International Courier.
Nr. 6/7, 20. Februar 1867
Instructions for the Delegates
of the Provisional General Council.
The different questions.
1.—Organisation of the International Association.
Upon the whole, the Provisional Central C o u n c i l r e c o m m e n d the plan of
Organisation as traced in the Provisional Statutes. Its s o u n d n e s s a n d facilities of adaptation to different countries without prejudice to unity of action
have b e e n proved by two years' experience. F o r the n e x t year we recommend L o n d o n as t h e seat of the Central Council, the C o n t i n e n t a l situation
looking unfavourable for change.
The m e m b e r s of the Central Council will of course be elected by Congress (5 of t h e Provisional Statutes) with power to add to their n u m b e r .
The General Secretary to be chosen by Congress for o n e year a n d to be t h e
only paid officer of the Association. We propose £2 for his weekly salary.
The u n i f o r m annual contribution of each individual member of the Association to be one halfpenny (perhaps o n e penny). T h e costprice of cards of
membership (carnets) to be charged extra.
While calling u p o n t h e m e m b e r s of the Association to form benefit societies a n d c o n n e c t t h e m by an international link, we leave the initiation of
this question (établissement des sociétés de secours m u t u e l s . A p p u i m o r a l
et matériel accordé a u x orphelins de l'association) to t h e Swiss who originally proposed it at the conference of S e p t e m b e r last.
225
Karl Marx
2.—International combination of efforts,
by the agency of the Association,
in the struggle between labour and capital.
a. F r o m a general point of view, this question embraces the whole activity of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association w h i c h a i m s at c o m b i n i n g a n d generalising the till n o w disconnected efforts for e m a n c i p a t i o n by the working
classes in different countries.
b. To counteract the intrigues of capitalists always ready, in cases of
strikes a n d lockouts to m i s u s e the foreign w o r k m a n as a tool against the
native w o r k m a n , is o n e of the particular functions which o u r society has
hitherto performed with success. It is o n e of the great purposes of the Association to m a k e t h e w o r k m e n of different countries n o t only feel b u t act as
brethren a n d c o m r a d e s in the army of e m a n c i p a t i o n .
c. O n e great " I n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m b i n a t i o n of efforts" which we suggest is a
statistical enquiry into the situation of the working classes of all countries to be
instituted by the working classes themselves. To act with any success, t h e materials to be acted u p o n m u s t be known. By initiating so great a work, the
w o r k m e n will prove their ability to take their own fate into their own
h a n d s . W e propose therefore,
T h a t in each locality, where b r a n c h e s of o u r Association exist, t h e work
be i m m e d i a t e l y c o m m e n c e d , and evidence collected on the different points
specified in the subjoined s c h e m e of inquiry.
T h a t the Congress invite all w o r k m e n of E u r o p e a n d the U n i t e d States of
A m e r i c a to collaborate in gathering the elements of the statistics of the
working class; that reports a n d evidence be forwarded to the Central Council. T h a t the Central Council elaborate t h e m i n t o a general report, adding
the evidence as an appendix.
T h a t this report together with its a p p e n d i x be laid before the n e x t annual
Congress, a n d after having received its sanction, be printed at t h e expence
of the Association.
G e n e r a l scheme of inquiry,
w h i c h m a y of course be modified by e a c h locality.
1. Industry, n a m e of.
2. Age a n d sex of the employed.
3. N u m b e r of the employed.
226
35
London. Nr. 6/7, 20. Februar 1867.
Titelkopf und Seite 2 mit dem Beginn der „Instructions
for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council ..."
von Marx
Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council
4. Salaries and wages: (a) apprentices; (b) wages by t h e day or piece
work; scale paid by m i d d l e m e n . Weekly, yearly average.
5. (a) H o u r s of work in factories, (b) T h e h o u r s of work with small e m ployers and in homework, if the business be carried on in those differ5
ent m o d e s , (c) Nightwork a n d daywork.
6. M e a l t i m e s a n d treatment.
7. Sort of workshop a n d work: overcrowding, defective ventilation, want
of sunlight, use of gaslight. Cleanliness, etc.
8. N a t u r e of o c c u p a t i o n .
10
9. Effect of e m p l o y m e n t u p o n the physical condition.
10. M o r a l condition. E d u c a t i o n .
11. State of trade: W h e t h e r season trade, or m o r e or less uniformly distribu t e d over year, whether greatly fluctuating, whether exposed to foreign
competition, whether destined principally for h o m e or foreign c o m p e ls
tition, etc.
3.—Limitation of the working day.
20
25
30
35
A preliminary condition, without which all further attempts at improvement and e m a n c i p a t i o n m u s t prove abortive, is the limitation of the working
day.
It is n e e d e d to restore the health a n d physical energies of t h e working
class, t h a t is the great body of every n a t i o n , as well as to secure t h e m t h e
possibility of intellectual development, sociable intercourse, social a n d p o litical action.
We propose 8 hours work as the legal limit of the working day. This limitation being generally claimed by the w o r k m e n of the U n i t e d States of
America, the vote of the Congress will raise it to the c o m m o n platform of
the working classes all over t h e world.
For the information of c o n t i n e n t a l m e m b e r s , whose experience of factory law is comparatively short dated, we add t h a t all legal restrictions will
fail and be b r o k e n t h r o u g h by Capital if t h e period of the day during which
the 8 working h o u r s m u s t be taken, be n o t fixed. T h e length of t h a t period
ought to be d e t e r m i n e d by the 8 working h o u r s a n d the a d d i t i o n a l pauses
for meals. F o r instance, if the different interruptions for m e a l s a m o u n t to
one hour, t h e legal period of the day ought to e m b r a c e 9 hours, say from
7 a.m. to 4 p.m., or from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m., etc. Nightwork to be b u t exceptionally permitted, in trades or b r a n c h e s of trades specified by law. T h e
tendency m u s t be to suppress all nightwork.
This paragraph refers only to adult persons, m a l e or female, t h e latter
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Karl Marx
however, to be rigorously excluded from all nightwork whatever, a n d all sort
of work hurtful to the delicacy of the sex, or exposing their b o d i e s to poisonous a n d otherwise deleterious agencies. By adult persons we u n d e r s t a n d
all persons having reached or passed the age of 18 years.
Nr. 8-10, 13. März 1867
4.—Juvenile and children's labour (both sexes).
We consider the t e n d e n c y of m o d e r n industry to m a k e children a n d juvenile persons of b o t h sexes co-operate in the great work of social production,
as a progressive, s o u n d and legitimate tendency, although u n d e r capital it
was distorted into an a b o m i n a t i o n . In a rational state of society every child
whatever, from the age of 9 years, ought to b e c o m e a productive labourer in
the s a m e way that no able-bodied adult person ought to be e x e m p t e d from
the general law of n a t u r e , viz.: to work in order to be able to eat, a n d work
not only with the b r a i n but with the h a n d s too.
However, for the present, we have only to deal with the children and
y o u n g persons of b o t h sexes belonging to t h e working people. T h e y ought
to be divided into three classes, to be treated differently; the first class to
range from 9 to 12; the second, from 13 to 15 years; a n d the third, to comprise the ages of 16 a n d 17 years. We propose t h a t the e m p l o y m e n t of the
first class in any workshop or housework be legally restricted to two ; that of
t h e second, to four; a n d t h a t of the third, to six h o u r s . F o r the third class,
there m u s t be a break of at least o n e h o u r for meals or relaxation.
It m a y be desirable to begin elementary school instruction before the age
of 9 years; but we deal here only with the m o s t indispensable antidotes
against t h e t e n d e n c i e s of a social system which degrades t h e working m a n
into a m e r e i n s t r u m e n t for the a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital, a n d transforms parents by their necessities into slave-holders, sellers of their own children.
T h e right of children a n d juvenile persons m u s t be vindicated.They are unable to act for themselves. It is, therefore, t h e duty of society to act on their
behalf.
If the m i d d l e a n d higher classes neglect their duties toward their off- 30
spring, it is their own fault. Sharing the privileges of these classes, the child
is c o n d e m n e d to suffer from their prejudices.
T h e case of t h e working class stands quite different. T h e working m a n is
no free agent. In too m a n y cases, he is even too ignorant to u n d e r s t a n d the
t r u e interest of his child, or the n o r m a l c o n d i t i o n s of h u m a n developement. 35
However, the m o r e enlightened part of t h e working class fully understands
230
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that the future of its class, and, therefore, of m a n k i n d , altogether d e p e n d s
u p o n the formation of t h e rising working generation. T h e y knpw that, b e fore everything else, t h e c h i l d r e n a n d juvenile workers m u s t be saved from
the crushing effects of t h e present system. This can only be effected by converting social reason i n t o social force, and, u n d e r given circumstances, there
exists no other m e t h o d of doing so, t h a n t h r o u g h general laws, enforced by
the power of t h e state. In enforcing such laws, t h e working class do not fortify g o v e r n m e n t a l power. On the contrary, they transform t h a t power, n o w
used against t h e m , into their own agency. They effect by a general act what
they would vainly a t t e m p t by a m u l t i t u d e of isolated individual efforts.
Proceeding from this standpoint, we say that no parent a n d no employer
ought to be allowed to use juvenile labour, except when c o m b i n e d with education.
By e d u c a t i o n we u n d e r s t a n d three things.
Firstly: Mental education.
Secondly: Bodily education, s u c h as is given in schools of gymnastics, a n d
by military exercise.
Thirdly: Technological training, which imparts the general principles of all
processes of production, and, simultaneously initiates the child and young
person in t h e practical use a n d h a n d l i n g of the elementary i n s t r u m e n t s of
all trades.
A gradual a n d progressive course of mental,- gymnastic, a n d technological training ought to correspond to the classification of t h e juvenile labourers. T h e costs of t h e technological schools ought to be partly m e t by the
sale of their products.
T h e c o m b i n a t i o n of paid productive labour, m e n t a l e d u c a t i o n , bodily
exercise a n d polytechnic training, will raise the working class far above the
level of the higher and m i d d l e classes.
It is self-understood t h a t the e m p l o y m e n t of all persons from 9 a n d to
17 years (inclusively) in nightwork and all health-injuring trades m u s t be
strictly prohibited by law.
5. Co-operative labour.
It is the business of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Working M e n ' s Association to c o m bine and generalize the spontaneous movements of the working classes, b u t
35 not to dictate or i m p o s e any doctrinary system whatever. T h e Congress
should, therefore, p r o c l a i m no special system of co-operation, b u t limit itself
to the e n u n c i a t i o n of a few general principles,
( a ) We acknowledge t h e co-operative m o v e m e n t as o n e of the transform-
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Karl Marx
ing forces of the p r e s e n t society based u p o n class a n t a g o n i s m . Its great
merit is to practically show, that the present pauperising, a n d despotic syst e m of the subordination of labour to capital can be superseded by the republican and beneficent system of the association of free and equal producers.
(b) Restricted, however, to the dwarfish forms into which individual
wages slaves c a n elaborate it by their private efforts, t h e co-operative syst e m will never transform capitalistic society. To convert social production
into o n e large a n d h a r m o n i o u s system of free a n d co-operative labour, general social changes are wanted, changes of the general conditions of society,
never to be realised save by the transfer of the organised forces of society,
viz. the State power, from capitalists a n d landlords to t h e p r o d u c e r s themselves.
(c) We r e c o m m e n d to the working m e n to e m b a r k in co-operative production rather t h a n in co-operative stores. T h e latter t o u c h b u t the surface of the
present e c o n o m i c a l system, the former attacks its groundwork.
(d) We r e c o m m e n d to all co-operative societies to convert o n e part of
their j o i n t i n c o m e into a fund for propagating their principles by example
as well as by precept, in other words, by p r o m o t i n g the establishment of
new co-operative fabrics, as well as by teaching a n d preaching.
(e) In order to prevent co-operative societies from degenerating into ordinary m i d d l e class j o i n t stock c o m p a n i e s (sociétés par actions), all workm e n employed, whether shareholders or not, ought to share alike. As a
m e r e temporary expedient, we are willing to allow shareholders a low rate
of interest.
6. Trades' Unions. Their past, present and future.
25;
(a) Their past.
I
Capital is concentrated social force, while the w o r k m a n has only to dispose of h i s working force. T h e contract between capital a n d l a b o u r can
therefore never be struck on equitable t e r m s , equitable even in t h e sense of
\
a society which places the ownership of the material m e a n s of life and la- 30]
bour on o n e side and the vital productive energies on the opposite side,
jj
T h e only social power of the w o r k m e n is their n u m b e r . T h e force of numI
bers, however, is broken by disunion. T h e d i s u n i o n of t h e w o r k m e n is
created a n d perpetuated by their unavoidable competition amongst themselves.
Trades' U n i o n s originally sprung up from the spontaneous attempts of 35j
w o r k m e n at removing or at least checking that competition, in order to
c o n q u e r s u c h t e r m s of contract as m i g h t raise t h e m at least above the condition of m e r e slaves. T h e i m m e d i a t e object of T r a d e s ' U n i o n s was there-
232
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25
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35
fore confined to everyday necessities, to expediencies for the obstruction of
the incessant e n c r o a c h m e n t s of capital, in o n e word, to questions of wages
and t i m e of labour. This activity of the T r a d e s ' U n i o n s is n o t only legitimate, it is necessary. It c a n n o t be dispensed with so long as the p r e s e n t systern of p r o d u c t i o n lasts. On the contrary, it m u s t be generalised by the form a t i o n a n d the c o m b i n a t i o n of T r a d e s ' U n i o n s t h r o u g h o u t all countries.
On the other h a n d , u n c o n s c i o u s l y to themselves, t h e Trades' U n i o n s were
forming centres of organisation of the working class, as the m e d i e v a l m u n i c i palities a n d c o m m u n e s did for the m i d d l e class. If the Trades' U n i o n s are
required for the guerilla fights between capital and labour, they are still
more i m p o r t a n t as organised agencies for superseding the very system of wages
labour and capital rule.
(b) Their present.
T o o exclusively b e n t u p o n the local a n d i m m e d i a t e struggles with capital, the Trades' U n i o n s have not yet fully understood their power of acting
against t h e system of wages slavery itself. T h e y therefore kept too m u c h
aloof from general social a n d political m o v e m e n t s . Of late, however, they
seem to awaken to some sense of their great historical mission, as appears,
for instance, from their participation, in England, in the recent political
movement, from the enlarged views t a k e n of their function in t h e U n i t e d
States, a n d from the following resolution passed at the recent great conference of Trades' delegates at Sheffield: "That this conference, fully appreciating the efforts m a d e by the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Association to u n i t e in o n e
c o m m o n b o n d of brotherhood the working m e n of all countries, m o s t earnestly r e c o m m e n d to various societies here represented, the advisability of
becoming affiliated to t h a t body, believing t h a t it is essential to t h e progress a n d prosperity of t h e entire working c o m m u n i t y . "
(c) Their future.
Apart from their original purposes, they m u s t now learn to act deliberately as organising centres of the working class in the broad interest of its
complete emancipation. They m u s t aid every social a n d political m o v e m e n t
tending in that direction. Considering themselves a n d acting as t h e c h a m pions and representatives of the whole working class, they c a n n o t fail to enlist the non-society m e n into their ranks. They m u s t look carefully after the
interests of the worst paid trades, such as the agricultural labourers, rendered powerless by exceptional circumstances. They m u s t convince the
world at large that their efforts, far from being narrow a n d selfish, a i m at
the e m a n c i p a t i o n of the d o w n t r o d d e n millions.
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Karl Marx
7. Direct and indirect Taxation.
(α) No m o d i f i c a t i o n of t h e form of t a x a t i o n c a n p r o d u c e any i m p o r t a n t
c h a n g e in t h e relations of labour a n d capital.
(b) Nevertheless, having to choose between two systems of taxation, we
r e c o m m e n d t h e total abolition of indirect taxes, a n d t h e general substitution of
5
direct taxes.
Because direct taxes are cheaper to collect a n d do n o t interfere with pro
d u c t i o n ; b e c a u s e indirect taxes e n h a n c e t h e prices of c o m m o d i t i e s , the
t r a d e s m e n a d d i n g to t h o s e prices n o t only t h e a m o u n t of t h e i n d i r e c t taxes,
b u t t h e interest a n d profit u p o n t h e capital a d v a n c e d in their p a y m e n t ;
10
Because indirect taxes conceal from an i n d i v i d u a l what he is paying to
t h e state, whereas a direct tax is undisguised, u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d , a n d n o t to
be m i s u n d e r s t o o d by t h e m e a n e s t capacity. D i r e c t t a x a t i o n p r o m p t s there
fore every individual to control t h e governing powers while i n d i r e c t taxa
t i o n destroys all t e n d e n c y to self-government.
15
8. International Credit.
Initiative to be left to t h e F r e n c h .
9. Polish Question.
( a ) W h y do t h e w o r k m e n of E u r o p e take up this q u e s t i o n ? In t h e first in
stance, b e c a u s e t h e m i d d l e class writers a n d agitators conspire to suppress
20
it, a l t h o u g h they patronise all sorts of nationalities, on the c o n t i n e n t , even
I r e l a n d . W h e n c e this reticence? Because b o t h , aristocrats a n d bourgeois,
look u p o n t h e dark Asiatic power in t h e b a c k g r o u n d as a last resource
against t h e advancing tide of working class a s c e n d e n c y . T h a t power can
only be effectually p u t down by t h e r e s t o r a t i o n of P o l a n d u p o n a demo-
25
cratic basis.
(b) In t h e present c h a n g e d state of c e n t r a l E u r o p e , a n d especially Ger
m a n y , it is m o r e t h a n ever necessary to h a v e a d e m o c r a t i c P o l a n d . Without
it, G e r m a n y will b e c o m e t h e outwork of t h e H o l y Alliance, with it, t h e cooperator with r e p u b l i c a n F r a n c e . T h e working class m o v e m e n t will continu o u s l y b e interrupted, checked, a n d retarded, u n t i l this great E u r o p e a n
q u e s t i o n be set at rest.
234
30
(c) It is especially t h e duty of the G e r m a n working class to take the initiative in this matter, because G e r m a n y is o n e of the partitioners of Poland.
10. Armies.
5
(a) T h e deleterious influence of large standing armies u p o n production,
has b e e n sufficiently exposed at m i d d l e class congresses of all d e n o m i n a tions, at peace congresses, e c o n o m i c a l congresses, statistical congresses,
philanthropical congresses, sociological congresses. We t h i n k it, therefore,
quite superfluous to expatiate u p o n this point.
10
(b) We propose the general a r m a m e n t of the people a n d their general instruction in the use of arms.
( c ) W e accept as a transitory necessity small standing armies to form
schools for the officers of the militia; every m a l e citizen to serve for a very
limited t i m e in those armies.
15
11. Religious Question.
To be left to the initiative of the F r e n c h .
235
Karl
Marx
Statuts de l'Association
Internationale
d e s T r a v a i l l e u r s v o t é s a u C o n g r è s d e G e n è v e (1866)
Iii Statuts
De l'Association Internationale
des Travailleurs
Votés à la séance du Congrès
du 5 Septembre 1866.
Considérant :
Q u e l ' é m a n c i p a t i o n des travailleurs doit être l'œuvre des travailleurs
e u x - m ê m e s ; q u e les efforts des travailleurs p o u r conquérir leur émancipation ne doivent pas tendre à constituer de n o u v e a u x privilèges, m a i s à établir p o u r t o u s des droits et des devoirs égaux et a n é a n t i r t o u t e d o m i n a t i o n
de classe ;
Q u e l'assujetissement é c o n o m i q u e du travailleur à l'accapareur des
m o y e n s du travail, c'est-à-dire des sources de la vie, est la c a u s e première
de la servitude d a n s toutes ses formes - misère sociale, dégradation mentale, soumission politique ;
Q u e , p o u r cette raison, l'émancipation é c o n o m i q u e des travailleurs est le
grand b u t a u q u e l tout m o u v e m e n t politique doit être s u b o r d o n n é c o m m e
moyen ;
Q u e tous les efforts faits j u s q u ' i c i ont é c h o u é , faute de solidarité entre
les ouvriers des diverses professions dans c h a q u e pays, et d ' u n e u n i o n fraternelle entre les travailleurs des diverses contrées ;
Q u e l ' é m a n c i p a t i o n d u travail n ' é t a n t u n p r o b l è m e n i local, n i national,
m a i s social, embrasse tous les pays dans lesquels la vie m o d e r n e existe et
nécessite p o u r sa solution leur concours t h é o r i q u e et p r a t i q u e ;
Q u e le m o u v e m e n t q u i reparaît parmi les ouvriers des pays les plus industrieux de l'Europe, en faisant naître de nouvelles espérances, d o n n e un
236
Karl Marx: Statuts de
l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs
votés au Congrès de Genève (1866). Seite 1
Statuts de ΓΑ.Ι.Τ. votés au Congrès de Genève (1866)
solennel avertissement de ne pas r e t o m b e r d a n s les vieilles erreurs, m a i s
de c o m b i n e r i m m é d i a t e m e n t t o u s les efforts encore isolés ;
Par ces raisons :
Le Congrès de L'Association Internationale des Travailleurs t e n u à G e n è v e
5 du 3 au 8 S e p t e m b r e 1866, déclare que cette association, ainsi q u e toutes
les Sociétés ou individus y a d h é r a n t , r e c o n n a î t r o n t la Vérité, la Justice, la
Morale, c o m m e la base de leur c o n d u i t e envers tous les h o m m e s , sans distinction d e couleur, d e croyance o u d e n a t i o n a l i t é .
Le Congrès considère c o m m e un devoir de r é c l a m e r p o u r tous les droits
d ' h o m m e et de citoyen. Pas de devoirs sans droits, pas de droits sans devoirs. \
|2| C'est d a n s cet esprit q u e le Congrès a a d o p t é définitivement les suivants statuts de l'Association internationale des travailleurs:
Art.I. L'association est établie p o u r procurer un p o i n t central de c o m m u nication et de coopération entre les ouvriers des différents pays aspirant au
15 m ê m e but, savoir : la protection m u t u e l l e , le progrès et le c o m p l e t affranchissement de la classe ouvrière.
Art. II. Le n o m de cette association sera : Association Internationale des
Travailleurs.
Art. III. Le Conseil G é n é r a l se c o m p o s e r a d'ouvriers représentant les dif20 férentes n a t i o n s faisant partie de L'Association Internationale. Il p r e n d r a
dans son sein, selon les besoins d ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , les m e m b r e s du b u r e a u ,
tels que président, secrétaire général, trésorier et secrétaires particuliers
pour les différents pays.
Tous les ans, le Congrès r é u n i fixera le lieu et l'époque de sa p r o c h a i n e
25 assemblée, désignera le siège et n o m m e r a les m e m b r e s du Conseil G é n é r a l ,
en lui laissant le droit de s'adjoindre de n o u v e a u x m e m b r e s .
10
A l'époque fixée par le Congrès, et sans q u ' u n e convocation spéciale soit
nécessaire, les délégués se r é u n i r o n t de plein droit au lieu et j o u r désignés.
Au cas de b e s o i n , le Conseil G é n é r a l p o u r r a c h a n g e r le lieu du Congrès,
30 sans pouvoir reculer la date de sa r é u n i o n .
A R T . IV. A c h a q u e Congrès a n n u e l , le Conseil général fera un rapport
public des travaux de l ' a n n é e . En cas d'urgence, il p o u r r a convoquer le
Congrès avant le t e r m e fixé.
A R T . V . Le Conseil général établira des relations avec les différentes as35 sociations ouvrières, de telle sorte q u e les ouvriers de c h a q u e pays soient
c o n s t a m m e n t au c o u r a n t des m o u v e m e n t s de leur classe dans les autres
pays.
Q u ' u n e e n q u ê t e sur l'état social soit faite s i m u l t a n é m e n t et d a n s un
m ê m e esprit. - Q u e les q u e s t i o n s proposées par u n e Société, et d o n t la dis40 cussion est d ' u n intérêt général, soient e x a m i n é e s par toutes, et q u e ,
lorsqu'une idée p r a t i q u e ou u n e difficulté i n t e r n a t i o n a l e réclamerait l'ac-
239
Karl Marx
tion de l'association, celle-ci puisse agir d ' u n e m a n i è r e u n i f o r m e . - Lorsq u e cela lui semblera nécessaire le Conseil général p r e n d r a l'initiative des
propositions à s o u m e t t r e a u x Sociétés locales ou nationales.
Il publiera un bulletin p o u r faciliter ses c o m m u n i c a t i o n s avec les sections.
Art. VI. P u i s q u e le succès du m o u v e m e n t ouvrier d a n s c h a q u e pays ne
p e u t être assuré q u e par la force r é s u l t a n t de l ' u n i o n et de l'association ;
Q u e , d'autre part, l'utilité du Conseil G é n é r a l sera d ' a u t a n t plus puissante q u e son action sera m o i n s éparpillée, les m e m b r e s de l'Association internationale devront faire tous leurs efforts p o u r r é u n i r toutes les branches
locales de c h a q u e pays d a n s u n e association nationale, représentée par un
Conseil central. Il est b i e n e n t e n d u , toutefois, q u e l'application de cet article est s u b o r d o n n é e a u x lois particulières q u i régissent c h a q u e nation.
M a i s , à part les obstacles légaux, a u c u n e Société locale n'est dispensée de
correspondre d i r e c t e m e n t avec le Conseil Général. \
240
Programm des Polenmeetings
des Generalrats der IAA vom 22. Januar 1867.
Flugblatt mit der Resolution von Marx
Karl
Marx
Resolution of t h e Polish M e e t i n g in L o n d o n
January 22,
1867
That liberty c a n n o t be established in E u r o p e without the i n d e p e n d e n c e of
Poland.
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Marx
Draft for a s p e e c h at t h e Polish M e e t i n g in L o n d o n
January 22,
1867
Ladies a n d G e n t l e m e n ,
W h e n the last Russian ukases for the abolition of Poland b e c a m e k n o w n in
this country, the organ of the leading purses exhorted the Poles to t u r n into
Muscovites. W h y should they not, if it were only to give further security for
the six mill. 1. st. j u s t lent to the Czar by t h e English capitalists?
S o m e 30 years ago, a Revolution broke o u t in F r a n c e . It was an event
n o t foreseen by the St. Petersburg providence which h a d j u s t concluded a
secret treaty with Charles X for the better a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d geographical
a r r a n g e m e n t of Europe. On the arrival of t h e awkward news, t h e Czar Nicolaus s u m m o n e d t h e officers of his horseguard a n d addressed t h e m a short,
warlike speech, culminating in the words: à cheval, Messieurs! This was no
empty threat. Paskiewitch was despatched to Berlin there to settle t h e invasion of F r a n c e . A few m o n t h s later, all was ready. T h e Prussians were to
concentrate on t h e R h i n e , the Polish army to m a r c h into Prussia, a n d the
Muscovites to follow in the rear. But t h e n , as Lafayette said in the French
C h a m b e r of D e p u t i e s — « l ' a v a n t garde t o u r n a i t contre le gros de l ' a r m é e » ,
the advanced guard t u r n e d r o u n d u p o n the m a i n body. T h e insurrection of
Warsaw saved E u r o p e from a second A n t i - J a c o b i n war.
Eighteen years later, there was a n o t h e r eruption of the revolutionary volcano, or rather an e a r t h q u a k e shaking the whole continent. Even the Germ a n s began to fidget, despite the m a t e r n a l leading-strings in which Russia
h a d kept t h e m ever since their so-called war of i n d e p e n d e n c e . Still more
strange. Of all G e r m a n cities, V i e n n a was the first to try its h a n d s at barricade building, and successfully too. This t i m e , and, perhaps, for t h e first
t i m e in his history, t h e R u s s lost his temper. T h e Czar N i c o l a u s did no
longer address his horseguard. He issued a manifesto to h i s people, telling
t h e m t h a t t h e F r e n c h plague h a d infected even the G e r m a n s , t h a t it app r o a c h e d t h e frontiers of the Empire a n d t h a t Revolution, in its madness,
casts its delirious eyes u p o n Holy Russia. No wonder! he exclaimed. This
s a m e G e r m a n y has b e e n the hotbed of infidelity for m a n y years past. The
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cancer of a sacrilegious philosophy has e a t e n into the vitals of t h a t apparently solid people. A n d t h e n , he winds up with t h e following apostrophe to
the G e r m a n s : "With us is G o d ! K n o w that, ye h e a t h e n s , a n d s u b m i t to us,
for G o d is with u s ! " Very soon after, through t h e h a n d s of his trusted servant Nesselrode, he sent another bull to the G e r m a n s , b u t quite overflowing with t e n d e r n e s s for that h e a t h e n i s h people. W h e n c e this change?
Why, the Berliners h a d n o t only m a d e a Revolution, they h a d proclaimed the restauration of Poland, a n d the Prussian Poles deceived by t h e p o p u lar e n t h u s i a s m were forming military c a m p s in Posnania. H e n c e t h e
courtesies of t h e Czar. It was again Poland, the i m m o r t a l Knight of E u r o p e ,
that h a d warned off the M o n g o l ! Only after the betrayal of the Poles by t h e
G e r m a n s , especially the G e r m a n N a t i o n a l Assembly at Frankfort, R u s s i a
recovered h e r forces a n d waxed strong e n o u g h to stab the Revolution of
1848 in its last asylum, H u n g a r y . A n d even here, the last m a n who bestrode
the battlefield against her, was a Pole, G e n e r a l Bern.
Now there are m a n y people silly e n o u g h to believe t h a t all this h a s
changed, t h a t Poland h a s ceased to be " u n e n a t i o n nécessaire", as a F r e n c h
writer calls it, a n d dwindled to a s e n t i m e n t a l souvenir, a n d you know t h a t
sentiments a n d souvenirs are n o t q u o t e d at the Stock Exchanges. B u t I ask
you, what h a s changed? Has the danger grown less? N o . Only the judicial
blindness of t h e governing classes of E u r o p e h a s reached its climax.
In the first instance, the policy of Russia is u n c h a n g e a b l e , as averred by
her official historian, t h e Muscovite K a r a m z i n . H e r m e t h o d s , h e r tactics,
her manœuvering m a y change, b u t the leading star of her policy is a fixed
star—the empire of the world. Only a civilized g o v e r n m e n t swaying barbarian masses c a n nowadays h a t c h such a plan, a n d execute it. As the greatest
Russian diplomatist of m o d e r n times, P o z z o di Borgo, wrote to A l e x a n der I, at t h e epoch of t h e V i e n n a Congress, P o l a n d is t h e great tool for t h e
execution of the world-embracing schemes of Russia, b u t also her invincible obstacle, u n t i l t h e Pole, fatigued by the a c c u m u l a t e d treacheries of E u rope, b e c o m e s her scourge in the h a n d of the Muscovite.
Now, apart from the dispositions of the Polish people, has anything h a p pened to thwart t h e plans of Russia or paralyse h e r a c t i o n ?
I need n o t tell you t h a t in Asia, h e r progress of conquest is c o n t i n u o u s . I
need not tell you, that the so-called A n g l o - F r e n c h war against R u s s i a
handed over to h e r t h e m o u n t a i n forteresses of Caucasus, the d o m i n a t i o n
of the Black Sea, a n d the m a r i t i m e rights which Catherine II, P a u l a n d
Alexander I h a d vainly tried to wrest from England. Railways are connecting a n d concentrating her vastly disseminated b o n d s . H e r material resources in Congress Poland, which forms h e r e n t r e n c h e d c a m p in E u r o p e ,
have enormously increased. T h e fortifications of Warsaw, M o d l i n , Ivan-
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gorod—points singled o u t by the first N a p o l e o n — d o m i n e e r the whole
course of the Vistula a n d constitute a formidable basis of attack to the
North, West a n d South. T h e Panslavonian p r o p a g a n d a has kept pace with
the enfeeblement of Austria a n d Turkey, a n d what that Panslavonian propaganda m e a n s , you h a d some foretaste in 1 8 4 8 - 4 9 , when H u n g a r y was
overrun, V i e n n a laid waste, Italy c o u n t e r e d by the Slavs, fighting u n d e r the
banners of Jellachich, Windischgrätz a n d Radetzky! A n d besides all this,
England's wrongs against Ireland have raised a new powerful ally of Russia
on the other side of the Atlantic.
T h e plan of R u s s i a n policy r e m a i n s u n c h a n g e a b l e , h e r m e a n s of action
have wonderfully increased even since 1848, b u t as yet t h e r e is o n e thing
out of reach, a n d Peter the First hit t h e weak point when he exclaimed that
to conquer t h e world, the Muscovites wanted n o t h i n g but souls. Well, this
living spirit, which Russia lacks, will be infused into her carcass the mom e n t t h e Poles t u r n into Russian subjects. W h a t t h e n will you have to
throw into the opposite balance!
A c o n t i n e n t a l E u r o p e a n will, perhaps, answer t h a t Russia, by the emancipation of the serfs, has entered the family of civilized n a t i o n s , that the
G e r m a n power recently concentrated in Prussian h a n d s c a n stand any
Asiatic shock, and, lastly, that Social R e v o l u t i o n in W e s t e r n E u r o p e will do
away with all "international" conflicts. A m e r e T i m e s — r e a d i n g Englishm a n m a y tell me that, let the worst arrive to the worst, a n d Russia seize
Constantinople, E n g l a n d will then appropriate Egypt and t h u s secure the
road to h e r great I n d i a n market.
In the first instance, the e m a n c i p a t i o n of the serfs, has e m a n c i p a t e d the
supreme government from t h e i m p e d i m e n t s the nobles were able to oppose
to its centralized action. It has created a vast recruiting place for its army,
broken up the c o m m o n property of the R u s s i a n peasants, insulated them,
and, above all, strengthened their faith in their pope-autocrat. It has not deodorized their Asiatic barbarism, the slow growth of centuries. A n y attempt
at raising their m o r a l standard is p u n i s h e d as a crime. I r e m i n d you only of
the official provocations against the t e m p e r a n c e societies w h i c h h a d undertaken to wean the Muscovite from what F e u e r b a c h calls t h e practical substance of his religion, n a m e l y brandy. However it m a y work in the future,
for the present t h e serf e m a n c i p a t i o n has increased the disposable forces of
the Czar.
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Now, as to Prussia. O n c e a vassal of Poland, she has b u t grown into a
first rate power u n d e r the auspices of Russia, a n d by the partition of Poland. If she lose to-morrow her Polish booty, she would m e r g e into Germ a n y instead of absorbing it. To m a i n t a i n herself as a power distinct from 40,
G e r m a n y , she m u s t fall back u p o n the Muscovite. H e r recent access of do-
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Draft for a speech at the Polish Meeting in London January 22, 1867
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main, instead of loosening these ties, have rendered t h e m indissoluble, because it has h e i g h t e n e d h e r a n t a g o n i s m to F r a n c e a n d Austria. At t h e s a m e
time Russia is the prop u p o n which the arbitrary rule of the H o h e n z o l l e r n
dynasty a n d its feudal retainers rest. This is their safeguard against popular
disaffection. Prussia is, therefore, n o t a bulwark against the Muscovite b u t
his predestined tool for t h e invasion of F r a n c e a n d the enslavement of Germany.
As to social revolution, what does it m e a n if n o t a struggle of classes? It
is possible t h a t the struggle between the w o r k m e n a n d the capitalist will be
less fierce a n d bloody t h a n the struggles between the feudal lord a n d t h e
capitalist proved in E n g l a n d and in France.
We will h o p e so. But at all events, a l t h o u g h s u c h a social crisis m a y
rouse the energies of the Western peoples, it will, like all internal feuds,
also invite aggression from abroad. It will clothe anew R u s s i a with t h e character she bore during the Anti-Jacobin war a n d since the Holy Alliance,
that of t h e predestined saviour of order. It will enlist in her ranks all the
privileged classes of E u r o p e . Already during the revolution of F e b r u a r y it
was not only the C o u n t of M o n t a l e m b e r t , w h o laid his ear to the g r o u n d to
listen whether there was a distant troop of Cossack horses. It was n o t only
Prussian squires who proclaimed in the m i d s t of G e r m a n representative
bodies the Czar their "Oberlandesvater". It was all the Stock Exchanges of
Europe that rose with every R u s s i a n victory over the Magyars a n d fell at
every Russian defeat.
Lastly, as to the " T i m e s " saying that R u s s i a m a y seize Constantinople, if
she does n o t prevent E n g l a n d from seizing u p o n Egypt, what does it all
mean? T h a t England will surrender Constantinople to Russia, if R u s s i a allows E n g l a n d to have a fight with F r a n c e over Egypt. This is the comfortable vista opened to y o u by the Times. As to R u s s i a n love for E n g l a n d ,
fond as she is of British f .s.d., it suffices to quote the words of t h e Gazette
de Moscou, d.d. D e c . 1 8 3 1 : « N o n , il faut q u e le tour de perfide A l b i o n
vienne, et dans q u e l q u e t e m p s n o u s ne devons plus faire de traité avec ce
peuple q u ' à Calcutta. » (No, it is necessary t h a t the t u r n of perfidious Albion c o m e , and soon we shall conclude no m o r e treaty with that people,
save at Calcutta.)
There is only o n e alternative left for E u r o p e . Asiatic b a r b a r i s m u n d e r
Muscovite leadership will burst over h e r head like a lawine, or she m u s t
restore Poland, t h u s placing between herself a n d Asia 20 millions of h e roes, and gaining breathing t i m e for the a c c o m p l i s h m e n t of her social regeneration.
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Marx
Berichtigung.
A n die Redaktion d e r „Zeitung für N o r d d e u t s c h l a n d "
/ An die Redaction der Zeitung
für Norddeutschland
Es scheint mir, d a ß die wahrscheinlich aus V e r s e h e n in N° 5522 Ihrer Zeitung gerathene N o t i z „Der in L o n d o n l e b e n d e Dr. M a r x ... scheint dazu
ausersehen zu sein den C o n t i n e n t zu bereisen um für die Angelegenheit
(,die n ä c h s t e Insurrection' Polens) P r o p a g a n d a zu m a c h e n " , ein, ich weiß
n i c h t für welche „Angelegenheit" ausgehecktes Polizeifabrikat zu sein
scheint.
L o n d o n 18.Febr. 1867
248
Karl M a r x |
Friedrich
Engels
Schwedisch-dänische
Reisenotizen
I 6. Juli. 9 Uhr. H e r o in den H u m b e r , 11 U h r in See frische westliche Brise,
12 Kn. per S t u n d e , W i n d z u n e h m e n d , N a c h m . heftige See, W i n d m e h r
und m e h r n a c h N o r d e n , a b e n d s half a gale, starkes Rollen des langen
Schiffs, Capt. Soulsby stürzt u n d bricht eine Rippe, ein Englischer Passagier desgl. verschimpfirt sich die S c h n a u z e , das m a i n s a i l reißt v o m u n t e r e n
Block los.
7. Juli, Deck u n b e t r e t b a r , starkes R o l l e n bis e n d l i c h gegen A b e n d der
Wind n a c h l ä ß t u n d wir in Sicht des H o l m e n L e u c h t t h u r m s auf D e c k gehen
können. See geht m e h r u n d m e h r nieder, d o c h unregelmäßig.
8. Juli m o r g e n s 7 U h r Vingan, d a n n E i n g a n g in die Götaelf Skâren, lauter roches m o u t o n n é e s , die Eiswirkung auf 1000 Schritt sichtbar. Bald der
engere F l u ß , m i t g r ü n e n T h ä l e r n zwischen den Granitfelsen, d a n n a u c h einige B ä u m e , schließlich A n n ä h e r u n g an Göteborg, h ü b s c h u n d fremd
durch die niedrige G e r ä u m i g k e i t der breiten Häuser.
Göteborg selbst, eine m o d e r n e Stadt m i t t e n in altschwedischer U m g e bung; alles Stein i n n e n , alles Holz d r a u ß e n . Holländische K a n ä l e m i t holländischem G e s t a n k in d e n Straßen. E i n d r u c k der Schweden weit m e h r
Deutsch als englisch; dazwischen fremdes finnisches E l e m e n t . Schlechter
Teint der W e i b e r im G a n z e n , grobe, d o c h n i c h t a b s t o ß e n d e Züge, die
Männer h ü b s c h e r , d o c h a u c h m e h r a n d e n d e u t s c h e n Binnenlandsphilister
erinnernd. D i e L e u t e in d e n 40ern sehen alle wie Badenser Philister aus.
Englisch wird tolerirt, D e u t s c h herrscht. D i e commerzielle u n d literarische Abhängigkeit von D e u t s c h l a n d überall hervorspringend. Bahnhöfe, öffentliche G e b ä u d e , Privathäuser, Villen, alles im d e u t s c h e n Styl, m i t geringen klimatischen Abweichungen. V o n E n g l a n d n u r die Parkanlagen u n d
die Sauberkeit m i t der sie gehalten, u n d eine Kirche im n e u englisch gothischen Styl. M a n k a n n ruhig in j e d e m Geschäftslokal d e u t s c h sprechen,
selbst im Hotel wird der Englisch sprechende g e b e t e n wo möglich D e u t s c h
zu sprechen.
Nägelchen u n d W e i ß d o r n in voller Blüthe, Alles wie am 8. M a i . S c h ö n e
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Schwedisch-dänische Reisenotizen. Seite [1]
Friedrich Engels
U l m e n a r t nebst E s c h e n im Baumschlag vorherrschend. G r ü n wie im englis c h e n Frühjahr. Dazwischen überall die n a c k t e n granitnen m o u t o n n é e s .
Lebensart ganz continental, antienglisch trotz || d e m T r i n k e n von fals c h e m Portwein u n d Sherry. H o t e l e i n r i c h t u n g e n . Die Z i m m e r , Frühstück,
K ü c h e , alles continental. Desgl. die V e r m i s c h u n g der Klassen in öffentlic h e n Lokalen. A p e t i t s u p (Smörbrödsborden) (25 Öre).
Statur der Leute m i t t e l u n d untersetzt, 5' 6" rh. Soldaten der reitenden
Artillerie (värfvade) größer. G e m e i n e u n d Offiziere etwas Milizartiges an
die Schweizer erinnernd. D i e Huiler M a t r o s e n erinnern vielmehr an Holsteiner, N i e d e r s a c h s e n , Friesen, A n g e l n u n d D ä n e n als an Schweden. Den
Schweden hier fehlt der m ä n n l i c h e A u s d r u c k im Gesicht, m e i s t schwabblige v e r s c h w o m m e n e Fettzüge, außer bei einigen Seeleuten m i t friesischer
Physiognomie u n d s e h n i g e m Bau. Die Soldaten sehn aus wie Westfalen,
die Offiziere a u c h n e i t h e r quite n o r officers.
W i e i m m e r , der u n v e r m e i d l i c h e E i n d r u c k wieviel überall auf d e m Contin e n t für G e s u n d h e i t u n d Erheiterung des p o p u l u s geschieht gegenüber
d e m aristokratischen England.
K o m i s c h e r E i n d r u c k der 2 englischen swell ladies d e n e n die Schwedinn e n alle n a c h s a h e n .
Reise n a c h Stockholm. Dampfschiffseinrichtung, h i n t r e Kajüte Schlaf
vordere Essen. Solide Lebensmittel. Salat m i t R a h m . Süßigkeiten. Leute
i m I n n e r n m e h r u n d m e h r b e s t i m m t e n Charakter i n d e n Z ü g e n , M ä n n e r
hübscher, stärker u n d größer, W e i b e r plain b u t homely a n d n o t unpleasant,
dabei groß u n d stark. D e r Charakter m e h r u n d m e h r a n die Schwarzwälder
Schweizer u n d Tiroler e r i n n e r n d (Steubs Tiroler G o t h e n ? ) Landjunker.
A u c h die Sprache klingt sehr allerhöchst d e u t s c h o h n e G u t t u r a l e n .
G e g e n d am Götaelf hübsch, aber bescheiden, bis Trollhättan. 4 Fälle
dicht ü b e r einander. Berge nicht ü b e r 6 - 8 0 0 F . h o c h , d o c h imposant.
D a n n Venersee m i t Kinnekullen, f l a c h u n d langweilig, W e t t e r n desgl.
Karlsborg's Festungswerk n i c h t schlecht angelegt, lange L i n i e n polygonal,
d o c h ? ob nicht der dahinterliegende Berg jetzt beherrschend. Die Seen
hübsch, a b e r alle egal. Ewiger Tannenwald, d a z u ruinirter. N i r g e n d s die
s c h ö n e n schweren T a n n e n der Schweiz. Scotch fir.
Motala-Elf-Thal wieder etwas bebaut, hier u n d da h ü b s c h wo der Kanal
m i t B ä u m e n bepflanzt, U l m e n u n d Birken.
Scherensee n a c h Stockholm zu wird i m m e r hübscher. Ä n d e r u n g in der
F o r m a t i o n - Kalk hie u n d da u n d größre Verwitterung, also m e h r H a l d e n |
I u n d A l p e n m a t t e n u n m i t t e l b a r aus der See aufsteigend. M a r m o r b r ü c h e
auf zwei Inseln. Die Scheren werden h ö h e r u n d schöner j e n ä h e r m a n nach
Stockholm. Entlang der M a l e n sehr schön, W a l d , Feld u n d Villen abwechselnd.
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Plan der schwedischen Festung Karlsborg.
Zeichnung von Engels
Schwedisch-dänische Reisenotizen
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Stockholms Norrbro an Genfer Pont des bergues erinnernd. M o s e b a c k e n
prachtvoll. A u c h v o m Observatorium schöne Aussicht. D a m p f s c h l u p p e
nach Djûrgârden. Dieser sehr schön als Park. Viele R e s t a u r a n t s u n d Cafés.
Französische E i n r i c h t u n g m i t kleinen Tischen à la carte, kein table d'hôte.
Sitte der Stockholmer in R e s t a u r a n t s zu essen. Bränvinsbordet überall. Paiestko-öl, besser als in D e u t s c h l a n d . Schrecklich süße Gesöffe u n d E ß w a r e n
(Karger). Schwedisches öl n i c h t schlecht aber entweder zu süß oder zu
sauer. W e i n , B o r d e a u x hyper-hermitagé, petit bourgogne m i t Z u s a t z v o n
südfranzösischem W e i n H a u p t g e t r ä n k bei Tische. Sonst die civil. K ü c h e
mehr d e u t s c h als französisch.
In Stockholm m e h r Hauptstadtscharakter, weniger ausländische Sprachen coulant, d o c h in j e d e m Geschäftslokal d e u t s c h gesprochen. M o d e , in
Gothenburg e n t s c h i e d e n englisch bei M ä n n e r n , hier vorherrschend französisch. H e u c h e l e i wegen Bränvinsbordet w e n n D a m e n dabei, kindliche Vergnügungsorte, Caroussel, Puppentheater, Seiltänzer u n d schlechte M u s i k .
Stromparterren n o c h das beste. „ M e k a n i s m e n " . D a b e i d o c h ernster oder
heuchl. luther. Volkscharakter der keine öffentlichen Tivoli Orte en gros
duldet.
Soldaten selbst der G a r d e milizmäßig slovenly desgl. die Offiziere. No
life in t h e m . A u c h keine besonders großen Leute, nichts was an die 69
reicht. Uniform eklektisch u n d altfränk. Lederzeug, Schildwachen plaudern. Vollbarte. D i e M a l m ö e r H u s a r e n . Schwer wie Linienreiter - die h ü b schesten L e u t e .
Eisenbahn - o j e . 3mal L ä u t e n u n d l m a l Pfeifen. 5 M i n u t e n = 15 à 20.
Naturwüchsige aber gute Eßlokale, alles 1 Rdl. G e g e n d hübsch, aber n a c h
den ersten zwei S t u n d e n d u r c h ewige W i e d e r h o l u n g einförmig u n d zuletzt
langweilig. D i e vielen Seen sehr leicht aus der Eisaction zu erklären. T h a l boden meist alter See - resp. Torfmoorboden.
Guter Kniff die Leute n a c h M a l m ö z u schicken u m eine diplomatische
Unterhandlung zu E n d e zu bringen.
Kopenhagen. Wirklich m e h r H o v e d s t a d e n i n G r ö ß e u n d L e b e n als
Stockholm d o c h i m m e r n o c h klein u n d bescheiden. E n t s c h i e d e n Vorherrschen des D e u t s c h e n selbst in d e n Straßen. Lebenslustige Kinder, alle Vergnügungsorte vor A l l e m für K i n d e r eingerichtet, Caroussel wenigstens
100 Mal. A u c h die A l t e n verkindischt; Ballet, Circus etc. Selbst die G r a u samkeit der K i n d e r die an Kinderquälerei H a u p t s p a ß findet. Tivoli sehr
charakteristisch in der Art.
Schöne B ä u m e in ganz K o p e n h a g e n . Schöne Einfahrt in d e n Hafen.
Alte Kriegsschiffe - malerischer Eindruck. D e r E i n d r u c k der B a u e r n h a u p t Stadt die \% Mill. B a u e r n exploitirt, überall unverkennbar. |
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Adresse du Conseil Général
de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs.
A u x m e m b r e s e t a u x s o c i é t é s affiliées
et à t o u s les travailleurs
I Adresse du Conseil Général
de l'Association Internationale.
Aux Membres et aux Sociétés affiliées
et à tous les Travailleurs.
Prolétaires,
P a r m i les correspondances q u e n o u s recevons n o u s voyons q u e les membres de l'association c o n t i n u e n t à propager les principes et à a u g m e n t e r le
n o m b r e des b r a n c h e s de l'association internationale. Ce travail est surtout
r e m a r q u a b l e en Suisse, où la plupart de n o s b r a n c h e s sont activement occupées à établir des sociétés ouvrières de t o u t e sorte et à les m e t t r e en rapport avec n o u s .
La Belgique, depuis le massacre de M a r c h i e n n e s , fait des efforts dignes
d'éloges p o u r masser t o u t le prolétariat belge sous notre égide.
M a i s différentes causes ont entravé cette œ u v r e de p r o p a g a n d e dans les
autres pays :
L'Allemagne, qui avant '48 avait pris t a n t d'intérêt d a n s l'étude des
questions sociales, voit presque toutes ses forces actives absorbées par le
m o u v e m e n t u n i t a i r e qui s'accomplit d a n s son sein.
En F r a n c e , vu le p e u de liberté d o n t j o u i t la classe ouvrière, la généralisation de n o s principes et de notre association ne s'est pas effectuée d'une
façon aussi rapide q u ' o n aurait pu l'espérer: car n o u s eussions cru que
l'appui que, grâce à nous, les sociétés ouvrières anglaises ont prêté aux sociétés ouvrières françaises lors de leurs dernières grèves, aurait dû nous
conquérir le soutien de tous les ouvriers français. M a i n t e n a n t q u ' e n France
la lutte entre la classe capitaliste et la classe ouvrière rentre d a n s la phase
q u e n o u s appellerons anglaise, c'est-à-dire, p r e n a n t un caractère nettement
256
Adresse du Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs
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tranché, les ouvriers devraient c o m p r e n d r e q u e p o u r résister avec succès
aux forces des capitalistes il faut q u ' u n puissant lien d ' u n i o n réunisse les
différents m e m b r e s de la c o m m u n a u t é ouvrière.
L'Angleterre, occupée qu'elle était par le m o u v e m e n t réformiste, a laissé
pour un m o m e n t de côté le m o u v e m e n t é c o n o m i q u e . M a i s m a i n t e n a n t q u e
ce m o u v e m e n t a cessé, q u e l ' e n q u ê t e sur les trades' unions fait r é n u m é r a tion et la constatation des forces de la classe ouvrière, n o u s p e n s o n s q u e
l'heure est venue p o u r q u e toutes les sociétés ouvrières c o m p r e n n e n t n o t r e
utilité. Déjà, à plusieurs reprises, dans des r é u n i o n s de délégués de la
classe ouvrière, le rôle de notre association a été apprécié à sa j u s t e valeur
et un grand n o m b r e de sociétés se sont déjà fondues dans notre sein. L ' A n gleterre, grâce à la puissante organisation q u e possède la classe ouvrière est
appelée à être un de nos plus fermes appuis.
Les Etats-Unis s e m b l e n t avoir acquis u n e nouvelle j e u n e s s e d a n s la
guerre sanglante qu'ils v i e n n e n t de traverser : la classe ouvrière s'est déjà
centralisée et a exercé son action sur le g o u v e r n e m e n t bourgeois, q u i règne
sur l ' A m é r i q u e et a forcé plusieurs législatures d'Etat à accepter le bill de
huit heures de travail. A l'occasion de l'élection du prochain président les
différents partis politiques ont été obligés de faire leur profession de foi : le
parti radical par la b o u c h e de W a d e , président du Sénat, a r e c o n n u la n é cessité de s'occuper avant tout et spécialement de la question du travail et
du capital, et il s'est p r o n o n c é franchement pour u n e transformation de la
propriété capitaliste et foncière. C o m m e d a n s ce pays, la classe ouvrière
jouit d ' u n e force d'organisation considérable, elle sera capable d'imposer
ses volontés.
D a n s tous les pays civilisés à l'heure présente la classe ouvrière est en
train de s'agiter et c'est dans les pays où l'industrie m a n u f a c t u r i è r e est la
plus développée, c o m m e en A m é r i q u e et en Angleterre, q u e l'on trouve
une organisation plus c o m p a c t e de la classe ouvrière et u n e lutte p l u s ardente entre la classe bourgeoise et la classe ouvrière.
En présence de la force du capital, la force individuelle h u m a i n e a disparu, dans u n e m a n u f a c t u r e l'ouvrier n'est plus q u ' u n rouage de la m a chine. Pour q u e l'ouvrier put retrouver son individualité, il a dû s'unir, form e r des associations p o u r défendre son salaire, sa vie. J u s q u ' à a u j o u r d ' h u i
ces associations étaient restées locales, m a i s le capital, grâce aux nouvelles
inventions de l'industrie, voit sa force s'accroître tous les j o u r s ; aussi les
associations nationales sont devenues d a n s un grand n o m b r e de cas impuissantes : en é t u d i a n t les luttes de la classe ouvrière anglaise, on voit q u e
pour résister à leurs ouvriers les patrons, tantôt font venir des ouvriers
étrangers, tantôt font faire l'ouvrage dans des pays où la m a i n d'oeuvre est à
meilleur m a r c h é . En présence de cet état de choses, si la classe ouvrière
257
Karl Marx
veut c o n t i n u e r sa lutte avec q u e l q u e c h a n c e de succès, il faut q u e ces associations nationales d e v i e n n e n t internationales.
Q u e tous les ouvriers envisagent avec attention ce n o u v e a u p o i n t de vue
de la question, qu'ils considèrent q u ' e n se r a n g e a n t sous n o t r e bannière
c'est leur p a i n et celui de leurs enfants qu'ils défendent.
N o u s , conseil général, en appelons à tous p o u r q u e le p r o c h a i n congrès,
q u i se tiendra le 2 septembre 1867 à L a u z a n n e , soit u n e éclatante manifest a t i o n de la classe ouvrière.
« D ' a p r è s les règlements du p r e m i e r congrès, c h a q u e b r a n c h e a le pouvoir d'envoyer un délégué au congrès. Les b r a n c h e s c o m p t a n t plus de
500 m e m b r e s p e u v e n t envoyer un délégué par c h a q u e 500 m e m b r e s de surplus. Les b r a n c h e s q u i ne seraient pas assez riches p o u r envoyer un délégué
peuvent s'adjoindre d'autres b r a n c h e s p o u r contribuer à fournir les frais
d ' u n délégué q u i serait chargé de les représenter. »
Les questions du congrès sont :
1 Quels sont les m o y e n s pratiques capables de r e n d r e l'association internationale un centre c o m m u n d'action p o u r la classe ouvrière (femelle et
mâle) d a n s la lutte qu'elle soutient pour s'affranchir du joug du capital ?
2 C o m m e n t les classes ouvrières peuvent-elles utiliser p o u r leur émancipation le crédit qu'elles d o n n e n t à la bourgeoisie et aux g o u v e r n e m e n t s ?
Salut et fraternité :
Secrétaires Correspondants :
0
0
E . D u p o n t , p o u r l a F r a n c e ; K . M a r x , pour l ' A l l e m a g n e ; Zabicki, pour l a
Pologne ; A . J u n g , p o u r la Suisse ; P . F o x , p o u r l ' A m é r i q u e ; Besson, pour la
Belgique ; Carter, pour l'Italie ; P. Lafargue, p o u r l'Espagne ; H a n s e n , pour
la H o l l a n d e et p o u r le D a n e m a r k .
G. Odger, président.
G. Eccarius, vice-président.
W. Dell, trésorier.
Shaw, secrétaire-trésorier.
Peter Fox, secrétaire-général.
16, Castle-street, Oxford-street. |
258
Karl
Marx
Le statisticien Otto H ü b n e r sur la m i s è r e de m a s s e
en
Allemagne
Le Courrier français.
Nr. 81, 6. September 1867
Dans u n e circulaire q u e M. Otto H ü b n e r , directeur des Archives centrales
statistiques (à Berlin), a adressé à ses électeurs pour le Reichstag, on lit :
Le p e u p l e est plus q u e surchargé. A part les fabriques des armes, presque
toutes les industries sont paralysées. Des centaines de candidats affamés
5 briguent les plus petits emplois publics. D a n s les villes, le n o m b r e des m a i sons inhabitées et des habitants, hors d'état de payer leurs logements, va
croissant. D e s terres et des m a i s o n s t o m b e n t en masse sous la subhastation. Les m a i s o n s de charité sont assiégées par des vainqueurs estropiés et
par des ouvriers sans travail. Partout la confiance d a n s le présent et d a n s
10 l'avenir font défaut. Le b u d g e t m ê m e du plus pauvre lui d o n n e la leçon,
qu'il paie déjà les services de l'Etat beaucoup plus cher qu'ils ne valent.
259
ANHANG
Protokolle
und Wiedergaben
Marxscher Reden
T h e Minute Book
of t h e Provisional Central Council
of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association
O c t o b e r 5, 1864 to A u g u s t 28, 1866
Meeting of the Committee October 5,
1864
International Working Men's Association
The first Meeting of the Committee elected by the Public Meeting held at St Martin's Hall on the 2 8 of September 1864 was held at 18 Greek St, Soho on October
5 1864 and on the motion of Mr Weston seconded by Mr Whitlock Mr G. Odger
was voted to the Chair.
The Chairman said the first business was the appointment of a Secretary to the
Committee when Dr Marx proposed and Mr Whitlock seconded that Mr Cremer be
appointed.
Mr Cremer would prefer the appointment of M Le Lubez who was he believed in
every way qualified to fill the office, M Le Lubez having for various reasons declined the office, Mr Cremer was unanimously elected.
The next Question discussed was the Meeting nights of the Committee when
several resolutions and amendments were proposed but ultimately on the motion of
Mr Longmaid seconded by Mr Dell it was carried with one dissentient
That untili the Association is in working order the Committee meet at 18 Greek
St every Tuesday evening at 8 o'clock.
A Question being asked as to the expenses of Meeting in the Room it was agreed
to adjourn the consideration of that matter till the Council of the Universal League
had decided on what terms they could allow us the use of the Room.
The Question of the rate of Contributions was then discussed when Mr Noble
proposed and Mr Whitlock seconded,
That for the present the rate of Contributions for the Committee be Is per Quarter but that further voluntary Contribution be accepted ||[2]| from any Member or
Friend.
As an amendment Mr Worley proposed and Mr Longmaid seconded,
That the preliminary expenses of the Committee be defrayed by voluntary Contributions from members of the Committee and other Friends—
For amendment 6—For Resolution 14—Carried.
A Subscription of 3 Guineas was then made by the members present and on the
motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Blackmore Mr G. Wheeler was unanimously
elected Treasurer to the Committee—
th
th
267
The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the 1. W. M. A.
M Le Lubez then proposed Mr Whitlock seconded and it was unanimously
agreed to that the following be added to the Committee:
Vasbenter, Morrissot, Jourdain, Leroux, Bordage, Aldovrandi.
On the motion of Major Wolff seconded by Mr Holtorp M Setacci, Mr Carter and
Professor Beesly were added to the General Committee. The Question of appointing Secretaries to the different nationalities represented on the Committee was then
discussed and on the motion of Mr Whitlock seconded by Major Wolff M Le Lubez
was unanimously elected corresponding Secretary for France.
On the motion of Mr Whitlock seconded by Dr Marx M Holtorp was elected
corresponding secretary for Poland.
Dr Marx stated that the German Working Men's Association would elect a corresponding Secretary for Germany.
Major Wolff made a similar statement with regard to the Italian Working Men's
Association.
A long discussion then took place with regard to the election of a General Honorary Secretary and the position he should occupy in relation to the Secretaries of the
various nationalities and on the motion of Mr Wheeler seconded by Major Wolff
Mr Cremer ||[3]| was unanimously elected Honorary General Secretary. Mr Cremer
stated he would have preferred the election of M Le Lubez who was in every way
qualified to occupy so important a post but as M Le Lubez positively declined he
Mr Cremer would accept it untili the Association had adopted a platform of principles, framed their Laws, and fairly started. He should then resign the office—
A very long and animated discussion then took place with regard to the principles on which the Association should be based and ultimately on the motion of Mr
Dell seconded by Mr Trimlett a Sub Committee of 9 were appointed to draw up a
platform of principles such principles to be discussed at the next meeting of the
General Committee, The following were then elected as the Sub Committee, Messrs
Whitlock, Weston, Dr Marx, M Le Lubez, Major Wolff, M Holtorp and Mr Pidgeon, The Chairman and Secretary to be members by virtue of their offices. The
Meeting then adjourned to Tuesday October 1 1 1864.
th
President
W.R. C r e m e r Hon General Secretary/
268
10,
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The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council
of the International Working Men's Association
October 5, 1864 to August 28, 1866. Seite [1].
Handschrift von William Randall Cremer
und einem unbekannten Schreiber
Meeting of the Subcommittee October 8,
1864
/[3]/ Sub Committee Meeting held at 80 White Cross St
October 8 1864
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Present, Major Wolff, M Le Lubez, Messrs Odger, Cremer and Weston, Mr Odger
in the Chair—
Mr Weston brought forward and read a paper which he had drawn up as a declaration of principles, A very long discussion took place regarding the principles |
I [4] I set forth in the paper and it was ultimately decided on the motion of M Le Lubez seconded by Major Wolff,
That Mr Weston be requested to abridge and alter his paper and that it be then
recommended by the Sub to the General Committee as the programme of the association.
Major Wolff then proposed and Mr Cremer seconded the following resolution
That this Committee suggests as the basis of its operations the promotion of the
Moral, Intellectual and Economical Progress of the Working Classes of Europe by
coming to an understanding with the various Working Men's Associations all over
Europe in order to obtain unity of purpose and unity of action, the two great means
of arriving at the above named results. C a r r i e d U n a n i m o u s l y .
Major Wolff then read the rales of the Italian Working Men's Association who
have for some time been endeavouring throughout Italy to unite into one Fraternal
Bond the various Working Men's Associations—
The rules were highly approved by the Committee and on the motion of
Mr Cremer seconded by M Le Lubez it was decided to recommend them to the
General Committee for their adoption.
M Le Lubez then proposed and Cremer seconded
That we recommend to the General Committee to fix the rate of Contribution at
a sh. a year for Individuals and that for such sum each member be presented with a
card and that the rate of Contribution from organised bodies be as low as it can possibly be made.
Resolution carried unanimously.
Adjourned.
President
W. R. C r e m e r Honorary Gen Secretary |
271
Meeting of the Committee October 11,
1864
I[5]I General Committee Meeting October 11 1864
The minutes of the former meeting having been read, on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by M Le Lubez they were passed as correct.
The Secretary then read the Minutes of the Sub Committee held on the 8 which
Minutes were generally approved and Mr Weston read the paper he had at the recommendation of the Sub Committee abridged, and which he believed would serve
the Association as a platform of principles.
A very long discussion took place on the contents of the paper and Major Wolff
having at the request of the Committee brought forward and read the rules of the
Italian Working Men's Association, it was ultimately decided on the motion of
Mr Carter seconded by Mr Wheeler—
That the paper read by Mr Weston and the rules as read by Major Wolff be referred back to the Subcommittee for revision. Mr Dell then proposed and Mr Hartwell seconded
That the best thanks of the Committee be given to Major Wolff and Mr Weston
for the abilities they have displayed, Mr Weston in drawing up the paper and Major
Wolff in translating into English the Rules of the Italian Working Men's Association. C a r r i e d U n a n i m o u s l y .
Mr Cremer then proposed and Mr Whitlock seconded That persons becoming
members of this Association shall pay not less than Is per annum and that the rate
of contribution for organised bodies be hereafter determined. C a r r i e d U n a n i mously.
It was then discussed as to what should be the name of the Association and
Mr Wheeler proposed and Mr Leno seconded
That the Subcommittee be deputed to enquire into and report to this Committee
as to the advisability of merging this Association into the Universal League. |
|[6]| Mr Leno said as the objects sought by both Associations were almost synonymous it would be far better to unite them and thereby unite their efforts. As an
amendment Mr Whitlock proposed and Mr Eccarius seconded
That the name of the Association be the International Working Men's Association.
For the Amendment 16 for Resolution 4.
th
272
Meeting of the Committee October 11, 1864
The Association is therefore entitled the International Working Men's AssociationIt having been stated that Major Wolff was about to visit Naples and would attend the Working Men's Congress about being held in that City, Mr Cremer proposed and M Le Lubez seconded
That Major Wolff be deputed to enquire of the Italian Working Men through
their deputies in Congress assembled if they are willing to enter into a fraternal
bond with the Working Men of the other countries of the world and if they are on
what basis such bond should be established. C a r r i e d U n a n i m o u s l y .
The Secretary was instructed to forward to Major Wolff Credentials from this
Committee.
The following were then added to the general Committee
M Rybczinski proposed by M Holtorp seconded by Mr Fox
M Talandier proposed by Major Wolff seconded by Mr Fox
M G. Nusperli proposed by M Le Lubez seconded by M Bordage
Mr G. P. Fontana proposed by Major Wolff seconded by Mr Lama
Mr J. R. Taylor proposed by Wheeler seconded by Whitlock and
on the motion of Major Wolff seconded by M Le Lubez Mr M. G. Nusperli was
elected corresponding Secretary for Switzerland.
The meeting then adjourned to October 18 1864.
I. G. ECCARIUS, V. President
W. R. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary |
273
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l O c t o b e r 18,
1864
|[7]| Central Council Meeting October 18, 1864
The President being absent on important business, on the motion of Mr Weston
seconded by Mr Fox—Mr Eccarius was elected to take the Chair—and the minutes
of the former meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Mr Fox
seconded by Holtorp—
Mr Wolff of Luxembourg was then elected a Member of the Council on the proposition of Lubez seconded by Bordage.
Mr Taylor then referred to his position in connection with the Universal League
and this Council but having been called to order by the Chairman, Mr Taylor stated
his intention to (for the present) withdraw from the Council—
M Le Lubez then read the programme and Rules which the Sub Committee had
agreed to submit to the Gen Council. After the reading of the above a long discussion took place, Mr Worley objecting to the statement that the Capitalist was opposed to the Laborer—he also ridiculed the Idea of the French supplanting English
Workman or vice versa.
Mr Carter in some pertinent remarks replied to Mr Worley as did M Le Lubez,
Dr Marx and others after which Mr Cremer proposed Marx seconded
That the programme as read by Le Lubez be adopted—
As an amendment Mr Worley proposed and Weston seconded to strike out the
Words—Capital and Land in the hands of the few—
For the Amendment 2, for the Resolution 12—
Mr Fontana then proposed Lama seconded that the substance of the programme
be accepted. Carried Unanimously.
Mr Fox on the motion of Mr Fontana seconded by Wheeler was added to the Sub
Committee who were instmcted to put into a definite form the Preamble and Rules
and submit the same to the next Meeting of the Central Council—
A Letter was read from Mr Facey announcing his resignation as a Member of the
Central Council. A Letter was also ||[8]| read from Major Wolff explaining a misunderstanding which had arisen from his having opposed the election of M Sassinari,
the explanation was considered satisfactory.
Mr Morgan on the proposition of Mr Carter seconded by Wheeler was elected on
the Central Council—
274
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30
st
The Meeting then adjourned to November 1 .
J. G. E c c a r i u s Vice President
W. R. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary /
[Auszug aus The Bee-H i ve Newspaper]
Nr. 158, 22. Oktober 1864
Mr. Cremer then read several letters from foreign workmen, congratulating the association on its formation, and promising their hearty co-operation in carrying out its
objects—the solidarity of the interests of labour.
275
Meeting of the Central Council N o v e m b e r 1,
1864
st
/ [ 8 ] / Central Council Meeting Nov'r 1 1864
Mr G. Odger in the Chair.
The Minutes of the former meeting were confirmed as read—on the proposition
of Lubez seconded by Eccarius—The following were elected on the CC
Mr Side proposed by Whitlock seconded by Cremer
Mr Pfander proposed by Marx seconded by Eccarius
Mr Lessner proposed by Marx seconded by Eccarius
Mr Jung proposed by Nusperli seconded by Lubez
Mr Dick proposed by Blackmore seconded by Carter
Mr Merriman proposed by Dell seconded by Blackmore
Mr Grossmith proposed by Dell seconded by Blackmore
Mr Dupont proposed by Lubez seconded by Carter.
Dr Marx then read the Preamble, Address and Rules which the Sub Committee
had definitely agreed on and which they recommended to the CC for adoption.
Mr Whitlock thought some explanation (in the form of a foot note) should be given
as to the terms Nitrogen and Carbon.
Messrs Carter, Grossmith and others spoke in favor of the address—
Mr Whitlock proposed Mr Carter seconded
That the address do pass as readAs an amendment Mr Worley proposed and Mr Wheeler seconded
That the word Profltmongers be erased—
For amendment 11 for resolution |¡[9]¡ 10, the amendment being carried the word
Profltmongers was struck out and the address was unanimously agreed to.
Dr Marx then read the preamble and on the motion of Mr Wheeler seconded by
Blackmore it was Carried Unanimously.
The Rules were then discussed and on the proposition of Mr Dell seconded by
Whitlock the Preamble, Address and Rules were unanimously agreed to—Mr
Wheeler then proposed and Mr Dell seconded
That the thanks of the CC be given to Dr Marx, Mr Weston and M Le Lubez for
their exertions and the production of so admirable an address. Carried Unanimously.
276
The question of printing the Rules was adjourned to the next Meeting. The
Council then adjourned to November 8 .
th
J. G. ECCARIUS, V. President
[Auszug aus The Bee-Hive Newspaper]
Nr. 160, 5. November 1864
Mr. Cremer, the secretary, reported the proceedings since last meeting with respect
to communicating with various organisations of working men throughout England,
as to the propriety of joining the association, which were generally of an encouraging character. Mr. Le Lubez, secretary of the French section, read a very interesting
letter from M. Tolain, of Paris, on behalf of the French workmen, congratulating the
English committee on the progress they were making, and stating that active steps
were being taken throughout France and Switzerland, in forming branches of the
association in the principal towns of these countries. The secretaries of the German
and Italian sections read similar letters from associations of workmen in those
countries, the latter stating that during the past week delegates from upwards of
400 working men's associations in Italy had been sitting in congress at Naples,
where a representative from the English association, Mr. Wolff, had been in attendance, and who would report the result of the congress at the next meeting.
277
1864
th
/[9]/ Central Council Meeting November 8 1864.
Mr Eccarius in the Chair.
The minutes of the previous meeting on the motion of Mr Fox seconded by
Mr Holtorp were confirmed,
The Secretary read a letter from Professor Beesly respectfully declining to serve
on the Committee, also from M Talandier thanking the Committee for electing him
a member and wishing to know if he could remain a member without taking part in
or attending the Meetings as the distance he lived from London would prevent his
doing so, a Letter was also read from M Bocquet asking the same question.
The following were then elected on the Central Council
Mr George Lochner proposed by Marx seconded by Carter
Mr William Kaub proposed by Marx seconded by Carter
Mr Bolleter proposed by Holtorp seconded by Fontana
Mr Austin Holyoake proposed by Mr Fox seconded by Weston.
Dr Marx proposed Mr Jung seconded that any person not ||[10]| being able to attend the Meetings cannot be a member of this Council. Dr Marx called attention to
the reports in the Morning Star and Bee-Hive of the last Meeting and complained
that in such reports one of the fundamental principles of the Association viz, Truth,
had been violated, he also complained of the Address having been published without the sanction of the Committee.
The Secretary explained that he had nothing to do with the reports at which he
was very much surprised, he believed Mr Hartwell had supplied the reports in question.
To obviate the recurrence of such erroneous reports Dr Marx proposed Mr Fontana seconded that the Sec purchase a Manifold writer and that for the future all reports for the Press be sent through the Secretary.
Mr Aldovrandi proposed and Mr Carter seconded that Dr Marx be requested to
correct the typographical errors in the Address and that 500 Copies of the Address,
Programme and Rules be printed. Carried Unanimously,
Mr Dick proposed Dr Marx seconded that the question of Cards be left till the
next meeting.
Mr Morgan proposed Mr Weston seconded that all members be summoned to
278
the next meeting and that those who do not attend or apologise for their absence be
considered as wishing to withdraw from the Council. Carried Unanimously,
Mr Cremer gave notice of his intention of calling the attention of the Committee
to the advisability of providing a home for the Association. The Meeting then adjourned.
W. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary |
Nr. 161, 12. November 1864
Mr. Cremer, the secretary, read a mass of correspondence relating to the movement
of a most interesting and encouraging character.
The preamble and general rules of the association read at the last meeting having
been confirmed, the bye laws were taken into consideration, and considerable discussion ensued thereon previous to adoption. The two most important were the following:—"That persons residing in any part of England can join the association,
but that no member can be elected upon the General Committee who is unable to
attend its meetings and assist in its deliberations." "That the subscription to the association in England shall for the present be Is. per annum, for which a card of
membership will be given."
279
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l N o v e m b e r 15,
|[11]|
1864
Central Council Meeting November 15 1864
The Minutes of the former Meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Mr Weston seconded by Whitlock.
The Secretary read letters from several members apologising for their non-attendance, a long discussion took place regarding absent members of the Council who reside too far away to allow them to attend its meetings. A Resolution proposed by
Mr Whitlock seconded by Mr Dick to elect them corresponding Members of the
Committee was ultimately withdrawn with the understanding that as the present
Committee was merely provisional in its character that all who had been elected on
it should remain but that no new member should be elected who resided at such a
distance as to preclude him from attending the Meetings.
Mr Cremer then proposed M Le Lubez seconded that 1,000 Address and Rules
be printed. Carried Unanimously,
Mr Dick proposed that the design for the cards be referred to the Sub Committee
and that 1,000 be printed.
A long discussion then took place with regard to the terms on which organised
Bodies should be received into the Association and ultimately on the motion of
Dr Marx seconded by Mr Blackmore the question was adjourned to the next meeting.
Mr Cremer then brought forward a plan to provide a home for the Association
which was agreed to be referred to the Sub Committee—
The Secretary then stated that as he had only accepted office till the Rules had
been framed and adopted and such having been done he ||[12]| now tendered his
resignation, the meeting having refused to accept the resignation.
Mr Blackmore proposed Mr Whitlock seconded, That Mr Cremer be requested
still to continue office till after the assembling of the Congress. Carried Unanimously.
Mr Cremer would have preferred that the Meeting had elected another but he
would accept it on the condition viz that it was to be an honorary position,
Mr Weston proposed Mr Longmaid seconded a vote of thanks to the Bee-Hive
for the insertion of the Address, Rules etc. Carried Unanimously.
280
Mr Dick proposed Mr Whitlock seconded, that M Le Lubez be elected assistant
secretary. Carried Unanimously.
The Meeting then adjourned to November 22.
W. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary /
[Zu S. 280.13-14]
Nr. 162, 19. November 1864
The address and rules of the association, agreed to at the last meeting, were ordered
to be printed for circulation, and to be signed by the whole of the members of the
general committee.
281
Meeting of t h e Central Council N o v e m b e r 22,
/[12]/
1864
Central Council Meeting November 22/64
The minutes of the former meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Dr Marx seconded by Mr Dell. The following were then elected on the Central Council
Mr Buckley proposed by Dell seconded by Shaw
Mr Lake proposed by Dell seconded by Shaw
M Solustri proposed by Fontana seconded by Setacci
L. Otto proposed by Eccarius seconded by Dr Marx.
Some correspondence was then read from Major Wolff and Mr Joshua Wood,
Mr Dick proposed Mr Dell seconded That the Bee-Hive be made the organ of the
Association. C a r r i e d U n a n i m o u s l y . Mr Cremer then brought forward his motion regarding a Home for the Association and he proposed that three Trustees be
elected to take a Home for the Association.
Carried Unanimously. |
|[13]| The following were then elected as Trustees
Mr G. Wheeler proposed by Mr Dell seconded by Mr Fontana
Mr W. Dell proposed by Dr Marx seconded by Mr Fox
Mr Weston proposed by Jung seconded by Lubez.
Mr Morgan then proposed and Mr Dick seconded that the Sub Committee be 2
empowered to take suitable premises as a Home for the Association and that the
members of the Council be recommended to give to the Trustees a small personal
guarantee securing them against any loss. Carried Unanimously, The following
members of the Committee then gave guarantees for the following sums
Dr Marx
Mr Cremer
Fox
Eccarius
Holtorp
Rybczinski
£
s
d
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
10
10
10
10
10
0
0
0
0
0
0
Mr Howell
Leroux
Lama
Setacci
Carter
Fontana
£
s
d
0
0
0
0
0
2
5
10
10
10
10
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
30 '-;>
If]
Bolleter
Lessner
Otto
Morgan
Kaub
Dick
0
0
0
0
0
0
10
10
10
10
10
10
0
0
0
0
0
0
Jung
Lubez
Μ Id]
1
0
0
1
0
0
Dr Marx proposed Mr Wheeler seconded That organised bodies of Working Men
be invited to join this Association in their cooperative capacity, the amount of their
contributions to be left to their means and discretion—Dr Marx proposed
Mr Wheeler seconded—
That societies joining this Association shall have the ||[14]| Power to elect a re
presentative to sit on the Central Council, the Council reserving to itself the power
to accept or reject such Delegates. Carried Unanimously—
The following were then elected as Vice Presidents of the Central Council
Mr Eccarius proposed by Mr Dell seconded by Dr Marx
Mr Setacci proposed by Mr Wheeler seconded by Fontana.
The following were also elected as deputies to visit organised bodies of Workmen
Mr Jung proposed by Mr Lubez seconded by Dr Marx
Kaub proposed by Jung seconded by Fox
Fontana proposed by Wheeler seconded by Lubez
Morgan proposed by Jung seconded by Lubez
Le Lubez proposed by Wheeler seconded by Fontana
Howell proposed by Wheeler seconded by Le Lubez
Weston proposed by Jung seconded by Eccarius.
Dr Marx proposed Mr Howell seconded that Mr L. Otto be authorised to corre
spond in the name of this Association with the friends of progress in Spain. Carried
Unanimously,
Mr Dick proposed Mr Howell seconded that an address of congratulation for the
re-election of Mr Lincoln be presented by this council to the People of America
and that the Sub Committee do prepare the same. Carried Unanimously,
Mr. Wheeler then proposed Mr Fontana seconded that Messrs Carter and Howell
be added to the Sub Committee. Carried Unanimously,
th
The Meeting then adjourned to the 29 .
283
The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I. W. M. A.
[Zu S. 282.11-12 und 283.12-14]
The Bee-Hive Newspaper
Nr. 163, 26. November 1864
M. Le Lubez brought up the report of the Sub-Committee, which recommended
that the Bee-Hive be made the special organ of the association, and that the members take up shares in the same. After some discussion, on the motion of Mr. Dick,
seconded by Mr. Dell it was unanimously decided "That the Bee-Hive be the organ
of the association, and that the members be recommended to take up shares."
1-]
It was also decided that societies in London who join the association shall have
the power to elect a representative to sit on the Central Council, the Council reserving to itself the power to receive or reject such representative. With regard to societies in the provinces who may join, it was decided that they should have the power
to elect a corresponding member of the association.
284
J[15]|
Central Council Meeting November
1864
29/64
The President in the Chair.
The minutes of the former meeting having been read Mr Eccarius proposed Lessner seconded their confirmation. Carried Unanimously, The following were then
added to the Council: Mr D. Cornelius, Mr Thos Smales, and Mr Petersen on the
motion of Mr Eccarius seconded by Mr Lessner, Mr Alexander Schantzenbach proposed by Holtorp seconded by Rybczinski, Dr G. Bagnagatti proposed by Fontana
seconded by Lama, Mr Hopkin Williams proposed by Mr Weston seconded by
Mr Fox.
The following resolution was then proposed by Dr Marx seconded by Mr Fontana
and Carried Unanimously—That no one be elected on the CC who has not previously paid his Annual Subscription as a Member of this Association—
Dr Marx then brought up the report of the Sub Committee, also a draft of the
address which had been drawn up for presentation to the People of America congratulating them on their having re-elected Abraham Lincoln as President.
The address is as follows and was unanimously agreed to.
|[16]| A long discussion then took place as to the mode of presenting the address
and the propriety of having an MP with the Deputation, this was strongly opposed
by many Members who said Working Men should rely on themselves and not seek
for extraneous aid. The Sec stated he had corresponded with the American Minister
and he the Sec had no doubt that if Mr Adams was asked that he would appoint a
time to receive the deputation. It was then proposed by Whitlock seconded by Eccarius and Carried Unanimously—That the Sec correspond with the United States
Minister asking him to appoint a time for receiving the deputation, such deputation
to consist of the Members of the CC.
Mr Wheeler proposed Le Lubez seconded, that the names of all those who are
present be appended to the Address, also those who are absent and are willing to
endorse the views set forth in the Address;
Question of Members' Cards. Mr Lubez proposed Mr Lama seconded that
1000 Cards be printed and that Id each be charged for them. Carried Unanimously.
285
Mr Fox then brought forward the following Resolutions which were seconded by
Mr Wheeler spoken to by Mr Holtorp and unanimously adopted—
Resolved that the Polish War of Independence was made in the general interests
of the peoples of Europe that in its defeat the cause of civilization and human Progress suffered a severe shock, 2 That Poland has an unimpeachable claim upon the
leading nations of Europe to contribute by every necessary means towards the restoration of her National Sovereignty. Mr Fox also proposed that an Address from
the British section of the Central Council be drawn up and presented to the Polish
People—
It was referred to the Sub Committee ||[17]] to prepare such Address, The Meeting then adjourned till Dec'r 13.
n d
W. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary/
[Zu S. 285.13-15 und 286.1-7]
The sub-committee brought up the draft of an address of congratulation to Mr. Lincoln, on his re-election as President of the United States, and to the people of the
North for their determination to persevere in the present struggle until slavery was
entirely abolished on the American Continent.
Mr. P. Fox, reminding the meeting that the day (Nov. 29) was the anniversary of
the Polish insurrection of 1830, then brought forward the following resolutions:—
"That the Polish war of independence of 1830-1 was made in the general interests of the people of Europe; and that in its defeat the cause of civilisation and human progress suffered a severe defeat.
That Poland has an unimpeachable claim upon the leading nations of Europe
binding them to contribute by every necessary measure towards the restoration of
her national sovereignty."
Mr. Wheeler seconded the adoption of the resolutions, which was supported by
Dr. Marx, Mr. Holtorp, and others.
286
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l D e c e m b e r 13,
/[17]/
1864
Central Council Meeting Dec 13 1864
f
Vice President Eccarius in the Chair.
The minutes of the former meeting having been read on the motion of Mr Dell
seconded by Mr Whitlock were confirmed, The following was then elected on the
5 Central Council
Mr Hansen proposed by Bolleter seconded by Lessner—
The Secretary stated that he had corresponded with Mr Adams the United States
Minister and had arranged with his Secretary for the Council to present the Address
on Tuesday next the 20 t h inst. at 6 o'clock in the evening, Mr Le Lubez proposed
•·'- 10 and Mr Whitlock seconded—That the Council meet on Tuesday evening next at
18 Greek St at 6 o'clock in the Evening. Carried Unanimously—
Dr Marx proposed and Mr Dell seconded that Mr Whitlock be elected Financial
Secretary. Carried Unanimously—
ig*Mr Fox then read the Address which he proposed should be adopted by the Britus-15 ish section of the Association and then transmitted to the National Government of
*;V' '
Poland, a long discussion took place consequent on certain statements contained in
the Address and which statements were opposed by Mr Jung, Le Lubez, Dr Marx
ψ-:·'
and supported by Mr Carter. Mr Fox replied defending the statement that the tradi& ί;
tional Foreign Policy of France had been favourable to the restoration and Indepen
dí- 20 dence of Poland, Mr Cremer thought it important that the truth of this statement
should be ||[18]| ascertained and would propose that the further consideration of the
address be deferred till the next Meeting. Mr Morgan seconded the motion. Carried
Unanimously.
Mr Cremer proposed that during the ensuing Holidays a festive gathering of the
members and Friends be held to celebrate the foundation of the International AssoΚρι
ciation and that for the purpose of carrying out the foregoing a Committee of 3 be
appointed to make enquiries and report to the next meeting. Carried Unanimously.
Messrs Fontana, Bolleter and Cremer were elected as the Committee—
Mr Fontana then stated he had been deputed by the Italian Working Men's Asso'ϊ&»30 ciation in London which Association numbered about 350 Members, to ask for
their admission into the association, and he could also state the Band of that Asso
ciation would attend the festive gathering—Mr Bolleter stated he had no doubt the
25
287
German Chorus would also attend, Mr Whitlock proposed and Le Lubez seconded,
that the Italian Working Men's Association be admitted as Members of the Interna*
tional Association. Carried Unanimously. The meeting then adjourned.
John W e s t o n Vice President pro tem
5i,
[Zu S. 287.14-20]
Nr. 166, 17. Dezember 1864
Mr. Fox then brought up the address from the British Section of the Association to
the National Government of Poland, when a very long and animated discussion
took place, in which the following members took part:—Messrs. Le Lubez, Holtorp, 10
Cremer, Marx, Carter, Weston, Jung, the latter opposing a statement set forth in the
address, viz., that the traditional foreign policy of France had been favourable to
the restoration and independence of Poland. Karl Marx, and M. Le Lubez also
agreeing that while the foreign policy of France had appeared to favour such an object, in reality it had not, especially during the time of the first Napoleon, when the is:
Poles had been used for his military ambition, and then cast aside.
288
Meeting of the Central Council D e c e m b e r 20,
/[18]/
1864
Central Council Meeting Dec'r 20 1864
Mr Weston in the Chair—The minutes of the previous meeting having been read
were confirmed on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Fontana. A discussion
took place as to the Soiree, the Sub Committee having reported the price of Halls
5 and Mr Le Lubez proposed Mr Fontana seconded that the ||[19]j Soiree be held in
Cambridge Hall Newman St, on Monday Evening Jan'y 9 , the price of admission
to be a shilling to Tea and 6d after Tea—Mr Cremer read a Letter from Mr Adams
the United States minister suggesting that the Address to President Lincoln be sent
to him Mr Adams instead of being brought—Dr Marx proposed Mr Fontana secID onded
That the Secretary send the Address to Mr Adams. Mr Worley proposed
Mr Wheeler seconded that Mr Adams be again appealed to to receive the Deputation—For Amendment 5 for resolution 13. Mr Fox then resumed his defence of the
Address to the Polish National Government and in an able address contended for
15 the truth of the assertions therein contained, after some discussion it was agreed to
adjourn the question till the next Meeting. The Meeting then adjourned to Thursday Dec'r 29.
th
289
Meeting of the Central Council
/[19]/
D e c e m b e r 29,
1864
Central Council Meeting Dec'r. 29-1864
Mr Eccarius in the Chair—
The minutes of the previous meeting having been read were confirmed on the
motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr Le Lubez—
The question of cards of membership was then discussed and it was ultimately
agreed that the cards being so badly executed they should be returned to the
printer,
The Soiree was then discussed and on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Mr
Fox it was agreed to invite Messrs Beales, Beesly and Harrison, also that the Secretary send ||[20]| cards of invitation to the Editors of the Weekly Papers, it having
been stated that the Italian Band could not attend on the 9 , it was agreed to postpone the Soiree till the 16 of January.
Mr Fox stated in the absence of Dr Marx he should defer any discussion on the
address to the National Government of Poland.
A long and desultory discussion then took place on the propriety of the Association taking up the question of the Suffrage and ultimately Mr Cremer gave notice of
his intention to move at the first opportunity that the council deem it desirable to
agitate for the complete Suffrage. It was then agreed that the Council for the future
meet on Tuesday Evening, Thursday being too late for the Press, the meeting then
adjourned to Tuesday Jan'y 3/65.
th
th
290
Meeting of the Central Council January 3,
1865
rd
/[20]/ Central Council Meeting Jan'y 3 1865
Mr Eccarius in the Chair—The Secretary read the minutes of the former meeting
which were confirmed on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Dr Marx. Dr Marx
handed in a German translation of the Address and Rules of the Association and
" stated that 50,000 Copies had been circulated in Germany, he also stated that a
Branch of the Association was being formed in Switzerland—
A discussion then took place with regard to the non-appearance in the Bee-Hive
of the address to Mr Lincoln and the following was then proposed by Mr Buckley
seconded by Mr Odger, that the Editor of the Bee-Hive ||[21]| be written to request10 ing him to publish the Address in the next issue— Carried Unanimously.
Mr Fontana then handed in the following Address
To the Central Council
of the International Working Men's Association—
Friends, The Association instituted for mutual progression amongst the Italian
15 Working Men residing in London give their full approbation to your aims and
method.
They enter your compact and pledge themselves to the fulfilment of the duties
contained in it.—A bond of union has been formerly established in the recent
Working Men's Congress at Naples between most of the Italian Working Men's As* sociations.—A central direction has been elected and we have no doubt that what
we now do, will be done at no distant period by that central direction for the bulk of
our Italian confederate Brothers. To establish a general practical brotherhood, a
general unity of aim amongst the Working Men of all nations, to promote everywhere and on the same basis their moral, intellectual and economical improve-' ment, to embrace according to opportunities afforded all the important Questions
• -r affecting the condition of Working Men, from taxation, electoral reform and political rights to mutual relief societies, cooperation, and educational institutions (for
this must be your aim), is no doubt a bold attempt fraught with difficulties requir, ing time and a persisting unconquerable activity on our part, still it is a grand moral
•» fe;'
291
and truly religious aim. It elevates our tastes from the inferior narrow ground of local interests to the higher ||[22]| principle of common aspirations for general interests, it points out the dawning of a new era which will cancel inequalities, compulsory ignorance, the present wages system, and [promote] the substitution of equal
duties and rights for all, true national education and the Association system for
producing and consuming—
It is the thing to be attempted and therefore we do join you, may our union last
for ever,
The Council of the Italian Working Men's Association of mutual progress—D. Lama, President, G. P. Fontana, C Setacci, Vice Presidents,
A. Vaccani, Treasurer, G. Geninazzi, F. Fenili, F. Solustri, Glutini, Bilioschy, Velati, Councillors—D G. Bagnagatti, Secretary—
After the reading of the above Dr Marx resumed the adjourned debate on the Address which it is proposed to send to the National Government of Poland, and in a
very able historical resumé argued that the traditional foreign policy of France had
not been favourable to the restoration and independence of Poland. The Address of
Dr Marx was pregnant with important historical facts which would be very valuable
in a published form.
Mr Fox in reply stated he did not defend the foreign policy of modem France, all
he contended for was that the foreign policy of old France had been favourable to
the Independence of Poland.
The following was then proposed by Mr Jung seconded by Le Lubez and unanimously adopted
That the views expressed in the Address concerning the French foreign policy
towards Poland not being borne out by historical facts, that it be amended ||[23]| so
as to accord with the truths of history.
It was then unanimously agreed to invite Messrs Beesly, Beales and Harrison to
the Soiree which is to be held on the 16 inst. The Meeting then adjourned to Jan'y
10 .
th
th
Nr. 169, 7. Januar 1865
Mr. Eccarius also stated two German Working Men's Societies would, he believed,
shortly join the association.
292
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l J a n u a r y 10,
/[23]/
1865
th
Central Council Meeting Jan'y 10 1865
Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting having
been read were confirmed on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by M Le Lubez—
The following address from the three German Working Men's Societies in London was then read by the Secretary
To the Central Council of the Working Men's International AssociationFellow Workmen,—The, Londoner Arbeiter Bildungs Verein, 2, Nassau street, Soho,
at a general meeting, held on the 4th January, 1865, and attended by the delegates
of the two kindred societies in the East and South of London, passed the following
resolution:—"That the three societies, the Londoner Arbeiter Bildungs Verein, the
Teutonia, and the Eintracht, as an affiliated body, join the International Working
Men's Association as one society." The Londoner Arbeiter Bildungs Verein was
founded on February 7th, 1840, and is consequently a quarter of a century old.
During the first years of its existence it was in constant communication with the
Socialists and Chartists of this country. From 1846 to 1848 the French SocialDemocratic Society, the Fraternal Democrats, and this society, were united under
the same roof. It was by means of these international communications that this society was enabled to fulfil a great mission—that of propagating amongst the German working men those principles and ideas which agitated England and France at
a time when all public discussion of social and political questions was next to impossible within the confines of the German Confederation. We have thus acted as
interpreters between the east and west of Europe; we have contributed our mite towards removing the delusion amongst the working men of Germany, that Constitutional Government and the rule of the capitalists are synonymous with the welfare
of the people. We hail with joy the prospect of an enduring international union between the too long estranged working classes of the different countries of Europe,
being convinced that nothing but the combined action of the working men of the
whole of civilised Europe will ever be able to resist the combined action of all the
oppressors of Europe.
293
On behalf of the Eintracht, W. Vogt, L. Loeber, O. P. Kessler.
On behalf of the Teutonia, Α. Klinker, Α. Lorenz, H. Konter.
Arbeiter Bildungs Verein, Gocht, President; P. Van Hofen, Secretary; Schmelzer,
Treasurer.
It was then proposed by Mr. Whitlock, seconded by Mr. Le Lubez, and carried,
"That the three German Societies, having subscribed to the principles of the Inter
national Association, be admitted as affiliated societies, and the delegates from
them take their seats as members of the central council."
A deputation from the National League for the Independence of Poland, and re
presentatives of the National Government of Poland, were then received, their ob
ject being to consult the central council as to the propriety of holding a public
meeting to commemorate the Polish Revolution of 1863. Mr. E.Beales, on behalf of
the National League, and Captain K. Bobczynski, as a representative of the Polish
National Government, addressed the meeting, followed by Messrs. Fox, Dell, Whit
lock, Holtorp, Eccarius, Le Lubez, Jung, Cremer, Bolleter, and Carter, all agreeing
that the independence of Poland was of paramount importance to the peace and
liberties of Europe.
It was then proposed by Mr.Lucraft, seconded by Mr. Eccarius, and unanimously
adopted, "That should the Polish committee call the meeting, this association
pledges itself to assist by all means in its power the commemoration of the glorious,
though unsuccessful, Revolution of 1863."
The sub-committee were appointed to act in conjunction with the Polish com
mittee and the National League to carry out the above resolution.
The Council adjourned to January 17 th .
294
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l J a n u a r y 17,
1865
th
|[24]| Central Council Meeting Jan'y 17 , 1865
Mr Eccarius in the Chair—The Minutes of the previous Meeting having been read,
Mr Holtorp complained that a protest he had made at the last Meeting was not inserted in the minutes. The Secretary said he had no recollection of Mr Holtorp having made a specific or positive protest but if he wished it should be inserted in the
next minutes, agreed to,
The following is the protest referred to, That J. E. Holtorp do protest against Captain K. Bobczynski and his companions who attended the Meeting of the Council
on Jan'y 10 as being the representatives of the Polish Democrats or of the National
Government of Poland.
Mr Wheeler proposed Mr Le Lubez seconded that the minutes with the protest
added be confirmed. Carried Unanimously.
Mr Lubez then proposed Mr Whitlock seconded That the best thanks of the
Council be given to the German Chorus and the Italian Band for their attendance
and performance at the Soiree. Carried Unanimously.
Mr Jung proposed Mr Wheeler seconded
That the Council thank the Ladies who assisted at the refreshment department.
Carried Unanimously.
Mr Fontana then proposed Mr Aldovrandi seconded that Mr Le Lubez be appointed provisional corresponding Secretary for Belgium.
Mr Le Lubez reported that Mr Nusperli, Morgan, Odger and himself had attended a Meeting at Greenwich on the previous Sunday evening and there was a
prospect of a good Branch being established there. Mr Morgan having reported that
several Shoemakers' societies would meet on the 3 0 of this month. |
|[25]| Deputations were appointed to wait on them to ask them to join the Association. The Meeting then adjourned.
J. G. Eccarius Vice President
th
th
295
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council January 24,
/[25]/
1865
th
The Minutes of the former Meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Mr Dell seconded by Le Lubez—
Correspondence was read from Switzerland in reply to a communication which
Mr Jung had forwarded, by Dr Marx from the Compositors' Society of Berlin, also
from the General German Working Men's Association both expressing their entire
concurrence with the principles of the I.W.M.A. and regretting that there were Legal impediments which prevented them from becoming affiliated Members of the
Association but promising to send representatives to the Congress.
Dr Marx also read a very interesting Letter from the Military Commander of St
Louis, and a Letter from M Tolain having reference to the position they occupied
in Paris in relation to I. W. M. A. A discussion then took place concerning certain
statements or rumours in regard to M Tolain and.it was agreed that before any
Cards of Membership were sent to Paris that the truth of such rumours should be
investigated, the following was then elected on the C. C.
Mr Thomas Donatti proposed by Mr Dell seconded by Odger.
Dr Marx then proposed and Mr Whitlock seconded That nominations for the CC
shall be made at least a Week previous to the Election, such Election to take place
in the absence of the Candidate and that the person to be elected shall before his
Nomination have taken a Card of Membership. Carried Unanimously.
The Council then adjourned to Jan'y 3 1 .
st
W. R. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary | *
296
|[26]|
1865
st
Vice President Eccarius in the Chair. The Secretary read the Minutes of the former
Meeting when Citizen Marx stated there was a slight error having reference to the
German Working Men's Association. The error having been rectified the minutes
were confirmed on the motion of Mr Whitlock seconded by Cit Fontana.
A discussion then took place regarding the period when the subscriptions of
Members should begin and end when Cit Marx proposed and Cit Whitlock seconded
That subscriptions begin on the First of January and end on the 3 1 of December—Cit Cremer then proposed and Cit Fontana seconded
That those who have been elected Members of the CC who do not take up their
cards of Membership by the 1 of March next shall after that date be considered as
excluding themselves from the CC—
The Secretary read a Letter from the American Embassy in reply to the address
from the CC to Mr Lincoln, the reply was as follows
st
st
Legation of the United States
London 2 8 Jan'y 1865
th
Sir
I am directed to inform you that the Address of the Central Council of your Association, which was duly transmitted through this Legation to the President of the
United [States], has been received by him.
So far as the sentiments expressed by it are personal they are accepted by him
with a sincere and anxious desire that he may be able to prove himself not unworthy of the confidence which has been recently extended to him by his fellow citizens and by so many of the Friends of Humanity ||[27]| and Progress throughout the
World.
The Government of the United States has a clear consciousness that its policy
neither is nor could be reactionary but at the same time it adheres to the course
which it adopted at the beginning of abstaining everywhere from propagandism and
unlawful intervention. It strives to do equal and exact justice to all States and to all
297
men and it relies upon the beneficial results of that effort for support at home and
for respect and goodwill throughout the World. Nations do not exist for themselves
alone, but to promote the welfare and happiness of mankind by benevolent intercourse and example. It is in this relation that the United States regard their cause
in the present conflict with Slavery, maintaining insurgents as the cause of Human
Nature; and they derive new encouragement to persevere from the testimony of the
Working Men of Europe that the national attitude is favoured with their enlightened approval and earnest sympathies.
I have the honor to be Sir
Your obedient Servant
W. R. Cremer
Charles Francis Adams
Honorary Secretary of
The International Workingmen's Association
London
Cit Marx then read an extract from the St Louis Daily Press eulogistic of our Ad- 15
dress and Rules and expressing their regret ||[28]| at not being able to publish the
whole.
Cit Le Lubez read correspondence from Cit Fontaine the Secretary of the Universal Federation in Belgium, the communication stated that on the 1 1 of Feb'ry the
Federation would decide as to joining the Association, it also stated the Address . \
and Rules had been translated and circulated, and asked for 500 Cards of membership.
Cit Le Lubez proposed and Cit Wheeler seconded that Cit Fontaine be the corresponding Sec (pro tern) in Belgium. Carried Unanimously.
Ì
It was then proposed by Cit Le Lubez seconded by Cit Marx that Citizens 2
Wheeler and Cremer be deputed to attend the Council of the Universal League to
ascertain if the Sub Committee having been locked out of their Meeting place was
j
by the authority or sanction of that Council.
j
Cit Whitlock proposed and Blackmore seconded
[
That a stamp be provided as the seal of the Association. Carried Unanimously. ..30j
Citizens Kaub, Lessner, Eccarius, Le Lubez, Jung, Cremer reported their attendj
ance on organized bodies, they had been every where courteously received and all
i
had promised to further consider the Question—
j
The Secretary then introduced the question of the Suffrage stating there was an > j
attempt being made to organise a Meeting for Manhood Suffrage and he thought 35 j
the Council ought to watch the preliminary proceedings and for that purpose would
]
propose that a deputation be appointed to attend the preliminary Meeting which
j
will be shortly held. ||[29]| A long discussion took place in which Citizens Marx,
j
Whitlock, Wheeler, Le Lubez, Carter took part, Cit Wheeler seconded the résolu- • j
tion which was carried unanimously, the following were then elected as the deputa- •4 ¡
tion
Citizens Carter, Eccarius, Odger, Lubez, Whitlock, Cremer, Wheeler and Dell.
It being stated that Cit Dick a member of the CC was about leaving for New Zealand.
th
298
Cit Carter proposed Cit Wheeler seconded that Cit Dick be appointed as corresponding Secretary for that part of the world; the Meeting then adjourned to Feb'ry
7/65.
[Zu S. 298.16-18]
Nr. 173, 4. Februar 1865
Dr. Marx also read an extract from the St. Louis Daily Press (America) approving the
address and rules of the International, and regretting their limited space would not
allow the entire publication of the address, which, however, they printed in part, in
proof of the deep interest which the association has excited. It may be mentioned
that hundreds of cards have been sent for from Paris, Belgium, etc.; and, although
in some places on the Continent working men are prohibited from openly associating together for such principles as the International has in view, yet even in those
places they are exerting themselves to find some plan whereby they may affiliate
themselves to the association without coming within the power of the law.
299
Meeting of the Central Council February 7,
/[29]/
Central Council Meeting February 7
1865
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Vice president Eccarius in the Chair.
motion of Cit Le Lubez seconded by Cit Marx. Cit Cremer gave the report of the
Sub Committee, they recommended to the CC the following,
That separate cards be issued to Societies joining the Association, such Cards to
be of a general character stating that the Societies whose name it bore had affiliated
itself to the International Association.
2 that all the money subscribed in England for Individual Cards be sent to the
CC but if any Branch of the Association shall incur any legitimate expense, the CC
may if they deem it judicious grant a sum for the liquidation of such debt. |
|[30]| 3 That our continental Brethren be supplied with cards at Is each which
sums to be sent to the CC.
The [above resolutions] were proposed by Cit Cremer seconded by Cit Marx and
Cit Le Lubez then read a letter from Paris referring to the rumours that Cit Tolain was acting under the inspiration of the Palais Royal, a resolution having been
proposed to the effect
That we reluctantly accept Cit Tolain's resignation,
Cit Carter proposed and Cit Wheeler seconded That Cit Tolain's resignation be
not accepted as not the slightest belief is entertained in the above named rumour.
Cit Carter strongly contended for his motion and the resolution having been withdrawn Cit Carter's amendment became the resolution and was Carried Unanimously.
Cit Marx then proposed and Cit Wheeler seconded that Cit Lefort be appointed
as our literary defence in Paris. Carried Unanimously; the Committee then adjourned to Feb'ry 14 .
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Central Council Meeting Feb'ry 14/65
President Odger in the Chair.
The minutes of the former meeting having been read were confirmed on the motion of Cit Fontana seconded by Cit Eccarius,
Cit Marx then stated that a Branch of the I.W.M.A. had been formed in Manchester, he also read a letter from Mr Ernest Jones on the subject of Manhood Suffrage, the letter was fully discussed,
Cit Marx also read an extract from the German [Northern] Star which |
][31]| stated that the Swiss were interesting themselves on behalf of the Association
and that a Meeting of the Republican League and French-Swiss Society had been
held, they had accepted the Rules and would form Branches throughout Switzerland with a Central Council in Geneva. (Cit Le Lubez then read a letter from Paris,
he also expressed his regret at having at the last meeting advised the acceptance of
Cit Tolain's resignation.)
Cit Weston gave the report of the Deputation to the City Shoemakers, they had
been cordially received and requested to attend the next meeting. Citizens Jung
and Morgan confirmed Cit Weston's statement, it had also been suggested that a
deputation be appointed to visit the Shoemakers in Shoe Lane on Feb'ry 27 .
Mr Howell also requested a Deputation should wait on the Bricklayers' Executive, agreed to,
Cit Francis also introduced the Question of Cards of membership which after a
long discussion was adjourned.
The Meeting then adjourned to Feb'ry 2 1 .
J. G. E c c a r i u s President
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Central Council Meeting Feb'ry 21 1865
The minutes of the previous meeting having been read. Cit Le Lubez said that
the remark in the minutes which indicated that he had advised Cit Tolain's resignation to be accepted was not exactly correct, he might have been a little hasty but he
thanked those who had checked him. Cit Fox suggested that a slight alteration be
made in that part of the ||[32]| minutes which referred to the Republican League in
Switzerland, this having been agreed to the minutes were confirmed.
The Secretary said he had received a letter from the Gen Sec of the Operative
Bricklayers stating that the Society having subscribed to the principles of the
I.W.M.A. had agreed to join as an affiliated body. Cit Howell was their representative on the Council.
On the motion of Whitlock seconded by Cit Marx Cit Le Lubez then read some
correspondence from Paris which referred to unpleasant proceedings having taken
place there and as it was generally agreed that it would be difficult to settle the differences by correspondence, it was decided on the proposition of Cit Whitlock seconded by Fontana that Le Lubez be sent to Paris to investigate the differences existing between Cit Lefort and Cit Fribourg. Cit Marx proposed Cit Lessner
seconded that M Schily be appointed to cooperate with Cit Le Lubez in settling the
differences. Carried Unanimously.
It was also agreed that the delegates be invested with power to act as circumstances may determine.
The Secretary then introduced the question of the Suffrage, he also read a letter
from Mr Beales on the question and it was generally understood that no measure
short of manhood Suffrage would receive the support of the Council, it was also
thought advisable that as many as could should attend the meeting on Thursday—
Cit Wolff having returned from his incarceration in the fortress of Alessandria
was warmly congratulated by the Council and Cit Whitlock proposed Cit Wheeler
seconded ||[33]| that the CC offer its congratulations to Cit Wolff on his return to
liberty. Carried Unanimously. Cit Wolff said he had been deputed by Working Men's
Societies in Alessandria and Brescia to express their friendly sentiments towards
the Council, also that they cordially approved the objects of the Association and
hoped soon to enter the bond of fraternal Union.
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Cit Fox then introduced the question of the forthcoming Polish Demonstration
at St Martin's Hall and proposed the following resolution
That the CC of the I.W.M.A. lend their unreserved support to the Commemorative Meeting for Poland on March 1 at St Martin's Hall and they invite the attendance thereat of their Friends. Carried Unanimously. The Meeting then adjourned to
28 .
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[Zu S. 303.1-5]
Nr. 176, 25. Februar 1865
The forthcoming demonstration in St. Martin's Hall on Wednesday next, on behalf
of the suffering patriots of Poland, who have been banished from their country, was
then discussed, and the following resolution was carried unanimously, on the motion of Citizen Fox, seconded by Citizen Marx:—"That the central council of the
15 International Working Men's Association lend their unreserved support to the commemoration meeting for Poland on March the 1st, at St. Martin's Hall, and they invite the attendance thereat of their friends."
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Central Council Meeting Feb'ry 28 1865
motion of Cit Fox seconded by Eccarius.
Cit Le Lubez proposed Cit Morgan seconded, that the Operative Bricklayers be
admitted as an affiliated body and that Cit Howell be admitted to the Central
Council as its representative. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Jung then gave report from Middle district of Shoemakers to which he had
been deputed to attend.
Cit Marx read correspondence from Manchester regarding the Suffrage, he also
stated that he had withdrawn from any connexion with the Social Democrat,
M Le Lubez gave in English and French a report of his Mission to Paris. Cit Fox |
I [34]I read M Schily's Letter in English and French, M Tolain and M Fribourg who
had come from Paris to give the Central Council an opportunity of questioning
them concerning the differences which had sprung up between themselves and M
Lefort, also to defend the course they had pursued, both addressed the Council, Cit
Fox translating their remarks into English,
A very long discussion took place on the report and the remarks of M Tolain and
M Fribourg, the discussion being terminated by the Adoption of the following resolution proposed by Cit Carter seconded by Cit Weston—That the Sub Committee
together with the French Members of the CC meet and further investigate the differences and if possible ascertain who is right. The Council then adjourned to
March 7 .
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Meeting of the Central Council March 7 1865
VP Eccarius in the Chair—The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and confirmed.
Cit Fox then read to the Council the report of the Committee and the resolutions
recommended by it in reference to the Imbroglio in Paris.
It was agreed to consider the resolutions seriatim. The reporter read the following
first Resolution proposed by the Committee
I Whereas Citizen Tolain has several times tendered his resignation and the Central Council has as often refused to accept it the said Council now leaves it to Citizen Tolain and the Paris Administration to reconsider ||[35]| whether or not under
present circumstances this resignation be opportune. The Central Council confirms
beforehand whatever resolution the Administration may come to on this point.
Citizen Le Lubez proposed and Cit Morgan seconded an amendment accepting
the resignation of M Tolain without further words.
Citizens Jung, Dupont, Whitlock and Marx spoke in support of the Resolution.
Citizens Dénouai, Le Lubez and Bordage spoke in support of the Amendment.
On a division the Resolution was carried (Dissentient 4).
The reporter then brought forward the second Resolution viz.
II In deference to the wishes of a meeting of 32 members of the W.M.I.A. held in
Paris Feb'ry 24 and in obedience to the principles of popular Sovereignty and selfgovernment the CC cancels its resolution relating to the appointment of an official
vindicator for the French Press. At the same time the Council seizes this opportunity of expressing its high esteem for Cit Lefort, in particular as one of the initiators
of the I.W.M.A. and in general for his approved public character and further it protests that it does not sanction the principle that none but an Ouvrier is admissable
as an official in our Society—
Cit Wolff proposed that that part of the Resolution which cancelled the nomination of Cit Lefort be omitted. This proposition] was decided by the President to be
equivalent to a rejection of the entire resolution. Cit Wheeler read a Letter on the
subject from A. Campbell now residing in Paris. The Resolution was supported by
the following Citizens Fox, Jung, Dupont, Marx, Kaub, and Carter. Citizens Whitlock, Le Lubez, and Wheeler ||[36]| spoke against it, on a division 11 voted for the
305
The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W.M.A.
Resolution and 9 against. The resolution was therefore carried by 2 majority. Cit
Holtorp neutral. Resolution 3 was then brought forward and discussed.
Ill Resolution—The Council resolves that Citizens Fribourg, Limousin, and Tolain be confirmed in their anterior positions and that the addition to the administration of Citizen Vinçard is acknowledged. Cit Carter proposed the above Resolution be amended as follows—
The CC resolves that the present administration with the addition of Citizen
Vinçard be confirmed, Cit Whitlock seconded the Amendment which was accepted
and unanimously adopted.
The fourth Resolution was then discussed and is as follows—
The CC earnestly requests the administration at Paris to come to an understanding with Citizens Lefort and Beluze so as to admit them and the group of Ouvriers
they represent to be represented in the administration by three Members, but the
CC while expressing such a wish has no power nor desire to dictate to the administration at Paris. Cit Le Lubez opposed this Resolution and Citizen Howell, Jung,
Wheeler, Marx, and Carter approved it. The Resolution was carried without a division.
In consequence of Cit Le Lubez's arguments a conversation ensued as to the
powers of a Branch Society in France, its relations towards the Administration in
Paris and the CC in London.
Cit Whitlock proposed, Cit Wheeler seconded—That in case no compromise be
arrived at the CC declare that the group Lefort after having taken out their Cards of
Membership, have the power under our statutes to form a Branch Society.
Cit Howell proposed, Cit Dell seconded the following amendment—That instead
of passing a formal resolution the CC instruct its French Sec. to make the above
declaration, by Letter, to M Lefort and the administration. Cit Lubez declared his
preference for the Resolution,
The amendment was carried with 2 dissentients—
The 5 11 [37] I Resolution was then discussed and is as follows,
The administration in Paris having expressed its readiness to acknowledge a direct Delegation from the Central Council, the CC accordingly appoints Citizen
Schily to be its Delegate to the said administration.
The Resolution was Carried Unanimously, The Council then adjourned to
March 14 .
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Meeting
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March
1865
14 1865
The Pres in the Chair.
The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. A Letter was read
from Cit Wolff stating that he believed the CC had at their last sitting by cancelling
the appointment of Cit Lefort, departed from the Spirit of Fraternity, he therefore
as a Member of the CC tendered his resignation—The Letter was discussed and Cit
Cremer proposed, Cit Fox seconded that Cit Wolffs resignation be accepted, as an
Amendment Cit Weston proposed, and Cit Whitlock seconded that the question be
deferred to some future time, for Amendment 14—for Resolution 6—The Amendment was declared by the Pres to be earned.
Cit Le Lubez read a Letter from Cit Lefort, he also stated it was a mistake to suppose he had been or was now in any way prejudiced in favor of Lefort or Tolain, he
also read a Letter signed by Citizens Bocquet, Denoual and himself, protesting
against the former decision of the CC in turning out Cit Lefort, and another Letter
signed by Citizens Bordage, Leroux, Denoual, Bocquet, and himself protesting
against the appointment by the CC of anyone not a Frenchman as the Delegate to
the administration in Paris.
Cit Marx stated the protest was unnecessary as he Cit Marx was certain that Cit
Schily would not accept the appointment if there was the slightest opposition to
him, it was against Cit Schily's wish that he had been elected, The President suggested the re-opening of the whole question, this was opposed ||[38]| by Citizens Howell, Kaub and Cremer,
The following Resolution was then proposed by Cit Weston seconded by Cit Morgan and Carried Unanimously—That the CC having the fullest Confidence in Cit
Lefort, earnestly requests him to retain the Card of Membership he has in his possession and hopes that he will use his great influence to form a Branch in France.
Cit Lubez read a Letter from Cit Fontaine asking for his official appointment. Cit
Jung read a Letter from Switzerland, Cit Lubez read a Letter from Lyons, the
answer to which was left to Cit Lubez's discretion.
Cit Howell gave a report of the Meeting at Radieys Hotel on the I I ' inst. between representatives of Working Men, representatives of the Middle Classes and
some few MP's, the Meeting had been convened to discuss the necessity of an agi6
307
tation for Manhood Suffrage and to effect a Union between the MP's, the Middle
and Working Classes which endeavour he thought had failed. After some discussion of the question Cit Cremer proposed, Cit Hartwell seconded that the further
discussion of the question be adjourned. Cit Cremer stated his intention of proposing at the next sitting
That the CC should appoint Delegates to the forthcoming Reform Conference at
Manchester, he also nominated Cit Coulson as a Member of the CC—
Cit Dupont nominated Cit Dévaster as a Member of the CC.
Cit Howell proposed, Cit Jung seconded that the whole of the Resolution passed
at the sittings of March the 7 and 14 bearing on the differences between Cit Lefort, Cit Fribourg, and Cit Tolain be transmitted by the French Corresponding Sec
to the above named Citizens. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Weston gave notice of the following propositions for discussion at the earliest
opportunity
1 Would not an advance of Wages of any particular section of industry be secured at the cost of the other sections.
2 Would not the supposed advantages of a general rise in Wages be negatived
by the corresponding advance in prices.
The Council then adjourned till March 2 1 .
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V.P. Eccarius in the Chair.
The Minutes of the previous meeting after some slight alterations suggested by
Cit Lubez were confirmed.
The following were then elected Member of the CC
Cit Dévaster proposed by Cit Fox seconded by Cit Jung
Cit Coulson proposed by Cit Cremer seconded by Cit Whitlock.
Cit Lessner then nominated Cit H.Klimosch as a Member of the CC. Cit Cremer
proposed Cit Kaub seconded the following Resolution
That a deputation be sent to Manchester to the forthcoming Reform Conference,
such deputation to urge on that Conference the necessity of adopting Manhood
Suffrage as the basis of their agitation and that the Members of the I.W.M.A. are
not prepared to agitate or work for anything less than Manhood Suffrage; some discussion ensued as to remarks which some Members of the CC were said to have
given utterance to viz That while they asked for Manhood Suffrage they were quite
prepared to take anything less. The impropriety of such statements was unanimously condemned and a hope generally expressed that no Member of the CC would
again give utterance to such sentiments, The Resolution was Carried Unanimously.
Cit Cremer proposed that Citizens Howell and Fox be sent as the deputation to
Manchester. Cit Fox declined and proposed that Citizens Howell and Cremer be
elected as the deputation, Cit Whitlock seconded the Resolution which was Carried
Unanimously,
Cit Jung read a Letter from Geneva, the Letter contained an account of an International Banquet which had been held there on the 2 6 of February, the anniver25 sary of the French Revolution of 1848, the Letter also stated that the Subject of the
I.W.M.A. had been discussed at the Banquet and was highly approved, also that 5
Societies in Geneva had joined the Association and several others were considering
the propriety of doing so.
Cit Jung also read a Letter from Cit Fribourg and it was agreed as Cit Lubez was
30 not present to adjourn any discussion on it till the next ||[40]| sitting. The following
Resolution was then proposed by Cit Cremer seconded by Cit Wheeler
That our French Corresponding Sec write to Cit Lefort asking him if he is willing
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to avail himself of the powers contained in the Statutes and referred to in the Resolution passed at the sitting of the 14 inst. Also that he write to Cit Fribourg informing him that the Resolution of the 14 inst. was the practical application of the Statutes and also was carrying out the Resolution passed at the sitting of the 7 inst.
The Resolution was Carried Unanimously.
Cit Fox then proposed Cit Wheeler seconded the following Resolution
That the CC of the I.W.M.A. hereby acknowledges the high value of the services
rendered to it on a recent difficult occasion by Cit Schily and thanks him for the
painstaking zeal and ripe judgement which he brought to bear in discharge of the
commission entrusted to him by the CC.
10
Cit Fox in bringing forward this Resolution said that it had been proposed at a
former sitting to thank Cit Schily but as he, Cit Schily, had been appointed by the
CC as its Special Delegate in Paris it was thought by several Members of the CC
that his appointment was a recognition of the services he had rendered and a proof
of the Confidence the CC had in him, but now that Cit Schily no longer held the 15
position as Special Delegate from the CC the objections to thanking him had lost
their force.
The Council then adjourned till March 28 .
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Meeting of the Central Council March 28 1865
The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. The Secretary
read a Letter from Mr A. Walton announcing that he felt great pleasure in presenting to the Association his Book ||[41]| on Landed Tenures, The offer of Mr Walton
was accepted with thanks.
The Sec also read a Letter from Citizen Le Lubez in answer to one from the Gen
Sec requesting him to communicate certain resolutions to Citizens Lefort and Fribourg. Citizen Le Lubez in his answer stated he had twice written to Citizen Fribourg but had received no reply and that he could no longer (consistent with his
self-respect) correspond with Citizen Fribourg and the Paris Administration but
that he would communicate to Citizen Lefort the request of the Council. The Letter
was discussed by Citizens Fox and Jung both of them stating they could not see
how Citizen Le Lubez could act otherwise, at the termination of the discussion Cit
Fox proposed, Cit Le Lubez seconded, That Cit Dupont be deputed to correspond
with the administration in Paris. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Lubez said he had received a second application from Lyons from Citizens
who stated they were wellknown and who wished to form an administration there;
powers to issue Cards of Membership and if he was satisfied with the guarantees
they gave to form an administration there, were given to Citizen Le Lubez.
Cit Cremer gave the report of the deputation to the Shoemakers' Conference, The
deputation severally addressed the Conference and were listened to with attention,
some questions were asked by [the delegates] and being satisfactorily answered,
the Delegate from Birmingham proposed and the Delegate from Hull seconded the
following resolution which was Carried Unanimously:
That we cordially agree with the principles of the International Association as represented so eloquently by the deputation from that Body and pledge ourselves to
join them for the furtherance of those principles and endeavour to spread their liberal and glorious Ideas among our Constituents. Some discussion took place as to
the advisability of Organized Bodies being necessitated to pay something, but the
discussion being out of order ||[42]| it was discontinued. Cit Whitlock gave a short
report from the Reform Movement after which Cit Lessner proposed Cit Eccarius
seconded that Cit Klimosch be elected on the CC. Carried Unanimously,
311
Cit Bolleter and Cit Lubez nominated Cit Tafery as a Member of the CC—Cit
Fox read a Letter from Cit Beluze to Cit Fribourg giving his reasons for not acting
on the Paris administration.
Cit Cremer proposed, Cit Whitlock seconded That Cit Fox be the Official reporter of the CC for the Press, Carried Unanimously.
The Meeting then adjourned to April 4 .
W. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary
D e l l Chairman /
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[Zu S. 311.17-29]
Nr. 181, I.April 1865
Citizen Le Lubez, the secretary for France, reported that application had been
made to him from Lyons, the Manchester of France, where the prolétaire element is
relatively stronger than in Paris, for authority to form a branch association in
Lyons, in direct communication with the central council in London. The applicants
represented themselves to be of some influence among the working men of Lyons,
and had given excellent references.—Authority granted.
Citizen Cremer, general secretary, reported the result of an interview between a
deputation from the central council, consisting of Citizens Cremer, Eccarius, Weston, Jung, Fox, Le Lubez, Morgan, Dell, and Wheeler, and the delegates of the National Shoemakers' Union, lately sitting at the Bell, Old Bailey. The delegates were
38 in number, and represented societies numbering about 5,000 members. After
every member of the deputation had spoken, Mr. Thomas, the delegate from Birmingham moved, and the delegate from Hull seconded, the following resolution,
which was carried unanimously, after one or two other delegates had expressed
themselves in favour of the same: "Resolved—That we cordially agree with the
principles of the International Association as represented so eloquently by the
deputation from that body, and pledge ourselves to join them for the furtherance of
those principles, and endeavour to spread their liberal and glorious ideas among
our constituents."
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Meeting of the Central Council April 4 1865
The President and Vice President being absent Cit Jung proposed, Cit Lessner seconded that Cit Dell take the Chair. Carried Unanimously,
Cit Fox (in absence of the Secretary who was unavoidably absent) read the Minutes of the last Meeting which were confirmed. Cit Whitlock objected to the use of
the term Citizen in the reports for the Press, Cit Bolleter defended it, it was agreed
to postpone any discussion on the point untili another occasion.
Letters were then read from Citizens Lubez and Denoual withdrawing from the
CC because they had no confidence in the persons who represented the Association
in Paris.
A Letter was also read from Cit Fontana signed by Citizens Lama, Solustri, Setacci and Aldovrandi announcing their intention of withdrawing from the CC unless
Henri Lefort was reinstated in his former position of Official defender of the Association in the Paris Press, Speeches were made by Cits Wolff, Dupont, Fox, Whitlock, Jung, Bolleter, Holtorp, ||[43]| Morgan and Weston, in which no proposal was
made to reconsider the decision at which the Council had arrived. Cit Fox proposed, Cit Kaub seconded, That the resignations of Cits Lubez, Denoual, Fontana,
Aldovrandi, Lama, Setacci and Solustri be accepted. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Fox made a statement of the reasons which had hitherto prevented the Polish
refugees in London from forming a Society and joining the Association, Cit Holtorp explained the cause of his differences with M Zabicki and Bobczynski.
Cit Kaub read from the Social Democrat the report of a Mr Becker's Speech at
Hamburg containing misrepresentations of the Association, and asked for authority
to reply thereto in the name of the Association, Cit Fox proposed Cit Buckley seconded That Cit Kaub be authorised accordingly. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Weston proposed for discussion the following questions
l Can the Social and material prosperity of the Working Classes generally be
improved by means of higher wages.
2 Do not the efforts of Trades Societies to secure higher wages operate prejudicially to the other sections of Industry.
The proposer declared that he would support the Negative of the First and the Affirmative of the Second proposition.
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Cit Jung proposed Cit Dupont seconded that these questions be placed on the
Order of the Day for discussion. Carried Unanimously. The Meeting then adjourned till April 1 1 .
J. G. E c c a r i u s Chairman
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M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l April 11, 1865
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|[44]| Meeting of CC April 11 1865
VP Eccarius in the Chair, on the reading of the former Minutes Cit Whitlock stated
that he had not at the last meeting voted that the resignation of Lubez and the Italian Members of the CC should be received, he did not recollect such a motion being put or he should have voted against it, every other member of the CC present
declared such a resolution to have been fairly put and carried without a dissentient.
The Minutes of the former meeting were then confirmed. Letters were read from
Carpenters at Chelsea asking for a Deputation to explain the principles of the
I.W.M.A. also from No 1 Lodge Operative Bricklayers to the same effect, deputations were appointed to attend both bodies.
The situations of Corresponding Secretary for France also for Belgium having become vacant consequent on the resignation of Cit Lubez,
Cit Jung proposed Morgan seconded That Cit Marx be Corresponding Sec pro
tem. for Belgium. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Marx proposed Cit Cremer seconded That Cit Dupont be appointed Corresponding Secretary for France, Carried Unanimously. A discussion then took place
having reference to Officers of the Association retaining after their resignation Property or documents which properly belong to the Association. Cit Longmaid proposed, Cit Bordage seconded that all Official Correspondence and replies together
with any Official Documents are the property of the Association and ought to be
handed over to the CC, Carried Unanimously.
Cit Jung proposed Cit Cremer seconded that Cit Valltier be nominated as a
Member of the CC.
Cit Marx stated that one of the 32 Members who had met recently in Paris had
been prosecuted by the French Government for publishing a pamphlet,
The Auditors Cits Longmaid and Morgan gave in their report which stated that
the profits on the late Soiree were £8.6.11¼ and the balance in hand on the 2 8 of
March last was £6 3s. 8 / d. The report was received, Cit Jung proposed ||[45]| Cit
Morgan seconded That the accounts be audited Quarterly—
Cit Howell then proposed .and Cit Whitlock seconded, That the Secretary write to
the Italian Working Men's Association and request them to send a Delegate to the
CC in the place of those resigned.
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As an amendment Cit Weston proposed and Cit Kaub seconded
That the Sec write to the President of the Italian Working Men's Association and
inform him that the Office of Corresponding Secretary for Italy is vacant. The
amendment was carried by a majority of 1, 9 voting for the Resolution and 10 for
the Amendment—
Cit Whitlock proposed and Cit Weston seconded That the Council at its rising
adjourn for a Fortnight. Carried Unanimously,
Cit Longmaid proposed and Cit Marx seconded That the Sec write to those Members of the CC who have not taken their Cards of Membership and inform them
that unless they do so on or before April 25 that they will be considered as wishing
to withdraw and their names will accordingly be struck off the roll of Councilmen.
This resolution was considered by the CC necessary inasmuch as complaints had
been made that a former resolution of a similar character had never been communicated officially to absentee Members, The Resolution was Carried Unanimously.
It was then agreed to that the proposition of Cit Weston on the question of wages
should come on for discussion on May 2 and That Members of the Association
were eligible to attend the discussion, also that any Member of the CC is at liberty
to introduce a Friend.
The Council then adjourned to April 25.
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April
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25 1865
VP Eccarius in the Chair.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed,
Valltier was elected Member of the CC on the proposition of Jung seconded by
Cremer,
The following were nominated for election on the CC
Lassassie proposed by Lessner,
Schapper proposed by ||[46]| Marx,
Narcisse Salvatella proposed by Jung.
Dupont gave report of his visit to Paris, the administration has entrusted him
with 100 Francs to pay to the Treasurer of the CC, he had not been able to meet as
many of the Members in Paris as he had wished, but he had been instructed to ask
two questions
1 if Continental Administrations shall at any time appoint a deputy or deputies
to confer with the CC (as in the case of Citizens Tolain and Fribourg) are their expenses to be paid by themselves or deducted from Members' subscriptions.
2 are the Corresponding Members on the Continent also Members of the CC
and should they come to London would they be allowed to vote,
Cit Marx proposed Fox seconded
That if the expenses of Cits Tolain's and Fribourg's journey to London are sanctioned by the Paris Administration that the CC authorise the payment, also that the
Resolutions of Febr'y 7 referring to the expenses of Branches be sent to Cits Tolain and Fribourg for their future guidance. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Wheeler proposed, Cit Marx seconded That Continental Corresponding
Members be ex Officio Members of the CC. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Jung read Letters from Geneva which stated that on April 2, 200 Members
had joined the Association and had elected a General Committee of 15 Members
and a Managing Committee of 7, Jung proposed Marx seconded
That Cits Dupleix, Falconnet, and Philipp Becker be the Corresponding Members of the Association in Switzerland. Carried Unanimously.
A question being asked as to whether Females were eligible as Members, Cit
Wheeler proposed, Bordage seconded That Females be admitted as Members. Carried Unanimously.
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317
Cit Marx read a Letter from Ernest Jones on the Suffrage, he also read a Letter
from Cit Fontaine asking for a declaration of Principles, questions in said Letter referred to Sub Committee, he also read a Letter from the Compositors at Leipsic referring to their Strike and expressing a hope that the London Compositors would assist them. Cits Fox, Marx and Cremer were deputed to attend the Compositors' 5
Society. I
I [47] I Cremer proposed Weston seconded That the CC invite the Emancipation
Society and the Trades Unionist Committee to meet together and organize a demonstration to celebrate the restoration of the American Union and the abolition
of Slavery. Carried Unanimously—
10
Fox proposed, Cit Whitlock seconded That the CC having received the resignation of Cit Le Lubez desires to record its sense of the value of the services he has
rendered to this Association both in its inception and in the subsequent work of
propagating its principles in this metropolis and as corresponding Sec for France.
The Council also look forward with pleasure to the time when Cit Le Lubez will 15
find himself able to resume his place at our Board.
The Resolution was lost, 3 only voting for it. The Meeting then adjourned to
May 2.
J. G. E c c a r i u s Vice President /
Nr. 185, 29. April 1865
F r a n c e a n d W o m e n ' s Rights.
Citizen Lefebvre of Neufchateau, in the département of the Vosges, wrote to the
Central Council to inquire if women were admissible as members of the International Working Men's Association. Several members remarked that they had already disposed of cards of membership to women, as a matter of course. It was 25
unanimously resolved that the question raised by the worthy Vosgien be answered
in the affirmative.
L o n d o n Propaganda.
Favourable reports were received from the deputations sent to canvass the Carpenters' Branch at Chelsea, and a Bricklayers' Society in the east of London.
318
s
20
Switzerland.
5
10
15
20
The Secretary for Switzerland read a highly encouraging report of the prospects of
the Association in Switzerland, which he had received from the managing committee at Geneva. From it we give the following extracts:—"It has been told you in a
preceding letter that in Switzerland we were putting our shoulders to the wheel in
propagating the idea of the total and universal emancipation of the working classes.
What you have learnt from the Hamburg Northern Star about our enthusiasm is being daily confirmed in a highly reassuring manner. What is passing at Geneva, and
the letters which we receive from all parts of Switzerland, are a warranty that our
hopes will soon be realised on a vast scale. I am happy to inform you that at Geneva
the tum affairs are taking is highly favourable, and that the results already obtained
are satisfactory. In March last the statutes were discussed article by article, and approved by a public meeting. At that which was held at a masonic lodge on April 2,
200 working men came and enrolled themselves as members of the International
Association. ... We venture to assure you that the hesitations which have hitherto
manifested themselves in some quarters are on the eve of disappearing, and that
numerous societies will come to swell our ranks as the idea becomes more widely
known and better understood. The association has taken wonderfully, not in one,
but in various parts of Switzerland. All the affiliated sections have seized the true
spirit of the association and carry its banner high."
T h e Compositors' Strike in Leipsic.
The Secretary for Germany read the following important communication from the
Berlin Compositors' Union in relation to the strike of the Leipsic compositors: —
"Berlin, April 15.
Respected Citizen,—The news of the Leipsic event—viz., the printers' and compos.
itors' strike for a rise of wages, will have reached London as well as the other parts
of Europe. Of 650 men, mostly compositors, who have ceased working (150 have
left Leipsic) 500 are still on strike. Those 500 must be efficiently supported, if the
first great trial in Germany of the working men's forces is to end in triumph. Our
30 Compositors' Association have adopted the Leipsic straggle as their own, and are
î
ready to give all the support in their power. From their small means they have already contributed £150, and they are willing to do more, but if restricted to their
own resources they must fail. Other working men's societies, especially those of the
larger towns where the working class self-consciousness is developed, must contri35 bute their mites. The undersigned administrative committee addresses you, therein fore, dear citizen, and calls upon you to induce the International Working Men's
Association, and especially the London Printers' Union, to interest themselves in
the straggle of their Leipsic brethren to do something for them, to make subscriptions for them. But time presses, and 'he gives double who gives quickly.' Deeply
25
319
penetrated by the conviction that the seemingly petty struggle of the compositors
which is now going on in Leipsic—in Leipsic, so to say, in the heart of Germany,
and of Europe—is of the highest importance for the whole European working class,
and that even if such were not the case, every working man's movement, every
strike, has an international significance, that, in fact, the immediately and locally 5
engaged working men do battle for the whole of their class; that the bond of fraternity must embrace all working men, and that the Working Men's International
Association has assuredly risen to the level of this idea. We hope that the same will
do their best, and that in particular our English colleagues, the compositors, will
not withhold from their and our brethren the necessary support.—The Committee of 10
the Berlin Compositors' Union.—By order of the Committee, B.Feistel."
It was stated that a collection in aid of the Leipsic compositors had already been
made in an affiliated society of the International. A deputation of three members of
the council was appointed to wait on the London Compositors' Society.
320
Meeting of the Central Council May 2,
1865
/[47]/ Meeting of CC May 2, 1865
5
10
15
20
A slight alteration having been made in the minutes of the last Meeting, referring
to the expenses of the deputation from Paris, they were confirmed.
The following were then elected on the CC
Narcisse Salvatella proposed by Jung seconded by Odger.
Lassassie proposed by Lessner seconded by Bordage,
Carl Schapper proposed by Marx seconded by Lessner.
Marx gave a report from Paris stating there were changes about being made there
in the Administration which when made would be fully reported to the C C .
Dupont read a Letter from Fribourg suggesting to the C C . the propriety of opening a Branch at St Denis, he also read a Letter he had received from Lefebvre, said
Letter contained passages from a Letter of Lubez's, the questions involved were referred to the Sub Committee.
Cremer referred to the assassination of President Lincoln and proposed that an
address should be drawn up and sent to the American People expressing the views
of the CC on recent events ||[48]| in America, more particularly referring to the murder of Mr Lincoln. The resolution was seconded by Lucraft and Carried Unanimously—
Weston then read a portion of his Paper on the question of Wages, the remainder
was adjourned to the next sitting, the Council then adjourned to May 9 .
th
321
Meeting of the Central Council M a y 9,
/[48]/
1865
th
Meeting of CC May 9 1865
The Pres and the VP being absent, Cit Dell was voted to the Chair.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Cit Fox gave report of deputation to Compositors, on behalf of the Leipsic Compositors, it would
not be possible for that Body to grant any money for a period of 3 months—the
deputation had therefore failed in their effort. Cit Jung hoped we should devise
some means of giving support to them as the loss of this strike would have a depressing influence on the Trades of Germany generally.
Cit Weston gave report of deputation to Fur Skin Dressers, they appeared without any exception to be in a pitiable condition but they had courteously received
the deputation and promised to further consider the propriety of joining us,
Cremer gave report of Sub Committee.
Cit Fox proposed Jung seconded that the following Resolution recommended by
the Sub Committee be adopted—
That whenever the French Secretary shall receive Letters from any Citizen or
Citizens who have been elected by Workmen in their localities and who are anxious
to open a Branch, That he be empowered to reply to such communication and accept such offers without waiting for the assembling of the CC, but he shall report all
such communication to the CC at their first sitting after such Letters have been received. The Resolution was Carried Unanimously—
Cremer proposed Odger seconded That Cit Dupont write to the Paris Administration requesting them to return a full and detailed account of income and expenditure up to the time of his writing. Carried Unanimously—
Cit Fox proposed, Cit Weston seconded That the following ||[49]| Resolution
which had also been recommended by the Sub Committee be adopted, also that the
remarks of the Sub Committee which accompany the resolution be endorsed. Carried Unanimously.
The following are the remarks and Resolution as drawn up by the Sub Committee at their sitting on May 6 —"2 Letters read, one from Cit Lubez the other from
the Sec of the Greenwich Branch of the Association—Lubez's Letter was an explanation of his conduct since his resignation on the CC. The Letter from Greenwich
announced that Cit Lubez's resignation as the representative of the Greenwich
th
322
Branch at the CC had not been accepted—after some discussion on the two Letters
in which two statements contained in Cit Lubez's Letter were denied
1 That Cit Lefort had first conceived the Idea of the I.W.M.A.—
2 That most of the French Members on the CC had resigned in consequence of
Cit Lefort's appointment having been cancelled—the fact being that only Cit Denoual had resigned with Cit Lubez—on the termination of the discussion the following resolution was passed—
That it be suggested to Cit Lubez That he should defer presenting himself at the
CC for confirmation as Delegate from the Greenwich Branch untili the Sub Committee have received and reported on the Letter he addressed to Cit Lefebvre."
Cit Fox read a Letter from Cit Vinçard who had been appointed on the Paris Administration, stating that the state of his health would preclude him from accepting
the appointment, also expressing his best wishes for the success of the Association
and regretting that he could not assist to make it so.
Jung proposed Marx seconded That the Gen Sec. write to Cit Vinçard thanking
him for his past services and hoping that he will as far as consistent with his health
do his utmost for the interest of the Association. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Marx read the address to President Johnson in reference to the assassination
of Abraham Lincoln.
Cremer proposed Weston seconded That the address be adopted, written on
Parchment, signed by the CC and transmitted to President Johnson through the
United ||[50]| States Legation. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Howell, who had been appointed to attend with Cit Cremer the Reform Conference in Manchester on the 1 5 and 16 of May—having been elected by the Reform League as its Secretary and being deputed by that body to attend said conference, his appointment from this Council was therefore on the proposition of Cit
Wheeler seconded by Cit Marx cancelled and Cit Odger was elected in his stead.
Cit Fox asked if Cit Lassassie had been mixed up in the Orsini Plot, Cit Lessner replied No.
Cit Fox proposed Bolleter seconded That Cit Weston's questions for discussion
stand adjourned to Saturday May 2 0 at 8 o'clock, the entire sitting to be devoted
to the discussion. Carried Unanimously.
The Council then adjourned to May 16 .
st
n d
th
th
th
th
323
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l M a y 16,
/[50]/
1865
th
Meeting of Central Council May 16 1865
In the absence of the General Secretary who was in attendance as Delegate of the
Association on the Manchester Reform Conference Cit Fox read the minutes of the
previous meeting which were confirmed.
Cit. Marx stated that he had sent to the New York Tribune a copy of the society's
address to President Johnson. He also mentioned that there had been an immense
public meeting in Geneva in regard to the assassination of the late lamented President of the United States; that the society's correspondent, Philipp Becker, had spoken at the same, and remarked upon the international character of the meeting.
Cit. Becker then proceeded to state that the Working Men's International Association was at the head of the new movement for popular rights, which statement
was received with cheers by the meeting.
Cit. Fox then read from the Manchester Guardian of the day a report of the first
day's proceedings of the Manchester Reform Conference.
Cit. Weston laid upon the table for distribution a number of copies of "A Requiem for Abraham Lincoln," addressed to the Liberals of Europe, and published in all
the cosmopolitan languages. He stated that he had had an interview with the author, Mr. Leon Lewis, a citizen of the United States, resident in London, and proposed him as a member of the Central Council.
Cit. Carter, on the interpellation of the acting secretary, stated the result of his
interviews with a number of working men in Paris during his late trip to that city.
He reported that all those with whom he spoke were entirely satisfied with the action of the Council in the matter of the late imbroglio.
Cit Morgan on behalf of Cit Dell proposed William Bannister as a Member of the
C.C. A long discussion ensued, said ||[51]| discussion being of a very discursive
character, after which the Council adjourned to May 23.
President
W. R. C r e m e r Hon Gen Sec /
324
5
10
15
201
j
j
25 j
Ì
j
i
Meeting of the Central Council May 23,
/[51]/
1865
The President in the chair, the minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Cit Fox in the absence of Cit [Dupont] read a Letter from Lyons stating the tulle
manufacturers were endeavouring to reduce the wages of their operatives giving as
their reason for so doing that the competition with the English Manufacturers was
so keen as to compel them so to act, the Letter asked for information as to the manufacture and price of Tulle in England, it was agreed to write to Nottingham for
said information—
A discussion took place regarding Lubez being kept from taking his seat at the
Council. Cremer proposed Eccarius seconded That in case Lefebvre's Letter (the
absence of which had induced the Council to suggest to Le Lubez the propriety of
not presenting himself as Councilman) is not forthcoming by Tuesday next that Le
Lubez be allowed to take his seat on the Council as the representative of the Greenwich Branch. Carried, Citizen Jung neutral.
Fox gave report of his interview with Mr Adams, United States Minister, who had
received the address and would transmit the same to the President, the report was
received,
Cremer gave report of his mission in conjunction with Cit Odger to the Manchester Reform Conference, they had fought hard for the principle of Manhood Suffrage
but had been unsuccessful, they feared the conference like others which had preceded it would prove to be abortive of good results, The report was received and the
action of the Delegates approved.
Cit Weston resumed the adjourned debate on his ||[52]| proposition regarding
wages, he was followed by Cit Marx who opposed Cit Weston's views as did Cit
Wheeler—after which Cremer proposed the adjournment of the debate till the 30 .
The Council then adjourned.
G. O d g e r President
th
325
[Zu S. 325.4-9]
Nr. 189, 27. Mai 1865
The Strike of the Makers of Tulle in Lyons.
Cit. Dupont, the Secretary for France, laid before the council a letter from the association's correspondent in Lyons, from which the reporter extracts the following
:
passages:—"I have delayed this communication longer than I otherwise should, on
account of the meetings which have been held by the various trades which are on
strike, and principally the makers of tulle. The manufacturers of tulle, induced by
one of their number, named Baboin, have determined to diminish the wages of
their workmen, alleging that they are compelled so to act in consequence of English 10
competition, and the changes that have been made in the Customs' duties in pursuance of the policy of free trade. The first point is denied by the workmen, who
maintain that English competition does not amount to anything; but they do not
give a satisfactory explanation on this point. As to the second point, touching free
trade, no journal is willing to insert remarks upon this question; therefore a debate 15:
has not been able to take place, and the question—in fact, both questions—have remained in the dark, especially for the public. In the interest of the working classes
of our city, it would be important for us to have precise information, particularly on
the articles of tulle. Try then to collect the same and forward it to us. It would be
well to know the cost price of each article and the selling price, the cost of transport 20
within and without England, with the weights and measures in use for each article,
and the import and export (sic) duties. Send us, as quickly as you can, 500 cards.
We have printed the address and statutes, and are confident of success."
It was resolved that communications should be opened with persons in Nottingham connected with the tulle and bobbinet trade by every member who had fa- 25 ¡
cilities for so doing, and that an appeal should at the same time be made to the
public to supply the council of the association with the required information.
326
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council M a y 30,
/[52]/ M e e t i n g o f C C M a y 3 0
5
10
15
fi
20
25
30
t h
1865
1865
The Minutes of the previous meeting having been read, Jung took objection to
that portion of them referring to the resolution readmitting Le Lubez to the CC and
stated that the Resolution had not passed Unanimously as he Cit Jung had remained neutral, a fact which he wished recorded.
The Sec said it had been his practice when no opposition was offered to the passing of a resolution to record it as being Carried Unanimously, with the alteration
suggested by Cit Jung the minutes were confirmed—
The Sec read communication from the United States Legation acknowledging
the receipt of the address to President Johnson.
Cit Weston proposed Whitlock seconded That Leon Lewis a citizen of the United
States be elected a Member of the CC. Carried Unanimously.—Cremer proposed
Cit Stainsby be nominated as a Member of the CC.
The Sec introduced the question of Cards of Membership. Cit Marx proposed
Whitlock seconded That the Sec have power to order Cards should they be required. Carried Unanimously.
The question of the proposed international Exhibition was then discussed. Cit
Lucraft stated he had attended one of the Meetings and had informed those who
were moving in the matter of the existence of this Association, a fact of which he
found they were previously aware, he also advised them to communicate with the
CC but for some reason they had declined. A long discussion took place having |
J[5331 reference to so called exhibition of Working Men, all who took part in the discussion declaring against Mr Coningsby being allowed to represent himself as at the
Head of British Workmen.
Citizen Cremer protested against the selection of Mr. Coningsby, as British Secretary to the Anglo-French Committee, as being calculated to alienate from the
committee the sympathies of British Democrats.
Citizen Fox observed that the three first names on the celebration committee,
namely, Michael Chevalier, Emile Ollivier, and Emile Girardin, were not in good
standing with the French Republicans.
Citizens Odger and Howell held that Working Class Exhibitions, both national
327
and international, were being patronised by the wealthy classes at the present time,
partly with the object of diverting the attention of the working classes from the nobler aim of the political enfranchisement of their class.
Citizen Marx recommended that the council should concentrate its efforts upon
promoting the success of the Working men's Congress to be held in Belgium this
year.
On the motion of Citizen Cremer seconded by Whitlock the following resolution
was passed:—"That our French secretary inform the Paris Administration that Mr.
Coningsby is the avowed enemy of the working classes of Great Britain, and, consequently, the common enemy of the working classes of Europe, he having proclaimed in the columns of the Times his hostility to the suffrage being extended to
the bulk of his countrymen."
A discussion took place as to the publication of the above Resolution but on the
motion of Cit Cremer seconded by Cit Shaw it was decided by 11 votes to 4 to publish the Resolution and an epitomised report of the proceedings—
It was then agreed on the motion of Cit Dell seconded by Fox that the address
and Rules of the Association be printed in French, Italian and German leaving to
the Sub Committee the power to order the quantity they may deem necessary—
Eccarius proposed Jung seconded That Cit Schily be requested to translate the
address and Rules into French, Carried Unanimously.
The Sec asked whether, as no reply had been received from Lefebvre, Cit Le Lubez was to be notified that he was at liberty to take his seat on CC as representative
of Greenwich Branch. It having been stated that some further difficulties might
arise if Le Lubez came to the CC before the Letter to Lefebvre was produced, Dell
proposed Worley seconded That the President and ||[54]| Cit Kaub wait on Cit Dupont in reference to the matter.
Carried, 1 voting against.
Citizen Kaub, as a deputy from the German Working Men's Mutual Improvement Association in London (Bildung's Verein) stated that that body had been in
the habit of commemorating, by a public meeting, the insurrection of the
24th June, 1848, when the working men of Paris were barbarously massacred by the
soldiery in the service of the middle classes. The Bildung's Verein had hitherto re^
ceived their chief support on this occasion from their own members and French
Democrats in London. They intended to repeat the commemoration this year, in
the usual manner, and hoped for a wider support than ever from Democrats of all
nations.
10 |
15 |
20 M
25 '',
30 '
35 -
The Sec introduced the subject of a journal to represent the Association and
stated that Cit Leon Lewis was about to bring out a journal, a long discussion took
place on the question ending in the following resolution and amendment, the Resolution proposed by Cremer seconded by Worley That a deputation of 3 be ap- 40
pointed to wait on Cit Lewis.
Amendment by Dell seconded by Lucraft That Cit Lewis be invited to attend the
next sitting of the CC. Amendment carried.
The Council then adjourned to June 6 .
W. R. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary
President /
th
328
Meeting of the Central Council June 6,
/[54]/
1865
th
Meeting of Central Council June 6 1865
The previous minutes were read and confirmed.
The President introduced Citizen Leon Lewis to the meeting who made a long
statement in regard to a newspaper which he contemplated bringing out, said Journal would be of the most democratic character and he had no doubt of its being
made a success; it had been to him a matter of great surprise that the Working Men
of Gt Britain had no Organ which faithfully represented their interests, he thought
it quite time such a want was supplied. Citizens Marx, Carter and Fox agreed as |
|[55]| to the necessity for such an organ. Citizen Cremer would prefer that some
control should be exercised over such Journal by a body of Working Men. Cit Lewis
would have no objection to a Committee of advice and should always listen to their
counsel and advice.
The following Resolution was eventually proposed by Cit Dell seconded by Cit
Jung and Carried Unanimously,
That Cit Lewis send to this Council at its next Meeting the exact conditions
upon which he will cooperate with this Society and if this Council approve of such
it shall name any number to cooperate with Citizen Lewis meeting at his office periodically,
Cit Marx stated that when Cit Weston's propositions are again discussed he
should read a paper in reply and propose a series of Counter Resolutions—
The Sec stated he had received two Letters from the Greenwich and Deptford
Branch referring to Cit Le Lubez and his relation to the CC, he would propose that
the questions involved be referred to the Sub Committee, referred accordingly.
Cit Dupont read a communication from Paris in reference to the Cards of Membership and their expenses, the Letters and their contents were referred to the Sub
Committee.
Cit Fox suggested That Hand Bills be printed and distributed broadcast inviting
Members to the Association, referred to Sub Committee,
Citizen Lewis being asked if he knew any one who could and would fill the Office of Corresponding Sec for America, stated in reply he should have no objection
to filling such post; on the [proposition] of Cit Dell seconded by Cit Eccarius Cit
329
Leon Lewis was unanimously elected Corresponding Sec for the United States of
America.
The Council then adjourned to June 13.
President |
330
M e e t i n g of t h e Central C o u n c i l J u n e 13,
|[56]|
Meeting
of CC
June
13
t h
1865
1865
President in the Chair.
The Sec read the minutes of the former Meeting which with a slight alteration
suggested by Cit Fox were corifirmed. Cit Fox read a Letter from Cit Lewis stating
his inability to attend the sitting of the Council, also that he had for the present decided to defer the issue of the Commoner,
The report of the Sub Committee was then given by the Sec with regard to the Le
Lubez imbroglio, they had decided on the following resolution
That this Committee feels bound to express its regret that Cit Le Lubez should
have written the passages he did in his Letter to Cit Lefebvre regarding the Paris
Committee, but believing they were written under unfortunate impressions consider that the resolution for his readmission should be strictly adhered to and carried into effect immediately.
Also that Citizens Fox, Jung and Odger be appointed a deputation to wait on the
Greenwich and Deptford Branch to explain to them the reasons which have actuated the Council in delaying the readmission of Cit Le Lubez and passing the above
resolution,
Cit Dell proposed Howell seconded that this Council confirm the resolution of
the Sub Committee. Carried Unanimously. The Sub Committee had also instructed
Cit Dupont to request the Paris Administration to get their accounts audited and
forward a balance Sheet to the CC, approved.
Cit Fox proposed Cit Wheeler seconded that Citizen Lefebvre be elected correspondent for the department of Neufchateau. Carried Unanimously.
T h e Anniversary M e e t i n g of t h e J u n e Insurrection
Citizen Lessner announced that the German Working Men's Mutual Improvement
Association would hold their meeting in celebration of the above event in the hall
of the Metropolitan institution, Cleveland Street, on Wednesday, June 28th.
It having transpired that funds were wanting to pay the expenses incident to the
Meeting, Cit Wheeler proposed Cit Dell seconded ||[57]| that 12s be voted for that
purpose. Carried Unanimously—
331
Cit Jung read a long Letter from Geneva giving a long account of the progress
they are making and asking when the Congress would assemble and what questions
would be laid before it, a discussion took place regarding the Congress and the
question was referred to the Sub Committee,
Cit Dupont laid upon the table the first copy of the Tribune ouvrière, a new working man's paper started at Paris, owned, managed and edited exclusively by working
men. One of the Association's correspondents was its publisher. He also acknowledged the receipt of some of the required information concerning the finance of
tulle manufacture in England, which he would forthwith forward to the tullistes of
Lyons now on strike.
Cit Holtorp announced that a Working Men's Association had been founded
among the Polish emigrants in London for the purpose of affording aid and information to their countrymen, who were now constantly arriving here from the Continent.
The President introduced the question of Cit Wolff returning his Card to the
Council, he had met Cit Wolff who expressed regret that he had so returned his
card and he the President thought the Council ought now to send Cit Wolff back
his Card.
A long discussion took place on the question and the following Resolution and
Amendment were submitted on the question
Resolution proposed by Wheeler seconded by Cit F o x That Cit Wolffs Card be returned to him.
Amendment by Cit Jung seconded by Cit Kaub—
That when any member returns his Card to the Council that he cannot again
have that Card, but if he wishes to join again he must take out a new Card.
Rider proposed by Dell seconded by Holtorp
That the Sec write to Cit Wolff stating that he can have his Card by asking for it.
Votes for Resolution 3
Amendment 10
Rider 4.
5
10
15
20
25¡
30
th
J. G. ECCARIUS, V. President |
Nr. 192, 17. Juni 1865
The last number of the Glos Wolny was laid on the table, which gives the accounts 3
of the subscription opened for the Poles by the Oborski Commission and the ex^
penditure. It appears that the sum collected amounted to £84 8s. 3d., and the sum
spent to £96 14s., leaving a balance due to Captain Bobczynski of £12 5s. 9d. The
cost of the anniversary meeting in St. Martin's Hall was £35 5s. 9d., the amount dis-
332
tributed among suffering Poles was £47 15s., and the balance of the expenditure represented the general expenses of the commission. Of the £84 8s. 3d. subscribed
the Poles resident in England had given £23 8s. 3d., and the British £61, of which
£30 6s. came from Newcastle and the balance from London.
333
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council J u n e 20,
1865
th
|[58]| Central Council Meeting June 20 1865
The minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. The Sec read a
Letter from D Bagnagatti, the Secretary of the Italian Working Men's Association
in London informing the CC that Cit L.Wolff had been appointed by said Association as their representative on the CC—
Cit Fox proposed Cit Weston seconded That Cit L.Wolff be accepted as the representative of the Working Men's Association, Carried Unanimously.
Cit Dupont read a Letter from St Denis asking for 300 Cards of Membership,
he also requests from 4 places for permission to open Branches of the Association.
The following were then elected Foreign Corresponding Secretaries: Cit Talbot of
Caen, Cit Ferdinand Duhamel of Lisieux, Cit Ferret of Pantin, Cit Bosc of St Denis—proposed by Cit Marx seconded by Cit Weston.
The Council having had their attention called to the frequent absence of the Financial Secretary—agreed to refer the question to the Sub Committee,
Cit Jung stated that having had occasion to visit the Silk Weavers' Society,
he had introduced the principles of the I. W. M. A. and he believed they would
join.
Cit Fox thought we ought to take immediate steps to increase our means of propagandism. The Sec thought it would be well to defer the question for a few weeks,
the declaration of enrolment for Societies would then be ready,
Cit Marx then read a part of his paper in reply to Cit Weston's propositions on
the question of Wages, Cit Weston thought that in the part of the paper read by
Cit Marx that nothing had been advanced or proved which in any way affected the
principles he affirmed, Cit Cremer thought Cit Marx had given two or three practical illustrations or rather facts which completely destroyed the positions affirmed
by Cit Weston; the question was adjourned till June 27 at 9 o'clock. Cit Marx will
then read the latter part of his paper and propose a series of counter resolutions.
Cit Fox reported the result of his and Cit Jung's interview in the presence of Cit
Le Lubez with the Members of the Greenwich Branch, the reasons for the delay
which had occurred in acknowledging their representation having been explained,
334
10
:
15
20
;
25J
30-
the Branch by resolution expressed their satisfaction with the explanation and
thanked the deputation for their attendance.
The Council then adjourned to June 27.
W. R. C r e m e r Hon Gen Secretary |
335
Meeting of the Central Council June 27,
I[59]j
1865
th
VP Eccarius in the chair.
The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed.
The report of the Sub Committee was given by the Secretary,-they recommended
that as Citizen Whitlock the Financial Secretary was so often absent, that another
Citizen be elected in his stead, Citizen Whitlock having explained the cause of his
absence and stated that he might possibly have shortly to resign; it was agreed to
waive any further discussion on the point untili after the present quarter's accounts
had been audited.
Citizen Fox called the attention of the Council to a point of order at a previous
sitting, the President had allowed two Amendments at the same time to be put to a
resolution, this he Cit Fox contended was out of order and in this opinion he was
fortified by the opinion of an eminent authority which he quoted, said authority
laid it down as a rule that there can be but one amendment at a time to 1 resolution, when that is disposed of another may then be proposed.
Cit Dupont read a Letter from Citizen Lisieux accepting the position as Corresponding Sec and asking for 500 Cards.
Letter also from Citizen Ferdinand Duhamel also accepting position as Corresponding Sec, another Letter from Citizen Ferret of Pantin also accepting position
as Corresponding Sec, he asked for Cards but stated that he did not expect to make
many members just now as there was a dearth of employment and consequent distress amongst the Workmen but when prosperity returned he believed members
would join the Association.
Citizen Marx then after recapitulating the principal points in the first part of his
paper which he had read at the last sitting, proceeded to read the latter part at
the conclusion of which Cit Cremer said there were many who would like to have |
|[60]| both papers—of Cit Weston and Cit Marx' reply—printed, but he hardly knew
how the expense was to be met.
Cit Weston questioned the correctness of the statement contained in Cit Marx'
paper having reference to Agricultural Laborers. On the motion of Citizen Eccarius
the debate was adjourned to the next sitting to be opened by Cit Eccarius.
The Council then adjourned to July 4 .
th
336
[Zu S. 336.24-31]
Nr. 195, 8. Juli 1865
T h e W e s t o n Propositions.
Citizen Marx has read an elaborate paper in opposition to the above named propositions, and has propounded a series of dogmas on the wages question in harmony
with the arguments of his essay. The debate has been continued by Citizens Eccarius, Carter, and others.
337
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l July 4,
/[60]/
Meeting
of
CC
July
4
th
1865
1865
On the Secretary reading the minutes of the former meeting a slight correction
was made in reference to the Continental Corresponding Secretaries; the Minutes
were then confirmed.
Cit Fox stated that the ruling of the debate in the House of Commons last Night
had confirmed what he had asserted at the last sitting of the CC—he also stated
that he had not been able to obtain the requisite information as to the manufacture
of Tulle but he hoped the Gen Secretary would do so on his visit to Norwich,
Cit Dupont had received a Letter from France which he thought could be better
considered by the Sub Committee, referred accordingly. Cit Jung presented the Association with a Copper Plate which had been designed and executed by Citizen Richard Cottam gratuitously, Cit Marx proposed Cit Cremer seconded That the CC
thanks Cit Cottam for his generous gift. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Eccarius resumed the adjourned debate on Cit Weston's propositions arguing
against Cit Weston's views, Cit Fox slightly differed with Cit Eccarius as to the continued Intellectual progress which Cit Eccarius asserted had been made by Mankind. Cit Carter altogether ignored the statistics of Political Economists and preferred to look at and judge Man by what we knew of him, Cit Kaub proposed the
adjournment of the debate till the next sitting. Carried Unanimously. The Council
then adjourned to July 1 1 .
President |
t h
338
Nr. 195, 8. Juli 1865
Strikes in F r a n c e .
5
10
15
20
25
Citizen Eugène Dupont, the Secretary for France, has addressed from London the
following letter to the editor of the Temps, a republican paper in Paris: —
"Mr. Editor, I have read in your report of the Senate's proceedings the proposition made by Baron Charles Dupin, concerning strikes among the working classes.
In so important a question, M. Charles Dupin who calls himself the mentor and
friend of the working classes, finds no other solution for the difficulty than in coercive measures, by appealing to the terrors of the law, doubtless in obedience to the
proverb: 'The wise father spareth not the rod.' Happily the ouvriers are no longer
overgrown children, who are scared by the threat of a whipping; the working classes
graduated in 1848, and they guide their steps by the lessons of the past. Convinced
that an insurrection would only aggravate their situation, the working men who are
dissatisfied with their condition and social inferiority, appeal to discussion,which is
the true weapon of progress. This is why the fact that perfect order is maintained by
the strikers seems so strange to M. Charles Dupin, the 'guide, philosopher, and
friend' of the working classes. He no longer knows his pupils again. What! strikes
follow strikes, and not the slightest riot—that is against the order of nature. Repeal,
then, without delay the law on combinations. What, then, would M. Charles Dupin
have said if armed force had been compelled to intervene? I am far from saying that
a strike is a final solution; it is only an expedient rendered necessary by the present
relations of capital to labour. But, in any event, nothing can be achieved without
the right of meeting and free discussion; repressive laws may adjourn and aggravate
the question, but not resolve it. Late events have demonstrated to the least observant that it is necessary to pay attention without delay to questions relating to the organisation of society. It is with this aim that the International Working Men's Association has been established, and that it invites every working man in Europe to
lend a hand to the common work.—Yours, etc., E. Dupont."
339
|[61]|
Meeting
of
CC.
July
11
th
1865
1865
Cit Fox in the absence of the Gen Sec read the minutes of the previous Meeting
which were confirmed,
Cit Dupont read a Letter from the Association's Correspondent at Lyons acknowledging the receipt of 400 Cards, desiring further information concerning the
t u l l e manufacture and announcing that the Strikes in Lyons had terminated unfavorably to the men who had been compelled to succumb for want of the means of
subsistence; he hoped their failure would teach them a lesson and show them the
necessity for organization,
On the proposition of Cit Jung the Council then adjourned to July 18 .
President /
th
340
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l July 18, 1865
/[61]/
th
Meeting of CC July 18 1865
Cit Fox in the absence of the Gen. Sec. read the minutes of the former meeting
which were confirmed. Cit Dupont laid before the Council a letter from Cit Fribourg in relation to the Congress—on the proposition of Cits Eccarius and Dell it
was resolved that the consideration of that matter be deferred till the next sitting
when the report of the Sub Committee was expected and that the Secretary be instructed to summon a general Meeting.
The President spoke on the subject of reporting the debate on the Weston Propositions, he believed that the Miner would open its columns to a full report of the
same; the debate being now over. Cit Fox delivered his views on the questions
raised by Cit Weston after which the Council adjourned to July 25.
President |
341
S u m m o n e d M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l July 2 5 ,
|[62]|
Summoned Meeting of the
CC
July
25
t h
1865
1865
The President in the Chair, Cit Fox who during the temporary absence of the Gen.
Sec. had been acting in his stead stated that he had not been able to write out from
his notes the minutes of the last sitting, it was therefore agreed to read them at the
next sitting,
Cit Fox brought up the report of the Sub Committee. The report with some additions and slight alterations was adopted in the following form:
Report of t h e Sub C o m m i t t e e on the questions of a Congress
a n d Conference as a m e n d e d a n d passed by the CC at
a s u m m o n e d M e e t i n g on the 2 5 of July 1865
t h
In consequence of the urgent representations of our French and Swiss correspondents who call upon the CC to take some steps in fulfilment of the pledge given at
the time of the foundation of the Association that a Congress would be held in
Brussels in the present Year to discuss questions of general interest to the proletarians of Europe, your Committee have taken the whole subject into their consideration and now submit to you the following series of proposals
1 That it is not feasible to assemble a Congress in Brussels or London at the
present time, in lieu thereof we propose a Conference which shall assemble in London on Monday September 2 5 .
2 That the following declaration be published in the Continental and British
Journals which are favourable to our cause
"The Central Council of the I.W.M.A. announce that they have resolved on postponing the convocation of a General Congress of Working Men at Brussels or elsewhere for three reasons
1 Because they have felt the advisability of having a preliminary Conference with
a few Delegates from their principal Branches on the Continent touching the programme which ought to be laid before the said Congress.
2 Because in Britain the Reform Movement, the ||[63]| General Elections and the
Industrial Exhibitions and in France the Strikes have absorbed the energies and attention of the Working Classes to such an extent as to have retarded the maturity of
the Association.
5
10
15
st
th
n d
342
20
25
30 ¡
Summoned Meeting of the Central Council July 25, 1865
3 Because during the present Year the Belgian Parliament has passed an Alien
Act of such a Character as to put an end to the project the Association had entertained of holding a Congress or to any they might have entertained of having a Conference in the Capital of Belgium."
5
3 The Conference is to be constituted in this wise: two Delegates from every
Central Administration are to be invited, also two from Lyons. The cost of the travelling expenses of the Delegates will be borne by their constituents, their costs in
London will be defrayed by the Central Council.
4 As to the ways and means of defraying these costs the Committee have re10 ceived the generous offer from Cit Jung that he will board and lodge the Delegates
from Switzerland, for the rest the Committee recommend
rd
th
15
20
1 That the Members of the CC renew their Annual Subscriptions in the month of
September previous to the Assembling of the Conference.
2 That the Gen Sec be instructed to appeal to the Secretaries of the Societies who
have already joined the Association to exert themselves to sell Cards of Membership to their Individual Members for the sake of Meeting the outlay of the Conference.
3 That the Members of the CC be recommended to take cards on sale, paying to
the Council the amount of the same in ready money, recouping the immediate outlay from ||[64]| the produce of the Sales.
5 The Committee proposed that the CC should adopt and submit to the Conference a certain programme which was amended and passed in the following form by
the CC
1 Questions relating to the Congress
2 Questions relating to the organization of the Association
3 Combination of effort by means of the Association in the different National
struggles between Capital and Labor
4 Trades Unions, their Past, Present, and Future
5 Cooperative Labor
6 Direct and Indirect Taxation
7 Reduction of the Number of the Hours of Labor
8 Female and Children Labor
9 The Muscovite invasion of Europe and the reestablisbment of an independent
and integral Poland
10 Standing Armies, their effects upon the Interests of the productive classes.
6 Preliminary Sittings of the Delegates to be held with the Committee, the definitive sittings with the CC.
7 On the 2 8 of September a Soiree will be held for the three following objects:
1 to commemorate the founding of the Association, 2 to do Honour to the Continental Delegates and 3 to celebrate the triumph of Federalism and Free Labor in
America. The Soiree to consist of a Tea, speaking, conversazione and dancing ...
In reference to the question of the Muscovite Invasion of Europe Cits Whitlock
and Merriman argued in favor of ||[65]| placing it at the bottom of the programme;
it being a political question they would prefer to keep it apart from the others which
were of a social character, agreed to—
th
25
30
35
th
,b
t h
st
40
45
n d
rd
343
Cits Weston and Leno proposed that the question of Taxation be struck out not
because they did not conceive it to be important but because they thought the programme sufficiently extensive without it, they would prefer to debate one or two
questions thoroughly rather than half consider a large number—3 only voting for
the amendment it was declared lost and the question of taxation remained part of
the programme.
As an addition to the question of Muscovite Invasion Cits Merriman and Whitlock proposed the following
The relation of the Papacy to the political welfare of Italy and the civilisation of
the World, for the addition 8, against 12, lost—
Proposed by Cits Lubez and Holtorp,
That the question of Education as embodied in the French programme be embodied in the programme of the C C , for 6, against 11 ( l o s t ) . The majority voting
against the question because the programme was already sufficiently extended.
Cits Cremer and Eccarius proposed that the question of Standing Armies as suggested in the French programme be embodied in ours. For 12, against 5 (Carried).
Cits Leno and Jung proposed That the question
Cits Cremer and Eccarius proposed That at the Soiree on the 28 of September
next
That in addition to celebrating the foundation of the Association and welcoming
the Continental Delegates that we celebrate the triumph of the Federal cause and
congratulate the American People on the abolition of Slavery, Carried, 1 voting
against.
The Programme as amended and altered and in the form as read above was then
put from the Chair and Carried.
The Gen Sec stated that having been recently in Norwich he had made all possible enquiries as to the locality where tulle was manufactured but could not get any
information on the subject but of this he was certain it was not manufactured in
Norwich. The Council then adjourned to August 1 Ά .
5
10
15
th
J. G. ECCARIUS, V. President |
344
20=
25 ¡
30
st
|[66]| Central Council Meeting August 1 1865
The minutes of the previous two Meetings were read and confirmed. Cit Gray on
behalf of Cit Walton presented the Council with 20 Copies of his Book on the subject of Landed Tenures. Cits Fox and Lubez proposed
That the thanks of the CC be presented to Cit Walton for his gift. Carried Unanimously.
The Secretary gave report of Standing Committee, they propose to the CC to insert in the programme to be laid before the Conference the following question
Trades Unions, their Past, Present, and Future,
agreed to.
The question of Members' Cards was then discussed, the Committee believing
the Numbers on the Cards were useless and injurious recommended the CC to
strike them off. The Gen Secretary further urged that the names on the cards be
also abolished.
A long discussion took place on the question which was terminated by the following propositions by Cits Dell and Cremer proposing to strike off both names and
numbers.
Cits Jung and Dupont proposed as an amendment to only strike off the numbers.
Cits Lubez and Longmaid proposed that the question be adjourned till the next
sitting, the latter proposition] being Carried the question was adjourned till the
next sitting,
The following Citizens were then elected to act with the Gen Sec to carry out the
arrangements for the Soiree: Cits Dell, Leno, and Howell,
Cit Dupont read correspondence from Paris which stated that through their not
having complied with the law regarding the Press that the Tribune ouvrière had
been suppressed and the Editor fined 100 Francs but they were about to issue another journal,
The Council then adjourned till August 8.
J. G. E c c a r i u s Vice President |
345
Meeting of the Central Council August 8,
|[67]|
1865
th
Meeting of the Central Council August 8 1865
The Secretary read the minutes of the previous meeting, which were confirmed.
The Gen Sec brought up the report of the Standing Committee. They recommended 1 That Citizen Dell be elected Financial Secretary in the place of Cit
Whitlock, agreed to, 2 they recommended that the question as to the names and
numbers on the Cards be deferred till the Conference so that the Opinions of the
Continental Delegates may be canvassed, agreed to, 3 they recommended that a
Committee of 3 be appointed to draw up Articles of Association for the purpose of
raising a Capital of 500£ in Shares of 1£ each so as to enable the Central Council to
purchase premises as a Central Home for the AssociationCitizens Dell and Wheeler were elected by the Council and instructed to ascertain whether the Company could best be formed under the Industrial Provident Societies Act or under the Limited Liability Act, The report to be given at the next sitting.
st
n d
rd
Cit Fox read some correspondence from Neufchâteau from Lefebvre the correspondent of the Association stating he had been a little too hasty in the opinions he
had formed with regard to the illegality of the Association in France, he was glad to
find he had been mistaken and he was now doing all he could to push the Association forward. Cit Fox also read a Letter from Cit Talbot of Caen who also stated he
was using his utmost exertions on behalf of the Association,
Cit Fox introduced the question of the necessity for an active propagandism
which brought about a long discussion taken part in by Cits Jung, Cremer, Lubez
and Odger, Eccarius and Wheeler, the latter stating he had just returned from Scotland where he had done what he could for the advancement of the Association and
he had succeeded in obtaining the Services of Cit John McColman as the ||[68]| Association's Correspondent for Glasgow.
At the conclusion of the question Cits Wheeler and Dell proposed that Cit John
McColman be elected the Glasgow Correspondent for the Association. Carried
Unanimously.
Cremer and Howell proposed That Cits Gardner and Cope be nominated as
members of the CC. Cit Lubez asked if the CC were willing to take any part in a dem-
346
onstration of Blackheath to celebrate the Jubilee of Peace between England and
France. Cits Cremer and Wheeler proposed That a Demonstration take place on
Blackheath on Sunday 2 7 August under the Auspices of the Association and that
5,000 Hand Bills be printed and circulated announcing the meeting, Carried Unan5 imously.
Cit Weston asked if the debate on the Wages question was to be continued or
not, he thought it a waste of time for the CC to be transacting Administrative business when they ought to be engaged in the more serious one of discussing great
principles,
10
Cit Howell [...] seconded That the Standing Committee transact all the Administrative business and report to the CC once a Month, the other three sittings of the
CC to be devoted to the discussion of great principles. Carried Unanimously.
The Council then adjourned till August 15.
J. G. E c c a r i u s Vice President /
th
15
[Zu S. 346.20-21]
Nr. 200, 12. August 1865
T h e good work in N o r m a n d y .
The Secretary for France read a letter from Edouard Talbot, at Caen, from which we
extract as follows:—
20
"My relations at Caen, and in the department of Calvados, as former President of
the Working Men's Associations until 1852, allowed me to profit by the rewakening
of the public mind to propagate the excellent ideas of your programme. The future
belongs to them; it is the duty of us, the workmen of the first hour, to sow them
copiously now, even in the dawn, even in night time. Rely then upon me, as on a
25 man thoroughly grounded in his convictions, who has never either changed or recoiled, and has never otherwise understood democracy than as based upon socialist
ideas. You ask me if I could procure the insertion of some articles in the journals of
the department. I will try; but I do not expect much in this direction, as in Caen
there are only two journals—and one is clerical, the other prefectoral. In the other
30 towns there exist only advertising sheets. As to the cards of membership, be so good
as to send me fifty. I cannot dispose of them all immediately, but I can of 25 at
least; and the rest will go off by degrees. Among the people of this district there is a
general desire for action; they suffer from the deadness of the last 15 years, and the
younger generation begin to feel the want of a 'freer life.' "
347
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council A u g u s t 15,
/[68]/
1865
th
Meeting of Central Council August 15 1865
Cits Cremer and Wheeler proposed that Cits Cope and Gardner be elected on the
C C — C a r r i e d Unanimously. Cit Odger nominated Cit Brien as a Member of the
CC. Cit Kaub then read his paper in reply to Cit Weston's propositions, Citizen
Kaub taking the opposite view to Cit Weston, it was then agreed on the proposition
of Cit Cremer for Cit Jung to adjourn any further discussion on the question till the
next Meeting. The Council then adjourned on the
Vice President |
348
I[69]I Meeting of Central Council August 2 2
nd
1865
1865
The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and confirmed—Cit Kaub nominated Cit Hrabje as a Member of the CC.
The Secretary introduced to the notice of the CC the necessity for reconstituting
the Standing Committee as there were Members now on it who never attended its
sittings, it was agreed to adjourn the question till the next Meeting of the CC.
Cit Jung read correspondence from Switzerland which stated they were making
rapid progress with the Association, several Working Men's Societies had lately
joined, he also translated for Cit Dupont Letters he had received from Lyons and
other parts of France all speaking hopefully of the progress they were making; the
Members in Lyons again asked for the information they had before sought in reference to the prices and manufacture of Tulle, it was agreed to make another effort to
get the information desired. The Correspondence was received.
Cit Jung who was entitled to open the adjourned debate on Cit Weston's question
asked for permission to postpone doing so till the next sitting. Cit Leno supported
doing so, agreed to. The Council then adjourned as there was important business to
transact connected with the formation of a Newspaper Company.
G. O d g e r President /
349
Meeting of t h e Central Council August 29,
/[69]/
1865
Meeting of Central Council August 29 1865
th
The Minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Letter read from
Cit Richard Cottam acknowledging the thanks of the CC and expressing his willingness to at any time assist in the progress of the Association—
A Letter was also read from Cit A. Walton a Member of the Association living in
Wales, the letter stated that he had the previous Week sent a Letter to the Bee-Hive
headed "The Great Naval Review at Cherbourg," ||[70]| but the Editor ofthat paper
had inserted the letter as a Leading Article and palmed it off on the Readers by
using the Editorial "We" as an Editorial production. A considerable discussion
took place on the matter, all who took part in it denouncing such conduct and the
following resolution by Cits Eccarius and Marx was unanimously agreed to—
That a copy of Cit Walton's Letter to this Council be sent to the Editor of the
Bee-Hive and an explanation be demanded regarding the appropriation of an Article sent by Cit Walton to the Bee-Hive on Foreign and International Politics. Cits
Howell, Cremer and Eccarius were appointed to prepare an answer to Cit Walton.
A Letter was read by Cit Jung from Cit Leon Fontaine, the letter was referred to
Cit Dupont.
The next question was the proposed election of Cit Brien on the CC, Cit Shaw
opposed his election as he had never worked in harmony with any body of Men
with which he has been connected. Also for his vacillating and coquetting conduct
during the late advocacy of the advance of wages movement and for his want of
honest conduct in conducting the same,
Cit Howell thought from his conduct he ought not to be elected.
Cit Wheeler thought if the character given by Cit Shaw be correct it would not be
worth while to introduce him to the Council as he might introduce discord and
thereby weakness, it was unanimously agreed not to elect Cit Brien—
Cit Hrabje on the proposition of Cits Kaub and Lessner was unanimously elected
a Member of the CC.
Jung and Bordage nominated Cit Lucien Perchelet on CC—
The question of reconstructing the standing Committee was adjourned. Cit Jung
having the right to reopen the adjourned debate on Cit Weston's proposition asked
350
that the question might again be adjourned as he was not then prepared to open the
discussion, adjourned accordingly—
The Council then adjourned till September 5 .
G. O d g e r President I
th
351
Meeting of the Central Council S e p t e m b e r 5,
|[71]|
1865
th
Meeting of Central Council September 5 1865
The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. The Sec brought
up the reply of the Committee to Cit Walton's communication in reference to the
Bee-Hive. Cits Wheeler and Morgan proposed the adoption of the report.
Cit Jung read two passages from Swiss Papers relative to the Association,
Cit Perchelet on the proposition of Cits Jung and Bordage was elected on the
Council. Cit Morgan gave a report of a visit to the Boot Closers who had requested a
deputation to attend at their next summoned Meeting. Cit Mantz was nominated
on the CC by Cits Wheeler and Eccarius. Cits Duthy and Cheval attended as Del- 10
egates from Belgium to ask if there was any objection to the Belgians electing their
own Officers. Cit Carter proposed Eccarius seconded
That Branches have the power to elect their own Officers subject to the approval
of the CC. Carried Unanimously. The Delegates were also requested to attend the
Standing Committee at their next sitting, the Council then adjourned till Sept'r 12. 15
G. O d g e r President /
352
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l S e p t e m b e r 12,
/[71]/
Meeting
of C C
Sept'r
12
1865
t h
The President in the Chair. The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and confirmed.
A Letter was read from Cit Wheeler stating his inability to continue as Treasurer
to the Association in consequence of his increased duties in connection with his
daily duties; several Members expressed their regret that Cit Wheeler had resigned
but as the announcement of Cit Wheeler was positive no alternative was left them
but to accept his resignation which was accordingly done, after which Cits Marx
and Eccarius proposed that Cit Dell be elected Treasurer and ||[72]| that for the future the Offices of Treasurer and Financial Sec be rolled into one. Carried Unanimously,
Cit Mantz was elected a Member of the CC on the Motion of Cits Dell and
Cremer.
Lubez and Carter nominated Cit Pierre Vesinier as a Member of the CC,
A discussion then took place as to the forthcoming Conference taken part in by
Marx, Weston, Lubez, Cremer and on the motion of Cit Lubez seconded by Mantz
the further consideration of the question was adjourned till the 19 inst, the Meeting to be special for the consideration of the Conference.
The Council then adjourned till the 19 .
W i l l i a m D e l l President pro tem /
th
th
353
M e e t i n g of t h e Central C o u n c i l S e p t e m b e r 19, 1865
/[72]/
th
Meeting of the Central Council September 19 1865
In the absence of the President Citizen Dell was unanimously voted to the Chair.
The Secretary read the minutes of the last Meeting [which] were read and confirmed.
Cit Marx proposed Cit Carter seconded That Cit Bobczynski be elected a Member of the CC, Carried Unanimously.
The Secretary read a Letter from Glasgow from Cit McColman accepting the po^
sition assigned him by the CC viz That of Corresponding Secretary for Glasgow and
promising to do his best to advance the interests of the Association.
Cit Marx announced that no Delegates from Germany would attend the Conference but that a report of the doings in Germany would be sent him which he would
read to the Conference, he had also sent [a letter] to Ernest Jones asking him to be
present and speak at the Soiree.
Cit Jung read a Letter from Switzerland in which it was announced that two Delegates had been elected and would attend the Conference.
The question of the reorganisation of the Standing Committee was then brought
up by the Secretary from the Standing Committee who recommended the Central
Council to appoint the following Members to constitute the Standing Committee
Odger, Eccarius, Dupont, Marx, Jung, Dell, Howell, Fox, Weston,
Agreed to ||[73]| and on the Motion of Cremer seconded by Lessner Cit Bobczynski was also elected a Member of the Standing Committee to represent the Polish section of the Association.
It was then agreed that the Continental Delegates should go to Citizen Bolleter's
and Lardaux's to board and Lodge.
Cit Dell offered to provide for the expenses of one of the Delegates.
Cit Bobczynski contributed one Pound towards the expenses of the Delegates.
The question of the expenses of the Conference was then discussed. The Standing Committee recommended that Members of the CC contribute as far as they can
to the expenses of the Conference.
Agreed to, several Members of the CC contributed towards the expenses.
Mr. Tripp was engaged as M. C. for the Soiree,
Cit Lubez proposed Carter seconded that Cit Vesinier be elected on the CC—
354
It was then determined that all the Tickets for the Soiree be returned or paid for
on the third Tuesday after the Soiree—
The Standing Committee recommended to the CC to agree to the following as a
recommendation to the Conference—
The CC shall in 1866 convoke a general Congress unless unforeseen circumstances shall necessitate its further postponement. Carried Unanimously—
Lubez proposed that each question on the programme be left to some one Member to be named by the CC—Carter seconded but ultimately the proposition] was
withdrawn in favor of the following by Cit Carter seconded by Weston
That the views expressed here to-night be considered by the Standing Committee; the Council then adjourned to
G e o O d g e r President /
[Auszug aus The Workman's Advocate]
The Workman's Advocate.
The Central Council held a special meeting on Tuesday last to complete the arrangements for the conference which begins on Monday, and it was announced that
representatives from French, German, Polish, Swiss, Belgian, and English societies
will be present at the conference; it was also stated that Mr. Ernest Jones, the Barrister, who is well known to the democracy of Europe, and who is the Manchester
correspondent of the International Working Men's Association, will attend, and de20 liver an address at the soiree which is to be held at St. Martin's Hall. As a very large
attendance is expected, those who wish to hear Mr. Jones's impassioned oratory had
better at once secure tickets. A full report of the doings of the conference and the
soiree will appear in our next issue.
15
355
Meeting of the Central Council October 3,
/[73]/
Meeting of Central Council October 3
rd
1865
1865
The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and confirmed, The Sec read a letter from Cit Jung stating his inability to attend the Council Meeting as he had an
attack of Ophthalmia; the Council expressed a hope that he soon be with them
again—
Letter read purporting to be a Letter from the Editor of the Bee-Hive but as no
name was attached to it the Council passed to the next business. |
|[74]| A Letter was also read from Madam Jeanne Deroin, the letter had been addressed to the Conference but had been delayed. The Secretary stated he had received applications for the address and rules from the Hearth Rug Weavers' and
Gilders' Societies.
Morgan gave report of visit to Boot-Closers, it was very late before the deputation
were admitted but the Members of the Society apologised for having kept the Deputation waiting and he had no doubt but that at their next Monthly Meeting the Society would join the Association.
The question as to the publication of the doings at the Conference was then discussed.
Cit Carter and Lubez proposed That Cit Marx be requested to compile the report
of the Conference proceedings. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Carter and Lubez proposed That a Copy be sent to Citizen De Paepe in Belgium and that he be requested to publish it in Pamphlet form. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Dupont reported that a Friend of his, Cit Coraz was about to start for New
York and he suggested that Cit Coraz should [take with him] (as he was willing to
do) 500 Cards of Membership and addresses—
Cit Dupont also gave notice of his intention to propose Cit Coraz as the Correspondent of the Association in New York—
A discussion took place as to the late Soiree, the numbers attending it and the j
Tickets taken at the Doors; an explanation having been given the subject dropped.
Several Friends came and took their Cards of Membership.
Cit Bordage nominated Cit H. Johnson as a Member of the CC.
The meeting then adjourned till October 10 .
J o h n W e s t o n Chairman Pro tem / j
th
356
/[74]/
1865
th
Meeting of CC October 10 1865
Cit Weston in the Chair, the minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed.
Cit Johnson on the Propositions of Cits Bordage and Dell was elected a Member
of the CC, Cit Louis Oborski proposed by Bobczynski and Marx.
Cit Bobczynski said that as the Polish ||[75]| association was at present constituted they could not well join the I.W.M.A. but they wished to take part in it and to
send representatives to the CC, he also stated that they expected to be able to effect
the opening of Branches in Belgium, France and Italy; he had been deputed to ask
if the Association would cooperate with the Polish Association to celebrate the revolution of 2 9 November, the question was adjourned till the next sitting.
The position of Cit Lewis the nominal Corresponding Sec for America and his relation to the CC was then discussed and the Secretary was ordered to write to him
informing him that if he did not attend to the duties of his Office that his election
would be after the present month considered void.
Cit Cremer called attention to the Council Meetings and gave notice of a proposition at the next Council Meeting to adjourn the sitting for a Month—he thought
we had too many movements in hand to work any of them effectively unless we met
less frequently, he thought all our energies ought to be directed to establish the
Workman's Advocate, for without an Organ the Association could never make any
great headway; he would therefore suggest that for the next two or three Months the
main energies of the Council should be directed to the thorough establishment of
the Paper.
A discussion took place in reference to the Polish corresponding Sec. The Gen
Sec said he did not know that Cit Holtorp had ever done anything as a Secretary, he
thought his position as Polish Secretaryship existed only in name. Several Members
of the Council expressed similar views after which the Council adjourned till October 17 .
th
th
J. C a r t e r President Pro tern |
357
|[76]| M e e t i n g o f C C O c t o b e r 1 7
t h
1865
1865
The President and Vice President being absent Cit Carter was voted to the Chair.
The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Cit Holtorp in reference to some remarks contained in the minutes of the last
meeting, explained that his reasons for not having brought any correspondence to
the CC was that it had chiefly been of a private character, but if the CC thought he
had neglected his duty he was quite willing to resign and to propose Cit Bobczynski
in his stead who had large connections in Galicia. Cit Bobczynski thought it would
be better to allow the Poles to elect their Secretary.
Cit Lubez thought Cit Holtorp had mistaken the views of the Council with reference to his having neglected his duties; the subject then dropped with the understanding that the Polish Association should recommend to the CC one of their
Members as Secretary—
Cit Col. Oborski was elected a Member of the CC on the proposition of Cits
Bobczynski and Marx.
The following were nominated as Members of the CC by Cit Bobczynski: Cit Zabicki, Cit Werecki, Cit Krynski.
Cit Lessner notified to the Council the resignation of Cit Bolleter as a Member of
the Council.
Cit Bobczynski stated that the Polish Association had decided to celebrate the
revolution of November 29 and a deputation of Poles was present to ask if the
I. W. M. A. would assist in the celebration.
Cit Lubez feared it might detract from our prestige if we were so often engaging
in demonstrations with regard to Poland. Cit Fox thought we ought to celebrate the
Insurrection every Year, he differed from Lubez, he thought the taking up [of] the
Polish cause had already done the Association good, it had brought us a Number of
Poles. After a lengthy discussion the following resolution was adopted, proposed by
Cits Dell and Lessner,
That a deputation be appointed to wait on the Polish League to ascertain if they
are prepared to cooperate with us in the demonstration on behalf of the Polish revolution of November 2 9 .
Cits Dell, Odger and Eccarius were ||[77]| appointed as the deputation—Cits Fox
th
358
and Marx proposed that if the celebration be determined on, that the Standing
Committee shall transact all the business in connection therewith. Carried Unanimously.
The General Secretary called attention to the fact that some weeks ago he had
announced his intention of resigning, he could no longer with justice to himself
perform the duties; he would thank the Council to name his successor, he had
asked Cit Lubez to accept the Office—Cit Lubez was sorry to be compelled to refuse, other Members of the Council were appealed to but all declined; but some of
them asked Cit Cremer if he could not longer continue the Office.
Cit Cremer replied that to him it was a question of necessity, he had sacrificed so
much during the past twelve months that it was for him impossible to sacrifice any
more but he would consent to hold the Office till the present pecuniary liabilities
were discharged—it was then agreed by resolution to adjourn for a fortnight.
The Council then adjourned to October 3 1 .
W i l l i a m D e l l President /
st
359
Meeting of the Central Council October 31,
/[77]/
1865
Tuesday Oct'r 31
Cit. Dell was voted into the chair. The Minutes of the last meeting were read and
confirmed without alteration.
Celebration of N o v ' r 29.
Cit. Dell gave a report of the meeting of the deputation to Mr Edmond Beales. Mr
Beales thought all public demonstrations at the present time inopportune, but the
British League for the Independence of Poland would nevertheless cooperate with
the International in celebrating the insurrection of January, 23, but the League
would not take part in any celebration of ||[78]| the insurrection of 1830.
Cit. Fox asked to repeat what he had said at the previous meeting that the insurrection of Nov'r. 2 9 , 1830 was made by the Poles in favour of Europe contrary to
their own former plan which led them to wait for the Revolution in Germany,
reaching them and enabling them to fight out their own independence. But when
the Czar wanted to invade Western Europe, the Poles being intended to act as a
vanguard against France and Belgium, they turned round on Russia before their
own time and acted as a shield to the former.
Le Lubez repeated a few of the things which he said at the last meeting: He
thought that this Association ought to occupy itself with resolving social problems
and the extinction of pauperism.
Cit. Carter said that the question was a simple one: would we help the Poles to
celebrate the anniversary of the most unselfish, the most Republican movement
that ever took place in Poland. On the motion of Cit Fox, it was resolved "That the
question of the celebration of Nov'r. 29, stand over until we hear the wishes of our
Polish members."
th
360
Courrier I n t e r n a t i o n a l .
Cit Fox read an article from the International Courier (French side) criticising the
doings of the Conference and declaring that every political association of working
men was, under present circumstances, a conspiracy.
The sense of the article and the spirit in which it was written were thought by the
meeting to be highly inimical to the Association. /
/[98]/ On the motion of Citizen Cremer it was resolved to insert an advertisement
of the International Association in the Workman's Advocate, on the terms of paying the price of setting. On the motion of the same it was resolved that the members
of the Council should be written to and informed that henceforth they would only
receive notice of the sittings of the Central Council through the Workman's Advocate. Citizen Morgan stated that the deputation to the bootclosers did not attend as
they were detained till late at another meeting in Chelsea. Citizens Werecki and
Krynski were unanimously elected members of the Central Council. Citizen Zabicki was objected by Citizen Le Lubez, and the question of this election was accordingly adjourned.
The Secretary then made a financial statement: He stated that the Association
was £12 in dept; That M. Dujoncquoy of the New York Hotel was the principal creditor to the extent of £8 l i s 8d, that he was pressing for payment; that the Association was also indepted to Citizen Jung and to a printer named Kelly and to Citizen
Kaub. Per contra that many outstanding accounts were due to the Association for
tickets sold at our two soirees. Citizen Çremer also thought that ||[99]| money ought
to be forthcoming from France, as the Central Council had sent over there so many
cards and addresses and received back only £4.
The meeting then adjourned to that day fortnight. /
361
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l N o v e m b e r 14,
\{79]\
1865
Tuesday Nov'r. 14.
The Central Council met at 18, Greek-street, Soho, Vice-President Eccarius in the
chair.
Minutes
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed without alteration.
Audit.
On the motion of Citizen Fox, Citizens Coulson and Lessner were appointed to audit the accounts of the St. Martin's Hall soiree.
F r a n c e and Spain.
The Secretary for France stated that the report of the proceedings of the Conference
drawn up by the Parisian delegates had been inserted in all the Republican and Liberal journals of Paris; and that in the Siècle M. Henri Martin had written a preface
(see below) which he desired to read, and did read to the Council. M. Martin had
joined our Association, and a sudden demand had sprung up for cards, 1,000 of
which the Paris delegates demanded the immediate transmission. He also stated
that the Parisian centre was in correspondence with Spanish democrats, concerning
which they would communicate at length to the Council at a future date. He concluded by laying the aforesaid report on the Table.
362
Polish Celebration.
5
Citizen Bobczynski stated that as the British League for the Independence of Poland would join the International in celebrating the anniversary of the late insurrection of January 23rd, 1863, but would not join to celebrate that of November 29th,
1830, the Polish members had abandoned the idea of asking the International to
observe the 29th instant. Nevertheless, the Poles in London intended to celebrate
the same among themselves in a quiet manner, and they would be pleased to have
the company of their friends. When the arrangements were completed notice would
be given of time, place, etc., in the columns of the Workman's Advocate.
10
Place of m e e t i n g .
The Lessee of the premises demands £12 per ann. for the front and £10 per ann. for
the back room, a month's rent in advance and a monthly notice on either side. As
the Council desired ||[80]| to have as large an attendance of members to consider
this question of location as possible, resolved to let the matter stand over till next
15 Tuesday. This question was accordingly made the order of the day for the next
meeting. A conversation ensued about the expediency of resuming our weekly
meetings and a resolution to do so was carried nem. con.
The Council then adjourned till Tuesday next.
The following document was ordered to be inserted in the minutes.
20
i
I
t
Ï
fi
;
|.
Γ
Henri Martin's preface
to
the French
delegates' Report.
We have read the narrative of what lately took place at London with profound emotion. We have a presentiment that something great has just been begun, and that St.
Martin's Hall will be famous in history.
The elevation of the sentiments and the language of this report, the breadth of
25 view and the high moral, political and economical conceptions which have decided
the choice of questions composing the programme for the International Congress of
Working Men, which is to assemble next year, will strike with a common sympathy
every friend of progress, justice, and liberty in Europe.
Leaving to our friends and coadjutors the task of studying it in its details, and of
30 following in its course, this new-bom effort of European fraternity, we will only
draw attention from among- such profound social questions as "The labour of
women and children in factories from the moral and sanitary point of view," "The
reduction of the hours of labour; object and moral consequences of the same," "Religious ideas, their influence on the social, political, and intellectual movement,"
35 e will only, I say, draw attention to the ninth question laid down for the consideration of the future congress.
"The necessity of annihilating Muscovite influence in Europe, by the application of
W
363
the principle of the right of nations to dispose of themselves, and the reconstruction
of Poland upon a democratic and socialist basis." We will take the liberty of remarking that the expression "democratic and socialist basis," is a very simple one
as regards Poland, where the social framework needs reconstruction quite as much
as the political framework, and where this basis has been laid down by the decrees
of the anonymous government of 1863, and accepted by all classes of the nation. |
|[81]| This then is the reply of true socialism, of social progress in harmony with
justice and liberty, to the advances of the Communist despotism of Muscovy.
This "secret of the people of Paris," which our friend Corbon has revealed in his
noble book, is becoming, then, the common secret of the peoples of Europe.
We were well persuaded that this cold, as of death, which is spread over the surface of our modem society, had not reached to the bottom, had not frozen the soul
of the people, and that springs of life were not exhausted.
It was in England that the rich and powerful gave but yesterday the most melancholy examples of international egoism and of indifference to the lofty duties, to
the grand interests of European society.
It is, indeed, in Britain that, for the honour of the British people, these noble reprisals of Young Europe ought to commence; it is thither these clasped hands must
go and plant the flag of the fraternity of peoples.
"Let those who have faith march forward, and soon the sceptics will run after
them."*
Our ears had grown unused to such words; they thrill us to the depths of our
heart.
Henri Martin. /
* Quoted from the concluding sentence of the Delegates' Report.
364
/[81]/
1865
Minutes. Tuesday, Nov'r. 21.
Citizen Shaw in the Chair.
A letter dated Nov'r. 7 was read from the Secretary of the Council of the Cord5 wainers' Association asking for some rules and addresses to be forwarded to Branch
Societies at Birmingham.
It was ordered that Citizen Fox should forward 24 copies to Thos. Hallam of No 3
Second Court, Latimer St., Birmingham for distribution among the four Branch Societies in that town; also that this remittance should be accompanied by a letter ex10 plaining the cause of the delay which had arisen in responding to the appeal.
The Secretary for Germany stated that, in view of the ||[82]| sudden demand for
cards that had arisen at Paris, he and the Sec. for Switzerland had guaranteed the
printer for the cost of preparing 2,000 cards, of which number 1,000 should be sent
to Paris, 500 reserved for the French Provinces and 100 reserved for Germany. He
15 desired the sanction of the Council to this arrangement.
It was moved by Cit. Morgan and seconded by Wheeler and carried nem. con.,
"that we sanction the arrangement made by Cits. Marx and Jung with the Printer of
the cards and that the allotment of them be as proposed by Cit. Marx."
G e n e r a l Report.
20
Cit. Marx stated that on his proposition it had been resolved at the Conference that
a Report should be drawn up of the transactions of the Association on the first year
of its existence. He ||[83]| now advised that the resolution for preparing such Report
be rescinded on two grounds: (1) because the French delegates had already published a Report, (2) that its publication at the present moment was not opportune and
25 should be delayed until May. He had, however, communicated copies of the resolutions and programme to our Correspondents in Belgium and to Cit. Jung.
The resolution for drawing up a Report was accordingly rescinded.
365
Propaganda in Germany.
The Sec. for Germany said he was glad to be able to report that our Association was
at length making headway in Germany, where it had obstacles to overcome greater
than those which existed in France. Steps were being taken to form ||[84]| branches
in Berlin, Mayence and Leipsic by men for whom the speaker could vouch. These
Societies would probably be represented at the Geneva Congress.
5
N e w Correspondents.
Cit. Marx proposed that Dr. Coullery of Chaux-de-Fonds in the Canton of Neuchatel be nominated Correspondent of this Association and receive a letter of credence. This proposition was carried nem. con.
10
The Sec. for France proposed that Léon Toutain of Condé-sur-Noireau, in the
department of Calvados, be appointed Correspondent. Resolved accordingly.
Letter from Lyons.
The Sec. for France read a letter from our correspondent at Lyons stating that he
held 200 francs at our disposal and would shortly transmit same, also ||[85]| desiring 15
to know if the report of the Paris delegates was accurate in every respect or
"Cooked" so as not to offend the Government, also thanking the Council for the
transmission of the Courrier International and desiring the largest possible amount
of information concerning the doings of the Central Council.
Location.
20
The Council agreed with Mr.Corbett to take the back room at 18 Greek St., Soho,
for Tuesday nights at 4s. a week payable in advance, with a month's notice on
either side.
Celebration of the 2 9
t h
Nov'r.
On the motion of Cits Fox and Wheeler it was resolved that should the Poles in 25
London carry out their project of celebrating this event by a dinner, those members
of the Council who should attend the same be authorised to do so as a deputation
'·
from the Central Council.
The Council then adjourned. |
366
j[86]|
1865
Minutes. Tuesday Nov'r. 28.
T h e Treasurership.
Cit. Dell stated that he and Cit. Wheeler had spoken together about the Treasurership which the latter was willing to resume and the former desirous of resigning in
consequence of the distance of his abode from town. He stated that Wheeler's office was in a central place near the Strand and recommended the transference of
the office. It was moved by Howell and seconded by Dell that Wheeler resume the
office of Treasurer of the Association. Carried nem. con. \
I [87] I Switzerland.
In the regretted absence of the Sec. for Switzerland, Cit. Marx stated that Cit.
J. Ph. Becker had issued a proclamation to the German Swiss, concerning the Association, portions of which he thought should be translated and published in our report. In it it was announced that the Branch Societies in Switzerland were about to
issue a paper in German and French which would be the organ of the Association
in that country.
T h e tulle question.
The Secretary for France stated that it would have a good effect on the Lyonnese if
any member of the Council could procure the desired information concerning the
wages earned by English operatives in this branch of manufacture. |
367
I[88]preparations for Congress.
Cit. Fox gave notice that he intended to prepare, against the forthcoming Congress,
a paper on the 9 question of the programme, relating to Poland, which would address itself to the merits of the question and to the necessity of its retention as one
of the aims of the Association. He intended to get it translated into French and
hoped to lay it in English before the Central Council by the first Tuesday in April.
th
368
The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council
October 5, 1864 to August 28, 1866. Seite [86].
Handschrift von Peter Fox
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l D e c e m b e r 19,
1865
|[89]| Dec'r. 19, 1865.
Vice-President Eccarius took the Chair.
The minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed.
T h e M i n u t e Book.
Cit. Fox brought before the Council the unregistered state of the records of our
three last meetings and begged that the Council would take action therein.
After some conversation Cit. Dell moved, Lessner seconded and carried
nem. con.,
"That Cit. Fox address a letter to the late Secretary requesting him to leave with
Mr. Corbett the Minute Book of the Meetings of the Central Council."
C h a n g e of location.
President Odger stated that a room could be had in Bouverie St. for £10 per annum,
that its expenses might be shared with the Workman's Advocate Company. A general
feeling was expressed that it was highly desirable that the Association should possess a continuously accessible location. Citizen Dell was appointed to make the
necessary arrangements with the Industrial Newspaper Company for taking this
room.
Secretaryship a n d the Cards.
In consequence of the vacancy of the office of General Secretary to the Association
and the difficulty of getting the cards of membership stamped which had arisen
therefrom, it was resolved on the motion of Citizen Marx that henceforth the Continental Secretaries would stamp their own ]][90]| cards, that the said cards should
not be numbered and that the said Secretaries should give receipts only for the
gross number of the cards they received.
371
Cit. Fox repeated the assurance he had formerly given that it would be impossible for him to accept the office of Secretary. Cit. Dell then mentioned the name of a
friend of his who, he thought, would be willing to undertake the office. It was accordingly agreed to adjourn the question of electing a Secretary until Dell had spoken with his friend.
C o n t i n e n t a l Correspondence.
Cit. Marx stated that Societies in Basle and Zurich had joined the Association.
Also a Benefit and a Cooperative Society connected with the Association had been
formed whose seat was in Geneva.
Cit Dupont read a letter from our correspondent at Condé-sur-Noireau, Calvados, dated Dec'r. 6, complaining that he had not received any cards. Also one from
Cits Limousin and Fribourg giving reasons why they had not sent money to London
for the cards and asking that full confidence and entire liberty be accorded to them
until the Congress.
The Propaganda.
Cit. Jung made an appeal to the British members to be up and doing to collect money for the Congress and declared that the dolce far niente of the British members
paralysed his efforts among his own countrymen in London and Switzerland. |
|[91]| President Odger observed that working men's spare political energies were
absorbed in the agitation for Manhood Suffrage and the Ballot. Cit. Fox replied 2(
that the reawakening of political life among the London masses was a symptom of
favourable augury for the Association. He was ready to address a Trade's Society
once-a-week for the purpose of collecting money for the Congress. Cit. Morgan recommended that Addresses should be furnished to the Trades' Societies before any
deputation was heard, in order that those bodies might be forewarned and have the 25
subject in their programme for the evening.
Finally Cit. Odger undertook to prepare a list of the Societies which it would be
most advisable to apply to.
Standing C o m m i t t e e .
Cit. Jung moved that the Standing Committee resume its sittings, but on the State- 30
ment of the Chairman that this was a point to be settled by the Standing Committee
itself, the mover withdrew his motion./
372
Meeting of the Central Council D e c e m b e r 26,
1865
/[91]/ D e c ' r . 2 6 . B o x i n g n i g h t !
Present Cits Shaw, Marx, Jung, Cremer, Fox, Le Lubez and a friend introduced by
the last named as a member of the newly formed French branch of the Association.
Cit. Shaw was appointed Chairman.
5
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed, a slight alteration
being made in the last paragraph of the same. |
|[92]| T h e n u m b e r i n g of the Cards.
Cit. Cremer thought that the Council should reconsider their resolution of
Dec'r. 19, in reference to the non-numbering of the cards. He argued that the num10 ber was a protection against fraud. New cards should be issued Every year with
fresh numbers.
After some discussion Le Lubez moved and Marx seconded that the Cards just
obtained from the printer be numbered by the "numerical printing machine." Cit.
Cremer having undertaken to look after that matter on the following day, the mo15 tion was carried unanimously.
Stamping of Cards.
Cremer thought the stamps should be fixed at the new room in Bouverie St. where
any correspondent could use it. That was a better arrangement than having it in
anybody's private dwelling. He made a motion that it be fixed in Bouverie St. Sec20 onded by Jung and carried unanimously.
373
R o o m in Bouverie Street.
Cremer reported that the Industrial Newspaper Company had taken a room in Bouverie St. at the rent of £ 1 0 per annum and was willing to admit the Association as a
co-tenant and sub-tenant at the rent of £5 per annum. Cremer proposed that we
close with this offer. This proposition was carried unanimously. |
I [93] I A u d i t of A c c o u n t s .
Cremer introduced the subject of the audit of our accounts. He recommended that
the next audit include down to the 1 Jan. 1 8 6 6 . A motion to this effect was made
and carried.
ST
Raising of F u n d s for t h e Congress.
Fox thought that the remarks of the Sec. for Switzerland at our last meeting ought
to be heeded. He had accordingly drawn up an Appeal to the Workingmen of Great
Britain which he proposed to issue in the name of the British members of the Central Council and which should be printed and sent round to the Trades' Societies
before receiving a deputation from the Council. He then read the Address.
Cremer then delivered his opinions on the mode of raising the funds required
and on the Address. He pledged himself to exert his influence to raise them. An
address should be printed in circular form and sent to the Trades' Societies in sufficient numbers to allow of their being delivered to every individual member. An
address merely sent to the Chairman would not reach or act upon the members.
Also subscription lists should be printed with a notification that the receipts would
be acknowledged in the Workman's Advocate. The address of Fox was referred to the
Standing Committee which appointed Sunday at 2 . 3 0 p.m. in Cleveland Hall Coffee-Room to assemble. |
I [94] I J o u r n a l de Verviers.
Cit. Le Lubez laid on the table the first of a projected series of attacks on the policy
of the Central Council published in the Journal de Verviers (Belgium).
Cit Marx made some observations in defence of the Council.
Organ of the Association in F r e n c h Switzerland.
The Sec. for Switzerland laid on the table a copy of NQ 1 of the "Journal de l'Asso- ;
ciation internationale des travailleurs pour la Suisse romande." /
374
1866
/[94]/ 1866. (January 2.)
President Odger in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and
confirmed.
State prisoners in Ireland.
5
Fox read from the "Cork Daily Herald" the Appeal of Mrs. O'Donovan Rossa and
Mrs. Clarke Luby to the women of Ireland for funds for the families of the State
prisoners now or lately in Ireland and also evidence from the Dublin Irishman that
collections were ||[95]| being made for this purpose in the manufacturing towns of
the North of England. He remarked on the liberty granted by the British Govern10 ment to Irishwomen, who were allowed to proclaim themselves Fenians without being prosecuted. He finished by moving that the Appeal be sent to the Workman's
Advocate by the Central Council with a request for its publication. This motion was
seconded by Weston, who thought Ireland had been as much oppressed as any of
the nations on the Continent with which Englishmen were wont to sympathise and,
15 although he was something of a moral force man, yet he was beginning to think that
unless moral force had some physical force in the background, it was "perfect weakness." Motion carried unanimously.
Organ for F r e n c h Switzerland.
Fox gave a summary of the contents of the Journal of the International Association
20 for Romance Switzerland.
Dell said that it reflected great credit on the workingmen of Geneva who had got
up such a creditable performance in a small town and unaided by the middle class.
Such facts were very encouraging. He moved that "the Central Council having read
the first number of the said Journal express their high approbation of its character
25 and contents and beg to accord to the Conductors their best wishes for its permanent success."
The above motion was seconded and carried unanimously.
375
E c h o de Verviers a n d proposed Constitution.
Le Lubez laid upon the table two copies of the ||[96]| Echo de Verviers, one of which
contained the conclusion of the attack on the Central Council mentioned in the minutes of the last meeting; the other contained a copy of the proposed Constitution
of the Association which would be submitted by the First Branch of the Association
5
in London to the Central Council and possibly afterwards to the Geneva Congress.
Le Lubez observed that he did not represent the First Branch on any official capacity, but he was a member of the same. The Branch thought that any body who came
to the Congress with well digested ideas and a cut and dried plan would have a
great advantage over those who went there in a fog or like the foolish virgins of the 10 '
Parable, without oil in their lamps.
The Constitution was then read by Fox in English but the translator excused
himself from reading the second part of the attack as the first part was not then in
the room.
A p p e a l for F u n d s to the British Democracy.
15
Fox stated that the Standing Committee had met on Sunday afternoon and had
considered his proposed Appeal; that Cremer had then stated that he thought he
could produce one which if not so well composed would tell better with the working
classes and obtain more funds; that he would produce an appeal on Tuesday. Under
those circumstances the Committee agreed to report both appeals to the Council, 20
leaving the larger body to select the one best suited to the occasion. The Standing
Committee also recommended the two following methods of agitating the working
classes for the aforesaid object, viz, 1. That ||[97]| Subscription sheets should be got
up and distributed, in which it would be stated that all monies would be acknowledged, in the Workman's Advocate. (2.) That whichever appeal be accepted, it be cir- 25
culated with the Address and mies of the Association and in sufficient numbers to
reach individual members of the Societies. That as there were not sufficient numbers of the Address in print to meet this exigency, it would be necessary to ask the
Directors of the Workman's Advocate to reprint it in that Journal and so bring out a
new edition.
30;
Fox and Cremer then read their respective appeals. Jung demanded that the
Council should first decide about the reprinting of the Address. Howell moved and
Jung seconded that the Directors be requested to reprint the Address of the Asso
ciation. This motion was carried after discussion, with one dissentient.
1
A general discussion then ensued on Cremer's and Fox's Appeal. Eventually 3' ;
Cremer's was preferred by a vote of 6 against 5 (one neutral).
It was then unanimously voted that Fox be requested to recast his Appeal in the
shape of a leader with certain suggested additions for publication in the Workman's
Advocate.
Í
376
Change of location.
Cremer reported that the room in 18 Bouverie St. was ready for the reception of the
Council. He moved that we meet there next week. The Chairman then went down
to Mr. Corbett to see if he required a week's notice. On his return he stated that
Mr.Corbett did not require any notice. Cremer's motion was ||[98]| then carried and
Fox was directed to call on Mr. Corbett during the ensuing week and bring the account to the next meeting of the Council. /
377
/[99]/
1866
Jan'ry 9, 1866.
Minutes read and, after an alteration demanded by Le Lubez, confirmed.
Proposal of m e m b e r s .
Jung proposed and Dupont seconded the preliminary nomination of Citizens
Charles Longuet and Crespelle as members of the Central Council.
5
Correspondence.
A letter from our correspondent at Condé-sur-Noireau was read complaining that
through non-payment of postage his cards were stopped in the English Post Office.
Belgium.
10
An extract was read from the Tribune du Peuple stating that the "Society of the People" and the Brussels section of the International Workingmen's Association had
amalgamated, so that the Tribune had, in fact, become an organ of the Association.
Vesinier's attack in t h e E c h o de Verviers.
Marx thought that the Constitution published in the Echo de Verviers as emanating 15
from the French branch in London ought to have been laid before the Council before publication. He then alluded to the attack which he said was written by Citizen
Vésinier.
Jung denounced the attack as an infamous one and exposed some of its misstatements. Such a manifesto ought to have been signed. |
20
378
5
10
15
20
|[100] I He moved that Vésinier retract these falsities or be expelled from the Association. Le Lubez admitted that Vésinier was the author of the attack.
Marx took occasion to defend our Paris Correspondents from the aspersions
made upon them. They had left with the Council all their accounts and correspondence and had behaved in the most honourable manner.
Dupont thought the Council could not overlook the matter for sake of its own
dignity. He seconded Jung's motion.
Bobczynski said the Council must not condemn a man unheard. Let him be invited to explain his attack before proceeding to extremities. Marx objected to the
word "retractation." Vésinier should be called upon to substantiate or to make his
exit.
Le Lubez demands that the articles impeached be read in English.
Fox accordingly read both articles in French and English. Odger stated that they
were a tirade of abuse. Weston was disposed to admit that Vésinier was justified in
blaming the remissness of the Central Council in not having discussed a single social question. The Council had had too many irons in the fire. That was its best excuse. Jung then withdrew his motion and Marx moved and Jung seconded that Vésinier be called upon to substantiate his accusation or, failing to do so, be expelled.
Le Lubez moved as an amendment that the subject be referred to a Committee of
three to conduct a correspondence with Vésinier. He objected to the harsh measure
of expulsion. This amendment was not seconded. |
|[101]| The motion of Marx was carried with one dissentient and one neutral.
Polish Insurrection of J a n 22.
25
Bobczynski stated that the Poles were intending to celebrate this event. He invited
the cooperation of the Council. The Council having previously resolved to celebrate
this event, the arrangements were referred to the Standing Committee.
Secretaryship.
Cremer stated that the Appeal for Funds which the Council had resolved to emit
must be sent out by somebody. Anxious to forward this business, he would resume
30 the Secretaryship until after the Congress. As his resignation had never been accepted and as no one had manifested any disposition to accept the office, he presumed no further formality would be necessary.
The Council then adjourned. /
379
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l J a n u a r y 16,
/[101]/
1866
Meeting of CC January 16 1866
The minutes of the former Meeting read and confirmed.
Citizens Longuet and Crespelle were nominated members of the CC.
Marx communicated that Fox had received a letter from Mrs O'Donovan Rossa
thanking him for his articles on Fenianism in the Workman's Advocate and the reprint in the same paper of the ladies' appeal for the support of the convicted Fenians.
Marx proposed the appointing of Longuet in his place as the Corresponding Secretary of Belgium, seconded by Jung. Carried Unanimously. Jung read a letter of
Möns Dujoncquoy ||[102]| (Hotel New York) requesting the payment of 7£ 17s due
to him since the September conference.
Jung proposed Lessner seconded That Dupont should be empowered to tell Dujoncquoy—that on Wednesday next he should receive an instalment and a definite
answer. Carried Unanimously.
Jung read a letter from Talbot (Caen) enclosing one pound in payment for
20 Cards—the letter stated that the propaganda is proceeding actively in different
towns of the departments of Calvados, Ome and Manche.
Wheeler proposed Jung seconded That notice be given to every member of the
Association in this country that failing to pay his Contribution by the 1 3 February
his name will be struck out of the lists of Members. Carried Unanimously.
Werecki explained the absence of the Poles at the Standing Committee on Monday; they had a Meeting and got the necessary money together. After some discussion the public meeting in commemoration of the last Polish insurrection was settled for Monday 22 January in St Martin's Hall—
Cremer read an appeal to the British Members of the Association,
On the motion of Wheeler seconded by Marx it was unanimously agreed
1 That the appeal ought to appear with the signatures of such British members
of the CC as took part in its proceedings and were sufficiently known to Cremer as
men not likely to repudiate their names being used,
2 That subscription sheets ought to be printed,
3 That the money sent was to be directed to 18 Bouverie St.
President |
th
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n d
rd
380
|[103]|
-;: 5
- 10
«
15
20
1866
Meeting of the CC January 23 1866
Odger in the Chair.
The previous Minutes read and confirmed.
The bill for the New York Hotel expenses was brought forward and discussed.
Dell agreed to advance two pounds towards paying an instalment which, with 1£
10s held by Wheeler, Cremer was ordered to pay.
Marx read a letter from the Leipsic Correspondent Liebknecht, they had formed
a small branch there, he also referred to a visit he had recently received from the
Editor of the Social Democrat,
Marx also read Letter from De Paepe explaining his long silence, he was sorry
they had not increased in numbers but they had now confederated with the People
and had made the Tribune of the People their Organ; they wished to exchange with
the "Workman's Advocate."
Dupont read letter from Neufchâteau from correspondent there Lefebvre. Jung
also read extract from "Forerunner" [and] another Paper "The Voice of the Future"
published in the French language in Chaux de Fonds; in Basle they had also
formed two branches of the Association and were expecting a number of branches
to join in Germany, they had read in a French Paper that in Paris they had made
1,000 Adherents in last month,
Cremer called attention to the fact that Coraz who had some time since sailed
for New York had been entrusted with 400 Cards of Membership but no returns had
been received—Dupont stated he expected soon to hear from New York.
Dell nominated John Hales a Member of the CC.
Dell thought that instead of issuing fresh cards, if the Contribution was entered
: 25 on the back of last year's card and signed by the Financial Secretary that would be |
|[104]| sufficient, (Agreed to).
Weston thought the CC ought to begin to discuss the principles contained in the
programme of the Congress,
Marx agreed but thought we ought first decide the mode in which they ought to
' 30 be discussed—he proposed,
"That the general purposes and ruling principles of the Association as laid down
in the address and statutes be first defined before entering upon the discussion of
H
381
the questions proposed by the Conference." Weston seconded, Eccarius replied to
Weston urging the necessity for Political Agitation now, they could not push two
ways or they would succeed in neither, on the Continent they would not talk or
write Politics so they had nothing to interest them but Social and Religious questions but here political agitation was a primary necessity.
ROBERT SHAW President /
382
Meeting of t h e Central Council January 30,
/[104]/ M e e t i n g o f C C J a n ' y 3 0
1866
t h
Shaw in the Chair.
The Minutes of the former Meeting were read and confirmed.
Cremer reported that he had paid Cit Dujoncquoy £3.10.0 as a part of the Hotel
bill owing him.
Dupont read a Letter from Talbot of Caen,
Jung read a Letter which he had drawn up in reply to Cit Vesinier's attack on the
Association, referred to Standing Committee. Cremer called attention to the fact
that a Meeting of London Trades Delegates were about to assemble to consider the
question of Boards of Arbitration for the settlement of disputes between employers
and employed. In the last session of parliament Lord St Leonards had given notice
of a bill for that purpose, and it was ||[105]| to consider the provisions of that bill
that the Meeting were about to assemble.
In France there had been for years in active operation Boards of Arbitration and
he thought if the Council were to appoint Delegates to attend that Meeting that valuable information would be given to that Meeting as to the Working of the French
councils.
Citizens Dupont and Jung were elected to attend the Trades Delegates Meeting.
R. SHAW President Pro tern/
383
/[105]/
Meeting of Central Council Feb'ry 6
1866
th
Citizen Shaw in the Chair, Citizen Fox Secretary pro tem.
The Secretary read a Letter from the "Reform League" requesting the Council to
send a Deputation to the forthcoming Conference. The appointment of a Deputation was postponed untili the next Meeting of the Council.
Citizen Dupont read a Letter from Lyons, containing amongst other information
the following: That the proceeds from the sale of 250 cards had been disbursed in
the following manner viz. £1.19.0 for Printing, 2/8 for Postage, a Check sent to the
Central Council for £8.0.0 leaving the sum of 1/8 to stand to the credit of the
Branch.
Citizen Jung read extracts from the 2 Number of the International Journal published in Geneva containing the Address and Rules of the Association for the first
time in the French Language; also, that 54 new members had joined the Branch up
to the 3 Jan'y, ||[106]| that The members of the Society there had tendered for,
and obtained the contract for certain Parish works to the amount of, from £800 to
1,000; also that the members of the Society had call'd a Public Meeting to review
the late revision of the Federal Constitution.
Citizen Jung read from the Bulletin of the Paris Journal, L'Association, that in
December last a congress of working men (representing 40 corporations) was held
at Barcelona, They were unanimous in favour of a federal union between their
members, The centre of the Union will be in Barcelona. The newspaper El Obrero
was appointed the Official organ of the Association.
It was moved by Cit. Jung and seconded by Cit. Dupont that correspondence be
opened with the President of the Barcelona Congress, Citizen Dupont was invited
and undertook to take upon himself this labor.
Cit Marx being absent from illness Cit Weston as the seconder of the motion for
the discussion on the objects of the Association said he was unwilling to open the
discussion in the absence of the mover and accordingly proposed that the discussion be deferred untili Cit Marx be able to attend,
A motion to that effect was carried unanimously.
n d
rd
384
Answer to Cit Vésinier
Cit Weston moved and Carter seconded that whereas the standing Committee had
not met to revise Jung's answer to Vésinier and as it was stated there was no immediate probability of their assembling for that purpose Jung's answer be forthwith
transmitted to the Echo de Verviers. Carried Unanimously. The Council then adjourned.
JOHN GEORGE ECCARIUS, Vice President |
385
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council February 13,
1866
|[107]| M e e t i n g o f t h e C C F e b ' r y 1 3 1 8 6 6
The Minutes of the former meeting were read and confirmed.
First question: The appointment of Delegates to the forthcoming Reform Conference. Cremer proposed and Weston seconded That six Delegates be elected; a long
discussion took place as to the policy to be pursued at the Conference.
Citizens Shaw, Fox, Carter, Williams, Jung, Lessner, were elected as Delegates to
attend the Conference—
Cit Dupont nominated Cit Ortiga as a Member of the CC.
Jung read a Letter from Duhamel our Lisieux Correspondent stating they were
not making much progress as they—the Members—had been threatened by their
employers with being discharged if they belonged to the Association. Duhamel replied That his opinions were those of the Association and he should persevere, he
had also been threatened by the local Attorney-General and the Justice of the
peace, to them he gave the same answer as he did to employers. They had no money at present but he hoped soon to be able to send some.
Jung gave report of his and Cit Dupont's Delegation to the Trades Meeting at the
Bell Inn, Old Bailey, he believed they had succeeded in doing good and making
propaganda for the Association,
Cremer confirmed Cit Jung's statement as to the good impression which Cit Dupont and Jung had produced at the Meeting—the same testimony was borne by
Cits Fox and Eccarius.
Lessner and Fox proposed That Cits Dupont and Jung be requested to attend the
adjourned Meeting to be held on Wednesday the 2 1 Feb'ry. Carried Unanimously.
ST
JOHN GEORGE ECCARIUS, Vice President!
386
Meeting of t h e Central Council February 20,
1866
|[108]| M e e t i n g o f C C F e b r u a r y 2 0 1 8 6 6
The Minutes of the former meeting were read and confirmed,
Cit Fox brought under notice the treatment of the Irish state prisoners in Pentonville Prison. Pope Hennessy had recently called attention to the matter in a Letter
which appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette and the Lancet had also denounced the
system as tending to insanity, he thought that a Deputation ought to wait on Sir G.
Grey for the purpose of procuring a better mode of treatment for these unfortunate
men,
Cit Fox read a Letter from Mrs O'Donovan Rossa thanking Cit Fox for his exertions on behalf of Irish liberty,
A long discussion took place on the question taken part in by Citizens Lubez,
Bordage, Cremer, Howell, Weston, Eccarius and Dell, Citizen Fox having replied to
all objectors, proposed the following resolution,
That Sir George Grey be asked to receive a deputation from this Council to request him to mitigate the treatment now inflicted on the Irish State Prisoners in
Pentonville Prison,
Cit Weston seconded the resolution which was Carried Unanimously,
Cit Howell proposed Cit Lessner seconded
That Members of the CC be written to informing them that their subscriptions
for 1866 are due and requesting them to pay immediately. Carried Unanimously.
Election of Ortiga
Cit Dupont proposed and Cit Jung seconded That Cit Ortiga be elected a Member
of the Central Council. Carried unanimously.
387
Citizen K a u b ' s L o a n
Cit Dell proposed Cremer seconded That Kaub's loan to the Council be paid. Carried Unanimously.
Auditing the Accounts
Cit Shaw proposed Cit Jung seconded That the accounts be audited forthwith. Carried Unanimously.
Confirmed as amended.
P. Fox I
388
Meeting of t h e Central Council February 27,
1866
|[109]| T u e s d a y F e b . 2 7 .
Citizen Shaw in the Chair. The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed.
Cit. Dupont proposed Cit. Lafargue as a member of the Central Council.
Cit. Longuet read a letter from our Paris correspondents in reply to Vesinier's
charge of Buonapartism, published in the Espiègle of Brussels.
Cit. Jung brought forward a letter from Gen. Paz in reply to Marshal Forey's observations in the French Senate which had been published in the Morning Advertiser
and desired the Council to send it to the Commonwealth with a request that it be republished. Cit. Fox objected and thought it best simply to submit it to the Editor's
discretion without recommendation of any kind. This suggestion was adopted and a
letter was written to the Editor of the Commonwealth enclosing a copy of Paz's letter. A long conversation on the affairs of Mexico then ensued and the Council then
adjourned. /
389
/[109]/
1866
Tuesday, March 6.
President Odger in the chair.
Cremer announced the receipt of a letter from Sir George Grey refusing to receive a deputation from this Association anent the treatment of the Irish State prisoners.
5
Fox stated that he had drawn up a statement of the arguments and facts which he
read and proposed that it be signed by the President and sent for publication to the
Editor of the Commonwealth. Lessner seconded the same. Carried unanimously.
Cit. Dupont proposed, Jung seconded the election of Cit. Lafargue, one of the expelled students of Paris ||[110]| as a member of the Central Council. He was elected 10
unanimously. Fox then made a speech in French informing of his election and of
the unwonted pleasure the Council had in receiving him among them. Cit. Lafargue
replied in suitable terms.
Cit. Louis Wolff then brought before the Council the article written by Jung in
;
the name of the Central Council and published in the Echo de Verviers. He com- 15
plained of the introduction of his name into the controversy as Vésinier had not
mentioned it, and of the statement that he and his Italian friends did not enjoy the
confidence of the workingmen of Italy. It was false to say he had ever been at Na\
pies. He further alleged that there were four falsehoods concerning Mazzini, viz,
i
that the règlements were not drawn up by him, that he did not know of Marx's ad- 2Q¡
dress and, lastly, that had he known of it he would have opposed its adoption.
Fourthly that Mazzini did not oppose the translation of the Address but only ob;
jected to certain passages therein amounting in all to about 9 or 10 words.
;
Cit. Jung defended his letter and said that the Italian Socialists had no confidence in Wolff & Co.
25
Wolff rejoined that the word "Socialist" was nowhere used and that there were no
j
Socialists in Italy in the French sense of the word. After a discussion in which Cits.
Cremer, Odger, Weston, Howell, Le Lubez, Fox, and Eccarius took part, the following resolution was passed (with two dissentients):
ι
"The offensive expressions with regard to an eminent writer of Latin race written "¡
in the name of the Central Council in reply to Vésinier's attack on the ||[111]| Association and published in the 'Echo de Verviers,' having arisen through a misunder-
390
standing, the Central Council willingly withdraws such expressions and also any expressions of similar character in relation to Cit. Wolff and his friends."
On the motion of Cit. Fox it was ordered that not less than 3,000 copies of the
Address for funds be printed.
The Council then adjourned to the 1 3 . /
th
391
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council M a r c h 13,
/[111]/
1866
Central Council Meeting March 13 1866
Cit Eccarius in the Chair.
The reading of the minutes of the previous meeting was postponed by common
consent.
T h e Reform Conference
5
Cit Fox gave a report of the International Association's deputation to the Reform
Conference so far as he and Cit Shaw were concerned.
Eccarius confirmed the accuracy of the same.
Switzerland
Cit Jung made a report of the doings in that Country.
10
France
Cit Dupont asked for Credentials for some of his correspondents in France.
Cit Marx, Wolff a n d M a z z i n i
Cit Marx made a speech in reference to the proceedings at the previous meetings,
He said it was not true as Major Wolff had stated that Mazzini had written our Sta- 15>
tutes. He (Marx) wrote them after discussion in Committee—several draughts were ;
discussed Wolffs draught among the rest. On two points they were quite distin- í
guished from each other. Marx spoke of ||[112]| Capital oppressing Labour. Wolff '
wanted centralisation and understood by Working Men's Associations only Benefit Societies. Mazzini's statutes were printed at the time of the Conference in Naples. 2(1
392
5
10
15
20
It could hardly be true that Mazzini had seen Marx' address before it was printed as
it was in Marx' pocket, unless Mazzini saw it after it had been put in Le Lubez'
hands and before it had been taken to the Bee-Hive—Again Mazzini wrote to Brussels to Fontaine a letter which was to be communicated to the Belgian Societies, in
which he warned them against Marx' Socialist views, this was stated by De Paepe at
the Conference.
Major Wolff was not a member of the Council. Major Wolff ought to have sent a
letter informing the Council that he intended to prefer his complaint. He [Marx]
protested against the proceedings at the last meeting in the name of himself and the
other Continental Secretaries—he desired a note of this to be taken as it might be
brought before the Congress at Geneva. Le Lubez said there were two documents of
which [one] was not exclusively Marx's. Something was taken from Mazzini's manuscript. He explained how Vesinier's mistake arose, he insisted that Major Wolff
was a delegate of the Italian Society at our Board.
Dupont protested against the attitude of the Central Council and against its resolution, he admitted the error of fact in Jung's letter about Major Wolff being at Naples.
Citizen Orsini asserted that there were socialists in Italy and that Mazzini held a
reactionary attitude towards Science. Charles Cattaneo and Ferrari were Socialists.
Fox made a speech in which he stated that he was not a worshipper of Mazzini as a
European leader, neither did he think that the majority of the British members had
any decided leanings in that direction.
The meeting then adjourned. |
393
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council M a r c h 20,
|[113]| C o u n c i l M e e t i n g , M a r c h 2 0
t h
1866
1866
Citizen Eccarius in the Chair. On the motion [of] Citizen Dell, seconded by Citizen
Buckley—
Citizen Shaw was elected pro tem the Secretary.
The President having stated that the minutes of the last meeting could not be
read in consequence of Citizen Fox being engaged at the "Reform League."
Citizen Jung said, he was sorry the minutes of the last meeting could not be read,
because Citizen Orsini who was about to start for America was anxious that what he
had said regarding Mazzini should not be misconstrued as he had the greatest respect for Mazzini.
Citizen Jung then said, that Citizen Orsini would leave Letters of introduction to
the leading Socialists of Spain, Portugal and Italy; also that he had recommended a
friend who, when he became a member of the Council would act as Secretary for
Italy.
Citizen Dell, the Financial Secretary, presented Citizen Orsini with 24 Books of
the Laws of the Association for him to distribute on his travels.
Citizen Jung read extracts from Swiss Correspondence and expressed a strong desire that the Standing Committee should resume its weekly sittings.
Citizen Buckley was then appointed to wait upon Citizen Cremer to obtain the
proof copy of the Council's appeal to the Societies and to forward the same to the
Printer.
The Meeting then adjourned to March 27 . |
.;
10
15
20
th
ì
394
1866
th
|[114]| Council Meeting March 27 /66
Citizen Eccarius in the Chair, Citizen Shaw Secretary pro tern. The minutes of the
previous meeting were read and confirmed on the Motion of Citizen Jung seconded
by Citizen Lessner.
Citizen Buckley having reported that he had not been able since the last meeting
to get the proof sheet of the Council's appeal from Citizen Cremer.
It was proposed by Citizen Jung and seconded by Citizen Lessner: That President
Eccarius be empowered to get 5,000 Copies of the Appeal printed as soon as possible—Carried—
Citizen Dupont read a Letter from Lyons asking for 100 Cards, and complaining
at not having received per return of Post an answer to a Letter sent to him on the
15 of March, which Letter he (Citizen Dupont) had not received.
Citizen Jung read extracts from the German Journal of the Association as follows, That during the month of February 67 new Members had joined the Geneva
section of the Association, That New Branches had been formed in the following
places, Viz 1 in Pinneberg (Schleswig-Holstein), 1 in Solingen (Rhenish Prussia), 6
in Wüste-Giersdorf (Prussian Silesia), 1 in Aubonne (Swiss Land), 2 in Peterswaldau, 2 in Langenbielau, 1 in Emsdorf, the last 5 being situated in the Weaving districts of Silesia.
The Tailors' Strike was then introduced by Citizen Hansen, who said that
Mr Poole of Savile Row intended to get men from the Continent to supplant those
on Strike. It was then proposed by Citizen Shaw and seconded by Citizen Lucraft,
That the Continental Secretaries be instmcted to inform ||[115]| their respective
Correspondents, with a view to keep Continental Workmen away from London during the Struggle now pending.
Citizens William Ayres and William Gardner paid 1/2 each for Rules and Cards
for 1866.
Citizen Dupont proposed and Citizen Jung seconded That Citizen Lafargue be
appointed Secretary for Spain.
The sum of 6d was paid to President Eccarius to pay the postage of Letters to
Germany on the Tailors' Strike.
Citizen Le Lubez wished to know what had been done on the Resolution of the
th
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t h
Council on the 6 March which authorized the withdrawal of certain statements published by the Council in the "Echo de Verviers." The President said in answer,
That the Council had on the following meeting repudiated the whole affair as being
irregular and that the matter would be brought before the Council again shortly.
The Meeting then adjourned to April 3 . /
rd
396
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l April 3 ,
/[115]/
5
10
15
20
25
Central Council Meeting April 3
1866
rd
Citizen Eccarius in the Chair, Citizen Shaw Secretary pro tem. The minutes of the
previous meeting having been read and slightly altered were confirmed.
The President then said, that before acting on the Resolution of the Council with
respect to the Tailors' Strike he had waited on the Tailors' Executive Committee
who informed him that they had written to Germany. Consequently he considered
that there was no necessity for him to proceed any further in the matter.
Citizen Jung said, that since the last meeting ||[116]| he had had an interview
with the Tailors' Executive Committee and the result was an expression of kind
feeling towards the Association and a promise to join it.
Citizen Dupont read a Letter from Correspondent De Marckel of Granville in
Department of Manche, stating that he had enroll'd 30 members and, that he
wished to have Citizen Madiot appointed as Correspondent for the Town Rennes in
the Department of Ille et Vilaine.
It was then proposed by Citizen Dupont and seconded by Citizen Jung, that Citizen Madiot be appointed Correspondent for Rennes.
Citizen Jung read correspondence from the Lausanne branch, whose members
are the most active and practical in Switzerland, stating, that they have for some
time past been discussing the propriety of building Workingmen's houses in Lausanne on the plan of those erected in Guise in France; they had agreed upon a
scheme for raising the money and wished to have their plan discussed at the Congress.
He also read two Letters; one from Citizen Becker and the other from Citizen
Dupleix, both reminding the Central Council that the date fixed for the assembling
of Congress was drawing nigh and complaining that, for months past the Central
Council had given no signs of Life; they observed that, if the inactivity continued
much longer it would be fatal to the Association; they asked a number of questions
and required answers immediately, 1 the precise date of the opening of Congress,
2 how the expenses of the Delegates ||[117]| were to be defrayed, and other questions of an administrative kind. They wished the Central Council to issue a Circular
in the different Languages, clearly setting forth the questions to be discussed at
Congress.
st
nd
30
397
Citizen Hales said, that the Coventry Ribbon and Smallwares Weavers' Association were desirous of joining our Association, they numbered 1,000 members. It was
then proposed by Citizen Hales and seconded by Citizen Le Lubez, That the Coventry Ribbon and Smallwares Weavers' Association, held at the Elephant & Castle,
Hill Fields, Coventry, be admitted as an affiliated Branch of this Association.
Carried Nem Con.
The Standing Committee having recommended that the appeal to working men
for Funds for the Expenses of the Congress be sent out immediately, President Eccarius was appointed to send them out and Citizen Buckley was appointed to draw
two Pounds from the Treasurer to purchase postage Stamps with.
A Letter from Citizen Wolff was read stating that he should bring certain matter
before the Council on the 10 instant.
A Letter from Citizen Cremer was read stating that on the 10 instant he should
state the Courses he intended to pursue in relation to the Association.
Cash Statement: received 1/1 from Citizen Wolff, 1/0 from John Jenkins, 6 Little
Dean Street, 1/0 from R. Kelly, 36 Little Pulteney Street, 5/0 from the Coventry
Weavers, making a total of 8/1.
The meeting then adjourned to April 10 . |
th
th
th
398
|[118]|
1866
Council Meeting April 10^/66
Citizen Fox in the Chair, Citizen Shaw Secretary pro tem.
Members present Citizens Hrabje, Werecki, Hansen, Williams, Bobczynski,
Hales, Carter, Lafargue, Dupont, Jung, Le Lubez, Marx, Lessner, Eccarius and
Buckley.
The Minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Citizen Jung proposed and Citizen Dupont seconded Citizen James Traini as a
member of the Council.
Citizen Lessner proposed and Citizen Hrabje seconded Citizen Maurice as a
member of the Council.
After some discussion—It was proposed by Citizen Dupont and seconded by Citizen Jung, That a Deputation be sent to the Tailors' Executive Committee.
It was then proposed by Citizen Shaw and seconded by Cit. Le Lubez, That Citizens Dupont, Fox, and Jung do wait upon the Tailors' Executive Committee at the
Green Dragon, King Street, Golden Squ.
Citizen Jung read extracts from the Journal de l'Association chiefly referring to
the Coming Congress.
The President having expressed an opinion with regard to the Financial position
of the Council.
It was proposed by Citizen Jung and seconded by Citizen Marx, That Citizens
Shaw and Le Lubez do wait upon Citizen Cremer, for the purpose of getting a Statement on the Books.
The President then reported that The West-end Womens' Bootmakers' Society
had granted One Pound for the use of the Council; and, that they had proposed Citizen Odger as a Delegate to Congress, but he ||[119]| had advised that the subject
should be dealt with by The Amalgamated Cordwainers' Society.
After a Lengthy discussion, It was proposed by Citizen Jung and seconded by
Citizen Dupont, That the Congress do assemble on the first Monday in June next;
and, that the sitting of Congress extend Five Days.
Citizen Eccarius said, that since the last meeting he had sent the appeals of the
Council to the following Societies, Viz The Amalgamated Cordwainers, The Amalgamated Carpenters and Joiners, The Operative Bricklayers and to the London and
399
Manchester Branches of the Amalgamated Engineers etc. He also said, that not
having a sufficient number of Subscription Sheets he had got 100 extra printed.
The Letter addressed to the Council on April 3 by Citizen Wolff was read by the
President but no action upon it.
The Meeting then adjourned to April 1 7 . /
rd
th
[Auszug aus The Commonwealth]
[Zu S. 399.27-29]
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 163, 21. April 1866
The Congress will be held at Geneva, and the sitting will commence on Monday,
June the 4th. The Swiss members are already engaged in preparations for the event,
and from the general interest evinced on the question—it is expected that nearly all
the workmen's associations on the Continent will be represented there—any English societies wishing to be represented must without delay apply to the Central
Council.
400
/[119]/
1866
th
Council Meeting April 17 66
Citizen Odger in the Chair, Citizen Shaw Secretary pro tem. Members present, Citizens Fox, Cremer, Carter, Weston, Le Lubez, Coulson, Buckley, Wolff, Marx, Lessner, Hrabje, Maurice, Jung, Dupont, Eccarius, and Lafargue.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and after a slight alteration were
confirmed. On the motion of Citizen Jung [seconded] by Citizen Marx
Citizens Maurice and Traini were unanimously elected members of the Central
Council.
Mr Barry said he was deputed by the Executive Committee of Tailors' Association [|[120]| to inform the Council That their Association had decided upon joining
our Association and that on their special meeting in May a Vote of money would
be proposed for the use of the Council. He also tendered the thanks of their Association for the services rendered during their late struggle.
On the motion of Citizen Jung, The Tailors' Association was admitted as a
Branch of our Association.
Citizen Marx reported that he had received £3.0.0 from Germany for Members'
Cards which he paid to the Financial Secretary.
Citizens Weston and Jung were deputed to attend the Plasterers' Committee on
Thursday evening next in Leather Lane.
Citizens Odger and Cremer were deputed to wait upon the City Women's Shoe
Makers at the Bell Inn, Old Bailey.
A Letter was read from Hartlepool by the Financial Secretary which he had replied to by sending the Laws of the Association.
On the motion of Citizen Dupont seconded by Citizen Lafargue Citizens Prudhomme and Buzon were elected Correspondents for Bordeaux.
Citizen Cremer said he was now prepared to resume his duties as Secretary untili
the Congress and that he should be ready with his financial statement on next
meeting night.
Citizens Fox, Le Lubez and Coulson were elected to audit the accounts on Tuesday next at 6 o'clock precisely. |
|[121]| Citizen Wolff then renewed the Subject which had been discussed on the
6 of March by the Council, and read a Letter from Citizen Fontana to strengthen
th
401
his view of the matter; A long discussion then took place in which Citizens Odger,
Marx, Jung, Cremer, Fox, Le Lubez, Weston, Shaw [took part and] which ended after mutual explanations had been given with the following resolution
Proposed by Citizen Marx and seconded by Citizen Dupont, That Citizen Longuet do translate the Resolution pass'd by the Council on the 6 of March and forward the same for publication to the L'Echo de Verviers.
The Meeting then adjourned to April 2 4 . /
th
th
[Zu S.401.11-18]
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 163, 21. April 1866
At the sitting of the Central Council on Tuesday evening, Mr. Barry, deputed from
the Tailors' Protective Association, attended to thank the Central Council for the
invaluable aid which they had rendered to the tailors in their late strike. It was beyond a doubt through the influence and agency of the International Association
that the master tailors had failed to procure men on the continent; he had also the
pleasure of announcing that the tailors had decided to join the International Association. (Cheers.)
A resolution was subsequently carried to admit the Tailors' Association as an affiliated branch.
[.·]
The correspondent in Belgium, Cit. De Paepe, forwarded a copy of the organ of
the association in Belgium, which contained interesting reports of the agitation
now going on in Belgium for universal suffrage.
402
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l April 24, 1866
/[121]/ Meeting of Central Council April 24, 1866
Cit Dell in the Chair.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
The Chairman asked Cit Shaw if he was willing to resign the office of Secretary
5 Pro tern which he had filled for some weeks. Cit Shaw said he was. Cit Cremer said
he was quite willing to stand aside to make way for Cit Shaw; several members
spoke on the question and ultimately it was agreed on the proposition of Cit Shaw
seconded by Cit Eccarius That Cit Cremer resume his duties as Secretary.
Mr B. Patis, Delegate from the wire workers, attended to thank the Council for
10 the efforts which they had put forth to prevent their employers getting workmen
from the Continent to supply the places of the men on Strike; he also stated the
Wire Workers would join the Association.
Jung read letter from Dujoncquoy asking for the ||[122]| balance of his account—
ordered to be paid. Cit Jung read Letters from Dupleix and Becker urging the ne15 cessity for the postponement of the Congress to the last week in September; they
also announced that the Central Committee of the Italian Societies had given in
their adhesion to the principles of the Association and stated they would have a
central gathering in June when the necessity for joining the Association and sending Delegates to the Congress would be discussed and decided—
.20
Cit Traini suggested that Cit Jung should enquire of Cit Becker and Dupleix
what the Italian Societies were who had so expressed themselves and where they
were located—
Jung proposed Wheeler seconded that Cit Dupont write to Paris urging on the Paris Administration the necessity of postponing the Congress. Carried Unanimously.
25
The Secretary brought up the report of the Standing Committee.
Their first recommendation was the Reprint of the Address and Statutes. Jung
proposed Wheeler seconded that Cit Leno be asked to print 1,000 more Copies of
address and rules. Carried Unanimously.
The President read Credentials from the Tailors' Protective Association stating
30 that Cit Barry had been deputed by that Body to represent them on the Central
Council. Cit Eccarius and Wheeler proposed That Cit Barry be accepted as the Tailors' representative on the Central Council—Carried Unanimously.
403
The further consideration of the propositions from the Standing Committee were
postponed till the next sitting—
J. CARTER President Pro tern I
404
Meeting of t h e Central Council M a y 1, 1866
|[123]|
5
10
15
20
st
Cit Carter in the Chair.
Cits Jung and Dupont proposed that Cit Giacomo Traini be elected Secretary for
Italy.
In proposing Cit Traini Cit Jung eulogised Cit Traini's devotion to the principle
of liberty and the cause of progress generally.
Cit Longuet, the Secretary for Belgium read from the Brussels Tribune du Peuple
an exhortation to the wire-workers of Belgium not to engage with the London master wire-workers at the present time.
Citizen Fox laid upon the table copies of the St. Louis Miner and Artisan containing extracts from the London and Continental organs of the Association.
Cit Dupont read a letter from De Marckel of Granville, Manche, asking for the
names of those who desired copies of the "Congrès Ouvrier." He had been visiting
the Workmen in their dinner hour making propagandism for the Association, he
had assured them that the Association was not political but that all was fair and
above board, he expected to be successful in his locality.
Cit Lafargue read a letter from Prudhomme of Bordeaux asking where he should
send the money received for Members' Cards; Lafargue was instructed to advise
him to send it to the Central Council.
Dupont read a letter from Fribourg (Paris) stating the Paris Administration were
opposed to the further postponement of the Congress for the following reasons
1 That the September Conference had given a solemn pledge to Europe to convoke the Congress in May.2 That very many were waiting for the assembling of the Congress which would
decide them as to giving in their adhesion to the Association.
3 That three months delay will not make the Association and might destroy
st
25
n d
rd
•
iM
|[124]| In Paris they had begun to prepare for the election of their Delegates, as
30 yet they could not say how many would be elected but they might at all events
count on a score, the Delegates would carry with them a complete plan of organization for the Association as well as the results of their deliberations on the proposed
405
questions. They were glad to hear of the progress the Association was making in
England and finally they did not believe that the convocation of the Congress on
the 4 of June would interfere with the prestige of the Association—
The letter concluded by referring to the correspondence from the Provinces as being indicative of a desire for the assembling of the Congress on June 4 but if the
Central Council determined to postpone the Congress for three months they in Paris must make the best of the decision.—
Cit Lafargue said he thought Fribourg exaggerated somewhat the injuries that
would arise from the postponement of the Congress, the decision of the CC might
cause a panic in Paris but such would not be the case in many other parts of France
where the Association had only just begun.
Dupont thought the Lyonnese would be favorable to the further postponement of
the Congress, he judged so from past correspondence—
Jung thought it essential to decide when the Congress should be held—supposing
that it was decided to further postpone it he feared we must override the views of
our Parisian Friends—he would prefer August to September as in the latter month
men generally would be too much engaged to attend—
Some of the Council having expressed a desire to (if possible) convoke the Congress on the Anniversary of the Association viz the 2 8 September, Cit Jung replied
and expressed fears that such date ||[125]| would be almost fatal but he would propose the first Monday in September as the Day for the assembling of the Congress—Cit Maurice seconded the proposition which was Carried Unanimously.
th
th
th
T h e a n n o u n c e m e n t t o the C o n t i n e n t
Marx proposed Fox seconded That the Secretaries of the respective nationalities
announce as quickly as possible to their Correspondents the above decision. Carried Unanimously.
N o m i n a t i o n of C o u n c i l m e n
Cit Frank Robert and Ralph Dutton were nominated by Cremer and Lessner.
R e p o r t of Standing C o m m i t t e e
The Secretary then brought up the report of the Standing Committee adjourned
from the last sitting of the Council but as the Council had decided to postpone the
Congress the immediate adoption of the propositions from the Standing Committee
had been obviated and their further consideration was again adjourned with the exception of the two following which were Carried Unanimously on the proposition of
Cremer and Le Lubez,
"That each member of the CC hold himself in readiness to visit organised bodies
406
to induce them to join the Association and to contribute towards the expenses of
the Congress."
"That all Societies sending Delegates to the Congress must pay the expenses of
the Delegates."
R e p o r t of D e p u t a t i o n s
Jung gave report of his and Cit Lafargue's visit to No 2 Lodge of Operative Bricklayers—they had been most enthusiastically received and had received promises of
support. The members had also expressed surprise that they had not been waited on
before.
Cremer reported that he had waited on the City of London Ladies' Shoemakers
who were ||[126]| compelled to adjourn from pressure of business consequently he
did not get a hearing but they had invited him to their next meeting and promised
him a hearing.
Cremer also reported that he had made arrangements with the Secretary of the
Day Working Bookbinders for a deputation to wait on their next meeting.
Citizen Dupont stated that the French branch in London of the International Association had resolved to form a co-operative association.
T h e Tailors a n d their late Strike
Lessner reported that as a number of German Tailors had been imported into Edinburgh and as it was currently reported that some of the London employers were
making arrangements to bring several here—The German Tailors resident in London had formed themselves into a Committee and wished to cooperate with the
Council of the I. W. M. A. to checkmate the designs of the Employers and their
Agents which they had in Germany.
Marx stated that if Lessner would send him the facts that he would directly communicate with the German Papers.
G. W. WHEELER Chairman /
[Zu S. 405.13-406.22]
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 165, 5. Mai 1866
The Secretary for France read an encouraging correspondence from Bordeaux, in
which it was stated, that the Association, when once it became known, would carry
all before it in the South of France. Also letters from Paris and Granville (Normandy).
407
T h e G e n e v a Congress.
The date of the assembling of this congress was postponed by a unanimous vote
from June 4, to Monday Sept. 3. The reason assigned being the unpreparedness of
the Genevese to receive the members of the Congress at present, particularly in
view of the large delegation which is announced as likely to attend from Paris, the
necessity of having further time for preparing papers on the programme question,
and the desirability of having Italy represented thereat.
408
Meeting of the Central Council M a y 8,
/[126]/
1866
Cit Wheeler in the Chair. The minutes of the former Meeting read and confirmed.
Election of C o u n c i l m e n
5
Citizens Ralph and James Dutton were elected on the proposition of Cits Cremer
and Lessner.
N o m i n a t i o n s for C o u n c i l m e n
A. Haufe nominated by Cit Lessner; J. D. Prior nominated by Cit Cremer. |
I [ 127] I Secretary for Poland
10
The Gen Sec asked for instructions on the above question as another edition of the
address and statutes were being printed and as the present nominal Secretary for
Poland had not attended the Council for months, he wished to know if his name
was to be allowed to remain as Secretary. Cit Marx proposed Cit Bobczynski—Cit
Fox seconded the proposition. Carried Unanimously.
A m e r i c a n Secretary
Cit Fox was elected Secretary for America in place of Cit Leon Lewis.
409
Deputations
Cits Jung, Dutton, and Cremer were elected to wait on the Amalgamated Engineers'
Council.
Bookbinders
Cits Wheeler, Jas Dutton and Hales to wait on Bookbinders.
To Coopers
Cremer, Dupont and Jung.
R e p o r t of D e p u t a t i o n s
Jung reported the result of his visit No 1 Lodge [of] Operative Bricklayers' Society,
they had warmly received him and had promised to urge on their Executive the necessity of sending a Delegate to the Congress.
Correspondence
th
Dupont read a Letter from Lyons. On the 3 0 of April they had held a meeting at
which 210 members attended, when five members were elected to attend the Congress—A Committee of 5 was also elected to consider and report on the various
questions in the programme. They wished to know whether they were to retain the |
|[128]| money they received for Members' Cards till the Congress or if they were to
send it to the CC—they hoped soon to have from 2 to 300 members in Lyons. They
had lately received a request from Villefranche for permission to open a new branch
there.
Cits Fox and Hales proposed "That the Lyonnese be requested to send to the CC
one-fourth of the contribution they receive for Members' Cards."
Cits Marx and Jung proposed
That Cit Dupont write to the Lyonnese telling them they are at liberty to use the
money they have in hand if they do not obtain sufficient to pay the expenses of the
Delegates by Voluntary Contribution. For Fox's resolution 6—For Amendment 8.
Amendment carried.
Cits Howell and Cremer proposed that all Branches of the Association remit to
the CC not less than one-fourth of the money they receive from Members' Contributions.
Amendment proposed by Marx and Jung—That the question of Branch contribution to the CC be referred to the Standing Committee except the case of Lyons.
410
15
20
25
;
30
For resolution 5—For Amendment 4.
Cit Jung in the absence of the Secretary for Italy read a letter from Citizen Canessa, of Genoa, the editor of a working men's paper in that seaport. It gave an account of the federation of working men's associations in Genoa, and expressed a
5 desire for further information concerning the principles and procedure of the International Working Men's Association.
Cit Jung laid copies of the last number of the Vorbote on the table, and read extracts from its monthly bulletin. From this it appeared that fifty-three members had
joined the Association in Geneva in April last, and notice of adhesion had been re10 ceived from the following recently-founded sections, namely Biel (Canton Berne);
Lausanne (Canton Vaud); in Grafrath (Rhenish Prussia); in St.Imier, a mixed body
of German and Latin race, in Pruntrut (Canton Berne). The mixed (TeutonoLatin) section of Chaux de Fonds had increased, sixty in April last, and the pure
Latin section [in Lausanne] by forty-five members.
15
The same Secretary announced that the central committee of Geneva had received the following letter from Gaspare Stampa, of Milan, in the name of the central committee of Italian working men's associations:—
20
25
30
35
"Milan, April, 1866.
Respected Committee,—The fraternal bond of the Italian working men's associations was formed in Naples in October, 1864, and at the same time a committee
was appointed to bring this union to the general cognisance, and to set it into operation according to the resolution sent herewith.
Our aims are your aims, and the more extensive our relations, the more powerful
is our life.
The central committee, whose organ I am, would not be doing its duty if it did
not claim your co-operation. The death of Professor Savi in Genoa, who was one of
the most indefatigable propagandists of the working class question, as well as the
distance from each other of the members of the committee, who live in different
places, have been in this, the first year of our existence, the cause of much hindrance to our work.
We hereby give our full and entire adhesion to your programme, and we beg you
at the same time to gladden us with your fraternal intercourse, and to send us your
organ the Vorbote, in order that our Moniteur may make use of its important and
praiseworthy contents.
in the name of the Central Committee,
Fraternally yours,
Gaspare Stampa."
The Gen Sec read correspondence from the Darlington Shoemakers expressing
their deep interest in the Association and promising future support. Also from the
W Darlington Tailors sending in their adhesion and 5s. ||[129]| Cit Fox gave notice
that at the next meeting of the Council he should call attention to a passage in the
last Letter of Cit Engels which passage involved the question of Nationalities.
411
Excursion to Ireland.
Citizen Weston brought before the Central Committee the project of Mr. Lilley to
form an excursion party of 300 persons to Ireland in July or August next. As this
body had at heart the amelioration of the relations between the English and Irish
peoples, he thought it was opportune to bring the matter beneath their notice.
Mr. Lilley had communicated with the manager of the London and North-Western
Railway, who had responded favourably to Mr. Lilley's overtures.
President Pro tem /
412
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l M a y 15,
/[129]/
1866
th
Cit Shaw in the Chair.
The minutes of the former meeting were read and confirmed.
B r a n c h e s a n d their C o n t r i b u t i o n s
Cits Marx and Jung proposed "That the resolution with regard to the Branches
sending one-fourth of their income to the Central Council be rescinded." Carried
Unanimously.
The following were unanimously elected as members of the Council
Cit Haufe proposed by Lessner and Hrabje
Cit J. D. Prior proposed by Cremer and Fox.
Auditing Accounts |
|[130]| On the motion of Cits Carter and Hales it was agreed that the Standing Committee were to audit the accounts.
N e w Branches
The following were admitted as affiliated Branches of the Association
The Darlington section of the Amalgamated Tailors 62 in number.
The Darlington section of the Amalgamated Cordwainers 60 in number.
413
Report from Standing Committee
The Committee recommend "That for the Future all resolutions passed at the CC be
translated to the Continental members." Carried Unanimously.
C o n t i n e n t a l Reports
Cit Marx read extracts from Leipsic Journals cautioning German Tailors against
coming to England to supplant the English Tailors who were on Strike. |
414
Meeting of t h e Central Council M a y 22,
|[132]|
1866
Cit Le Lubez in the Chair.
The Sec stated he had been disappointed in [not] receiving from Cit Fox some report of the proceedings at the last meeting and it was unanimously agreed to defer
5 reading the minutes till the next Meeting.
Reports from the C o n t i n e n t
Cit Jung read extracts from the "Vorbote" which stated that 7£ 10s had been sent
by a Social Democrat in Rhenish Prussia to the Geneva section towards the expenses of the Congress.
10
Correspondence
Switzerland
Cit Jung read correspondence from Geneva. The bootmakers of Geneva, owing to
the low price of their wages, the increase of rent and every necessary of life, have resolved to ask for an advance of wages. They presented a tariff to the masters. The
15 men have applied to the Geneva section of the International Association, asking
them to inform the men in other countries. The Geneva Committee have informed
the men of Paris, Lyons, Switzerland, and Germany, and they hope we on our part
will do the same.
France
Cit Dupont read a letter from Cit Tolain complaining about the Congress being
postponed and stating that the result would, he feared, be very injurious to the Association.
After a great deal of discussion on the question and the contents of the Letter
415
The Minute Book of the Provisionai Central Council of the I. W. M. A.
Cremer and Shaw proposed
"That after reconsidering at the instance of the Paris Administration the question
of the postponement of the Congress the CC cannot see any reasons to induce them
to depart from their decision, viz, to convoke the Congress on the 3 of September
next." I
rd
|[133]| English Correspondence
Cit Dell read Letters containing remittances from Nottingham Cordwainers,
Wolverhampton Bricklayers, Dewsbury Cordwainers, Birmingham Cordwainers,
Tunbridge Wells Do, Cheltenham Do.
The Gen Sec read Letters from the Engineers and Cabinet Makers, Cits Lubez. 10
Dutton and Shearman were appointed to wait on the Stratford Lodge of BricklayersCits Weston, Hales, Jung and Dupont were appointed to wait on Cabinet Makers'
Society.
Reports of D e p u t a t i o n s
15
Cit Jung gave a report of a visit to the Coopers' Society.
Cit Lafargue thought a report ought to appear weekly in the Commonwealth of
the doings of the Council.
Cit Dell thought there ought to be a division of Labor, he would propose Cit
Shaw as minute Secretary with Cit Jung to assist him in translating Foreign corre- 20
spondence. Cit Buckley seconded the proposition. Carried Unanimously.
Cits Haufe and Hansen reported the result of their mission to Edinburgh in connection with the importation of German Tailors to supplant the Scotch Tailors—
they had succeeded in making propaganda for the Association.
Report from Standing C o m m i t t e e
25
Cremer brought up the report of the Committee.
They recommended that as there were liabilities to discharge that a Ball should
be held at Cambridge Hall.
The Council did not endorse the proposition which fell through.
The Committee also recommended |
30
|[134]| That Cards and Rules be left with the Secretaries of Societies that are waited on by deputations. Agreed to.
They also recommended that each Member of the CC take 6 Cards each and try
to dispose of them. (Agreed to.) Cit Dupont nominated Cit Amedee Combault as a
member of the CC.
35
GEO ODGER President/
416
[Zu S. 416.7-9]
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 168, 26. Mai 1866
The Financial Secretary of the International Working-Men's Association hereby acknowledges the receipt of the following sums, contributed to defray the expenses of
5 the forthcoming Congress of Working-Men at Geneva: —
10
£
s.
d.
Eight Dewsbury Shoemakers, per William Tinkler
0
7
0
Operative Bricklayers' Society (Wolverhampton Lodge), per F. W.
Jones
0
4
9
Men's Section of Amalgamated Cordwainers, Birmingham, per Thomas Hallam
0
5
0
West-End
Wallace
1
0
0
Tunbridge-Wells Section of the Amalgamated Cordwainers, per Peter
Knight
0
8
0
Ladies'Shoemakers'Society,
per
Mr.
15 Cheltenham Section of Amalgamated Cordwainers, per John Saunders 0 2 6
417
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council M a y 29,
/[134]/
1866
Meeting of Central Council May 29, 1866
Citizens Harry and Harvey proposed by Cremer seconded [by] Dutton
Do. Joseph Jayet proposed by Dupont and Lafargue.
Election as C o u n c i l m e n
Cit Amedee Combault proposed [by] Dupont—Lafargue.
R e p o r t s of D e p u t a t i o n s
Cit Weston reported result of visit [to] Alliance Cabinet Makers, very enthusiastically received and requested to attend again on 30 inst.
Cit Dutton reported result [of visit to] Stratford Bricklayers; had been well received, had arranged with Cit Shearman to attend another Lodge on Saturday next,
reports received.
Extracts from Public Press
Fox read extract from the International Journal ||[135]| approving the principles of
the Association and urging its claims on the American Workmen.
418
Correspondence
Cit Dupont read Letter from Cit Fribourg requesting a copy of the minutes in reference to the postponement of the Congress—
Cit Jung undertook to translate the minutes and forward them to Paris.
Letter read from the "La Gironde" showing that Cit Bouzet was appealing to the
Men of that department to join the Association.
Cit Le Lubez read extracts from the "Courrier Français" containing sentiments
which he considered too liberal to enable that Paper to live long under the present
French Government.
The Publisher of "La Rive Gauche" having asked for information concerning the
Association, Citizens Fox, Cremer and Jung were appointed to forward said information for publication in that Journal.
A m a l g a m a t e d Carpenters
A suggestion for sending a circular to the members of the above was referred to the
Standing Committee.
T h e Conference P r o g r a m m e
It was resolved that the discussion of the above be commenced at the next sitting.
Vice President |
th
419
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council June 5, 1866
|[136]|
th
The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Cit W. Harry proposed by Cremer and Dutton
F. Harvey proposed by Do
Do
J. Jayet Do
Dupont
Lafargue.
Cit M. Lawrence proposed by Maurice —Lessner
AlexBesson [Do]
Lafargue—Dupont.
10
Correspondence
Cit Jung said he had received a Letter from Cit L.D. Canessa, Genoa, offering to insert anything in the [Giornale delle Associazioni Operaie Italiane] concerning the
I.W.M.A. That Citizen was about to leave to go and fight for the liberation of Venice.
15
Reports from D e p u t a t i o n s
Cits Weston, Jung, Dupont reported the adhesion of the Alliance Cabinet Makers,
they had promised to join not only in Name but Action.
Cit Dutton reported from Bricklayers in Commercial Road; had been well received.
420
Jung reported what he had said to them, he had appealed to their sense of "Brotherhood" with other Peoples.
Address from F r e n c h B r a n c h i n L o n d o n
Cit Lafargue then brought before the Council the address of the French Branch in
London in answer to the Address of the French Students to the Students of Italy
and Germany.
The Address Citizen Lafargue ||[137]| laid before the Council is addressed to the
Students of all Nations by the I. W. M. A. in the name of the Workmen of all nations.
Citizen [...] proposed and Citizen Dutton seconded that "It is opportune for the
Central Council to issue an address." Citizen Weston proposed as an amendment
and Citizen James Dutton seconded that the Central Council endorses the sentiments expressed in the address, but that it be issued by the French Branch of London, with whom it originated.
A long discussion ensued on the Proposition.
Citizen Carter spoke at some length appealing to the Council not [to] pass the
resolution, and in favour of the amendment. He said it would be a bad precedent to
hurry through any Address as emanating from the Council in the absence of a good
number of its members.
6 voted for the amendment
6 for the proposition—
The President gave his casting vote in favor of the Amendment.
A request for settlement of claim was received from Cit. J. B. Leno. Referred to
Standing Committee.
The Council then adjourned till June 12 . /
th
421
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l J u n e 12,
/[137]/
1866
Central Council Meeting June 12 1866
Cit Lawrence proposed by Maurice and Lessner
Cit Besson proposed by Lafargue and Dupont. |
|[138][Nominations for C o u n c i l m e n
Pierre Leroux nominated by Jung and Marx.
Jung and Dupont reported an interview with West End Cabinet Makers, had been
well received, invited to attend again.
Future Deputations
Cremer and Lessner to visit French Polishers.
Yarrow suggested deputations to several societies whose names he mentioned.
Sheffield Conference
Fox proposed sending Delegate there. Carried Unanimously.
Selection of Man deferred.
422
Correspondence
Lafargue read from "La Rive Gauche" a summary of the doings of the Central
Council.
Cit Marx read a Letter from Leipsic which stated that all the Saxon Working
Men's Associations had joined the International.
The War in Germany
The President suggested that at the present crisis the Council should discuss the
question of the German War and its probable influence on the peoples of Europe.
Cit Eccarius proposed that the question be debated at the next sitting. Carried
Unanimously.
The Council then adjourned till June 19 .
President Pro tem |
th
423
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l J u n e 19, 1866
|[139]|
th
Central Council Meeting June 19 1866
Cit Weston in the Chair.
The debate on the war attracted a large concourse of members. It was ably
opened by Cit. Eccarius, who illustrated his address with a map of Germany, made
for the occasion. He was followed by Cits. Le Lubez, Fox, Lafargue, Marx, who 5
made an highly interesting speech, Carter, Dutton, and Hales. Speeches were made
in French and English. The debate was adjourned until Tuesday evening next at the
same hour, when the question of Nationality will be treated of. Cit. Le Lubez has
given notice that he will propose the following resolutions: —
1. "The Central Council of the International Association of Working Men recom- 10
mend to their fellow working men in arms not to waste their strength in slaying
each other, but to economise it for the defence of their rights against their only enemies, the enslavers of the working class. Their opinion is that no man need obey
any power he has had no voice in electing, or any law he has had no voice in making. Therefore, (2.) every soldier, who has not made the cause he is fighting for, his 15>
own by being convinced that it is just, is relieved from his obligation to fight for it.
(3.) If that right should be denied him and that force be used to coerce him, he has
a right, and it is his duty to defend that right, which is the right of the people, by using force himself."
Before the debate began, the Courrier Français of the 17th inst. was brought before 20 j
the council and the rejoinder of the students was read and given to the Editor of the
Commonwealth to translate and publish the same. For the previous correspondence
]
see the Commonwealth of June 9.
To the Workingmen of ail Countries!
The
Youth
of
France.
25
Brethren,—You have understood that war was a violation of the most sacred rights
of humanity, and you have responded to our appeal. Thanks, a thousand thanks!
United for the noblest of causes, we shall continue to claim in common the rights
for which humanity has ever combated; labour and universal peace will guide us in
this path, the harmony of minds and hearts will recompense us for our efforts.
30
424
5
IO
15
20
25
"The masters of the world" will in vain endeavour to revive the obsolete quarrels
of the past, the traditional rivalries of nations. Universal Reason will respond to the
appeals of the fife and drum by a prodigious cry of peace, by a warm grasp of all
hands and all hearts.
We are pleased to have been understood by those upon whom we base all our
hopes, we are proud to have contributed our small share to the advent of that bright
day in which all men, united by science, will march with one accord to the final
conquest of liberty.
Our forefathers, led astray and enslaved, had for their war-cry "God and our
country!"
Let us, the great grandsons of 1793, have for supreme aim to inscribe on the one
only flag of the people these two words, which are the symbols of our convictions and
our hopes, "Reason and Fraternity!"
It is for you, working men, to realise in the future these vast projects—it is for
you to cement the union of mankind by your labour, the firmness of your principles, and your inflexible devotion to the salvation of the human race.
Be assured that your brothers will not abandon you in the struggle.
(Signed), Alfred Verliere, clerk; Raoul Rigault, clerk; Nestor Richet, shawl
cleaner; Albert Kellermann, shopman; E. Lemoine, student; Dawsta, law student;
Niemann, sculptor; Battaille, clerk; A. Breuillé, employé; A. Jeunesse, student;
Louis Guyon, employé; Humbert, employé; Leon Sornet; employé; Paul Seruzier,
student; C. Dacosta, professor; Tremblay, merchant; Léonce Levraud, student;
H.Villeneuve, student; Bellet, employé; Lavallée, student; Landowski, bookseller's
clerk; Brochur, painter on glass; Boula, do.; Barthélémy, Julien, Wartelen, Bruno,
do.; etc., etc.
The Central Council has received the following letter of adhesion to the Workingmen's Response: —
"Bedlington, June 13th, 1866.
'Friends,'—We, the undersigned men of this place, endorse every sentiment from
30 the young students of Paris, and likewise the response of the men of all nations;
and we hope and trust that the time is not far distant, when every man will know his
position in society as a man.—Yours, in the cause of freedom.
(Signed) Thomas Hailston, Alexander McLeod, David Graham, John Scott, Robert McDonald, David Lofthouse, George Steel, John Ramsay, Robert Fairbaim,
35 James Cole, of Bedlington, Northumberland."
425
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council J u n e 26, 1866
|[140]|
Cit Fox in the Chair.
Cit Marx introduced to the Council Cit Fontaine of Brussels; he also announced
that Fribourg would publish week by week in the "Courrier Français" their elaboration of the questions to be submitted to Congress.
5
Correspondence
Dupont read Letters from Tolain and Fribourg announcing the seizure of the
"Courrier Français" and blaming the Council for postponing the Congress.
R e p o r t of D e p u t a t i o n
Jung reported West End Cabinet Makers fully agreed with our principles and would
join.
10
F r e n c h Revolution J u n e 1848
Lessner asked would the Council take part in celebrating the event, question postponed.
Italian Secretary
15
Cit Fox read Letter from Cit Traini stating he had corresponded with several Italian
Societies but as yet had not received an answer.
The present position of his Country placed him in an awkward position; he also
complained of an attack in "Rive Gauche" by Cit Lafargue who had placed Mazzini
and Garibaldi side by side with and declaring them as bad as Bismark. He believed 20
426
Mazzini and Garibaldi were both good Socialists—In consequence of such attack
he must tender his resignation as Italian Secretary,
Cit Lafargue replied that what he had written he had written in his individuall
|[141]| capacity not as a Member of the CC who were in no way responsible for his
5 opinions.
Cit Fontaine said he had expressed the same opinions only in a stronger manner;
after some discussion Cremer [proposed] Dutton seconded That we pass to the order of the day and that Cit Traini be written to and told that the Council are not responsible for Cit Lafargue's views. Carried Unanimously.
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
T h e adjourned debate
The debate was resumed by Cit Bobczynski who said that though Mazzini, Garibaldi and Bismark were acting together they were acting from different motives. If
the Association was only to be Social it would never be great, its first duty was to
get rid of tyrants on the Continent.
Cit Jung thought that although Garibaldi's heart was undoubtedly right his head
and sword were in the wrong place; he was sorry to see him and Mazzini in alliance
with Bismark, he thought the upshot of the war would be revolution.
The debate was continued by Cits Bobczynski, Lafargue, Cremer, Fontaine.
Cit Dutton said that Workmen of all countries could work out their Political and
Social independence without fighting for nationalities.
Cits Bobczynski and Carter then gave notice of the following resolution
"That the London members of the International Working Men's Association consider the present conflict on the Continent to be one between tyrants, and advise
working men to be neutral, but to associate themselves with a view to acquire
strength by unity and to use the strength so acquired in striking a final blow at all
the tyrants of Europe and proclaiming their own liberty."
Cits Cremer and Dutton also gave notice of the following series of resolutions
1. That the war now being waged in Europe between the Prussian and Austrian
governments is a war for Empire, and as such is not calculated to benefit the peopies, as whichever becomes the victor it will be but the substitution of one despot
for another.
2. The Council regrets that the Prussian people should have allowed their energies to be diverted from the extension and consolidation of their liberties by the war
policy of Bismarck who has thereby succeeded in rivetting still stronger their political fetters. |
|[142]| 3. The Council also expresses a hope that the Italian people, while endeavouring to give liberty to the Venetians, will not enter into an unholy alliance with
the Prussian government, and so be guilty of moral and political suicide by at the
same time fighting to rescue the Venetians and assisting the Prussian government
to enslave the German people.
4. That as all wars not waged on behalf of liberty and justice are cruel and unjustifiable, we therefore recommend the peoples of Europe to abstain from taking any
active part in the present unrighteous struggle.
427
Cit. Fox gave notice of the following resolution:—
"That the Prussian government is responsible for the miseries caused by the present war on the Continent."
The Council then adjourned to July 3 . |
rd
[Zu S. 427.10-428.3]
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 173, 30. Juni 1866
The members of this Association mustered again in large numbers on Tuesday
evening last, to hear and take part in the adjourned debate on the War and the
principle of Nationality. Cits. Bobczynski, Le Lubez, Jung, Dupont, Marx, Fontaine (from Brussels), Lafargue, Dutton, Weston and Cremer spoke.
428
|[143]|
1866
rd
Central Council Meeting July 3 1866
Cit. Ayres of N o . l Lodge of the Operative Bricklayers, and Cit. F. Yarrow of the Alliance Cabinet Makers' Association, were elected members of the Central Council,
after having been nominated by their respective Corporations.
The declaration of adhesion of the Nottingham section of the Amalgamated
Cordwainers' Society, representing 140 men, was read.
Cit. Maurice brought before the attention of the Council the following advertisement which appeared in the Times of the 6th ult.:—
'To the Master Tailors of Great Britain and Ireland.
Your attention is called to the present relations between the masters and journeymen tailors of the United Kingdom, and it is suggested that, in the interest of the
trade generally, a Conference be held in London, or elsewhere, in August, in which
masters from every town in the kingdom may take part, and the present and future
prospects of the labour question be thoroughly discussed, a more satisfactory arrangement among themselves arrived at, and a system adopted by which work may
be efficiently carried on in case of strikes."
A letter from Mr. G.E. Harris was read, giving his adhesion to the response to the
Paris Students.
T h e adjourned debate o n the G e r m a n W a r
An article was translated from the last number of the Rive Gauche as containing the
sentiments of Cit. Lafargue, a member of the Council, on the attack of the king of
Italy upon Venetia, and its reaction upon French politics.
Cit. Fox gave notice of the following resolution: —
"That the Prussian government is responsible for the miseries caused by the present war on the Continent."
429
The Minute Book of the Provisional Central Council of the I.W. M. A.
The debate was continued by Cits. Bobczynski, Cremer, Fox, Hales, and Eccarius, and the debate was adjourned until Tuesday next.
The Financial Secretary was instructed to pay to the "Commonwealth" the first
quarter's rent due for our present meeting-place.
Cit. Lessner proposed W. Massman as a member of the Council.
The Council then adjourned to July 10. |
430
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l July 10,
|[144]|
1866
th
Central Council Meeting July 10 1866
Cit Massman proposed by Lessner and Marx.
5
Correspondence
Jung read for Dupont correspondence from Fleurieux-sur-Saône near Lyons announcing the opening of a new Branch there, also thanking the CC for the high
mission they had undertaken.
He also read a Letter from Rouen expressing their regret at the delay which had
10 taken place on their part; they were now making amends for the past and were
working for the future.
Letter from Lyons hoping the Council would not again postpone the Congress,
also asking if the travelling expenses of the Delegate who went around Lyons making propaganda could be taken out of their funds derived from the sale of Members'
15 Cards.
The answer was found by a former resolution of the CC.
Q u e s t i o n of Congress
Cit Cremer introduced the question asking the CC if they would take active steps to
ensure the success of the Congress.
M
Cits Carter and Fox proposed That not less than 4 delegates be sent to Geneva
from the CC—Carried Unanimously.
It was further agreed to retain the services of one Man during the day time to
make active propaganda.
431
Cit Cremer was elected for that purpose.
Cits Lawrence and Barry ||[145]| proposed That the Members of the CC belonging
to the various trades hold themselves in readiness to assist the Gen Sec.
Carried.
R e p r e s e n t a t i o n in t h e Press
Cit Marx asked Cit Fox how it was that no report of the Council's doings had appeared in the last number of the Commonwealth.
Cit Fox entered into a long explanation and a discussion took place taken part in
by Cits Dell, Weston, Cremer, and others.
Eventually Cits Bobczynski and Yarrow proposed That for the future we do not
confine our reports to any journal but send them wherever they are likely to be inserted. Carried Unanimously.
T h e Sheffield Conference
Cremer proposed That Cit Odger and in the event of the Tailors sending a Delegate
to the Conference that they be appointed to represent the Association at the Conference. Carried Unanimously.
The Council then adjourned to July 17.
JOHN WESTON President Pro tem |
432
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l J u l y 17,
|[146]|
1866
Meeting of Central Council July 17 1866
Citizen Weston in the Chair.
The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Cit Howell complained of that part of the previous minutes what he said reflected on him. The reflection having been denied. Cit Cremer said it was he that had made the statements which Cit Howell complained of and what he had said he was prepared to
stand by.
The Chairman having ruled that the discussion was out of order the affair
dropped.
T h e Secretary for Belgium
Cit Lafargue reported that Cit Longuet having gone to Paris, had unfortunately
been arrested and committed for eight months.
Cit Lubez also announced that Cit Vesinier had been arrested in Belgium.
Reports of D e p u t a t i o n s .
Cits. Cremer and Jung reported the result of their visit to the Hand-in-Hand Society of Coopers, the members of which had convened a special meeting to receive
them. After listening for some time with a deep interest to the deputation many of
the members spoke warmly in support of the principles of the Association, and as
an earnest of their deep convictions they agreed to join in a body and levied each
member one shilling towards defraying the expenses of the Geneva Congress. The
General Secretary also reported that the West-end Cabinet Makers had sent in their
adhesion to the Association, and asked to be admitted as an affiliated Branch. A
resolution for their admission was unanimously agreed to.
433
France.
Cit. Dupont, French Secretary, read a letter from Neuville-sur-Saône near Lyons,
asking permission to open a branch there. The Secretary thanked the Council for
the high mission they had undertaken. The request was agreed to, and Cit. Louis
Baudrand, E.Beniere and T.M. Colomb were appointed correspondents of the Association for that locality. A letter was also read from Lyons asking for information in
regard to malleable castings. The Secretary was instructed to make some enquiries.
T h e T r e a t m e n t of the Irish State Prisoners
at Portland.
Cit. Fox stated that before the expiration of the six months' term the Irish state
prisoners lately confined in Pentonville prison were removed to Portland jail, where
alone their friends were allowed to visit them. He then read the following extract
from a letter received from the wife of one of the said prisoners. This lady states the
conditions under which these prisoners may be seen by their female relatives and
the crushing treatment to which they are subjected—treatment to which one of
their number has already fallen a victim.
"Mrs. Luby and O'Leary's sisters have been to Portland. They were much disappointed in having to see the prisoners through wire screens. It seems to me that the
English Government must have an exalted opinion of the ingenuity and cleverness
of Irish women, when even with all the safekeeping that bars and bolts and jailors
can insure, it will not trust a prisoner's wife to touch that prisoner's hand or even
see his face unscreened; or is such precaution used as a refinement of cruelty,
which it certainly is whether intended to be or not. Here are a few facts as to their
treatment given by Luby and O'Leary. At labour from five a.m. to eight p.m. Breakfast of cocoa and heavy unpalatable bread, supper of thin gruel half enough at each
meal. Dinner, two days five ounces meat, five potatoes and bread; two next days, a
pint of something called soup, and bread; two days again, they dine on suet pudding and on Sunday they have bread and cheese. They have no chaplain. Their labour is quarrying, washing the convicts' clothes, and scrubbing; by turns. It is easy
to understand that many of these men will sink under such treatment combined
with all the petty tyranny practised on them by the more brutal of their jailors, and
without the consolation of either letters or visits from their friends. Luby and
O'Leary wished this put before the public. I have not seen my husband, I will go to
see him in a few weeks, and I know he too will wish this course the government
takes with state prisoners to be published.
Mrs. J. O'Donovan Rossa."
The Central Council by a unanimous vote ordered that the extract should be as
widely published as possible.
434
10
15
20
30
35
The European War
Cit Fox translated from the "Courrier Français" a letter signed by Fribourg in relation to the war and the Social question. |
|[147]| T h e Discussion o n the W a r
was then resumed. Cits. Dutton, Bobczynski and Marx were the principal speakers.
Cits. Cremer and Fox withdrew their respective amendments, and the wording of
the Bobczynski—Carter resolution was amended and ultimately passed, nem con, in
the following form.
"That the Central Council of the International Working Men's Association consider the present conflict on the Continent to be one between Governments and advise working men to be neutral, and to associate themselves with a view to acquire
strength by unity and to use the strength so acquired in working out their social and
political emancipation."
T h e Congress P r o g r a m m e .
It was then agreed that at the next and subsequent meetings of the Council the
questions to be submitted to the Geneva Congress should be discussed and elaborated.
The questions to be discussed on Tuesday next are as follow.—Organization of
the Association; Combination of effort by means of the Association in the different
national struggles between capital and labour.
The Council then adjourned to July 24.
JAMES BARRY/
435
M e e t i n g of t h e Central Council July 24,
1866
/[147]/ M e e t i n g o f C e n t r a l C o u n c i l J u l y 2 4 1 8 6 6
Cit Barry in the Chair.
Cit W. Stockey nominated by Yarrow and Jung
Cit W. Colonieu nominated by Dupont and Combault
Cit Lemaitre nominated by Lafargue and Marx.
Cit Barry reported that the Coachmakers had not met, they would meet next month
Aug 8.
Cit Jung reported the result of visit to Packing Case Makers, they wished for a
deputation at their Delegate Meeting.
Correspondence
Cit Jung read correspondence respecting the manufacture of Tulle by which it was
ascertained that the English Operatives received higher wages than ||[148]| the
Lyons Operatives.
Cit Dupont read a Letter from Sur-Saône thanking the Council for Cards
of Membership and asking for Credentials for the Correspondents; ordered to be
sent.
Jung read a Letter from Geneva which stated they had elected a committee to
make arrangements for the reception of the Delegates who would attend the congress. They also wished to know in what manner the questions were to be proposed
and discussed at the congress. They thought the CC ought to appoint a Member to
436
Meeting of the Centrai Council July 24, 1866
bring forward questions and formally propose them. Also that reports of proceedings should be taken and printed in three languages and distributed amongst all the
sections of the Association. They also hoped the CC would communicate to all the
Branches the assembling of Congress and the questions to be submitted.
Ordered that the recommendations should be submitted and discussed by the
Standing Committee for report to the CC.
Q u e s t i o n of Italian R e p r e s e n t a t i o n
Cremer and Marx proposed that the Secretary and any Member of the CC take
whatever steps they may deem advisable to get Italian Societies represented at the
Congress. Carried Unanimously.
Also ordered that Cit Jung write to the Geneva Administration urging them to
exert themselves to the same effect.
Cit Lubez gave reasons why the Italians in London abstained from returning to
the Council.
T h e Order of the D a y
was then ||[149]| discussed, led off by Cremer who proposed as recommendation to
Congress
That the CC should sit in London, seconded by Marx. Carried Unanimously.
The next question discussed was ways and means.
Cremer proposed for discussion "That Corporate bodies joining the Association
should contribute one halfpenny per Member per Year to the CC for the purposes
of propaganda and administration expenses."
A long discussion ensued on the question taken part in by Cits Marx, Jung, Lafargue, Dutton, Yarrow, and others and ultimately it was decided to adjourn the
question till the next meeting.
Several deputations were then appointed to wait on Societies and the Council
then adjourned to July 3 1 .
st
J. GEORGE ECCARIUS Vice President/
437
M e e t i n g of t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l July 3 1 , 1866
/[149]/
Meeting of Central Council July 31, 1866
Cit Stockey proposed by Yarrow and Jung.
Cit Lawrence gave Cit Barry's report of his visit to Silver Spoon Makers, They
agreed to the terms of % d per Member and promised to recommend the whole of
the Trade to join. Cit Lawrence stated the Tailors' Executive would recommend to
their members whatever was agreed on by the Central Council or the Congress.
The Secretary reported that the Engineers' Council had received a deputation
and after listening to the ||[150]| deputation and discussing their views had promised to communicate the result of their deliberations.
The Compositors had also received the deputation and appeared heartily to endorse their views.
Cit Le Lubez reported that the Carpenters' meeting at the Silver Cup had well received the Deputation and voted One Pound towards the expenses of the Congress
promising to consider the propriety of joining the Association.
Cit Eccarius reported that the Tailors' Committee had issued an appeal to the
Journeymen urging them to elect a Delegate to the Geneva Congress.
438
T h e Atlantic Cable
Cit Fox referring to the laying of the above said it was an event too important for
the I. W. M. A. to pass silently by, he would therefore propose the following
"That the Central Council hails the successful laying of the Telegraph Cable be5 tween Ireland and Newfoundland as a grand triumph of science and perseverance
over formidable physical difficulties and as adding facilities to the intercourse between the Cisatlantic and Transatlantic members of the European Family and this
Council further hopes that the present Cable is only the precursor of many others."
Cit Dell in seconding the resolution said the Peoples had nothing to gain by isolò lation and secrecy but everything to hope for from increased communication with
each other.
Cit Marx brought up the report of the Committee on the questions to be submitted
15 to Congress
1 They recommended the order as published in ||[151| the French programme
with the single amendment That the last question be amalgamated with the first.
Fox and Carter proposed That the report on this point be adopted. Carried Unanimously.
20
2 That the Secretary be instructed to make out a report of the number of members and a general statement of income and expenditure. Carried Unanimously.
3 They recommend the Congress to make an enquiry into the condition of the
working classes according to the following schedule of enquiries
1 Occupation, name of
25 2 Age and sex of the employed
3 Number of the employed
4 Hiring and Wages. A Apprentices. Β Wages. Day or piece work. Whether paid
by Middlemen etc. Weekly, Yearly Average earnings
5 Hours of Labor. In Factories. Hours of small employers and home work if the
30
business carried on in those modes. Nightwork. Daywork
6 Meal times and treatment
7 State of Place and work, overcrowding, defective ventilation, want of Sunlight,
use of gaslight, etc., Cleanliness etc.
8 Nature of the occupation
'5
9 Effect of employment upon the Physical Condition
10 Moral Condition. Education
11 State of Trade, whether Season Trade or more or less uniformly distributed over
Year, whether greatly fluctuating, whether exposed to Foreign Competition,
whether destined principally for Home or Foreign consumption etc.
W The recommendations were unanimously agreed to. |
st
n d
rd
439
|[152]| C o n t r i b u t i o n s
Cit Marx then reported "That a Yearly Contribution of % [d] per Member be paid
by Societies joining, cost price of Cards or livrets to be charged extra."
The Secretary to have power to negotiate with poor Societies on easier terms.
The recommendation Carried Unanimously.
The Committee recommend that the Council advise members to found Benefit
Societies and to organise an International Exchange between Benefit Societies.
A debate arose on this point, the recommendation was amended so as to require
that the Swiss members take the initiative at the Congress on this question.
The resolution in its amended form was Carried Unanimously
That the local Committees keep reports of the state of trade in their districts and
act as intelligent officers for Working Men.
J. GEORGE ECCARIUS Vice President/
440
/[152]/
1866
Central Council Meeting August 7 1866
The Gen Sec reported that the London Society of Compositors had elected their
Secretary Mr Self as a Delegate to the Geneva Congress.
Mr Cremer also read a Letter from the ||[153]| Gen Sec of the Amalgamated
Engineers stating, their Council declined to send a Delegate or to give permission
for deputations to visit their Branches.
He also reported that the Bookbinders (Day Working) had agreed to join the Association.
The Vellum Binders had adjourned the question till their next General meeting.
Jung reported that the Brush Makers had also deferred the question to their next
Meeting.
Le Lubez reported That the Chair makers and Carvers had also deferred the question till they had a larger attendance.
Correspondence
Cit Marx read a Letter from Belgium asking information in regard to the Congress.
Cit Marx reported That at the last sitting of the Committee only himself, Cits Jung
and Dupont were present, he requested the attendance of the British members at
the next sitting.
441
T h e Sheffield Conference
The President reported That a resolution had been passed thereat urging all Trade
Societies to join the International Association.
Transatlantic Postage
Cit Fox brought forward this subject and stated some facts to show the exorbitant
rate of Letter postage between Britain and the United States, he said that the British rule governed the continental rates and he advised that after the Geneva Congress the Central Council should send a deputation to the Postmaster General to
ask him to concur ||[154]| in the American proposition for a Sixpenny letter rate.
The subject then dropped.
Fox stated that the "Vorbote" was publishing Memoranda of the discussion of
the Geneva Branches on the Congress programme.
HN JUNG. President Pro tem /
[Zu S. 442.1-3]
The Commonwealth.
Nr. 180, 18. August 1866
Mr. Odger reported, that the great Conference of Trades' Delegates at Sheffield had
taken into their most serious consideration the principles of the International Association and passed the following resolution.
"That this Conference, fully appreciating the efforts made by the International
Association to unite in one common bond of brotherhood the working men of all
countries, most earnestly recommend to various societies here represented, the advisability of becoming affiliated to that body, believing that it is essential to the
progress and prosperity of the entire working community."
Proposed by J. Constantine, Halifax; seconded by W. H. Harry, London, and carried unanimously.
442
M e e t i n g o f t h e C e n t r a l C o u n c i l A u g u s t 14,
/[154]/
1866
Central Council Meeting Aug 14 1866
Cit Jung in the Chair.
The Secretary reported his visit to the Coach Makers with the result as expressed in
the following letter
29, South Street, Manchester Square, W.,
Aug. 8, 1866.
Sir,—The result of your attendance on the Coachmakers' Friendly Society, Berwick
Street, to-night has been, that we have appointed ten Delegates to wait upon the ten
Societies in connection with our trade, to lay before each Society your circular and
explain it to them, taking your own lucid statement as our "model." I have been desired by the sub-committee (the ten) to request you to forward twenty-four circulars, addresses, and rules, so that we may forward a copy to each of those Societies
and so that each of us may have a copy to "read up" in before we wait upon them;
our object is to endeavour to get each to act, as we intend to try and make our Society act in unity with you. I suppose you will receive a note from our secretary
(Mr. Todd), explaining that your circular and explanations cannot be brought before our Society, until its general meeting in January, when we intend that the International Working Men's Society's claims shall have the preference to all other
business, and, if in the meantime, the other Societies can be urged to do likewise,
the time will not have been altogether wasted. I hope to come amongst you as a
united body.
Wishing you every success in your (our) undertaking, allow me to subscribe myself, your well-wisher, and hope to be your obedient servant.
Edward Reaveley.
For the committee of ten appointed by the London Coachmakers' Friendly Society, to forward the objects of the International Working Men's Association.
To Mr. Cremer, 18, Bouverie Street, E. C.
443
The Secretary also stated That the Packing Case Makers had joined the Association
and would collect subscriptions among their members for the ||[155]| Geneva Congress. They were too poor to vote money from their funds.
Cit Jung reported that the Plumbers' brass finishers had given their word to join
the Association but had formally deferred their decision till their next meeting.
Messrs Reynolds and Long for the Hand in Hand Coopers handed in Six Pounds
as the contribution of that Body to the expenses of the Geneva Congress.
Cremer and Yarrow proposed That the above body of Coopers be admitted as an
affiliated Branch of the Association. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Yarrow stated the Alliance Cabinet Makers would hold a general Meeting on
Thursday next and the question of the Geneva Congress would then be discussed.
Cits Jung and Cremer promised to attend.
Correspondence
Cit Dell read a Letter from the Sec of Operative Bricklayers' Society stating they
would not pay their contribution as the accounts had not been audited.
The Gen Sec stated that it was not his province to prepare balance-sheets although he had done so months ago and Mr Coulson had been appointed Auditor
but had never attended. If there was any neglect or delay it was with those who had
been appointed auditors but had not performed their duty; such complaints came
with a bad grace from Mr Coulson.
Auditors
Cits Weston and Buckley were appointed to audit the accounts on Friday next at
/2 past 6.
Secretary Salary
Cremer stated there were some arrears owing to him and asked that it should be
paid or that ||[156]| he should be released from his appointment as a paid Officer,
Carter and Fox proposed that 25s be paid Secretary. Carried Unanimously.
Correspondence
Cit Fox read a Letter from Lyons of which the following is a translation.
444
Lyons W o r k m e n , the War, a n d the British Reform M o v e m e n t .
The Lyons correspondent of the International Working Men's Association writes to
the Central Council of this Association as follows:—
"Lyons, August 9, 1866.
In respect to the war, opinions are unsettled. However, workingmen are beginning
to throw off that narrow patriotism which made them embrace the quarrels of potentates and edged them in to sacrifice themselves for the interests of the former. All
are beginning to see that their interests and ours are not identical, and that all
working men have a common interest, and that their greatest enemies are the parasites of their own nation.
We received some numbers of the Courrier Français, and we liked well the ideas it
propagated.
Our enemies found a pretext for annihilating it, but they could not annihilate the
ideas it represented.
We live in hopes that other journals will resume the work it left unfinished. The
arbitrary rule which governs us does not wish the truth to penetrate into the provinces. We beg the English working classes to persevere in the attitude which they
have recently assumed; let them show themselves determined and courageous, let
them confront all menaces and they will obtain that reform which is the first step
towards social amelioration.
You will oblige us by giving us some details concerning what has taken place in
London, and indicating to us clearly the spirit which animates this movement, for
journals suppress the essential part of it.
I cordially salute you,
An.
Scheitel."
Cit Fox also read Letters from Bordeaux and Vienne (Isère). The latter asked for
130 Cards of Membership, also that the following should be appointed Correspondents for that department Citizens Ailloux, Waguenay and Marcheval.
Cits Dupont and Le Lubez proposed their election. Carried Unanimously.
Cit Lafargue proposed Cit Le Maitre as a Member of CC.
A discussion took place on the proposition, his election having been on a former
occasion opposed by 5 of his W o r k m e n Cits Marx and Lubez proposed That an official Letter be sent to the five Men ]
|[157]| and the election postponed.
Cits Hales and Yarrow proposed That they be written to to come before Standing
Committee at 8 o'Clock. Carried Unanimously.
445
Cit Marx gave report.
They suggested that the General Secretary be paid 40s per Week and to be appointed by the Geneva Congress itself.
A discussion took place on the proposition which was opposed by Cit Dell who
preferred a graduated scale of payment. An amendment was proposed to the effect
that 30s be the rate of payment but the amendment was withdrawn and the resolution was Carried Unanimously.
Cit Dell read a Letter he had written in reply to Mr Coulson, the letter was endorsed by the Council and ordered to be sent.
T h e Tailors a n d the G e n e v a Congress
Cit Eccarius reported that the Tailors had that night decided to send a Delegate to
the Geneva Congress. The resolution had been carried with enthusiasm.
GEO ODGER President /
446
1866
/[157]/ Meeting of Central Council August 21 1866
The Minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
The first business was the
R e p o r t s of D e p u t a t i o n s .
Cit. Jung reported that he had waited on the Cigar Makers' Committee, who had
convened a general meeting of the members to receive a deputation from the council. He had also waited on the Scale Makers, and had arranged to visit them a second time. He further reported visits to the Tin Plate Workers and Curriers, both
committees courteously received him and promised to bring the question before
the next general meeting. |
|[158]| The general secretary, Cit. Cremer, reported that himself, Citizens Lessner,
Haufe, Massman, and Yarrow had waited on the Organ Builders and Upholsterers,
and had been requested to attend their next general meetings. The secretary also
stated that the Alliance Cabinet Makers had at a general meeting recommended a
levy of 6d. per member towards the expenses of the Geneva Congress.
Citizens Weston and Hales reported that they had waited on the Brass Finishers,
and discussed with the members the principles of the association. They had been
invited to attend again.
Cit. Le Lubez reported his visit to the Stove Makers. They had urged him to attend their general meeting.
Some further arrangements, in connection with the above, were then made, when
the Council proceeded to discuss the report of the disturbances between the English
and Belgian excavators at Eastbourne. The general secretary was ordered to get all
the information possible on the matter, if necessary to take action, and to report at
the next sitting of the Council.
447
T h e M a n c h e s t e r Tailors' Lock-out.
Cits. Lessner and Lawrence reported that 700 tailors were locked out in Manchester, and fearing their late employers might try to get men from the Continent, they
invoked the assistance of the International Working Men's Association on their behalf. As some doubts were expressed in relation to the continuance of the lock-out,
it was agreed to suspend any continental action until the arrival of confirmatory intelligence from Manchester; but in case of danger, the secretary was to act immediately.
I n t e r n a t i o n a l Postal R a t e s .
The following resolution was then proposed by Citizens Cremer and Lessner—
"That the delegates at the Geneva Congress be requested to urge on their respective
governments the necessity and advantages of a system of International and Ocean
Penny Postage." In proposing the resolution Cit. Cremer said that the realisation of
such a project would greatly facilitate the efforts of the association in bringing into
fraternal intercourse the workmen of the world. At present the postal rates were so
high as to preclude the possibility of frequent communication. The resolution was
carried unanimously.
Report of Standing C o m m i t t e e .
Cit. Jung brought up the report, which report contained a proposition to be submitted to Congress recommending
That 9 Hours per Day including 1 hour per Day for Meal-times be the standard
Day's w o r k As an Amendment Cremer proposed and Lawrence seconded
That Eight Hours be recommended as the standard for Daily labor. The Amendment was Carried Unanimously.
After some further discussion in reference to that part of the report which contained recommendation as to the employment of Women and Children, the further
consideration of the report was deferred till the next sitting.
The Council then adjourned till Tuesday evening next, at 7 o'clock, then to meet
for the purpose of discussing and finally deciding on the Congress programme, and
to elect the delegates from the Central Council.
The Secretary was ordered to summon all the members.
J. GEORGE ECCARIUS, Vice President |
448
1866
The Commonwealth.
International Working Men's Association.
The Central Council met on Tuesday evening at 18, Bouverie-street, when Mr. Lee,
the secretary of the Excavators' Society, attended to report to the Council the cause
of the late disturbances between the
5
English a n d Belgian Excavators.
Mr. Lee said an agent of Waring Brothers had succeeded in inducing 430 Belgian
workmen to come to England and work for less wages than the English workmen
were being paid, and the result had been that several Englishmen had been forced
out of employment to make way for the cheaper labour of the Belgians. The 430
0 were made up of excavators, carpenters, and Blacksmiths. The Belgians were receiving from 2s. 4d. to 3s. per day, while the wages of the Englishmen were from 3s. 9d.
to 4s. per day. This lowering of wages by the Belgians had caused the late disturbances, which he and his brother members regretted. They were ready to receive the
Belgians into their society. He also wished to ask on what terms the excavators' so5 ciety which numbered several thousands could join the International Working
Men's Association, after the question had been answered, and the whole matter
fully discussed, it was resolved—"That in case the excavators' society take steps to
form a branch in the district where the disturbance occurred, that the central council send a delegate speaking the Belgian language to accompany the excavators' del'0 egates to induce the Belgians to join the excavators' society, also that the central
council use its influence to prevent the importation of any more Belgians at such
reduced prices."
Reports of D e p u t a t i o n s .
Cit. Jung, reported that the Cigar Makers' Association had agreed to join and had
25 sent citizens Walker and Church as their special delegates, they had also voted five
pounds towards the Geneva Congress.
449
Cit. Cremer, reported that the Amalgamated Society of Saddlers and Harness
Makers had joined and elected Cit. G. Peate, as their delegate to the central council,
they had also voted four pounds towards the Geneva Congress.
Resolutions admitting both societies as affiliated societies and their delegates to
the council were carried unanimously.
The delegates to the above from England, will be Cits. Lawrence, Dupont, Carter,
Cremer, Jung, and Eccarius.
Cit. Odger was also appointed if circumstances would permit him to attend.
The delegates leave London on Saturday morning, arriving in Geneva on Sunday
evening, and the Congress will open on Monday morning, at 9 o'clock.
The following sums of money have been received by the council during the past
week: —
Alliance Cabinet Makers
West End Ditto
Cigar Makers' Association
Amalgamated Saddlers and Harness Makers
Arbeiter Bildungs Verein
Spoke's Tin Factory, Tottenham Court Road
450
£10 0
5 0
5 0
4 0
2 0
0 11
0
0
0
0
0
9
Johann
Georg
Eccarius
Wiedergabe einer Rede von
Karl M a r x
auf d e m 2 5 . Stiftungsfest
des Deutschen Arbeiterbildungsvereins in
London
Nr. 24, 19. Februar 1865
5
•0
15
20
Aus den Reden, welche auf dem Stiftungsfest gehalten wurden, will ich nur einiges
von Karl Marx erwähnen. Ueber die Streitfrage von Selbst- und Staatshülfe, sagte
er, beide Parteien sind im Irrthum. In der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft gehören alle
Lebens- sowohl als alle Arbeitsmittel den Kapitalisten, daher ist die Selbsthülfe
Unsinn. Auf der andern Seite ist es selbstverständlich, daß unter einem Ministerium Bismarck von keiner Staatshülfe die Rede sein kann, - die Arbeiter können
sich nicht an das Ministerium Bismarck verkaufen. Die Staatshülfe kann nur von
einem Staate ausgehen, in welchem das Proletariat die Oberherrschaft führt. Die
Emancipation der Arbeit innerhalb der preußischen Monarchie zu predigen, hieße
den Sturm in einem Glase Wasser beschwören. Die Emancipation der Arbeit bedingt die Befreiung Deutschlands, diese die Herstellung Polens und den Sturz der
preußischen Monarchie. Auf die Vorwürfe der Fortschrittspartei in Bezug auf das
Betragen der Arbeiter gegen die Bourgeoisie, sagte Marx, daß zur Zeit, wo er geschrieben, daß sich die Arbeiter mit der Bourgeoisie vereinigen müßten gegen den
Absolutismus, man vorausgesetzt habe, daß die deutsche Bourgeoisie wenigstens so
viel durchsetzen werde, als die Bourgeoisie von England durchgesetzt habe, dies sei
jedoch nicht der Fall. In Deutschland, speciell in Preußen, bestehe ein Preßgesetz,
wonach alle Schmähungen und Verläumdungen von oben nach unten frei seien; er
fügte hinzu, daß die Arbeiter-Zeitungen, sowie die Arbeiterbewegung, nur mit polizeilicher Bewilligung existirten und man die Regierung nur mit Sammt-Pfoten angreifen dürfe. Unter solchen Umständen sei eine gemeinsame Aktion zwischen den
Arbeitern und der Bourgeoisie unmöglich, um so mehr, da die Bourgeoisie zu feig
sei, ihr eigenes Programm durchzuführen.
451
Minutes of the London Conference
of the international Working
September 25—29,
1865
Meeting of the Subcommittee
with t h e Continental D e l e g a t e s S e p t e m b e r 25,
1865
[l| Meeting of the Standing Committee
with the Continental Delegates Sept'r 25
5
10
15
20
25
30
-
Present of the Standing Committee Cits Jung, Marx, Dell, Weston, Howell, Bobczynski, V. P. Eccarius and the Hon Gen Sec. From Paris Cits Tolain, Fribourg, Limousin, Schily, Varlin, Clarion and Dumesnil-Marigny, Switzerland Cits Dupleix
and Becker, Belgium Caesar De Paepe.
The Meeting having waited till a % past 3 for the arrival of the President and he
being still absent Cit Jung was voted to the Chair. He began by stating that the first
business was the financial position of the Association.
The Gen Sec stated that the accounts of the Association had been audited up to
March last and at that time the Accounts stood as follows: Income
Expenditure
Balance
, since that period there had been ||2| no audit but there
would be another at the end of this month and then the Balance Sheet would be
sent to the different Branches, probably up to the present time the income of the
Association was about 32 or 33£.
Cit Fribourg gave account of Financial position in Paris, the administration had
disposed of a large number of Cards but as they had been compelled to keep up a
Central Office and had been put to great expense by the travelling of the Delegates
etc. there was little or no balance to hand over to the CC, still the prospects were
hopeful as the chief expenses had been defrayed and the future contributions would
be chiefly clear income to be handed over to the CC, they still had about 400 Cards
of Membership undisposed of. A great drawback to their progress had been the
postponement of the Congress, also that many of the workmen were doubtful if anything could be done under the present regime, they were constantly met with the
statement show us you can act and we will join you.
He, Cit Fribourg, ||3| wished the English particularly to understand their difficulties, they could only meet in small numbers of not more than 20, if more met they
were liable to be arrested, a short time ago they had a Meeting of 60 and they had
the greatest difficulty to keep them together from 8 till 10 o'clock, they kept looking
at the door expecting to see the Police enter to arrest them, he mentioned this to
show the difficulties they had to contend with, the books and accounts of the Paris
Administration they had brought with them and they invited the Treasurer to inspect them.
455
Minutes of the London Conference of the I.W.M.A.
Cit Tolain stated they had enrolled Members in Rouen, Nantes, Elbceuf, Caen,
Lisieux, St. Denis, Pantin and Puteaux but in all those places their progress had
been hindered by the postponement of the Congress.
Cit Schily said they had a great advantage in Switzerland where they met and
contributed monthly while in. France they had to get together as best they could 5
and collect the Funds in the same manner. |
\4\ Cits Cremer and Marx proposed That Cits Dell, Jung, and Dupont go over the
Paris accounts and report to the next Meeting of the Standing Committee. Carried
Unanimously.
Cit Dupleix reported of doings in Switzerland, they had been formed but 10
6 Months but had been successful, the Contributions at present were 5d per Month
but the Members were willing to pay if necessary Is per Month, they would have
had a good surplus to pay over to the CC but for the expenses of the Delegates travelling. They had enrolled in Geneva 250 Men, in Lausanne 150, Vevey 150, the
Men were quite impressed with the necessity for contributing to the CC and were 15
even willing to dissolve their own organisations and to belong alone to the I.W.M.A.
Cit Schily called attention to the Necessity for facilities being provided whereby
the Workmen of different countries in removing their domicile would receive assistance and also that the Secretaries in different Places should be able to assist
Workmen, members of the Association, to obtain employment. |
20'
|5| Cit De Paepe gave report of doings in Belgium, they had been constituted but
1 month but had already 60 Members who had agreed to pay not less than 3 francs
or 2s 8d per year and out of that they will contribute Is per year to the CC, they had
but 24s subscribed when the question came before them of electing a Delegate but
even with their small organisation and limited means they had elected him to come 25*
to the Conference.
Cit Fribourg objected to the Belgium proposition as to a fixed contribution of Is
per Member to the CC, he thought some years there might be a large contribution,
in fact a plethora, and in other years there would be a dearth, that when the funds
were large they would be used locally.
30;
Cit Marx replied that the Congress would decide year by year as to the disposal of
Funds.
Cit Tolain said that in Switzerland and Belgium they could meet openly, discuss
any question and openly enroll Members but in France they could only meet by
stealth and had no means of openly propagating the principles of the ||6| Associa- 35.
tion and therefore could not reach or inspire with Confidence those to whom they
were personally unknown.
This concluded the report of the Financial position.
The question of ways and means was then discussed.
Cit Becker representing the German section in Switzerland proposed Cit Schily 40*·
seconded that a medal should be struck commemorative of the Meeting of the Conference, such Medals could be struck off for about Id and could be sold for say ód
-;.
which would leave a good margin of profit for the Association and help to pay its
expenses and be a means of propagandism.
Fribourg thought it better that an approximate estimate should be formed as to 45j
;
456
Programm der Londoner Konferenz der IAA (1865).
Flugblatt mit Marginalien von Marx
5
10
15
20
25
30
the probable expenses of the Central Council up to the period of the Congress, also
the expenses of the Congress, and that an attempt should be made to raise the
money through the members.
Cremer agreed with Fribourg and thought if they stated what the amount was
likely to be and then issue Collecting Cards for Subscriptions of Id then by that
means they might ||[7]| raise the amount, he did not think the assembling of the
Conference was of sufficient importance to impress the masses with a wish to commemorate it, he thought the question of striking off a medal should be left till the
Congress when the Association would be more known and when it should have
done something worth commemorating, he thought the medal a premature question, and as it was by collecting Pence that the Religious Bodies raised the greater
part of the money for propagandista, he thought that in this instance we might with
benefit borrow their plan of action, ||[8]| there were hundreds who would give one
Penny but would not give a Shilling, he had no doubt as to their being able to raise
the necessary amount if they went earnestly to work.
Limousin supported Fribourg's view. The proposition for a Medal was also supported by Dell and Weston who said that it had been done with success in Robert
Owen's movement.
Bobczynski supported the issue of a medal but would have different qualities and
prices, to those who should subscribe liberally to the Association and become life
Members, he would charge 2s 6d so that they might wear it on public occasions.
Eccarius opposed the issue of a Medal and said as we were about to engage in a
battle we had better wait and see if we had a victory to commemorate.
Marx was against fixing any amount as proposed by Fribourg.
Howell opposed the Medal, he thought it would be unsuccessful.
Finally the following Resolution was agreed to on the propositions of Cit Marx
and Dupont:
That the propositions of the Belgian Delegate to send Is per Member per annum,
the Swiss a fixed amount, the French the main proceeds of the sale of cards (ineluding the 400 they have in hand) to the Central Council, be accepted and that the
further consideration of the financial position be adjourned till after the soiree.
Carried unanimously.
The Meeting then adjourned till tomorrow at 2 o'clock. |
459
Sitting of t h e C o n f e r e n c e S e p t e m b e r 25,
1865
|l| Sitting of the Conference
Monday, Sept. 25 1865
th
The Sub-Committee having sat with the Delegates till half past 5, the members
were not present in large numbers until near 8 o'clock, when the proceedings commenced under the Presidency of Citizen Odger, Citizen Jung being elected ViceChairman to interpret and translate.
Cit. Odger rose and addressed the Meeting. He said there [were] present representatives of France, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Poland and Spain. He
said that the English Workmen were seeking for the Franchise and it was difficult
to make them think of anything else—thence the slowness with which the Association has progressed in England. When we have shown to the English people that we
are doing some work, they will have confidence in us and join the Association but
they have been so often deceived that they are slow in giving their confidence. He
then declared the Conference duly open.
A proposition was put and carried unanimously that the Meetings of the conference take place at 8 o'clock.
Cit Cremer addressed the Meeting on the position of the Trade Societies in England. People on the Continent may think them very rich and able to contribute to a
cause which ||2| is their own, but they are tied down by petty rules which confine
them to very narrow limits. They are difficult to move and, but for a few men that
are among them, they are not worth anything for what they may do for their own
emancipation or that of their fellow-men. They know nothing of Politics and they
are difficult to be made to understand that there is such a science. However, there
was a beginning of progress. A few years ago, Delegates from our Association would
not have been allowed a hearing; now we are well received, listened to and our
principles unanimously approved of. That is the first time that an Association having anything to do with Politics was accepted by the Trades Unions.
Cit. Fribourg, French Delegate, said that the Association had been well received
in France; 1,200 cards of membership had been taken in Paris, though they could
not meet, but they act individually and they hope the Association will acquire a
great extension.
Cit Dupont read the following letter from Lyons—Also a Letter from Citizen Tal--
460
bot, of Caen, who approves of the intervention in favor of Poland but especially insists on curtailing the power of Russia—He shudders at the idea that by rail it only
requires 47 hours to come from St. Petersburg to Strasburg. |
|3| Citizen Tolain, from Paris, spoke of the state of Societies in Paris—He said
that whereas in '48 the Political events urged the people on to move and to act,
now, events are against action, but action takes place notwithstanding and even
against the force of events. The Social questions are being studied and elaborated.
People, he said, undergo two phases: the Political and the Social. They are perfecting the latter.
Cit. Dupleix, from the French part of Switzerland. He said the Branch began with
60 members; it now numbers 400—They feel that the time has come when workmen must work their own emancipation by their own exertions. At Geneva, they
have made an appeal to the Benefit Societies. 3 Societies have already joined—He
related that at Montreux an act of reparation had been done by the influence of the
Association.
Herr Becker, the Representative from the German part of Switzerland, said that
in Geneva alone 1,500 had already joined. Benefit Societies started last summer
and were organising themselves into an union of Societies, but hearing of the International Association, they took that as their connecting link. His speech was full of
warmth and eloquence and much applauded by those who understood the German
Language. |
|4| Citizen Cesar De Paepe, Delegate from Belgium, related a History of the various Associations. Two years ago, an International Association was formed, but it
had too much of the Middle Class element in it—It broke up. Now, there are three
kinds of parties in Belgium: the Revolutionists who simply want to upset the existing state of things—the Socialists who make a study of the miseries of the people,
their causes and the means of bringing a remedy to them—then, some other Societies very like the Trade Unions in England, who limit their aspirations to being
ready to strike for a few halfpence.
Then there are a large number of Societies of Freethinkers whose sole mission
seems to be to oppose the Clergy.—He, the worthy Delegate, said that he looked on
co-operation as only a partial remedy—Then, there was the Credit-Mutual. But, he
looked upon Landed Property as the question to be taken in hand. As it stood, pauperism must go on increasing according to a law now known "that pauperism increased in the same ratio as wealth"! Land like air belonged to all, its fruits must
belong to those who cause them to be produced—but land itself must not belong to
anyone. |
|5| C o n t i n u a t i o n of M o n d a y ' s Conference
The question of the Newspaper was then discussed. Cit. Vésinier said that the
Newspaper ought to appear once a month in a double number—the extra part being
published in three languages and reporting the doings of the Association.
Cit. Schily said that the Workman's Advocate should have a sub-title as the or-
461
Minutes of the London Conference of the I. W. M. A.
gan of the Association. Citizens Marx, Bolleter, Le Lubez and others took part in
the discussion after which Citizen Becker proposed and Le Lubez seconded that the
Workman's Advocate be recognised as the organ of the Association.
On the question of Foreign Correspondence it was decided that foreign Correspondence sent by Delegates should be received for our Newspaper, compiled by a
Commission and published—The Foreign Delegates took the engagement to send
Correspondence. |
A Conference of Delegates from France, Belgium, Switzerland, Poland, Germany,
and Italy, and the English representatives from the various societies, affiliated with
the central body in England, opened on Monday last.
The delegates of the several nationalities first met at 3 o'clock, at the Freemason's Arms, Long Acre, for mutual introduction, and preliminary matters of business and finance.
The following delegates gave in their credentials:—France, Messieurs Schily, Fribourg, Tolain, Varlin, Limousin and Clarion; Switzerland, Dupleix and Becker;
Belgium, Cassar De Paepe; also Dumesnil-Marigny, Dr. Marx, Eccarius, Lessner,
Kaub, Schapper, Vesinier, Dupont, Le Lubez, Jung, Major Wolff, Bobczynski,
Lochner, Bolleter, etc., from the various French, German, Italian, Swiss, and Polish
societies in this country; together with the various English delegates, as Cremer,
Dell, Odger, Weston, Howell, Shaw, Wheeler, etc., etc., representing their central
and affiliating bodies.
After some business of a preliminary character, the delegates adjourned to 8,
Adelphi-terrace, Strand, where the Conference was held.
The Conference assembled in the large room of the Reform League, at 7 o'clock.
Mr. Geo. Odger, in the chair. He stated that delegates were present from France,
Switzerland, Germany, Belgium, Spain, and Italy, together with the English representatives of the various affiliated bodies. Their progress (he continued) had been
most encouraging, and their prospects were most favourable. Their efforts had been
directed to the various questions stated in the programme before the Conference, and he had no hesitation in saying that their progress had been so far satisfactory.
Mr. Cremer, the General Corresponding Secretary, explained the position of the
English sections of the Association; he said, that for many years the English workmen had not taken an active part in politics, having confined their efforts to social
questions, and those more particularly affecting the interests of capital and labour.
But the leading spirits of the English societies had now identified themselves with
the leading questions of the day, and were steadily but surely moving great masses
of their fellow-countrymen in the same direction. They had already done something
in international movements and he had no doubt of their ultimate triumph.
462
5
10
. 15
20
25
. 30
35
40
»'· 45
Möns. Fribourg (Paris delegate) said, the difficulties of the French members were
very great. They could not meet as in England, for if twenty only met together the
eye of the Government was suspiciously upon them. They had once as many as
sixty of their members at a meeting, but had the greatest difficulty in keeping them
together, for they were continually expecting to see the police enter the door. They
had no trades' or political organizations as in this country, so it was to them a pursuit of progress under difficulties.
Möns. Dupont next reported from Lyons, they were glad that the intended Congress in Belgium had been postponed till next year, and this Conference was being
held in its stead. They wished their brother delegates (Confrères) to understand that
their own efforts must work out their own redemption. The principles to be employed were moral force, justice, and truth. They had great difficulties but labour
would conquer them. In Lyons they would work to that end, and give the fraternal
hand of fellowship to their brother toilers all over the world.
Another French delegate (Talbot, the correspondent of the department of Calvados) reported from that part of France.
In reference to the topics on the programme, there is but one feeling on the subject of Poland. They felt that no great good could be done for Europe till the power
of Russia was crippled. Finland should again be given to the sea, and Poland re-established in her independence. They shuddered at the thought of Russia's vast and
still increasing power in Europe. Her vast armies make peace but a dream.
Möns. Tolain (the late working men's candidate for the department of the Seine)
said: Of late years the workmen had been impelled onward in the path of progress
by an irresistible force; they had now arrived at that point that they were themselves
pressing forward in spite of a considerable force, tending to keep them nailed to
their present position. In France they were paying great attention to social questions, which he (the speaker) looked upon as most important just now, under the
present regime, and likely to produce the most momentous political results. (The
translator to the Conference said the speech just made was a most beautiful and
eloquent one, and he felt ashamed of his own feeble attempt at translation.)
Möns. Dupleix, one of the Swiss delegates, next reported from Switzerland. They
had large societies in Neuchâtel, Geneva, Montreux, Vevey, and Lausanne. They
had already done much good in Switzerland, and in one town—Montreux—had
been the means of bringing an employer to justice for a breach of contract, and an
infringement of their laws.
M. Becker, from the German part of Switzerland, said they had three nationalities and three languages in their country, and had published their address in
French, Swiss, and German. They had already done good service in their country,
through the International Association, and would work still harder in the future.
They were in favour of Polish nationality as a political question, and of co-operative
labour as a social one, capable of great good for working men. They were opposed
to private property in land.
M. De Paepe (Belgium) said they had only fairly started about six weeks, but they
anticipated great results. Their country, unhappily, was very much divided into
classes of different shades of opinion; but they hoped to make this a great move-
463
merit. They were not prepared to say that co-operation would regenerate humanity,
but it might aid their cause. They were not quite in favour of the Polish movement,
as some were; for it seemed so powerless that the sacrifices were all on one side. On
the whole they thoroughly favoured the movement of the International Association.
Several foreign delegates spoke in favour of a recognised international organ, to
communicate their views to their fellow workers throughout Europe, and indeed the
world. Arrangements were then made to adopt an organ, and make it the medium
for disseminating their views. Several delegates remarked that no weekly paper had
a foreign correspondence, whereas their paper would be able to produce the best in
the world. Dr. Marx and others were elected as conductors of this department.
464
1865
|l| Meeting of Standing Committee
with Continental Delegates September 26
Citizen Jung in the chair, present of the Standing Committee Eccarius, Marx, Weston, Cremer, Howell and Jung, the whole of the Continental Delegates were present.
The question of finance was again discussed.
Cremer proposed Howell seconded—That we recommend to the Conference to
pledge itself in the name of the Association to raise 150£ for the purpose of propagandism and the expenses of the Congress, and that it be left to this Body to apportion the respective amounts to be raised by the different Nationalities. Carried
Unanimously.
The question of a General Congress was next discussed.
Marx in the name of the Central Council proposed that the Congress assemble in
Geneva. Dupleix seconded the proposition. Fribourg wished it recorded that the
French Delegates had received instructions to propose Geneva instead of as heretofore decided Belgium as a protest against the law passed in Belgium with regard to
foreigners. The resolution was Carried Unanimously.
De Paepe proposed Tolain seconded That the following be submitted to the Conference this evening:
That the Conference transfer the place of Meeting of the Congress from Belgium
to Geneva as a solemn protest against the Law concerning Foreigners passed in Belgium. Carried Unanimously.
The period for the assembling of the Congress was next discussed.
Marx and Cremer in the name of the Central Council proposed that it take place
in September or October of next Year unless unforeseen circumstances shall occur
to necessitate its further postponement.
The Delegates from Paris as an amendment proposed, That the Congress assemble on the first Sunday in April next year. They all declared that to longer postpone
the Congress would be fatal to the Association in France, and Tolain opposed any
discretionary power being given to the Central Council on the question.
Schily thought the French Delegates exaggerated ||2| the urgency for the Congress.
De Paepe said that if the Congress was held too soon they could not send Del-
465
egates from Belgium, they were now in debt and it would take them some time to
recover themselves, he supported the resolution.
The French Delegates were willing to give a little further time, they would agree
to the Month of May.
Marx was impressed by the statements of the French Delegates and was inclined
to withdraw the resolution.
Cremer thought we had not made propagandism in Germany, Spain, Italy and
that our efforts should be exerted in that direction as a Congress of the Working
Men of Europe would be incomplete without representatives from those Nationalities.
Schily thought the Paris Administration were putting the knife to the throat of
the Association and if they were not very careful they would kill it.
Limousin said the present regime caused the Workmen to distrust each other and
thereby increased their difficulties.
Jung said French Delegates must take all the responsibility on themselves if the
Congress was a failure, he would suggest June instead of May as the spring was late
in Switzerland.
The French Delegates would so far yield as to agree to the last week in May.
Marx having withdrawn his proposition for September the amendment became
the resolution and was unanimously agreed to.
The following were then appointed to speak at the Soiree, Tolain, Dupleix,
Becker, Bobczynski, and Jones.
The next question discussed was the organisation of the Association.
Dupleix wished to know how the Association was to be formed.
Limousin thought it was not within the province of the Conference to decide the
question, he thought a Congress alone could decide it.
Fribourg and Dupleix proposed That the organisation of the Association is a
question for the Congress. Carried Unanimously.
Marx and Fribourg proposed That the following questions be submitted to the
Congress "Cooperative Labor", "Reduction of the number of the ||3| hours of labor",
"Female and Child labor", all present voted for them as questions but Weston—
Marx and Fribourg proposed the following for the Congress "Direct and indirect
taxation", agreed to.
The following questions marked 3, 4 and 10 on the programme were also agreed
to.
3.—Combination of effort by means of the Association in the different national
struggles between Capital and Labour.
4.—Trades' unions—their past, present, and future.
10.—Standing armies: their effects upon the interests of the productive classes.
The Members then adjourned till tomorrow, the 27, at 2 o'clock. |
466
1865
Meeting of the Conference
Tuesday evening, at 8 o'clock
Cit Odger in the Chair, Citizen Jung Vice Chairman and interpreter.
Cit. Cremer read the reports of the two previous sittings of the Sub-Committee,
and the questions resolved upon in that department were submitted to the Conference—
I ' That the sum of £150 be raised for the purpose of Propagandism and to get up
the Congress. Carried unanimously—
2 That the Congress be held in Geneva. Carried unanimously—
3 That it be recorded that the cause why the place where the Congress was to be
held is changed from Brussels to Geneva, is the Uncivilised and Inhuman Law
passed in Belgium for the expulsion of illustrious Foreigners. Carried Unanimously.
4 That the Meeting of the Congress be fixed for next May.
This was strongly opposed by Cit. Le Lubez who said there was not time sufficient to make the Congress a success by that time; a long discussion followed—The
Paris Delegates insisting on the absolute necessity of having it not later than that.
Carried by a large majority—Citizens Hansen and Lessner voting against it. Cit. Le
Lubez abstaining from voting.
5 The questions that are to be discussed at the Congress. Cit. Le Lubez asked
that each question be put separately.
The I ' question was supposed to have been disposed of, so the 2 was submitted
to the meeting and carried. But Cit. Le Lubez having asked to return to the I ' of
the questions in order to decide what would be the mode of admission to the Congress—
Cit. Vésinier asked what would be the rights of those who would attend and who
were to vote? The Paris Delegates said that all those who have a card must be entitled to all the rights of Discussion and of voting—They made it a matter of principle and said it was universal suffrage.
Citizen Cremer urged that the Congress should be composed exclusively of Representative men and he made a Resolution to the effect that all the Adhering
Branches of the International Association might send Delegates and that any other
society of Working-men, having been established more than 3 months previous to
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467
the Assembling of the Congress, might send Delegates who would have the same
rights as the Delegates of the International Association. The Paris Delegates, |
)[2]| then, withdrew their proposition. A great deal of opposition was shown to the
latter part of Cit. Cremer's proposition, "the admitting of Representatives of any organised Societies who had not adhered to the Principles of the International Association, to vote and to have the same influence on its destiny as the Delegates from
the Central Council and of the Branch Societies".
Citizen Vésinier then proposed that any member of the Association, having his
card, or any well known Citizen who shall be proposed by two members to the Central Council or to the Council of any of the Branches, and who is accepted by them
or any one of them, shall be entitled to all the rights of the Delegates to the Congress.
Citizen Dupleix said that in Geneva they invited members of other Societies to
their Meetings and that they allowed them to take part in the Discussion but not to
vote. He recommended the same course for the Congress—He also said that special
cards should be issued and charged for to those who wished to assist at the CongressCitizen Caesar De Paepe proposed that the right of voting be given to Delegated
Members of the Association—that everyone be admitted to speak but not to vote.
Citizens Carter, Eccarius, Tolain, Fribourg, Limousin (who said that all those who
attended should vote), Wheeler, Leno, Lassassie and others took part in the discussion when Cit. Cremer's proposition was divided; and, the first part being put was
carried—Citizens Vésinier and De Paepe voting against it.
A discussion then followed with regard to the second part of the proposition—the
admission of all Delegates, of any Workmen's Society, to have the right to attend 25
and to vote—
"i
Cit Vésinier made an earnest appeal to the members to beware of Bonapartists ,.
who most certainly could get any number of their partisans elected as Representatives and out-vote us at the Congress. Cit. Tolain said he did not think Bonapartism
was so dangerous as some people would make it—he thought it was much magni- 30
fied.
Eventually Citizen Cremer withdrew the second part of his proposition—
Each of the remaining propositions, the 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 and 10 were put
and voted—the 9 was put off till the next day—
The Meeting then adjourned. |
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[Zu S. 467.14-19]
The following resolutions were passed: [...]
"That the congress assemble in May of next year."
468
\
Upon the last mentioned, considerable discussion took place, some being in favour of September of next year, instead of May. But ultimately the resolutions were
adopted. The haste was chiefly due to the French delegates, who insisted that the
postponement of the congress would be fatal to the association in France. They
5 cannot meet to plan and discuss, but must at once either abandon a scheme, or put
it in practice. They therefore are in favour of May next. It having been explained to
the delegates that it was a matter of life and death to the French Association that
the Congress should be no longer delayed the resolution was carried unanimously.
[Zu S. 467.22-468.32]
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It was then moved by Mr. Cremer, seconded by Mr. Eccarius,—"That the congress
shall consist of representative men only, who shall bring credentials properly authenticated by the citizens deputing them; and further, that each delegate shall represent a branch of the Association or not less than thirty working men, who shall
have been organised for not less than three months previously to the assembling of
the congress."
Upon this resolution an animated discussion took place. Fribourg opposed any
society being present, except those belonging to the Association. But would allow
all members the privilege of attending and taking part in the deliberations of the
congress.
Vesinier thought every member should have the right to meet and vote.
Cope said every delegate attending the congress should send his credentials at
least seven days [beforehand] to the nearest branch of the Association.
[De] Paepe, was in favour of all members attending and speaking but delegates
only should vote. They would be able to accommodate the Conference with five
hundred voters from across the French frontier, if it were open voting.
Limousin was in favour of open speaking and open voting.
Lassassie, was not in favour of open doors; the French people knew little of open
discussion or they would not support it. With open doors it would last six months.
No, delegates only must speak and vote.
Dupleix thought no harm would be done if members attended the congress, but
they should take no part in the proceedings.
Mr. Cremer was in favour of open doors in the same sense as our House of Commons, but none but representatives should take any part in speaking or voting. The
plan advocated by the French delegates would destroy its representative character
altogether. If it were representative in its character, the people of Europe would
pause to listen to its deliberations, but if not it would be looked upon with derision
and scorn. He could not understand the Parisian delegates objecting to such a system, for upon any other basis the congress would be a farce.
Tolain was in favour of perfect equality, both to speak and vote. If Bonapartism
sought to influence their deliberations, they would grapple with it in open congress.
But it was not so bad as it appeared, or as it was painted.
Carter was in favour of Mr. Cremer's amendment, but desired to see the question
postponed.
469
Schily would vote in favour of the proposition. Bonapartism, if it sought to influence our deliberations, would sail under our colours.
Howell urged those present to well consider before they destroyed the representative character of the congress. Would it be right to allow a man who only paid his
shilling, and had no delegated authority, to outvote another man sent by five hundred members? Would they have been satisfied if the Conference had been filled
with English delegates, so as to overpower the voice and authority of the continental representatives? Yet this was the meaning of the proposition. He should vote for
the amendment.
The question was further discussed by Mr. Weston and others, ultimately the following amendment of Mr. Shaw was carried unanimously (Mr. Cremer having withdrawn the last clause of his amendment), "That the congress shall consist of representative men only, who shall bring credentials properly authenticated by the
branches of the association deputing them."
470
1865
|[1]| Conference of Wednesday evening
Sept. 27 1865
th
5
Cit. Odger in the chair, Cit. Jung translator and Vice Chairman. Cit. Marx read the
report from the meeting of the permanent Committee and the Delegates. Cit. Le
Lubez read the minutes, and, at the request of the Paris Representatives, translated
them. They were passed unanimously.
The following resolutions came from the preallable meeting of the afternoon and
proposed as fit questions to be put before the Congress:
1 Res. That a Meeting be held in Geneva after the Congress—Carried unanimously.
2 That the question of giving relief to the sick, orphans and old people be submitted to the Congress. Citizen Cremer supported that idea very strongly, saying
that material benefits are the greatest link, for the present, to hold out to Societies
in this Country. He hoped the Association would seriously take up the question.
3 The formation of International Credit Societies. It was said that those Societies might be of immense service—It appears that in France these Societies are allowed, but as under an absolute Government no funds were safe from its grasp, they
would be glad of finding a secure place for their funds in England. Carried Unanimously.
4 That it is imperative to annihilate the invading influence of Russia in Europe
by applying to Poland "the right of every people to dispose of itself", and re-establishing that country on a Social and Democratic basis. Cit. Le Lubez proposed
that the latter part of the proposition only be retained, i.e. "that peoples have a right
to dispose of themselves". He said that it would be affirming the same principle,
but upon a broader, in fact a universal basis. Citizen Weston, in seconding the
amendment, said he was opposed to the introduction of any but social questions.
He said we ought to do one thing at a time, and do it well. Cit. De Paepe said that
he did not think the question ought to be introduced at all. The re-establishment of
Poland could only benefit 3 classes: the High Nobility, the low Nobility and the
Clergy—As to the serfs they had little to hope for. "You want to check Russian influence," said the orator, "which influence? That of the Government? Then I ask
st
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471
that the influence of all governments in Europe be checked. Is the influence of the
Prussian, Austrian, English and French Governments less baneful ||[2]| than that of
Russia? I say no. But if you mean to check the influence of the Russian people,
then I say that they are the same as any other people. Indeed there is a movement
going on among the working peasants by which they claim 'the land and liberty'.
Then, there are so many people who suffer that it is almost unjust to name but
one." He moved that the question be not entertained. Cit. Wheeler warmly supported the resolution—He said that Russia had always been a stumbling block in
the way of progress. Despotism was horrible anywhere, but that of Russia was the
most cruel. Cit. Lassassie thought we had better see the intense misery and tyranny
under which the people in these countries laboured than go so far to look for
wrongs. Governments wished for our minds to be directed to far-off questions, it
prevented us from seeing the tyranny at home; he insisted on Ireland being freed
from English yoke. Capt. Bobczynski in a very able and eloquent speech answered
the objections that had been raised against the Resolution. Poland, he said, had
fought the longest, had been the longer oppressed, her sons had shed their blood on
every battle-field where right was struggling against might. Poland is the key-note to
European freedom—she must be Democratic and she declares for the freedom of
all. The President said that it was at a meeting in favour of Poland, held at St.
James' Hall, that the French and English Workmen first met fraternally together;
we must support Poland: to us, it was the type of oppressed Nations. Cit. Carter said
that to deal with social questions and leave political ones untouched, was to deal
with a headless body, or a body without a soul—He did not know where Despotism
would stop if the voice of humanity was not raised against it. He was in favour of
the proposition. After a very long discussion, the Chairman put it: That it be not entertained, only seven voted for, and 10 against. For Cit Le Lubez' proposition
10—for the original proposition 23. Citizen Vésinier asked the following names be
added to Poland—Rome, Venice, Hungary, France, Ireland, Mexico and others,
but the Chairman told him he was out of order—that the question was settled.
th
5 Res. The Religious idea; its relation to social, political and intellectual development of the people. Cit. Carter moved that it be not entertained. He said that we
had nothing to do with dogmas or creeds, that each individual must have full liberty to judge for himself, and that there should be no interference between a man's
conscience and his god. Cit Le Lubez said that he wished there was no interference,
then we should have no priests or parsons, but the latter existed, the other side of
the question must be made known—
Cit Fribourg supported the Resolution—Cit Holtorp also supported it. Cit. Weston made an earnest appeal to the Meeting not to entertain the question. Cit. Howell said it was our duty to study this question, not in narrow, sectarian point of
view, but as a philosophic principle. In England, it had been the custom to condemn all discussions of Religious or Political questions. |([3]| that is the reason
there were so few who understood those questions: thence our slow progress. But we
must have them carefully studied as they greatly affect our welfare. Cit. De Paepe
said that the men who in Catholic countries go and kneel to a fellow man are not
the men to be relied on for the carrying out of their own emancipation—Those who
472
believed in a Being of some kind who was always above them and whose humble instruments they believe they are, always feel themselves low, and are not the likely
men to become independent.
Cit. Tolain said that the programme would be incomplete without that proposi5 tion.
Cit. Weston again appealed to the Meeting not to admit that apple of discord.
For the amendment 13—for the proposition 18.
The Meeting then separated. |
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[Zu S. 471.21-472.29]
Proposed by Bobczynski, seconded by Wheeler, "That it is imperatively necessary
to annihilate the influence of Russia in Europe by applying to Poland the right of
every people to dispose of itself, and to re-establish that country upon its native
democratic basis."
Proposed by Le Lubez, seconded by Weston, in an energetic speech, "That the
latter part of the proposition only do pass, that is, in reference to the right of every
people to settle its own form of government."
Weston would have no proposition embodying a political question, but stick to
social ones, as he believed that to do things well, they must do one at a time. He
thought the political would introduce dissention.
De Paepe said the watchwords of the Russian peasants were "Land and Liberty",
and should be the watchwords of the Polish peasant also. But he wished to know if
it was the power of the Russian people or the Russian government, that strove to
blot Poland from the map of Europe? If it be the Russian government, then the
French government was quite as dangerous to liberty as the Russian. It was their influence which procured the passing of that abominable act against foreigners in
Belgium which rendered necessary the removal of the Congress to Geneva. He
moved "That the question be not entertained." Seconded by Bordage.
Wheeler, in an eloquent speech, supported the resolution, as Russian despotism
was the most blighting in the world. It rested not till its opponents were blotted out,
as in Circassia, and Poland, was now being done. He denounced despotism everywhere; but Russian was most cruel and dangerous to Europe.
Lassassie thought we need not go to Poland, as there was plenty of work to be
done at home. Misery and tyranny were in our midst; let us first reform these, and
then attack foreign questions.
Bobczynski very ably and eloquently answered the objections against the Polish
question. They had the first claim, on account of their long and earnest battle
against might; their arms had served in every other cause. In France, Hungary, and
Italy, her sons fought heroically in the cause of European liberty. Her sons wanted
473
to be free; that was the key to their earnest, but, alas, almost useless struggles. International sympathy makes no distinction between peoples; but we select Poland because she has striven most in her own cause. She had tried to fulfil the condition of
the poet—"A nation to be free, herself must strike the blow"—if she had failed,
cowardice was not the cause, for she had struck nobly and well. They must not separate social and political questions, for political reforms must be the precursor of social advancement, they are inevitably bound up together and cannot be separated.
Poland is the key note to European freedom; she is democratic or nothing; she declares for freedom for all. This speech was very warmly applauded.
The Chairman explained that in reality Poland brought their Association into existence, as they would see by the following extract from their address:—"Let our
first united efforts be for the freedom of Poland; the justness of their cause demands it, treaty obligations make it imperative, and duty points the way." We must,
he said, stand or fall by the Polish cause.
Carter thought Poland eminently deserving the first consideration. Their case
was the worst, and was infecting the whole of Europe. It was their political plague
spot, and should at once receive attention, to prevent the spread of the disease. To
adopt social questions, and leave political ones untouched, was to deal with a headless body, or a body without its animating soul. Poland must be dealt with.
The Chairman then put it to the vote. That it be not entertained was lost by a
large majority. That the latter part only of the proposition be taken, was also lost by
a large majority. For the proposition in its entirety, the majority was overwhelming.
Vesinier wanted to protest against Poland being accepted when so many other
nationalities were in a similar position.
But the Chairman ruled that it was out of order. He had already taken six votes
on the question, and heard nearly two dozen speeches.
[Zu S. 472.30-473.7]
"The religious idea: its relation to the social, political, and intellectual developement of the people." [...]
Fribourg supported its discussion. They were neither materialists nor brutes. The
question was an important one, and must be entertained.
Holtorp supported its retention in the programme.
Howell favoured the discussion of this question, not as a narrow and sectarian
one to be tabooed, but as a philosophic principle underlying all other questions. In
England it had been the custom to condemn all polemical and political discussions; this was one reason of our slow progress. If it were to be made the means of
attacking men's religious opinions, he would condemn its introduction. But the
time must come when they would have to calmly consider religion as an ethical and
philosophic principle inwoven with every social and political movement.
Weston strongly condemned it, as tending to destroy the association.
De Paepe was in favour of the proposition, but it must not be viewed through a
fanatic's eye belonging to either the Romish or Protestant churches.
474
Tolain thought if it were left out it would be a sign of weakness. It was necessary
to retain it to complete our programme. We shall then stand on the broad basis of
social, political, and religious progress.
It was then put to the conference, and carried by a small majority.
475
Freemasons Arms Sept 29
1865
t h
Meeting of Standing Committee and delegates.
General proposition to send copies of address to the whole of the Branches. Supported by Dupleix and De Paepe and Carried unanimously.
That the £150 be raised by the different Nationalities in the following proportions: English £80, French £40, Swiss £10, German £10, and Belgium £10; and if
the last £10 cannot be raised in Belgium, to [be] raised in equal proportions [by]
the other Nationalities. Unanimously.
In future the Delegates of the different Nationalities shall be empowered by their
constituents to deliberate definitively and in proportion to their numbers, on all financial questions. Carried unanimously.
Suggested by Dupleix and others That Vesinier's name be struck out of our Official report.
Tolain proposed a vote of regret at the absence of Mr Peter Fox, such expression
to be sent by the Central Council on account of his services to the Association.
Schily seconded on behalf of the French Delegates and the standing Committee.
The Protocol [was] read by Dr Marx and carried unanimously. |
I [2] I The following suggestions were read and left for the Central Council.
We beg to express on behalf of the English members of the Association the great
pleasure and satisfaction we have felt at the cordial way in which the Conference
has been conducted, and the friendly sentiments expressed by all the assembled
delegates.
That the thanks of the Conference be tendered to Citizen Jung for his considerate and impartial conduct as translator to the Conference. |
476
Minutes of the General Council
of the International Working
S e p t e m b e r 18,
1866 to A u g u s t 29, 1867.
From the Minute Book of the General Council
S e p t e m b e r 18, 1866 t o A u g u s t 3 1 , 1869
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l S e p t e m b e r 18,
| 1 | Central Council Meeting Sept. 18
1866
th
Citizen Odger in the Chair.
Citizen Whitehead was elected as the delegate from the French Polishers' Society, which meets at the Black Horse in Rathbone Place, Oxford Street, W.
Citizen Fox read a Letter from Mr Lee the Secretary of the Excavators' Society
and in consequence of its contents, Citizens Whitehead, Lafargue and Dutton were
appointed to form a deputation to wait upon the Excavators' Society on the following Friday.
Citizen Marx stated that the notice of the Manchester Tailors' Strike had been
inserted in the Democratic Journals in the North, South and Centre of Germany;
he gave a list of those Journals. Citizen Lawrence stated that the struggle had closed
in Manchester, that in fact, the London Committee had decided that the Manchester men were in the wrong-they had been too exacting.
Citizen Hrabje, who is about to leave London for Hungary, was authorized to act
on behalf of the association in t h a t country. Citizen Hansen gave an account of
what he had been able to do for the association during his recent visit to Copenhagen. He stated that he had found there a trustworthy agent for the association.
A Letter from Mr Miall the Landlord was then read demanding that the Central
Council should become his immediate tenant for the room in 18 Bouverie Street
and pay him directly the quarter's rent which was due last midsummer.
The Consideration of the question adjourned. |
|2| T h e Delegates' Report
As it appeared that only Cits. Odger, Lawrence, Eccarius, and Carter had returned,
it was thought best to defer the reception of the official report untili after the return
[of] Cits. Cremer, Jung, and Dupont; but the delegates were invited to give an unofficial extempore narrative of what took place.
Citizen Odger gave a glowing account of the welcome given by the Genevese to
the delegates, and declared that the general results of the Congress had far exceeded his anticipations. He declared that Cit. Jung's conduct as president had
given general satisfaction.
479
Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A.
After the British delegates had left Geneva they repaired to Berne to have an interview with the Federal Government of Switzerland on the subject of cheap international postage. The delegates saw the Foreign Secretary and the Postmaster-General. They were first of all very courteously shown over the Federal palace and the
picture Gallery, and Museum. Their interview with the Post-Master-General of the
Helvetic Confederation lasted about half-an-hour. He entirely coincided with the
views of the delegates on this subject, and said that the Swiss Government was of
the same opinion as the International Working-men's Association.
Cits. Cremer and Jung remained behind at Neuchâtel to help Dr Coullery in
propagandist work on behalf of the association. It had been the intention of the delegates to have stayed for a time in Paris to observe the progress of the co-operative
companies of production there, and Cit. Lawrence had desired to see some of his
trade (the Tailors) there, but the arrest on the frontier of a Parisian delegate returning from the Congress for having in his possession a "seditious" ||3| anti-Napoleonic
pamphlet persuaded the British delegates [to abandon] this portion of their plan.
He further stated that although the Parisian delegates had at first been disposed to
offer a factious opposition yet towards the end they had acted in a most satisfactory
manner towards the British delegates; and had asked their opinions on several of
the questions involved.
Citizen Carter then made his statement. He said that the Genevese tailors had
been addressed by Cit. Lawrence, he, Carter interpreting; the Carpenters by Cremer,
Carter interpreting; and the shoemakers by Odger—Eccarius interpreting. The two
former meetings had been most enthusiastic and crowded.
Citizen Eccarius gave a more detailed account of their interview with the PostMaster-General at Berne. The Swiss Government was ready to enter into an agreement with any government [provided] that each country should retain its own general postage rate and that the intermediate transit should be charged at half baggage
rates. The French Government was the great obstacle to all postal Reform, They
would not allow letters to be charged for in bulk but insisted upon charging and inspecting the address on every letter. The Postmaster General was of opinion that 31
the letter rate between Great Britain and Switzerland might advantageously be reduced from 6d to 2%d per letter. He had been lately trying to get the ordinary
French letter rate raised from % oz to % oz but without avail. He was also in favor of
a reform of the regulations governing book and pattern posts.
Eccarius had in his "valise" copies of the "seditious" pamphlet for the possession
of which the Parisian delegate had been arrested, but the French authorities took
no notice of him, presumably because he was looked upon as a Briton. ||4| He
added that eight workingmen had appeared (from Paris) at the Congress as opponents of the Administrative party. The Congress had refused to hear them as they
were not accredited by any organized body recognized by the Association. It would
be a suggestion for the Central Council to consider, whether considering the nonexistence of the right of meeting in France, this Council might not be able to do for
these desiderante what they could not do for themselves.
Citizen Carter added that the number of essays on the several questions in the
programme contributed by members of the association was very large and came
480
35
40-
'
4(
The Minute Book of the General Council
September 18, 1866 to August 31, 1869. Seite 1.
Handschrift von Robert Shaw
from all parts of Europe. The Congress had resolved that every individual member
should pay 3d. per head this year towards the expenses of the Central Council.
Citizen Lawrence stated some incidents of recent struggles at Lausanne between
the employer and the employed in the shoemaking trade, and how the International
association had played a leading part therein. He also spoke of their progress in the
career of Co-operative production. He noted generally that on the Continent the
working classes were in advance of the British in this respect. In Paris there were 54
Co-operative Manufacturing Associations, and 200 credit Societies. In the business
of Co-operative Banking the Continentals were also ahead of us. It had been the intention of the Parisian members of the International Workingmen's association to
have given a dinner to the returning British delegates, but the aforesaid arrest threw
a damper over this project. He confirmed what the other delegates had already
stated concerning the reign of terror and suspicion now prevalent in the French
capital.
Citizen Fox complained that the British delegates had not sent from Geneva to
the ||5| acting Secretary any information concerning the Congress or the visit to
Berne; and the consequence was, that he had not been able to advertise its transactions in the London Press as he otherwise could have done; also, that several of the
Weeklies had copied reports from the French press so that in some respects they
were better informed than the Commonwealth of the preceding week. Citizen Eccarius explained that he had sent an account of the visit to Berne to the Times, but
that paper had refused to insert it. Odger and Carter explained, that they had not received the Journals sent from London in time to inform them of the publicity given
to the transactions of the Congress in the London Press.
Citizen Marx moved, and Dell seconded a vote of thanks to the delegates for the
able manner in which they had represented the Central Council at Geneva. Carried
amid applause. The Council then adjourned untili next Tuesday. /
483
Meeting of the General Council September 25,
/ 5 / Council Meeting Sept. 25
1866
th
Citizen Eccarius in the Chair.
The Secretary read the minutes of the previous meeting which were confirmed
with the alteration suggested by Lawrence.
Citizen Marx said he had received £5.0.0, the annual Contribution from Mr Samuel Moore a Manufacturer of Manchester.
Cremer stated that the Model Pattern Makers, who meet at 119 Fenchurch Street,
had asked for a deputation from the Council to wait upon them on Saturday night.
Weston, Lessner and Whitehead were appointed to respond to this appeal. |
|6| Whitehead gave an account of the visit of the deputation (of which he formed
a part) to the Excavators, who meet in Bermondsey. He had sold several copies of
the Rules. The delegates assembled were so satisfied that they undertook to report
on the subject to the different Lodges and they had little doubt that those Lodges
would join the ranks of our associated bodies.
Jung laid on the table a copy of the Voix de l'Avenir the organ of the Association
in Chaux de Fonds; and stated that the Editor desired an authorisation from the
Central Council before affixing the words "Organ of the International Association"
on the title. He also laid on the table a copy of "L'Ouvrier" of Lausanne. Cremer
proposed that the authorisation be given and spoke enthusiastically of Dr Coullery
the Editor. Carter seconded the proposition, Coullery had been the ruling spirit of
the Congress. The Chairman endorsed what the two previous speakers had said.
Without Coullery's aid the London programme could not have been carried. The
motion to grant the authorisation was Carried Unanimously.
Order of Business
As the delegates from London to the Geneva Congress had [not] yet prepared their
report Lawrence moved and Fox seconded: That after hearing a viva voce account
from Jung and Cremer of the result of their tour after they had separated from the
other delegates, the Council should proceed to the election of officeholders. Jung
then made his report. On Monday Sept. 10 he went with Lawrence to Lausanne
th
484
5
10
15
20
25
30
and attended a meeting. On Tuesday he went to Berne with the other delegates. Afterwards went to Neuchâtel, thence with Cremer to Chaux de Fonds ||7| and St
Imier: addressed a meeting at the latter place, went back again to Neuchâtel and
had a meeting there. Cremer spoke at these meetings (Jung interpreting). He had
also spoken to a leading member of the Grütli Verein in reference to joining the association. Cremer then stated what the Congress had [decided] with reference to
the Central Council. Congress had renewed the appointment of every actual member of the Council with the exception of Le Lubez who was excluded on the motion
[of] Citizens Fribourg and Tolain because he had continued to stigmatise them as
intriguers and Buonapartists. Le Lubez denied having called them Buonapartists.
Carter stated that the delegates from London did their very best to retain Le Lubez;
and that in consequence of their opposition to the Tolain and Fribourg demand
those two Citizens left the Hall, Fribourg in a theatrical manner. The event was decided by a delegate from Lyons who stated that he had received a letter from Le Lubez in which Fribourg and Tolain were abîmé. The Lyonnais stated that Le Lubez's
representations had done much harm to the progress of the association in Lyons
and that it had only lately recovered from the ill effects of the same. The whole
meeting voted with the Parisian party except the London delegation. Only then did
Tolain and Fribourg return to the Hall.
After a short discussion Le Lubez rose and observed that there were two Nationalities absent [from] the Congress whose representatives would have sided with him,
namely Italy and Belgium; Fribourg and Tolain did not venture to attack him in
London [during] the epoch of the conference. He advised the Central ||8| Council to
obey the vote of the Congress. He should not ask for readmission to the Central
Council untili the vote of another Congress had reversed the verdict of that at Geneva. He thought the Council ought to pass a vote of Confidence in him. Had the
Parisians paid to the Council the debt they owed, or any portion of the £40 promised at the London Conference. He understood they had not. Le Lubez then left
the room.
Election of Officers
President
Lawrence moved that Marx be President for the ensuing twelve months; Carter seconded that nomination. Marx proposed Odger; he, Marx, thought himself incapacitated because he was a head worker and not a hand worker. Weston seconded
35 Odger, a ballot was taken and Odger was carried by 15 v. 3.
Vice-President
Eccarius was alone nominated and carried nem con.
General Secretary
Fox and Cremer proposed. Ballot taken. Fox elected by 13 to 4.
40
Treasurer
Dell alone nominated and carried nem con.
The Secretaries for France, Germany, Switzerland, America and Spain were reappointed, Hansen was appointed Secretary for Denmark.
485
Minutes of the General Council of the I. W. M. A.
Lawrence moved that the appointment of the other Secretaries be adjourned untili next week, carried by common consent.
Marx moved that a Testimonial be presented to Cremer for his almost entirely
gratuitous services as Secretary for nearly two Years. Seconded by Carter and by
several members and Carried Unanimously. |
|9| Standing C o m m i t t e e
Marx proposed to constitute this Committee provisionally only, for the present. The
Committee to consist of the Officeholders and Secretaries already appointed.
Agreed to by common consent.
Citizen Mollard of Barcelona made a Statement of what he hoped to be able to
do for the Association in Catalonia and in the United States whither he proposed to
proceed, He gave an account of his movements for the past twelve months.
The Council then adjourned. /
486
Meeting of the General Council October 2,
/9/ Council Meeting October 2
5
1866
nd
Lessner in the Chair.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed with the alteration
suggested by Cit. Carter.
The Secretary asked for and obtained the permission of the Council to insert in
the minutes of Sept 18 a portion of the statement made by Eccarius which had
[been] omitted, but which on reflection he thought was important.
Fox brought forward the claim of Mr Miall on the Council for rent due and that
we should henceforth stand to him in the place of the Industrial Newspaper Company. It was decided to pay the quarter's rent due last midsummer. There being nothing in the Treasury the Treasurer advanced the quarter's rent by way of a Loan.
Fox having asked the Treasurer what had become of the £5 received last week
through the hands of Marx; the Treasurer replied that £6 had been paid to cover the
unpaid expenses of the Geneva Delegates; Carter complained that he had been unfairly treated, the agreement was that all the Delegates should share and share
alike. I
|10| Now although the other Delegates knew that his expenses had been greater
than theirs owing to his having to travel by mail Trains. Yet he had only received £8
while the others had received £10. Jung made an explanation. He animadverted on
Cremer's Conduct in reference to procuring Tickets before starting. He stated that
he had advanced Cremer £2. in Geneva, and had to borrow £4. from a Friend. He
offered to refund his own £2. balance. Carter declined with thanks. He did not desire to make a personal attack; but only to show that an equitable rule had been infringed in reference to him.
Dell observed that Cremer had received £10.12.1 or 12s Id more than any other
Delegate.
th
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15
20
25
487
Minutes of the General Council of the I.W.M.A.
Report of D e p u t a t i o n to M o d e l P a t t e r n Makers
Citizen Whitehead said he and Citizen Weston had waited upon the Model Pattern
Makers. They were well received, but they complained that Mr Cremer had not notified the advent of the Deputation to the Society. They wished that Copies of Rules
be sent to them—
They would summon a special meeting to consider the question of joining. Citizen Whitehead added that it was necessary that some definite instructions should
be given to Delegates with respect to contributions from Societies.
A m a l g a m a t e d Carpenters a n d Joiners
The Secretary said he had received a Letter from the Secretary from this Society announcing their readiness to receive a Deputation from our body on Tuesday Evening at 8.30. Jung, Lessner, Lafargue and Fox were appointed to attend on this Society.
The question then arose, what instructions should be given to the Deputation in
reference to the terms upon which Societies should be admitted. |
Carter alluded to the Rule adopted by the Geneva Congress, which required
3d per member for the expenses of Central Council. Carter contended that Affiliation and Membership were two different things and that the Congressional rules applied only to the latter.
Marx on the authority of the minutes contradicted Carter and said that the Congress refused to recognise any affiliation as distinct from membership. Shaw moved
and Lassassie seconded "That the Delegates to the Carpenters and Joiners be instructed to ask for a Levy of 3d per member for the exceptional expenses of 1866
and 1867."
Fox moved an Amendment and Marx seconded That the Delegates be instructed
to say that they will issue Cards of Subscriptions to the said Society in the following
proportion, one Card for every 3d subscribed.
Jung suggested that a minimum of Id per Head be asked for.
Carter argued that Lawrence had said that Id would be too high. He would prefer
y d per Head.
The Amendment of Fox was Carried on a division by 8 to 6.
Fox then asked Jung and Carter if they would move their minimum proposition
as an amendment to his proposition if put as a substantial motion but they declined
and it was agreed that the whole subject must be reargued; that the present decision
was only provisional.
2
488
Brussels Letter
Fox read a Letter from Vandenhouten the Secretary of the Brussels Section, complaining of the laches of Citizen Longuet, who had never informed the Brussels
Section that he had been elected Corresponding Secretary, nor had he ever corre5 sponded with them. The j|12| Brüsselers also complained that they had never been
informed of the date of the Congress, consequently they were unable to be present
or to send papers. They knew Lafargue and in consequence were more surprised
than they would otherwise have been at his silence.
Marx defended his conduct while Secretary and carried the war into the Belgian
10 camp.
r
Le Lubez spoke in defence and glorification of the Brussels section and contended that they had been shamefully neglected. Lafargue defended Longuet and himself. The nomination of Longuet was known in Brussels because it had been attacked in the Espiègle. Longuet had corresponded by means of announcements in La
15 Rive Gauche which was received and read by the Brussels Section. The date of
the Congress had been given in the address of the Association which had been published in the Tribune du Peuple. Longuet did not know the address of the Brussels
men. Carter and Dupont both stated that they had heard Fontaine of Brussels say
that he was appointed delegate to the Congress at Geneva in this room. He had
20 never professed ignorance of the date. Le Lubez stated that Longuet knew the address of the Tribune du Peuple which was the organ of the Brussels Section. Fox remembered an act of laches on the part of Longuet which had come to his knowledge.
The resolution this council came to in reference to the apology due to the Italian
Delegates had never been communicated to the Echo de Verviers, the Consequence
- 25
was that the Italian Delegates had not resumed their seats at our board. Jung declared that he had given Longuet the address of the Brussels men and told him to
forward the resolution to the Echo de Verviers. He proposed that a letter be written
by Lafargue |jl3| explaining the hitch of the past and promising amendment for the
future. Lassassie seconded the motion.
ΐ~ 30
A p p o i n t m e n t of C o r r e s p o n d e n t
Dupont solicited the appointment of Andrew Marchet as Correspondent for Bor
deaux and the Arrondissement of Lesparre in place of another Correspondent who has
withdrawn. Appointment made accordingly.
Dupont then stated the result of his visit to Lyons. How the Lyonnais members
- 35 were divided in two parties, one desiring to make their section chiefly Political, the
other exclusively Social in their tendencies—
He also visited Fleurieux-sur-Saône and other places where we had branches, many
of the members in these parts were cultivators of the Vine and he was surprised to
find the faith reposed in the association by these men. He also visited Vienne and
40 found a Co-operative Cloth Manufacturing Company and Flour Mill on the Cash
principle, and a Co-operative Grocery and Bakery.
489
Dupont then read correspondence from Vienne, asking for their Carnets or titles
of Membership. He also read a report of the state of industry in that place especially referring to the hard lot of the Factory women in that place branches of industry.
Jung on behalf of Dr Coullery asked if it would be allowed to form a section exclusively of Women. The unanimous Resolution was, that it was permissable. Collet a member of the association, said that he was willing to insert reports of our
doings in his paper "Courrier International," reserving to himself the right to comment upon them if he should think proper.
Dupont gave Notice of Proposition to bring before the Council in favor of organising Workingmen's Excursions from ||14| Britain to the Paris Exhibition of
1867 under the conduct of the International Workingmen's Association.
The Meeting then adjourned./
490
Meeting of the General Council October 9,
/14/ C o u n c i l M e e t i n g O c t o b e r 9
1866
t h
The Vice-President in the Chair.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. Cremer demanded the right of making a personal explanation in reference to the 12s Id he had received more than the others. He reminded the Council that he and Jung had stayed
longer in Switzerland than the others and had had more expenses. The money he
had received did not cover his out-of-Pocket Expenditure. He had not demanded
anything for his time.
Carter restated his grievance. Jung offered to refund one Pound to Carter, suiting
the Action to the word took out his Porte-monnaie, but what passed subsequently
in regard to this escaped the Secretary's Notice.
Lafargue stated that he had replied to the Belgian Correspondent.
Jung stated that a Member of the Association coming from Geneva to London
who had been entrusted by Citizens Dupleix and Becker with four parcels of documents belonging to the Association had been searched on the French Frontiers and
had the Four Parcels taken from him. He read a letter from Giuseppe Dassi of Naples stating that he had been appointed a Delegate to the Geneva Congress by the
Workingmen's Association of Cerignola but that he had received his commission
too late to avail of it; at the conclusion he said that if the Council desired to correspond with General Garibaldi he would deliver ||15| the Letter with his own hands
and send back the answer.
The Secretary read a letter he had from Mr Applegarth the Secretary of the Amalgamated Carpenters, thanking the Council for the Deputation that had been sent to
that body for the agreeable and instructive entertainment they had afforded to their
audience. He also read an extract from Becker's opening speech at the Geneva Congress as reported in the Vorbote and observed upon its openly atheistical Character.
He also read from the Journal de Genève of Sept 14 , a Conservative middle class
paper, a tribute to the truly Cosmopolitan spirit which pervaded the Congress. He
also brought before the Council a Subscription Sheet for the imprisoned Vesinier.
th
491
D e p u t a t i o n from the Hair-dressers' early Closing association
32 Glass-house Street, Regent Street
The deputation stated that their trade was engaged in a struggle for the early Closing on Saturday Afternoons. Several Middlesized Employers were bringing over
men from Paris to nil the Places of those men who had been called out of the recalcitrant Shops. The deputation prayed the Council to use its influence at Paris to
frustrate the evil designs of these Masters.
Carter, Marx and Lawrence spoke in response pleading the Council to use its best
efforts in the direction mentioned.
I m p o r t a t i o n of Tailors
Lawrence stated that an Edinburgh Master declared at the late Master Tailors' Congress that £400 had been spent in bringing over Tailors from the Continent during
this Summer. Many of the importations still remained behind in the Neighbourhood of the Scottish Capital affecting the Labor market there. ||16| Stewart another
master boasted on the same occasion that he had brought over a live cargo of Tailors who had hustled the guts out of the Newcastle Strike.
On the Motion of Jung the Gen Secretary was ordered to write to Dassi, and to
Garibaldi through Dassi.
On the Motion of Marx the Gen Secretary was ordered to write to the French Ministre de l'intérieur complaining of the seizure of the association's papers and re20
questing that they be restituted.
Citizen Dupont read a letter from Citizen Fribourg of Paris asking for the minutes of the Congress to enable them to publish a report of the Congress.
Marx protested against this latter step, inasmuch as the duty of publishing an account of the Congress was devolved by that body exclusively on the Central Coun- 25=
cil. Further, the Parisians had kept their Mémoire in violation of the Congressional
order which ordained that this and all other documents should be handed over to
the Central Council.
The General Secretary was ordered to write to Fribourg in this sense.
Affiliated Societies
30
Marx brought up a report from the standing Committee to the effect that Societies
be taxed Id per Year per Head.
The General Secretary suggested that Jung should now report the conversation
which took place on this subject with the Secretary of the Amalgamated Carpenters'
Society, which was to this effect: Viz That 3d per head laid down by Congress 35
would cost their Society £93.15.0, which they never would pay. The compromise
suggested by Fox and adopted by the Council fared no better. Cremer stated that
492
when the 3d proposition was before the Congress, the British voted for it as a means
of extracting money from the Continentals; but with a mental reservation taken by
the said Delegates, not to apply it at home to associations. Lawrence said the
scheme ||17| of the standing committee would drive away Societies from the Association. His Society even at %& rate would have to contribute £14.11.3. To carry
this would be a hazardous experiment, the Country branches knowing little or nothing of the association. He argued that there was the London Trades Council to support; and also the National Trades Alliance. This association should not put the
screw on too tight. It had better be satisfied with small Grants.
Cremer had a plan which he thought deserving of consideration. He moved the
adjournment of the Subject, to give him an opportunity of bringing it forward,
which was not seconded. Hales moved that the contribution be %d per head. Weston spoke in favor of a fixed sum and in opposition to Lawrence's idea. Jung seconded Hales' proposal. To carry out the Voluntary principle would cause an immense waste of time on our part. Dell spoke in the same sense as Weston. Marx
accepted Hales's proposition but suggested that the words "not less than" should be
inserted before the word / d. Weston and others objected to this suggestion of Marx
and it was not pressed. Hales's proposition of / â was then Carried.
The meeting then adjourned.
The names of the members who voted for the %â Levy: Cremer, Dell, Weston,
Hales, Buckley, Lawrence, Massman, Lessner, Gardner, Marx, Hansen, Maurice,
Eccarius, Fox, Dupont, Lafargue, Carter./
l
2
l
2
493
M e e t i n g o f t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l O c t o b e r 16,
/ 1 7 / Council Meeting October 16
1866
th
Vice-President Eccarius in the chair.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The names of
those who voted for the resolution of October 9 were ordered to be appended to
the minutes. Cits James Dutton and Whitehead desired to have their names added
to the list as approving of the resolution come to by the Central Council. Weston
moved and Jung seconded, That the Secretary ||18| read over the aforesaid resolution for several weeks in succession in order to give an opportunity to as many
members as possible to adhere thereto. Carried Nem Con.
The Secretary mentioned Mr Miall's application to become his tenants-in-chief
instead of the Industrial Newspaper Company. Nothing was done on this point. He
also spoke about the Cards and Carnets; also of the necessity of definitively constituting the standing Committee.
Citizen J. Dutton moved that the Standing Committee be appointed for three
months from the date of Congress. Seconded by Carter and carried Nem Con.
The following members were added to the standing Committee Viz Carter,
Whitehead, and Lawrence.
Le Lubez asked leave to bring a personal matter before the Council. In the number of the Travail dated Sept 30 a Co-operative paper published at Ghent, it was
stated in a full report of the congress that one member had been excluded from the
Central Council by a Unanimous Vote, having been guilty of calumniating the Parisian Delegates. Le Lubez said that if his information was correct the vote for his exclusion was not unanimous; the London Delegates having spoken against the exclusion, abstained from voting. He demanded that the Council should protect him
from this misstatement of the Travail. After Carter, Eccarius, Cremer, and Jung had
stated what took place on this point at the Congress, Carter moved and Shaw seconded: That the matter be referred to the standing Committee. Carried Nem Con.
Weston mentioned the debt due to Mr Leno for Printing which was of long standing, No action was taken on this point.
Cremer brought forward his motion which had been approved of by the standing
Committee; it was, That a Deputation be appointed to wait on the Trades Council
to solicit them to use their influence to get the Trades Societies connected ||19| with
them to join this Association. Carried Nem Con.
th
494
Cremer, Whitehead, Jung and as many other members of the Council that could
attend were appointed as a deputation.
Cremer reported that the Coachmakers were likely at their ensuing General
Meeting to join the Association.
A p p o i n t m e n t of Secretary for H o l l a n d
Jung moved, That Jacques Van Rijen be Corresponding Secretary for Holland. He
recited his accomplishments. Dupont seconded the motion, Carried Nem Con.
Correspondence
Jung read a letter from Switzerland; asking for Rules and reports of the principal
Cooperative Societies of Britain. He was referred to Henry Pitman Editor of the
Cooperator. Dupont laid on the Table Correspondence from Bordeaux, Fleurieux-surSaône, calling upon the Council to provide Carnets.
Carter moved and Shaw seconded, That Dupont be instructed to take this matter
in hand and see to their being furnished. Carried Nem Con.
Dupont read a Letter from Fribourg of Paris; arguing that they had a right to
print their own Essays at their own expense. He also desired Dupont to send over
Copies of the Constitution and the amendments as agreed to at Geneva as he
wanted them for the Carnets they were about to issue. The Chairman cautioned the
Council from acceding to the latter part of the Letter as the Parisians after issuing
Carnets would never send us a sou. Fox agreed with the Parisians as to their right to
publish their own Essays.
The Council instructed Dupont to refuse Fribourg's request as the Council would
furnish the Carnets.
E x h i b i t i o n of 1867
Dupont deferred this question untili the next meeting. |
|20| P r o p a g a n d a
Jung urged the Council to proceed with this question without delay. The Council
then adjourned. /
495
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 23, 1866
/ 2 0 / Council Meeting October 23
rd
Citizen James Dutton in the Chair.
James Lee and Richard Overton presented their credentials from the United Excavators' Society as Delegates thereof to this Council. They paid the entrance fee of
5/- and stated that when they had obtained their yearly returns they would pay the
Halfpenny Levy. On the motion of Carter Lee and Overton were accepted as members of the Council.
The Secretary brought up our relations with Mr Miall and it was resolved, That
we put ourselves in the place of the Industrial Newspaper Company on the terms
proposed by Mr Miall.
The Secretary mentioned the fact that in the Syllabus of the Lectures of the Workingmen's College the President was delivering a course on the History of Europe
in the 16 Century. He then read aloud the %d Levy Resolution and it was acceded
to by Mr Williams. He gave the address of the Hatters' Society to Mr Williams who
undertook to see the Secretary and sound him on the Subject of a deputation. He
also read an extract from an American Journal stating that some French men, Hungarians, and Poles in the United States had sent a joint deputation to James Stephens and were collecting subscriptions for the Irish Republican Cause,
Buckley spoke of the want of a Minute Book. The Secretary stated that if permitted he would purchase one out of the money he had in hand. No objection was
made to this. |
th
]21| T h e Le Lubez affair and the Travail
The Secretary brought up the report of the Standing Committee on this affair. They
found that the minutes of the Congress stated that the ostracising resolution was
passed unanimously: on enquiring whether the minutes were correct in so stating,:
Jung the Chairman stated that he put the „Contre" and that no hands were held up
in response; that as to abstentions from voting he had declared at the Commencement of the Congress that no notice could be taken of these unless a demand wass
496
made that such abstentions be inserted in the minutes. No such demand was made
by anybody as the minutes showed. Citizen Carter had also given evidence before
the Committee and had stated that the London Delegates purposely and deliberately abstained from voting because they knew they were to be outvoted prodigiously. The standing Committee therefore concluded that the report in the „Travail" was literally correct. There were indeed the speeches of Odger and Cremer
which were in favor of Le Lubez which were recorded in the minutes. Those delegates might do as they liked in the matter but they could under the circumstances
do nothing. Carter gave the reasons of the London delegates not voting.
Marx and Jung spoke. Weston thought the London Delegates did wrong in abstaining from voting. He agreed in the conclusion come to by the standing committee. Dell thought the resolution of Ostracism against Le Lubez gave evidence of
great narrowness of mind. He believed Le Lubez to be a thorough Republican and
he hoped that the members would sign an address expressive of their sympathy for
him. The report of the Standing Committee was accepted nem con. |
\22\ Carnets a n d C o n t i n e n t a l Secretaries
The Secretary stated that Citizen Dupont had arranged to get the Carnets executed.
Jung said a Secretary for Italy was wanted and proposed Carter for that office. Carried Nem Con. The extraordinary power of nominating a Secretary for Belgium was
conferred upon Dupont.
R e p o r t from the L o n d o n Trades Council
Jung, Cremer, Whitehead and Carter waited on this body at its last meeting and the
result would appear in the periodical reports of the Council and would be laid before a general Delegate meeting on November 2 8 . Jung said that a member of the
Trades Council objected to being affiliated with an unskilled body like the Excavators. Citizen Collet attended on behalf of the "National Reform League" of Denmark Street, Soho; on the motion of himself and Mr Harris it had been decided
that that body should consider the propriety of joining. The discussion would come
on next Sunday after 8 O'clock. He desired the presence of a deputation. Jung,
Weston, Carter and Fox were appointed as the deputation.
th
Exhibition of 1867
Dupont brought up from the standing Committee his proposal for the association to
take in hand the business of providing by means of their correspondents in Paris for
the travelling, boarding and lodging at a fixed tariff [of] British Workingmen and
others desiring to visit the said Exhibition. He had opened these proposals to the
Parisian Delegates at the Congress and they were ready to cooperate heartily with
497
the Council. The Standing Committee recommended, that a special committee be
appointed for carrying out this plan and had appointed himself, Cremer, Whitehead, Lucraft, Carter and Lessner. The report and appointment of the Standing
Committee were adopted. |
|23| Carter proposed that the question of helping Workingmen who desired to become exhibitors be referred to the Special Committee. Dupont seconded and, it was
Carried Nem Con.
T h e Edenbridge R i o t between English a n d Belgian Navvies
On the interpellation of Citizen Weston, Citizen James Lee the Secretary of the
United Excavators' Society made the following statement. He had made enquiries
on the spot concerning the origin of the "difficulty" between the Belgian and the
English navvies, and he found that it did not arise from a jealousy of the Continental labourers as such. The Messrs. Waring, who had brought the Belgians over, gave
notice to the English navvies to quit the huts in which they were living, and which
they had built. Now, as the English held that their huts were castles, they became
irate and assaulted the Belgians. The quarrel was not one of wages or nationality, as
had been represented, but one of house and home. Mr Lee further stated that he
had conversed through an interpreter with the Belgians who considered that they
had been completely "gulled" by Messrs. Waring's agents who had represented that
they would receive from four to six francs a day, whereas they only receive three
francs a day for which they must fill 18 waggons a day instead of 15, which is the
average amount. Messrs Waring are demanding from these poor Belgians more
than any other contractors in the Kingdom are demanding from the native navvies.
The consequence of this has been that many of the Belgians have found that they
could stand neither the climate nor the work and have returned. The others would
return if they had their passage money. I
)24) The United Excavators' society, being above national prejudices, is not only
willing but desirous to enroll the remaining Belgian navvies among its own ranks,
and the Belgians seem well disposed to accept the proposals made to them by the
agents of the said society.
The Meeting then adjourned. /
498
F
M e e t i n g o f t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l O c t o b e r 30,
1866
/24/ O c t 3 0
'5
V.P. Eccarius in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and con
firmedThe Sec. read a letter from Cit. Le Lubez which complained of the conduct of the
London delegates to Geneva and suggested that his friends should present him with
an address.
Delegate from the Basket M a k e r s .
ι
Samuel Brighting a delegate from the "Old London" Society of Basket Makers,
which meets at the Bell Inn, Old Bailey was now heard.
10
He stated that the masters were threatening to import Belgian workmen. He
asked the Council to use its influence to circumvent this dodge. He declared that
he was empowered to affiliate his Society to a new Association. The Belgian and
Hollandish Sees, were instructed to communicate with their respective countries.
Mr Brighting stated that the master who was engaged in hiring the Belgians was
i5 Frederick George Packer of New Cross. On motion of Shaw and Whitehead Cit.
Brighting after having signed the application for admission was elected a member
i> of the General Council.
Gas fittings.
a The Sec. mentioned the matter of the gas fittings and bell work. Mr. Miall wished
Í0 the International ||25| Association either to pay the bill or pay 10 per cent of the
amount, viz. 16s. per annum.
On motion of Whitehead and Dell the latter alternative was adopted unanimously.
The Sec. then read an alteration in the form of advertisement in the Common25 wealth which met with the approval of the Council.
4
499
Report of d e p u t a t i o n to the N a t i o n a l Reform League.
The Sec. brought up this.
He said that Carter, Weston, Dupont, and himself had attended the National Reform League which met at the Eclectic Institute Denmark Street, Soho, on Sunday
last. He stated what passed. He was questioned by the members as to the terms of
admission and reserved the subject for the consonance of the General Council. The
point was, could a political party like the National Reform League be allowed to enter on the same terms as the Trade Societies?
Shaw, Dupont, Carter, Whitehead, Hales, Dell and Weston delivered their opinions on this question and it was ultimately referred to the Standing Committee to
report to the next meeting.
Lyons c h ô m a g e .
Dupont read the letter of Fribourg, inviting the General Council to solicit general
subscriptions throughout Europe for the Lyons' sufferers but as the attendance was
so small, he would adjourn the matter until next week.
Hales spoke of the feeling of the men of Coventry in reference to the French ribbon and lace trade and also of the state of trade at Coventry.
The meeting then adjourned. |
500
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l N o v e m b e r 6, 1866
|26| N o v e m b e r 6 t h
Cit Jung was voted into the Chair.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed,
v
Cit. Zabicki presented a letter from the chairman and secretary of the Central
;:5 London Section of the United Polish exiles requesting that Cit. Anthony Zabicki be
accepted as the Secretary for Poland instead of Cit. Konstantin Bobczynski who
had left London for Birmingham.
On motion of Dupont this nomination was ratified by the General Council.
A Letter from the Secretary of the Elastic Web Weavers' Society was read anφ nouncing their readiness to receive a deputation. Weston, Jung and Dupont were
appointed a deputation to wait on that body.
The Sec. read a letter from Mr. Patterson of Guildford in reference to the Coun
cil's Universal Exhibition of 1867 scheme which was handed over to the Special
».•. Committee.
115
A representative of the Freundschaft-Gesellschaft was informed that the price of
cards for individual members was Is. and not 3d. as he had been led to believe.
The Sec. stated that a lady had undertaken to translate the report of the Congress
f.
of Geneva given in the Vorbote.
The Sec. announced that he had received a copy of the Parisian Mémoire read at
20 the Geneva Congress and described its contents.
Dupont laid on the table the Tribune du peuple containing the appeal to the garI; çons Coiffeurs made by their London brethren. |
fc |27| He announced that he had nominated Cit. Besson, as Sec. for Belgium and
that this nomination had been approved by the Standing Committee. The nomina25 tion was then confirmed by the General Council.
He then brought up the report of the Standing Committee in reference to the
Lyons subscription.
;ΐ*
The Committee thought any action taken by the Association at the present time
& would only reveal their pecuniary weakness and destroy their prestige.
Í0
He then read from the Cooperation [on] the progress of the Cooperative principle
'
at Fleurieux-sur-Saône and Neuville among members of the Association.
W.
Cit. Carter thought that the fact that the agricultural population of France were
1
w
501
beginning to practise the principle of Cooperation ought to receive publicity. He requested the Sec. to translate it for insertion in the Commonwealth next week. The
Sec. promised to do so.
T h e N a t i o n a l Reform League.
The Sec. brought up the report of the Standing Committee. They recommended the
N. R. L. be admitted on the same terms as those offered to Trade Societies.
Shaw and Odger supported the report of the Committee.
Hales moved that it was inexpedient to adopt the report of the Standing Committee, but after explanation of some of the members thereof, Hales withdrew his opposition and the report of the Committee was unanimously adopted. ]
|28| The Sec. then brought up the following recommendation of the Standing
Committee, "That no member at the Central Council meetings be allowed to speak
more than 5 minutes."
Odger objected to this and on motion of Hales it was unanimously rejected.
The Sec. then brought up the following resolution from the Standing Committee,
1. "That any member of the Central Council who shall be absent for more than 4
sittings from Council meetings without giving satisfactory reasons therefor shall be
liable to have his name erased from the list of the Council."
2. "This resolution to be immediately communicated to every member of the
Council."
A lively discussion sprang up on this resolution. Carter, Lessner, Hales and Jung
being in favour of it and Eccarius, Fox and Weston against it. Weston thought that
at least so important a resolution should not be carried in so thin a meeting and until notice had been given in the Commonwealth. He moved that the debate be ad-^
journed until next week; Lessner seconded this and the adjournment was carried
unanimously.
502
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l N o v e m b e r 13,
1866
|29| Nov'r. 13
President Odger in the chair.
The General Secretary read a letter from Cit. Le Lubez in reference to the action
5 he contemplated taking in vindication of himself against the stigma put upon him
by the Congress of Geneva.
10
15
eo
:26
!-
In the course of the discussion that accused [him] the Chairman stated that he
held up his hand against the resolution ostracising Le Lubez.
On Jung denying this fact Odger again vouched for it and added that he was
sneered at for his singularity.
Cremer, Carter, Jung, Hales, Fox, and Weston took part in the discussion and
eventually the motion of Hales was carried unanimously that the General Secretary
answer Le Lubez's letter in the sense that the General Council can do nothing in
consistent with the resolution of the Congress at whose hands it holds its own appointment.
Jung made a communication in reference [to] what was doing at Chaux de
Fonds.
Cit. Brighting, the delegate of the Basket Makers' Society, stated that 12 Belgian
Basket makers had been brought over by the agent of the Masters' Joint Stock Corn
pany, that six of these were at work at the Company's shops under the railway
arches in Blue Anchor Lane, Bermondsey. The trade in London consisted of about
400 men, taking Society and non-Society men together. The masters decided to |
|30| break down the Basket Makers' Society by importing Continentals to take the
place of the Society men. The six Belgians could not be got as he believed they
slept on the premises. He requested the aid of the Council in communicating with
these men.
(At this stage of the proceedings, Odger left the chair and the room to attend an
other engagement and Shaw was voted into the Chair).
Dupont stated that Cit. Derkinderen was a Fleming and would be at the service
3P of the Basket makers.
Τ
Shaw and Cremer advised that no time be lost, and Cremer suggested a ruse. It
was finally determined that Fox and Derkinderen should meet Cit. Brighting at the
503
Minutes of the Generai Council of the I.W.M.A.
Bell Inn, Old Bailey, at 1.15 p.m. on the following day and these concert a plan for
the enlightenment of the deluded and the enfranchisement of the imprisoned Belgians.
Lessner laid on the table a copy of the New Yorker Democrat, a New York Daily
paper in the German language, containing an account of the Geneva Congress by
its own Special Correspondent at Geneva.
Report of deputation
Jung gave an account of his visit to the Eleastic Web Weavers on Monday last. He
was alone. He was well received and he believed that the brother Societies of this
trade at Leicester, Derby and Manchester would follow the London Society in joining. Cit. Hales on behalf of the Elastic Web Weavers of London, numbering only
50 men, put down 10s. and received a large card. |
|31| On motion of Fox, David Dry was accepted as the Web Weavers' delegate to
this council.
Cit Collet implored the council to lend a hand to the Bakers.
Lessner moved and Hales seconded that Cit. Massman, who was about to take
ship for Germany be authorised to act for this Association in Germany. Carried
unanimously.
Cremer stated that he was going on his Lecturing tour and asked leave to take
300 copies of the Association's Address with him.
Leave
granted
unanimously.
Cit. Hales gave notice of motion as to the desirability of establishing Branches of
the Association on the same plan as the Reform League. Shaw interpellated Cremer
about the Balance sheet and received permission to obtain it from Mrs. Cremer.
R e p o r t from Excursion C o m m i t t e e
Carter stated that the committee had met and had appointed Fox as its Secretary.
The Committee desired Fox to write to the several Railway Companies and to
Mr. Cook and to the Universal Tourist Co. to ascertain the fares that would be
charged for return tickets for a week and a fortnight first and second class.
Fox undertook the office.
The other matters on the Order of the Day were then adjourned till next week,
and
504
Meeting of the General Council N o v e m b e r 20,
1866
th
|32| Nov'r. 20 , 1866
Vice-President Eccarius took the chair and read a letter from Secretary Fox which
stated that he would not be present.
The minutes of the last meeting were read, when Cit Jung said that it was very
important that the statement made by Cit. Cremer at the last meeting should be entered on the minutes—Viz,—That he, Cremer never saw Odger hold up his hand
against the motion that debarred Le Lubez from sitting on the Council. It was
agreed that the statement should be entered.
The minutes were then confirmed.
Cit Dry took his seat as Delegate from the Elastic Web Weavers.
Correspondence
Cit Jung said: The Belgians wished to know how the "Trades Societies" were admitted, whether members pay an individual Subscription or a certain amount for the
whole of the Society and what rights had the members of Trades Societies when
their Societies had joined. He also informed the Council that Brismée could not
give an estimate for printing the General Report of the Congress until he knew the
size of the pages and the kind of Type.
Basket M a k e r s
Cit Derkinderen stated that he in conjunction with Fox and a member of the Basket
Makers' Society went to Blue Anchor Lane on last Wednesday for the purpose of
drawing the Belgian Basket Makers out of the shops, after providing themselves
with a French and a Flemish Letter Fox and Derkinderen went to the Shops, they
saw the Master, and Fox asked him if he ||33| could employ Derkinderen's Brother
who was represented to be a Basket Maker and was at present in Belgium. The master said he would employ the brother. He invited Fox and Derkinderen into the
workshops and whilst Fox was entertaining the master in conversation Derkinderen
505
was pointing out to the Belgians the injury they were inflicting on the English Basket Makers and he succeeded in getting two of them to come out of the Shop to
have a glass of drink, although the master objected very much. The two Belgians at
their interview with the English Basket Maker were so impressed of the wrong that
they were doing to the English that they resolved to go back to the shop, pack up
their tools and persuade the other four men to come out. They did not succeed in
bringing the four men out that day. They went to the Basket Makers' Society House
at the "Bell," Old Bailey. They were well received and provided with a bed and
everything they could require by the Basket Makers. On the next day they went
back to the shops and induced the other four men to come out. The Basket Makers
paid the passage money for the six men to Belgium and supplied them with money
as well. They saw them on board ship bound for home and just as the Vessel was
starting the Master Basket Makers made their appearance and tried to induce the
men to return, but they failed, and the men sailed away determined to prevent any
more Belgians coming over here under the same circumstances. The Basket Makers
had heard that some more Belgians were coming. ||34| They were on the look out,
They saw a Vessel arrive with two Belgians aboard, each had a pattern Basket. Derkinderen spoke to them and explained the state of affairs, took them to a Flemish
Hotel where they were kept until Sunday and then sent home by the Basket-Mak*
ers' Society. Derkinderen also said that seven Dutch-men arrived on Friday last, the •
Masters met them at Gravesend and brought them to Bermondsey by Rail. A Letter
was sent into the shops to the Dutchmen but none of them could read, so the Master had the letter given to him to read, consequently its object was frustrated. Derkinderen went to the shops on the Saturday afternoon, saw the Master bring the.
Dutchmen out and take them to several Coffee Houses to obtain Lodgings. Derkin*
deren tried to persuade the Dutchmen to leave the Master but did not succeed. The
Master took the men to his private House to sleep, and the Basket makers consider
that the Dutchmen will do the Masters more harm than good, so they have decided
to let them stop where they are. Derkinderen said that the Basket Makers had well
satisfied him for his trouble.
On the motion [of] Cit. Jung seconded by Cit. Marx a vote of thanks was awarded:
to Cit. Derkinderen for his zealous and intelligent services—carried.
On motion of Cit Marx seconded by Cit Jung the Secretary was directed to write
to Cit. Collet remonstrating with him on account of his neglect in printing the Carnets.
On the Resolution from the Standing Committee ||35| being read with regard to
Absentees the following Amendment was carried,
"That a Book be provided for the Members of the Council to sign their names in ;
the said Book to be presented to Congress for inspection; and, if any Delegate from:
a Society should be absent more than four Nights without assigning a reason for so:
doing, the Secretary shall write to the Society he represents and inform them of the:
Neglect."
•
Cit. Hales' proposition for establishing Branches of the Association fell to the
ground as being impracticable at the present time.
?
Cit. Jung reminded the Council, that a Deputation must wait upon the Trades
;
506
Council on the 28* instant. Jung, Hales, Dupont, Shaw, Eccarius, Lessner Whitehead, Cremer and Marx were appointed to go. This meeting will not be held until
December 12 .
It was proposed by Cit. Marx, and seconded by Cit. Jung, That the Anniversary of
the Polish Insurrection be celebrated on the 2 2 of January.
N D
507
Meeting of the General Council
N o v e m b e r 27,
1866
|36| Nov'r. 27.
Citizen Jung was appointed Chairman.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The General Secretary began by stating that he observed an omission in the narrative of Derkinderen à propos of the Basket Makers' affair, as rendered by temporary Secretary
Shaw. The omission was that the promise had been given by the representatives of
the London Basket Makers to the Flemings and to Derkinderen and himself, as representing the General Council, and that Derkinderen and himself had, in their
turn, passed ||37| their word to the Flemings that the General Council would see to
the execution of this promise, which was, that when the dispute was over and trade
was good, information of the fact should be sent over to the returned Flemings and
that the Basket Makers' Trade Society would do its utmost to procure them work
from the moment of their landing and adopt them as members of their Society.
Citizen Dupont said that Derkinderen had stated as much to the General Council.
The Council thereupon resolved that record of this promise and guarantee of the
same should be set down in the minutes.
The General Secretary then laid upon the table a copy of the private Prospectus
issued by the Master Basket makers for the purpose of starting a joint stock Com-»
pany, whose object it would be to break down the Trade Societies of the men.
He also laid upon the table a copy of the Travailleur associé of Ghent and-gave a
summary of its contents.
He further laid upon the table an account from the Proprietors of the "Common- :
wealth" for 39 insertions of the Association's advertisement therein down to November 24.
He also read a letter from F. Hakowski, the Secretary of the recently-formed So- "
ciety of Polish workingmen in London, which informed the Council of the organisation and constitution of that Society and enclosed copies of their rules in the Polish;
language.
ί
The Secretary was directed to respond to this letter. |
(38| The Secretary then stated that he, Marx and Eccarius had been invited to at
tend the Polish Celebration of the Anniversary of Nov'r. 29, 1830, and that he in
tended certainly to attend. Marx also declared that he should attend.
{
508
He then gave the reason why the lady, who had promised to translate the account
of the Congress of Geneva as given in the Vorbote for the Commonwealth had not yet
completed and forwarded her work and further stated the concessions he had made
to her religious scruples in the matter of the translation.
In his capacity of American Secretary,

Karl Marx, Artikel · Entwürfe. September 1864 bis

Transcription

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