Course B4 Syntactic Structure of German

DGfS & LSA Summer School, Düsseldorf 2002. Course B4 - H.Haider - Syntactic Structure of German. Handout #5
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Hubert Haider, Dept. of Linguistics, Univ. Salzburg
Unit 5: Extraposition - with or without movement ?
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Generalization 1: Extraposition in German applies only to clauses (CPs) and PPs.
(1) PPs (Schulz & Griesbach 19708, E61, p. 395):
a. Morgen soll ich den Dienst antreten LQGLHVHP+DXV
b. Er wird sich rächen IUVHLQHQ9HUUDW
c. Trotzdem sah das doch sehr unsorgfältig aus EHLLKP
d. Sie will nichts mehr wissen GDYRQ
(Th.Mann)
(M.Frisch)
(H.Kolb)
(M.Frisch)
(2) a. *Er hat mich sehen [VP das Haus verlassen]
b. *Er ist heute gewesen [AP sich seiner Sache sicher]
c. *Er hat gerade konstruiert [DP ein Argument]
Generalization 2: Extraposed phrases are in SKUDVHILQDO position. In German clauses, they
follow the verbal cluster, and in particular the clause final finite Verb.
(3) a. [VP Alles besorgt, ZDVVLHP|FKWH] hat er leider nicht
b. [CP wenn er alles besorgt hat, ZDVVLHP|FKWH]
c. [AP sicher, REHUHUDOOHVEHVRUJWKDEH] war er sich nicht
d. [PP des Freundes wegen, GHQHUGRUWYHUPXWHWH] war er gekommen
e. [DP der Anruf [DP der Leutei] bei der Polizei, GLH +LOIHKROHQZROOWHQ] kam zu spät
Implication for clause structure:
i) If the clause-final finite verb is in a functional head position, the position of the extraposed clause must be a position KLJKHU than the functional head position of the finite verb.
ii) If the clause-final finite verb is VP-internal, however, the position of the extraposed clause
may be VP-internal, too.
Controversial issues:
i) Is extraposition an LQVWDQFHRIPRYHPHQW to the right? If yes, why does it violate wellestablished movement constraints (VXEMHFWFRQGLWLRQDGMXQFWFRQGLWLRQ) ?
ii) Is extraposition an LQVWDQFHRIVWUDQGLQJ by movement to the left? If yes, what triggers
movement to the left and why are the intermediate steps ungrammatical?
iii) Is extraposition EDVHJHQHUDWHG ? If yes, where are the ‘extraposed’ phrases generated and
how are they licensed ?
Movement constraint: subject condition (= phrase in subject position is opaque)
(4) a. A man came into the room WKDWQRRQHNQHZ / ZLWKEORQGKDLU
b.*:LWKEORQGKDLU, a man cam into the room
c. *:LWKZKDWFRORXUKDLU did a man come into the room (Culicover & Rochemont 1990:24)
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DGfS & LSA Summer School, Düsseldorf 2002. Course B4 - H.Haider - Syntactic Structure of German. Handout #5
Movement constraint: adjunct condition (= adverbial phrases are opaque)
(5) a. Er hat [die ganze Nacht ei] geschlafen, [die er im Verlies zubrachte]i
‘he has the whole night slept which he spent in the dungeon’
b. Er hat [häufiger ei] protestiert [als ich (zugestimmt habe)]i
`he has more frequently protested than I (have agreed)'
c. Er hat [so ei] gesprochen [wie ich]i
&FRPPDQGVHQVLWLYHUHODWLRQVELQGLQJ(pinciple C, variable binding)
(6)
a. I sent heri many gifts last year [that Maryi did not like]
b. I sent heri many gifts [(that) Mary*i did not like] last year
c. Shei invited many people to the party [that Mary*i did not like]
d. It bothered heri [that Rosa*i had failed]
(C&R 1990:29)
(C&R 1990:29)
(C&R 1990:28)
(Reinhart 1983:49)
Comment: Adjunction to VP would suffice to capture the contrast between (1a) and (1b).
(1c,d) follow, if the extraposed argument clause is lower than the extraposed relative clause.
%XW
(7) English
a. It struck a grammarian last century [ZKRDQDO\]HGLW][that this clause is grammatical]
b.*It struck a grammarian last century [that this clause is grammatical] [ZKRDQDO\]HGLW]
(8) German
a. Es fiel im vergangenen Jahrhundert einem Grammatiker auf, GHUGDVXQWHUVXFKWH, daß
dieser Satz grammatisch ist (= 7a)
b.*Es fiel im vergangenen Jahrhundert einem Grammatiker auf, daß dieser Satz grammatisch ist, GHUGDVXQWHUVXFKWH (= 7a)
(9) Swedish:
a. Någon berättade [VRPMXVWKDGHO\VVQDWSnQ\KHWHUP] [att Ruczkoy hade fänglats]
Someone said [who just had listened to the news] [that Ruzkoy had been arrested]
b.*Någon berättade [att Ruczkoy hade fänglats] [VRPMXVWKDGHO\VVQDWSnQ\KHWHUP]
(10) Italian
a. Ho detto a qualcuno ieri [che mi aveva chiesto la strada] [FKHQRQORVDSHYR]
(I) have said to someone yesterday who aked me the street that I do not know it
b.*Ho detto a qualcuno ieri [FKHQRQORVDSHYR] [che mi aveva chiesto la strada]
Uniform order in NP-internal as well as extraposed order (Wiltschko 1994:25):
(11) a. Sie hat das Argument, das er präsentiert hat, daß rauchen gesund sei, widerlegt
she has the argument that he presented, that smoking is healthy, refuted
b. Sie hat das Argument widerlegt, das er präsentiert hat, daß rauchen gesund sei
%LQGLQJ3ULQFLSOH&UHYLVLWHG:
(12) a. Someone has told himi [who Johni had not met before] [that John*i is in danger]
b. Es hat ihri jemand prophezeit, [dem Idai blind vertraut], [daß Ida*i uralt werde]
Someone has prophecied heri [who Idai trusts blindly] [that Ida*i will-become very-old]
c. Siei hat mir erzählt, [daß Maria*i jemand gesehen habe, [der Mariasi Vater ähnelt]]
`she has told me that Mary saw someone who resembles Mary'
s father'
Comment: If the argument clause in (12) is in the c-command domain of the object, the relative clause must be in the c-command domain, too. Hence, we conclude: c-command is not
sufficient for principle C effects. And it is not necessary, either (see 14):
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DGfS & LSA Summer School, Düsseldorf 2002. Course B4 - H.Haider - Syntactic Structure of German. Handout #5
(13)
a. Wir haben [seinei Aussage, daß Max*i zu Hause gewesen sei], überprüft
‘we have [his deposition that Max was at home] checked'
b. Wir haben [seinei Aussage] überprüft, [daß Max*i zu Hause gewesen sei]
Comment: Is (13b) evidence for reconstruction? No:
(14)
a. Seinei Aussage lautet, daß Max*i zu Hause gewesen sei
His deposition runs that Max was at home
b. Seinei fixe Idee ist, daß Max*i ein Vampir sei
His obsession is that Max is a vampire
9DULDEOHELQGLQJ:
(15) a. Es hat keineni begeistert, daß/wenn man ihni kritisierte
b. daß keineri (alles) gefiel, was man ihri servierte
c. daß man jedeni photographierte, als eri den Raum betrat
argument
(free) relative
adjunct
'HSHQGHQWFODXVHOLFHQVLQJ
(16) a. daß nur einer das Endspiel |IWHUVRRIW gewonnen hat, DOVZLH verspielt
that only one the finals more-often/as often won has, than/as lost
b. [Das Endspiel |IWHUVRRIW gewonnen DOVZLH verspielt] hat nur einer
c.*[Das Endspiel |IWHUVRRIW gewonnen] hat nur einer DOVZLH verspielt
Comment: The comparative/equative clause must be locally c-commanded by the comparative/equative head.
93IURQWLQJ
(17) a. ... and [VP upset her WKDW\RXVPRNHG], LW certainly did (Reinhart 1980:623)
b. ... und [VP gestört GD‰VLHUDXFKW] hat HV ihn sicherlich auch
c. [Gefragt, REVLHLKQOLHEH] hat er sie später
e. [Geblitzt RKQH]XGRQQHUQ] hat es selten
1RRSDFLW\WUDQVSDUHQWIRUH[WUDFWLRQ
(18) a. alles, wasi er dachte, [daß ihn ei glücklich machen werde]
b. Weni hast du erwartet, [dort ei zu treffen]
who have you expected there to meet (Who did you expect to meet there?)
b. Wemi hat der Mann versucht, der dort steht, [ei die Brieftasche zu stehlen]?
whoi did the man try who stands over there [to steal ei the wallet]
(19)
a.
VP
VP
([W3
i
XP H
V°
b.
VP
XP
V° ([W3
Comment: If (19a) is assumed, the c-command sensitive properties do not follow from surface
structure. Does reconstruction help? (see following section). (19b) provides the adequate surface structure c-command relations for phrases in extraposed positions. Open issue: What
kind of structural positions are the extraposition positions (- complements ?? -) ?
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DGfS & LSA Summer School, Düsseldorf 2002. Course B4 - H.Haider - Syntactic Structure of German. Handout #5
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ƒAsymmetries between extraposition and movement (topicalization, scrambling)
ƒPhrases introduced by focus particles can be topicalized but not extraposed (20).
ƒTopicalization respects adjunct islands, but extraposition does not: (21) and (5)
ƒMissing extration sites (22)
ƒSplit antecendents in coordinated structures (23)
0RYHPHQWWRWKHOHIW (topicalization, scrambling) vs. extraposition
(19) a. *[Die ich stelle]i kann jemand die Fragei beantworten
b. *[Daß es niemand ignorieren kann]i ist dies ja ein soi klares Faktum
c. *[Als man glaubt]i sind die Argumente wirklich schwächeri
d. [Von sich] hat er ein Portrait bestellt
e. Er hat ein Portrait bestellt [von sich]
f. *Er hat das Bildi niemandem [dasi er geerbt hatte] gezeigt
g.*Er hat nur sovieli Wein seinen Gästen [wiei sie vertrugen] serviert
Comment: If extraposition is the result of movement & reconstruction, why is this not possible for movement to the left (topicalization)? Note, that N-dependent PPs are licit in both constructions (19d,e). Scrambling cannot strand extraposable phrases (19f,g).
)RFXVPDUNHUV
(20)a. [1XU [wenn es nicht regnet]] werde ich nicht kommen
`only it it not rains shall I not come'
b.*Ich werde kommen [QXU [wenn es nicht regnet]]
(J.Bayer 1990).
c. Ich werde QXU kommen [wenn es nicht regnet]
Comment: The focused phrase must be c-commanded by the focus particle in surface structure (Bayer 1990).
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(21) a. *[Als wer]i ist er [schneller ei] gelaufen?
b. Er ist schneller gelaufen [als ich]
c. [Schneller als ich] ist er gelaufen
0LVVLQJH[WUDFWLRQVLWH:
(22) a. Sie hat ihmi [(*HV) [daß sie auf Max*i böse ist]] nicht gesagt
she did [(it) that she is furious at Max] not tell him
b. Sie hat (HV) ihmi nicht gesagt, [daß sie auf Max*i böse ist]
she did (it) not tell him that she is furious at Max
c. [Daß sie auf Maxi böse ist]] hat sie (*HV) ihmi nicht gesagt
d. daß er (es) mehr Leuten verübelte, daß sie gelacht hatten, als ich kannte
Comment: First, if a pronominal correlate occurs, the clause must be extraposed. Second,
topicalization is grammatical only ZLWKRXW correlate. Relative order of argument and adjunct
clause is unaffected. [Note: Topicalization is not reconstructed for principle C binding (22c)].
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DGfS & LSA Summer School, Düsseldorf 2002. Course B4 - H.Haider - Syntactic Structure of German. Handout #5
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(23) a. [John saw a PDQ] and [Mary saw a ZRPHQ] who ZHUHwanted by the police
(Perlmutter & Ross 1970:128)
b. [A man came in] and [a woman went out] who knew HDFKRWKHU very well
(Gazdar 1981:178f.)
c. [Ein Mann kam herein] und [eine Frau ging hinaus], GLHHLQDQGHU sehr ähnelten
d. [Ein Mann kam herein] und [eine Frau ging hinaus]. 'LH6LH ähnelten einander sehr.
Comment: Perlmutter & Ross (1970) and others (Gazdar 1981, Culicover & Rochemont
1990) have noted that there are relative clauses with split antecedents. They cannot be extraposed by movement because there is no source to start with. So, there is an independent need
for generating relative clauses at distance.
$JDLQVWVWUDQGLQJ
6WUDQGLQJ: Move the extraposition candidate to the left ad then front the remant phrase across
the left-moved phrase: [XP ... YP ...] ⇒ [YPi ... [XP ... ei ...]] ⇒ [[XP ... ei ...]j [... [YPi ... ej ]]]
2YHUDQGXQGHUJHQHUDWLQJ
(24) a. Er hat sie [[öfter [PPals ich]] angerufen]
b.*Er hat sie [[PPals ich]i [[öfter ei] angerufen]] (= fronting the PP out of the adverbial)
c. Er hat sie [[öfter ei] angerufen]] [[PPals ich]i (= fronting the remnant VP across the PP)
Comment: )LUVW, this approach RYHUJHQHUDWHV: the necessary intermediate step (24b) is systematically ungrammatical and there is no obligatory trigger for fronting the remnant phrase.
6HFRQG, this approach is bound to XQGHUJHQHUDWH since the fronted remnant VP becomes
opaque for extraction (as a phrase in a spec position), contrary to the facts.
0LVVLQJWKHUHOHYDQWJHQHUDOL]DWLRQ: As illustrated in (3), the extraposition WDUJHW is not
category specific, but the ‘extraposee’ is. Hence, UHPQDQWPRYHPHQW would have to operate
for each of the target phrases. On the other hand, remnant movement must be blocked if a
‘non-extraposable’ phrase happens to be moved to the left (e.g. scrambling of DPs vs. PPs).
$UHGHWDFKHGSKUDVHVEDVHJHQHUDWHG"
Yes, at the bottom of the given target phrase, says HH, %XW:
o What is the structure of the ‘extraposition zone’? - &RPSOHPHQW sXEWUHHZLWKHPSW\KHDGV.
o How are extraposed DUJXPHQWV licensed (if base generated)? - %\DOLQNRIWKHKHDGFKDLQ.
o What makes a phrase ‘extraposable’? -,WVOLQNLQJSURSHUWLHV FODXVHVVHH33V'3VLI
DGMXQFWV
o What determines the relative order of the extraposes phrases ? - 2SHQLVVXH.
(25) An dieser Veranstaltung darf teilnehmen, ZHUZLOOMHGHUGHUZLOO
Comment: Free relatives are extraposable despite of the case-matching property.
(End of Ha #5)
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