Call for Papers-June 2017 - Institut des mondes africains
Transcription
Call for Papers-June 2017 - Institut des mondes africains
Callforpapers Internationalconference Propertyandenvironmentindevelopingcountries OrganisedbyANRGovenpro Paris,7-8June2017,NationalMuseumofNaturalHistory Deadline:1January2017 Whatformsofpropertyaremosteffectivefortheconservationand/oreconomicexploitationof environments—fromprivateownershiptoStateownership,throughvariouscollectiveformsof ownership (communitaran or patrimonial)? This question has given rise to intense and controversialtheoreticaldebatesinscholarlycircles(Coase1960;Hardin1968;Ostrom1990). Weintendtousetheterm“environment/propertytheory”tocoverallthevarioustheoriesand examinehowtheyareusedindevelopingcountriestoconstruct“resourceregimes”(Vatn2007, 2015). Our hypothesis is that rather than being monolithically imposed, these theories have beenimplementedpragmaticallybyarangeofnationalandinternationalplayersattemptingto adaptthemtolocalusagewithrespecttonaturalresources,butoftenwithnoknowledgeoflocal conceptsofownershipandsharing. The application of these theories has led to a reordering of property rights that should not be seen merely as a uniform general trend towards the privatisation of nature. In the colonial period, for example, the crucial point was admittedly the colonists’ appropriation of resources (extensive land areas were held by farming, forestry and mining concessions as early as the 1920s), but even more the increasing role of the State, the constitution of colonial public domains, the creation of technical services, all designed to transform indigenous forms of exploitation of nature into development, known in the French colonies as mise en valeur (Thomas2009;Chouquer2011).Similarly,currentcriticismoflandgrabbingasanewformof colonisationandlandprivatisationbyforeigncompanies(Merlet2010;TNI2013)overlooksthe legalnatureofsuchcontracts,whichofteninvolvethreeparties—internationallenders,private investorsandland-owninggovernments—allofwhomclaimwithvaryingdegreesofsincerityto beactingintheinterestoflocalcommunitiesandthecountry’seconomicdevelopment(Holmen 2015; Chouquer 2011). Other more insidious forms of land seizure consist of recognising “customary” rights but making this recognition conditional on the maintenance of traditional practices considered to favour the conservation of natural environments: that is the thinking behind programmes of payment for environmental services (PES) (Kosoy and Corbera 2010). Similarmanoeuvrescanbeseeninthedevelopmentprogrammesfundedbymajorlenderssuch astheWorldBank.Theirloansareconditionalonmeasuresknownasenvironmentaloffsetsthat leadtotheestablishmentofnewlandreservesfortheconservationofnature(Benabou2014). The major international conventions on climate, biodiversity, the sea and waste management also involve radical shifts of property rights in the countries of the Global South. Vast concessions are increasingly granted to private operators on grounds that the players best endowed with capital are able to meet international environmental commitments, and comply with the production and reporting standards required by those commitments. This trend is particularlyvisibleinthegrantingofmarineandfisheriesconcessions,whichinvokestandards for the sustainable exploitation of fisheries resources, but have the major impact of excluding localsmall-scalefisherfolk(Dahou,Elloumi,andMolle2013). These major environmental conventions also give governments an incentive to define in legal terms who the traditional beneficiaries are of a resource on the basis of the customary use of local resources. The aim is to make them parties (legal, individual or collective entities) to environmental conservation contracts (access, benefit sharing, REDD+, payments for environmental services, etc.). Governments then grant them new property rights which upset older arrangements for the ownership of natural resources (Thomas 2012, 2014; Clement and Amezaga 2013; Dahou 2013). But at a time when access rights are becoming more important thanexclusionrights(Rifkin2000;Joly2009),thesecontractsamountmoretoopeninguplocal resourcesforglobalusethantoreservingaccesstolocalcommunities.Consequently,property must be rethought as a “bundle of rights” and environmental governance via property rights mustberepositionedwithinawiderfieldofsocialrelationshipsthatconstrainorallowpeople tobenefitfromresourceuse(RibotandPeluso2003;Silva-Castanedaetal.2014).Seeninthis way,landgrabbingisbasicallycontrolgrabbing,i.e.aprocesswherebythepowertocontrolland andassociatedresources,suchaswater,mineralsandforests,iscapturedinordertocontrolthe benefitsthatcomefromexploitingthem(McCarthy,Vel,andAfiff2012).Theformsofproperty developed in post-collective situations are in this respect particularly interesting to analyse. Theydonotnecessarilyproducethesamerelationsbetweenownership,theindividualandthe State as those prevailing in liberal democracies (Verdery 1998). Property rights in these countries clearly cannot have the same incentive effect for conservation policy as standard theorywouldpredict. However,althoughtheextentanddiversity(inscaleandobject)ofthisphenomenonareclearly perceived, there is no scholarly research establishing a convincing link between environment/property theories and the successive forms of environmental governance in developing countries. The broad division into three periods (age of conservation by state property and extension of the public domain; age of salvation by exclusive private ownership; age of return to community governance) is unsatisfactory. It does not account for the various waysinwhichduringagivenperiodofacountry’shistorytheformsofownershiphighlightedin these theories actually occurred over time or for the complex uses of these theoretical arguments in a given economic, social and cultural context. Here we must start again from an empiricalanalysisofgroundrealities. In the light of these observations, the «Property and environment in developing countries» conference will for the first time bring together specialists in environmental history, environmental economics, environmental anthropology, property law, etc., to provide a comprehensive overview of the deployment of environment/property theories in the actual governanceofresourcesandenvironmentsindevelopingcountries.Theintentionistoattracta largenumberofpaperstoilluminateanddocumentthefollowingobjectives: 1. Gain a clearer vision of the history of the dissemination of these theories and the forms of property they emphasise in the environmental policies of developing countries. Who are the maininternationalplayers,whatlocalsupportdotheyhave,whatarethesourcesofthishistory, etc.? 2. Compare these theoretical frameworks and the international instruments used to promote themwiththeempiricalrealityofthevariousformsofpropertyinthesecountries.Focusonthe diversity of ways the legal and administrative traditions of countries in the Global South combine the major categories of private property, public domain, customary law, heritage and collectiveproperty; 3. Examine the impact of implementing these theories in places moving towards the market economy.Whatisthepoliticaleconomyofpropertyinthesetransitionalsituations(particularly post-Communist)?Whataretheobservableeffectsintermsofenvironmentalconservation? 4. Examine the dialectic between the effective contraction of collective property and collective rights in the management of the environment and the discourses that promote communitybasedmanagement,globalpublicgoods,andheritagevalues; 5. Describe the diversification of areas/topics to which environment/property theories are applied: from the most territorial (such as land law, public domain, REDD mechanisms, payments for environmental services) to the most dematerialised (such as new forms of ownershipofgeneticresourcesandinformation,indigenousandlocalcommunities’rightsover traditionalknowledge). The deadline for submitting proposals is 1 January 2017. They should be sent simultaneously by email to Frédéric Thomas ([email protected]) and Fabien Locher ([email protected]).EachsubmissionmustcomprisethreeseparatePDFdocuments: 1. An identification page with a 5-8-letter proposal acronym, the title of the paper, name(s) of theauthor(s),affiliationandcontactdetails 2.Aproposalofatleast500butnotexceeding800words 3.AcurriculumvitaeofnomorethanonesideofA4 ProposalsmaybesubmittedinFrench,SpanishorEnglish.Eachproposalwillbeexaminedby theorganisingcommittee,whichwillannouncethepapersselectedby15January2017.Selected speakerswillhavetheirtravelandaccommodationcostscovered. Themembersoftheorganisingcommitteeare • • • • • FrédéricThomas(UMRPalocIRD,MNHN) SarahBenabou(UMRPalocIRD,MNHN) TarikDahou(UMRPalocIRD,MNHN) FabienLocher(UMRCRH,CNRS,EHESS) ValérieBoisvert(UniversityofLausanne) References Benabou,S.2014."Makingupforlostnature?Acriticalreviewoftheinternationaldevelopment of voluntary biodiversity offsets." Environment and Society : Advances in Research no. 5:103-123. Chouquer,G.2011."Lenouveaucommercetriangulairemondial.Oulesanalogiesdu fonciercontemporain."Etudesruralesno.1(187):95-130. Clement, F., and J. M. 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In Labioéquité.Batailleautour dupartageduvivant.,editedbyF.BellivierandC.Noiville,24-37.Paris:Autrement. Kosoy, N., and E. Corbera. 2010. "Payments for ecosystem services as commodity fetishism." EcologicalEconomicsno.69(6):1228-1236.doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2009.11.002. Locher, F., « Cold War Pastures: Garrett Hardin and the “Tragedy of the Commons” », Revue d’HistoireModerneetContemporaine,60(1),2013,pp.7-36. McCarthy, J.F., J.A.C. Vel, and S. Afiff. 2012. " Trajectories of land acquisition and enclosure: development schemes, virtual land grabs, and green acquisitions in Indonesia’s Outer Islands."JournalofPeasantStudiesno.39(2):521-549. Merlet, M. 2010. "Différents régimes d'accès à la terre dans le monde. Le cas de l'Amérique latine."Mondesendéveloppement(151):35-50.doi:10.3917/med.151.0035. Ostrom, Elinor. 1990. Governingthecommons:theevolutionofinstitutionsforcollectiveaction, The Political economy of institutions and decisions. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge UniversityPress. 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