The discovery of yet another alleged mass grave in

(The discovery of yet another alleged mass grave in Kenya’s Muslim-majority North Eastern
Province has sent shockwaves throughout the country, where Kenyan security forces are already
facing criticism for their suspected roles in extrajudicial killings.)
BURUNDI :
L'UE reçoit le Burundi pour des consultations cruciales pour Bujumbura
Par RFI/08-12-2015
C'est ce mardi 8 décembre que se joue l'avenir de la coopération entre l'Union européenne et le
Burundi. Bujumbura est invité à donner des gages à l'UE sur sa volonté de remédier aux violations
de ses engagements en matière de respect des droits de l'homme et des principes démocratiques,
sous peine d'une rupture de la coopération entre les deux pays. L'enjeu est de taille car l'aide
européenne représente environ 20% du budget de l'Etat burundais.
Les consultations seront menées du côté européen par le ministre néerlandais des Affaires
étrangères, Bert Koenders, et le commissaire européen au développement, Neven Mimica. Côté
burundais c'est le chef de la diplomatie Alain Willy Nyamitwe qui chapeautera la délégation.
« Nous ne venons pas au tribunal, nous venons discuter avec des amis, des partenaires », assure
Alain Aimé Nyamitwe. A quelques heures de cette réunion cruciale, le chef de la diplomatie
burundaise se dit « serein ».
L'Union européenne attend en tout cas des gages de bonne volonté et ce dès demain. « Ce n'est pas
l'ouverture d'une négociation », prévient un diplomate européen. Après avoir traîné des pieds,
Bujumbura semble prendre la procédure au sérieux. En témoigne l'ampleur de la délégation
présente à Bruxelles, six ministres et une vingtaine de personnes au total. Mais ces dernières
semaines, Bujumbura, sous pression, n'a pas infléchi sa ligne pour autant.
Hier matin encore la justice burundaise a ordonné la saisie officielle des comptes de la ligue Iteka,
l'une des principales associations de défense des droits de l'homme du pays, et de la RPA, la
première radio burundaise. La RPA dont la réouverture devrait justement figurer au menu des
consultations.
Dans l'entourage de la présidence burundaise, on précise aussi que la délégation « n'est pas arrivée
les mains vides ». En somme Bujumbura ne vient pas seulement pour donner des gages, mais
compte bien également faire entendre ses arguments.
Des sanctions « graduées » si pas d'accord
Côté européen, c’est le dernier recours dont dispose l’UE. Parmi les sujets qui seront abordés en
vertu de l’accord de Cotonou : la réouverture des médias privés, la sécurité pour les journalistes et
les défenseurs des droits de l’homme, la nécessité une justice équitable, et d’enquêtes sérieuses sur
les allégations de torture et/ou d’exécution extrajudiciaire.
Autre point essentiel : la reprise d’un dialogue inclusif sous médiation internationale et la mise en
place d’un plan de sortie de crise. Sur le volet sécuritaire enfin, l’UE demande la poursuite du
désarmement en présence d’observateurs. Le désarmement de toutes les forces autres qu’issues la
police et l’armée.
Sur tous ces points, Bujumbura, qui a eu quelques plusieurs semaines pour se préparer, doit donc
présenter à l’Union européenne des propositions de solutions. Ensuite deux issues possibles : soit
les deux parties s’entendent et établissent une feuille de route, dont l’application pourra être évaluée
régulièrement. Soit il n’y a pas d’accord possible et l’UE s’oriente vers des sanctions « graduées »,
qui peuvent aller de la suspension de quelques programmes à une rupture totale de coopération.
Dans cette hypothèse, une résolution pourrait être soumise au Conseil de l’UE au cours du mois de
janvier.
Médiation au Burundi : Nkurunziza a refusé de recevoir Boni Yayi
Par Georges C./lanouvelletribune.info/ 07 Déc 2015
Alors que le président béninois Boni Yayi était attendu à Bujumbura dans le cadre de la médiation
de l'Union africaine, on apprend aux dernières heures que son homologue burundais a refusé de le
recevoir. Et pour cause. Le président Pierre Nkurunziza a affirmé ne pas être disponible pour
recevoir le président béninois pourtant désigné par l'organisation africaine.
Du côté du Burundi, on rétorque que Boni Yayi a été imposé au peuple burundais sans demander
son avis. On fait remarquer le fait que le choix du président du Bénin n'a pas reçu le consentement
de la partie burundaise. L'UA aurait donc cherché à imposer sa volonté à Nkurunziza, qui de son
côté a refusé de se laisser dicter son agenda. Pour l'heure les tractations seraient en cours pour
permettre au Chef de l'Etat béninois de pouvoir réaliser la mission à lui confiée
BURUNDI : N’Kurunziza défie l’UA
Par ledjely.com/ le 8 décembre 2015
Au statut peu enviable de président illégitime, Pierre N’Kurunziza vient d’ajouter celui tout aussi
détestable de dirigeant résolu à massacrer les siens, en refusant la médiation que proposait l’Union
Africaine, à travers la mission que devait y conduire le président Boni Yayi, du Bénin. Et comme
tout dictateur, il met malicieusement son intelligence au service du mal. Ainsi, ce sont les
mesquines rivalités entre l’Afrique de l’ouest et les Etats de l’Afrique orientale qu’il tente
d’instrumentaliser pour ainsi défier N’Kosazana Dlamini Zuma et son institution. Un organisme
qui, avec ce pied-de-nez, se trouve plus décrédibilisé qu’il ne l’est déjà.
Au Burundi, assassinats ciblés et embuscades se multiplient dans une espèce de cycle dramatique. A
défaut de contraindre N’Kurunziza à abandonner le pouvoir, les insurgés recourent à une tactique de
ciblage des principales personnalités du régime. En face, le pouvoir, plutôt aux abois, répond à la
violence par le massacre en masse. Policiers, militaires et miliciens font ainsi de descentes
régulières dans les quartiers hostiles. Des expéditions punitives, maquillées en opérations de
désarmement, beaucoup d’innocents sont tués, de milliers de jeunes blessés ou mutilés à jamais et
des milliers d’autres jetés dans les geôles de N’Kurunziza. Les camps cédant au jusqu’au-boutisme,
le pays s’est progressivement installé dans le chaos et le non-Etat.
Et pour une fois que l’Union Africaine, assumant (comme c’est rarement le cas) sa responsabilité,
veut y voir clair, c’est le dictateur qui lui claque la porte au nez. Après avoir librement souscrit à la
mission de bons offices de Boni Yayi, le pouvoir burundais s’est finalement rebiffé. Quelques
heures avant que le président béninois ne prenne son avion, l’équipage de ce dernier s’est entendu
notifier qu’il ne disposerait pas des autorisations de survol de l’espace aérien du Burundi. Le motif
invoqué est aussi laconique qu’insultant : l’agenda du Prince.
Mais pourquoi se jouer ainsi de la présidente de N’Kosazana Dlamini Zuma et accentuer le ridicule
de l’instance panafricaine ? De toute évidence, une seule raison peut justifier une telle attitude, à
savoir le désir de cacher le massacre qui se perpètre au Burundi. Tous les autres arguments qui sont
avancés ne servent que cette raison ultime. Au nombre de ces arguments, il y a notamment celui qui
consiste à faire croire que ce serait parce que les dirigeants de l’Afrique de l’est n’aient pas apprécié
que Boni Yayi vienne fourrer son nez dans une crise relevant d’une région qui n’est pas la sienne.
L’Ouganda en particulier, dont le président avait été désigné comme médiateur régional, serait très
mécontent. Si un tel motif est réel c’est qu’il a été insidieusement instillé par N’Kurunziza. Lui qui
a toujours refusé de se plier aux résolutions issues des rencontres sous-régionales, se serait alors
arrangé a monté toute la région contre les initiatives venant du reste du continent, y compris celles
ayant l’onction de l’UA. En cela, c’est le défi du continent qui se trouve étalé, dans toute son
étendue.
Boubacar Sanso Barry
Suspension temporaire des renvois vers le Burundi : un Fransaskois satisfait
le lundi 7 décembre 2015 /ici.radio-canada.ca
Le président de la Communauté burundaise de Regina, Jean de Dieu Ndayahundwa, se réjouit de la
décision du gouvernement fédéral de suspendre temporairement la plupart des renvois vers le
Burundi à cause de l'insécurité qui pèse sur ce pays de l'Est africain.
Jean de Dieu Ndayahundwa affirme néanmoins qu'Ottawa pourrait aller plus loin, notamment en
adoptant des mesures permettant l'accueil de plus de Burundais au pays.
« [...] On attendait que le gouvernement du Canada prenne cette décision et la décision est tombée,
mais on aimerait aussi inviter le gouvernement du Canada à aller un peu plus loin en essayant de
faciliter l'arrivée des réfugiés burundais qui vivent mal dans des camps de réfugiés dans les pays
limitrophes »
— Jean de Dieu Ndayahundwa, président de la Communauté burundaise de Regina
L'Agence frontalière du Canada a imposé un sursis de cette procédure de renvois le 3 décembre
dernier en raison de l'augmentation de la violence, l'instabilité du gouvernement et l'insécurité
alimentaire au Burundi.
Au total, 115 Burundais étaient touchés par une mesure de renvoi en date du 3 décembre. Seuls les
Burundais « visés par une mesure de renvoi pour des motifs de criminalité, d'atteinte aux droits de
la personne ou internationaux, de criminalité organisée ou de sécurité » peuvent toujours être
renvoyés par le Canada.
Le gouvernement fédéral évaluera l'évolution de la situation au Burundi pour déterminer s'il
recommencera à extrader des personnes vers le Burundi.
RWANDA :
RDC CONGO :
UGANDA :
Ottawa backed Idi Amin, but let's talk about the good Canada's done in Uganda
By Yves Engler/rabble.ca/December 7, 2015
A recent Globe and Mail article (reprinted on rabble.ca) by Gerald Caplan detailing Canadian
relations with Uganda made be mad.
Why?
It was not so much for what's in the article, but rather what it ignores, which is reality. Any
progressive author writing about Canada's foreign affairs betrays his readers if he ignores the bad
this country has done and feeds the benevolent Canadian foreign-policy myth.
"Canadians have had ties to Uganda for many decades," writes Caplan, a scholar of Africa, citing
the establishment of diplomatic relations soon after independence. He also mentions many
Canadians who "found their way to the country" amidst instability and the federal government
taking in Asians expelled by Idi Amin.
The former NDP strategist points to some private Canadian aid initiatives in the country and details
a Canadian lawyer's contribution to a suit over the Ugandan government's failure to provide basic
maternal health services, which may violate Uganda's constitution.
But, Caplan completely ignores the unsavory -- and much more consequential -- role Canada has
played in the East African country.
For example, he could have at least mentioned this country's role during the "scramble for Africa"
when Canadians actively participated in subjugating various peoples and stealing their land. This is
necessary to acknowledge if we are ever to build a decent foreign policy.
In the late 1800s a number of Canadian military men helped survey possible rail routes from the
East African Coast to Lake Victoria Nyanza on the border between modern Uganda and Kenya. The
objective was to strengthen Britain's grip over recalcitrant Indigenous groups and to better integrate
the area into the Empire's northeast Africa-India corridor.
Beginning in 1913 dozens of Canadian missionaries helped the colonial authority penetrate
Ugandan societies and undermine Indigenous customs. The preeminent figure was John Forbes who
was a bishop and coadjutor vicar apostolic, making him second in charge of over 30 mission posts
in Uganda. A 1929 biography describes his "good relations" with British colonial authorities and the
"important services Forbes rendered the authorities of the Protectorate."
In 1918 Forbes participated in a major conference in the colony, organized by Governor Robert
Coryndon in the hopes of spurring Indigenous wage work. The Vaudreuil, Québec, native wrote
home:
"it's a big question. The European planters in our area, who cultivate coffee, cotton and rubber
need workers for their exploitation. But the workforce is rare. Our Negroes are happy to eat bananas
and with a few bits of cotton or bark for clothes, are not excited to put themselves at the service of
the planters and work all day for a meager salary.”
British officials subsidized the White Fathers schools as part of a bid to expand the indigenous
workforce.
Canadians were also part of the British colonial authority. Royal Military College of Canada
graduate Godfrey Rhodes became chief engineer and general manager of Kenya and Uganda
Railways and Harbours in 1928. The Victoria B.C. native was in Uganda for over a decade and was
followed by Walter Bazley, a colonial administrator in Bunyoro from 1950 to 1963 (after Ugandan
independence, Bazley joined the Canadian public service).
Throughout British rule Ottawa recognized London's authority over Uganda. After fighting in the
1898- 1902 Boer War Henry Rivington Poussette was appointed Canada's first trade commissioner
in Africa with "jurisdiction extending from the Cape to the Zambesi, including Uganda."
Poussette and future trade representatives helped Canadian companies profit from European rule in
Africa. By independence, Toronto-based Bata shoes controlled most of the footwear market in
Uganda while a decade before the end of British rule Falconbridge acquired a 70 per cent stake in
the Kilembe copper-cobalt mine in western Uganda.
In a joint partnership with the London-controlled Colonial Development Corporation, the Toronto
company's highly profitable mine produced more than $250 million ($1 billion today) worth of
copper yet paid no income tax until its capital was fully recovered in 1965. In 1968, postindependence leader Milton Obote increased the country's copper export tax and then moved to gain
majority control of the mine. Falconbridge quickly stripped out $6 million in special dividend
payments and threatened to withdraw its management from the country.
Falconbridge: Portrait of a Canadian Mining Multinational explains:
"Although Kilembe Copper was both profitable and socially important in the Ugandan economy,
this did not prevent the Falconbridge group from withdrawing capital as rapidly as possible just
before president Obote forced it to sell Uganda a controlling interest in 1970. The implication was
that its management team would be withdrawn entirely if the government did not restore
Falconbridge’s majority ownership. Dislocation in the lives of Ugandan people was a price the
company seemed willing to pay in this tug-of-war over the profits from Uganda's resources."
The Kilembe mine also contaminated Elizabeth National Park and tailings seeped into Lake George,
near Uganda's western border with the Congo.
Upon taking office, General Idi Amin returned control of the Kilembe mine to Falconbridge. (This
was maintained for several years, after which Amin returned the mine to his government.) He had
managed to overthrow Obote's government in January 1971 with the aid of Britain, Israel and the
U.S.
A British Foreign Office memo noted that Obote's nationalizations, which also included Bata, had
"serious implications for British business in Uganda and Africa generally...other countries will be
tempted to try and get away with similar measures with more damaging consequences for British
investment and trade."
While this country's Africa scholars have largely ignored Canada's position towards Amin's rise to
power, the available documentation suggests Ottawa passively supported the putsch. On three
occasions during the early days of the coup (between January 26 and February 3, 1971) the Pierre
Trudeau government responded to inquiries from opposition MPs about developments in Uganda
and whether Canada would grant diplomatic recognition to the new regime.
Within a week of Obote's ouster, both External Affairs Minister Mitchell Sharp and Prime Minister
Trudeau passed up these opportunities to denounce Amin's usurpation of power. They remained
silent as Amin suspended various provisions of the Ugandan Constitution and declared himself
president, commander-in-chief of the armed forces, army chief of staff and chief of air staff. They
failed to condemn a leader, now infamous, for plunging the nation into a torrent of violence.
In African Pearls and Poisons: Idi Amin’s Uganda; Kenya; Zaire's Pygmies, Alberta bureaucrat Leo
Louis Jacques describes a conversation he had with the CIDA liaison officer in Uganda who
facilitated his 1971-73 appointment to the Uganda College of Commerce. Asked whether the
change in government would affect his CIDA-funded position, the aid agency’s liaison officer in
Uganda, Catrina Porter, answered Jacques thusly:
"Yes, there was a coup on January 25, 1971 and it was a move that promises to be an
improvement. The new administration favours Democracy and Western Civilization's Democracy,
while the former one favoured the Communists."
I [Jacques] said, "I understand the present government is being run by the Ugandan army under
the control of a General named Idi Amin Dada. What is he like?"
Porter said "General Amin's gone on record as saying he loves Canada and the Commonwealth.
He also vowed that his country of Uganda would have democratic elections soon. The British and
Americans have recognized him as the Ugandan government and so do we."
Two years after the coup the Canadian High Commissioner in Nairobi visited to ask Amin to
reverse his plan to nationalize Bata shoes. After the meeting, the High Commissioner cabled Ottawa
that he was largely successful with Bata and also mentioned that "KILEMBE MINES (70 PER
CENT FALCONBRIDGE OWNED) IS DOING WELL."
But, just in case you think it's just our unsavoury history that Caplan ignores, there’s more. He also
also ignores more recent developments such as SNC Lavalin’s alleged bribery in the country,
Montréal-based Canarail's contribution to a disastrous World Bank sponsored privatization of the
Kenya and Uganda railway systems or Ottawa's "logistical support and some funding for the
Uganda led [military] force" dispatched to Somalia to do Washington's dirty work.
Why did this article make me so mad? Because it's part of a pattern of the social democratic Left
ignoring how Canadian corporations and governments impoverish the Global South. Too often
social democrat intellectuals dim, rather than enlighten, progressives' understanding of Canada's
role in the world.
SOUTH AFRICA :
S.Africa's credit rating under threat after downgrade, will hurt growth
By: Reuters/08 December 2015
South Africa's investment grade credit rating is under serious threat after a downgrade last Friday
and it could struggle to fund crucial infrastructure projects and help put the economy on a more
robust growth path.
Fitch downgraded the rating of Africa's most industrialised economy by one notch to BBB-, the
lowest investment grade category, citing the slowing economy, which the government expects to
grow just 1.5 percent this year, and rising debt.
Standard & Poor's kept its own rating at BBB- but lowered the outlook to negative from stable,
saying it believed economic growth might be lower than expected.
South Africa still enjoys investment status from all three major agencies, including Moody's.
But Friday's moves, particularly that by S&P, leaves Pretoria precariously close to stumbling into
sub-investment territory, joining emerging market peers such as Brazil.
"S&P’s move will undoubtedly add to already growing speculation that South Africa could be the
next emerging market to enter the ‘junk yard’ in 2016," BNP Paribas Securities economist Jeffrey
Schultz said.
Government bonds weakened on Monday, with yields hovering near highs last seen in February
2014.
The rand traded nearly 1 percent weaker versus the dollar on the day, within striking distance of last
week's record low of 14.4950.
GOVERNMENT PLEDGES REFORMS
South Africa's government took the negative reviews on the chin at the weekend, saying it would
improve the running of state owned firms, reform the labour market to avoid protracted strikes and
to invest in infrastructure to boost growth.
But it might struggle to do the latter, with revenue falling far short of budgetary requirements while
already high debt levels preclude any significant increase in borrowing.
Critics say President Jacob Zuma's administration has dragged its feet in implementing structural
reforms needed to lift the economy, leading to a 25 percent unemployment rate and chronic power
shortages as power utility Eskom's ageing infrastructure fails to cope with demand.
The government is constantly scratching its head over how to fund cash-strapped state entities like
Eskom, national airliner SAA and the Post Office without worsening the budget deficit, currently
running at nearly 4 percent of GDP.
Fitch warned of further negative rating action if fiscal policy was loosened, leading to a failure to
stabilise the ratio of government debt to GDP which is nearing 50 percent.
On Saturday the Treasury noted that the government had stuck to its spending limits for the past
three years and was on track to stay within the expenditure ceiling in 2015/16.
But critics say Finance Minister Nhlanhla Nene's efforts to kick-start the economy, including efforts
to crack down on financial mismanagement at state firms, have received little real support from the
rest of government.
"There is a growing consensus that a deep crisis would need to occur to shake the jaded government
to life," NKC African Economics analyst Bart Stemmet said.
"Brave leadership is needed to drive the deep structural reforms needed to put the South African
economy back on track, but one wonders whether the spectre of being rated ‘junk’ would be enough
to spark such a drive."
TANZANIA :
Tanzania's president targets corruption with surprise visits and sackings
theguardian.com/2015/dec/08
John Magufuli’s dramatic anti-graft measures have been welcomed by citizens, but he will need a
more systematic approach to root out corrupt practices
Tanzania’s newly elected president came to power on a promise to root out corruption, and so far he
hasn’t disappointed.
A series of eye-catching measures have earned President John Magufuli plaudits, both within
Tanzania and across the African continent, where he is being heralded as a model for other leaders,
even though he has only been in office for a month.
On his first day in charge, Magufuli signalled the end of business as usual with a surprise visit to the
finance ministry, where he berated civil servants who were not at their desks. Since then, he has
cancelled lavish independence day celebrations to free up funds to fight a cholera outbreak; slashed
the budget for a state dinner to celebrate the opening of parliament, using the money to buy hospital
beds; and banned foreign travel for all government officials except the president, vice-president and
prime minister.
Surprise visits appear to be a favourite modus operandi of the new administration. In one such visit,
to the main state hospital, Magufuli found patients sleeping on the floor – and promptly sacked the
hospital chief and dissolved its governing board.
The prime minister, Kassim Majaliwa, turned up unannounced at Dar es Salaam’s port, and
discovered a major tax discrepancy, costing an estimated $40m in lost revenue. The head of the
Tanzania Revenue Authority is now under arrest, along with five of his top lieutenants, pending a
criminal investigation.
Magufuli’s new broom has been welcomed by citizens, who are tired of the endemic corruption that
has stunted the country’s progress for decades. His dramatic measures have even won over some
opposition politicians.
“We have built strong opposition based on [a] grand corruption agenda. Now we have a president
who has decided to join us in this crusade. Why should we oppose him?” said Zitto Kabwe, head of
the Alliance for Change and Transparency-Wazalendo, a minor political party.
Social media in Tanzania and across Africa has been even more effusive in its praise. A Facebook
post detailing Magufuli’s first actions as president went viral, and on Twitter users across Africa
showed their appreciation for his austerity measures with the hashtag #whatwouldmagufulido.
Magufuli, nicknamed the “Bulldozer” for his impressive track record as public works minister, is
generally considered to be free from corruption. As a minister, he was famous for making surprise
visits to road construction sites to uncover corrupt activity.
Donald Mmari, research director for Research on Poverty Alleviation, a local thinktank, said
Magufuli was serious about tackling corruption. “He is cutting unnecessary spending, focusing on
delivering essential public services, and has issued a directive to enhance revenue collection,” he
said. “Now he will have to make sure that he appoints individuals who have the competence and
credibility to help him achieve his aims.”
Rolf Paasch, Tanzania country director for the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung political foundation, said
Magufuli’s personal interventions are an encouraging sign, but they won’t solve the problem of
corruption on their own. “In Swahili there is a saying, ‘If you want to sweep the stairs, you have to
start from the top’, and I think that was missing before,” he said. “There was impunity at all levels.
Now it’s different. But the president can’t keep going personally to the main hospital to clean it up.
He and his new cabinet will need to complement these laudable actions [with] a more systematic
approach.”
Magufuli has yet to tackle the deeper structural issues that have allowed corruption to thrive for so
long. This is a far more daunting proposition.
One major problem is low pay for civil servants, which encourages a culture of graft. A second is
the involvement of senior ruling party politicians in corrupt activities. They will expect Magufuli to
turn a blind eye to corruption in return for their contributions to his expensive election campaign.
The president will also need to rein in his own leadership style. Intensely detail-oriented, he can
sometimes miss the big picture, say his critics. “When he wants things done, at times, he disregards
the law. Examples are people filing and winning court cases after their houses are illegally
demolished to pave way for construction of roads,” said Damas Lucas, a Tanzanian journalist.
Lucas also worries that the extensive powers granted to the president by the constitution may prove
too tempting for even the most upstanding of leaders. “The Tanzanian presidency is an imperial
presidency which is literally above the law. For example, the president can never be taken to court,
while in office or after retirement, for the decisions or actions taken when he was president, and the
controller and auditor general is forbidden by law to audit the expenditures of the presidency …
These powers are so tempting for self-enrichment,” said Lucas.
In fact, the constitution itself will be a major test of Magufuli’s presidency. A referendum on a new
constitution is due early in his term, but analysts say the new version ignores the recommendations
of the government’s own constitutional reform commission, and fails to address weaknesses in the
old text. If Magufuli really wants to eliminate patronage and corruption, he will have to push hard
for a progressive constitution.
Another, more immediate test, is the ongoing political crisis in semi-autonomous Zanzibar. The
elections here were controversially scrapped following accusations of fraud. The main Zanzibari
opposition party claims it was on course for a convincing victory, and is demanding the election
results be allowed to stand. As crisis talks continue, Magufuli has been noticeable by his absence.
“The silence of Dr John Magufuli is deafening … in my humble opinion, if he were able to pay
surprise visits to the finance ministry and Muhimbili national hospital, he surely could have already
taken steps to end the stalemate in this other side of the union,” wrote columnist Ally Saleh.
KENYA :
Mass grave of Muslims found in Kenya, allegedly killed by security forces
December 8th, 2015/albawaba.com
The discovery of yet another alleged mass grave in Kenya’s Muslim-majority North Eastern
Province has sent shockwaves throughout the country, where Kenyan security forces are already
facing criticism for their suspected roles in extrajudicial killings.
On Sunday, Kenyan security forces discovered at least a dozen graves on the outskirts of Mandera
town in the province while they were searching for a missing mother of five.
A senior senator from the area and local residents alleged that the graves in fact belonged to Muslim
victims killed by Kenyan security forces themselves.
“One of the women [victims at the gravesite] has been identified; she was arrested by people who
introduced themselves as the Kenya police, I really don’t know who is fooling who, but as Muslims
we are living in fear,” Abdi Fatah, a resident from Mandera town, told Anadolu Agency via
telephone.
“We have been crying that we are being targeted, but report after report, no one comes to our aid; all
the human rights groups have said that this is happening,” Fatah said.
Mandera Senator Billow Kerrow also strongly condemned the murders, dismissing security forces'
assessments of “clan conflicts” as a possible reason behind the killings.
“I want to express my utter disgust and condemnation of the extrajudicial killings by our security
agents once again,” Kerrow said.
“The discovery of mass graves in Mandera yesterday evening is a clear indication that this evil
process of extermination of suspects in total disregard of due process is the norm rather the
exception,” he added.
He also said that leaders from Mandera County will meet Monday to plan their course of action,
noting the fact that at least 12 graves had been found at the site so far.
“Clearly, this has gone too far and must stop. It’s time we say no, not just as leaders but as a society
too.”
Kenyan police denied the allegations.
“Anybody who could have perpetrated such an atrocity must face the full face of the law, I am
trying to ask the commanders where the mass graves are situated, for now we are not aware of any
mass graves but have received reports of the bodies being found in Mandera,” police spokesman
said.
This is not the first time that state security forces have been put on the spot for allegedly carrying
out extrajudicial killings; some key findings from a 2014 UN report also noted that since 2010 there
have been a large number of extrajudicial killings in the country.
In August, Muslim human rights activists also released reports saying that over 100 young Muslim
men went missing in Mandera county alone after they were arrested by security officers; most are
feared to have been killed off extrajudicially.
By Andrew Ross
Kenya and Ethiopia vow to turn conflict-ridden border into trade hub
By Reuters/Tuesday, December 8th 2015
The leaders of Kenya and Ethiopia promised on Monday to create jobs, reduce poverty and foster
trade in their restive borderlands, where conflict has intensified in recent years. The $200 million
project aims to create a trade and investment hub along the remote 860 km (530 mile) border where
human, arms and drug trafficking are rife, the head of the United Nations in Kenya, Nardos BekeleThomas, said. "The problem here is poverty," she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "It's just
hopelessness that creates insecurity." Clashes between herding communities over grazing land,
water and cattle have become increasingly deadly due to an influx of guns, as well as political
power struggles and fast-growing populations. Kenya's army was sent to restore order to the border
town of Moyale, 800km (500 miles) north of the capital Nairobi, in 2013 after dozens were killed
and villages were burned to the ground in a jostle for power between rival clan militias.
Around two-thirds of the population of Kenya's Marsabit County - more than 70,000 people - fled,
mostly to Ethiopia's Borana Zone where many have relatives, the U.N. said.
"We can exchange conflict and insecurity for peace and prosperity," Kenya's President Uhuru
Kenyatta told dignitaries seated in a white tent decorated with the two countries' national colours.
"We shall work together to ensure that Moyale becomes the Dubai of the Horn of Africa," he added,
referring to the Middle Eastern trade hub. A tarmac road linking Nairobi and the Ethiopian capital
Addis Ababa is due to be completed by September 2016, he said. Restoring peace will be a
challenge. The arid region is awash with guns due to its proximity to unstable Somalia where al
Qaeda-linked militants have been fighting to topple the government. Ethiopian soldiers also make
sporadic incursions into Kenya in pursuit of Oromo Liberation Front rebels.
Many homesteads have guns to deter invaders, while herders often carry firearms to protect their
animals because there is little police presence.
With the support of Western donors and the World Bank, the governments plan to diversify the
livestock-dominated local economies and improve access to water, education and healthcare. Eight
in ten residents of Marsabit County live below the poverty line, government data shows. Security
officials held back large crowds who lined the road to watch the lengthy convoy of officials speed
through the town. Among them, 18-year-old Abdi Aden Adow said governments should boost crossborder trade as frequent droughts have pushed his family, who keep goats and camels, into poverty.
"There is no rain," he said. "Life is very hard."
ANGOLA :
AU/AFRICA :
Burkina: le général putschiste Diendéré inculpé "d'assassinat" de l'ex-président Sankara
le 07 décembre 2015/dhnet.be
OUAGADOUGOU
Le général Gilbert Diendéré, auteur du putsch raté du 17 septembre au Burkina Faso et emprisonné
depuis le 1er octobre, a été inculpé d'"assassinat" dans le dossier de la mort du président Thomas
Sankara en 1987, a appris l'AFP auprès du parquet militaire lundi. "Le général Diendéré a été
inculpé le 12 novembre dans le dossier Sankara des chef d'inculpation suivants: attentat, assassinat
et recel de cadavre", a affirmé un membre du parquet à l'AFP. L'enquête sur la mort de Sankara a été
ouverte fin mars 2015 cinq mois après le renversement de Blaise Compaoré. Le sujet de la mort de
Sankara, devenu une icône en Afrique, était tabou sous ses 27 ans de régime. (Belga)
UN/AFRICA :
The UN and partners launched the $5 billion Africa Renewable Energy Initiative aiming to expand
renewable capacity by 2020
December 8, 2015/neurope.eu
The United Nations and partners launched today a $5 billion initiative to expand renewable energy
capacity in Africa.
On 7 December, COP21 held a thematic day on energy, with the Sustainable Energy for All
initiative (SE4All), a multi-stakeholder partnership backed by the UN and World Bank, urging
Governments, businesses and financial institutions to act much faster on promoting the use of
sustainable energy.
According to the UN, the Africa Renewable Energy Initiative aims to expand renewable capacity by
2020 in Africa. The Initiative is led by the African Union’s NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s
Development) the African Group of Negotiators, the African Development Bank, the UN
Environment Program (UNEP), and the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA).
At least $5 billion in public and highly concessional finance between 2016 and 2020 from bilateral,
multilateral and other sources, including the Green Climate Fund, will be needed to leverage a
further $15 billion in other investments, for a total investment of at least $20 billion pre-2020, the
UN reported.
Other initiatives launched on December 7, included efforts to improve access to electricity and
energy efficiency, and promote renewable energy. More than 100 banks and a group of investors,
managing close to $4 trillion in assets, committed to a major increase in energy efficiency lending
in their portfolios, the UN said.
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon stressed that saving energy is a triple-win in the battle against
global warming.
“The production and use of energy is responsible for more than half of the world’s total greenhouse
gas emissions. That means energy is also more than half of the solution. We need sustainable energy
to reduce global greenhouse emissions and avert the risks of runaway climate change,” Ban said,
stressing that clean energy is equally important for ending extreme poverty.
“Saving energy is a triple-win solution. It can save money, reduce emissions, and provide additional
energy capacity,” he added, noting that renewable energy technologies are becoming cheaper and
more competitive, with many people accessing energy for the first time thanks to solar panels, wind
turbines or small hydro power plant.
“But, to replicate this experience for billions more people, we will need finance,” he declared. “Let
us build on these bold initiatives. A global energy transformation must reduce heat-trapping
emissions. It also needs to ensure that we leave no one behind. Those things can only be achieved if
we tackle the issues of energy access, energy efficiency, and renewable energy together as a trinity,”
the UN chief stressed.
US/AFRICA :
Minnesota Man Whose Tweets Urged Jihad Surrenders in Africa
By amy forliti, associated press/ Dec 7, 2015,
A Minnesota man who joined al-Shabab in Somalia more than seven years ago and more recently
went online to urge others to carry out violence on behalf of the Islamic State group has turned
himself in to authorities in Africa, the U.S. State Department said Monday.
Mohamed Abdullahi Hassan surrendered to Somalia's federal government on Nov. 6, the State
Department said in an email to The Associated Press. It's not immediately clear why his arrest
wasn't announced earlier.
State Department spokeswoman Pooja Jhunjhunwala said Hassan was in the custody of the Somali
National Intelligence and Security Agency in Mogadishu. She said the U.S. Mission to Somalia is
discussing the case with the Somali Federal Government, but the U.S. does not have an extradition
agreement with Somalia.
"We do not have any further details on the discussions at this time," Jhunjhunwala said.
The U.S. Attorney's Office in Minnesota, which charged Hassan with multiple terrorism-related
counts, had no comment. The FBI office in Minneapolis also declined to comment.
Hassan, who went by the nickname Miski when he was in Minneapolis, was just 17 and a high
school senior when he left the U.S. to join al-Shabab in August 2008. Some in Minneapolis
remember him as a quiet, soft-spoken kid. But in recent years, Hassan had become a vocal
supporter of the Islamic State group, posting jihadist rhetoric online.
Tweeting under the name "Mujahid Miski," Hassan urged his Twitter followers to carry out acts of
violence in the U.S. — including beheadings. He also commended attacks elsewhere and used
protests of police activity in Ferguson, Missouri, and Baltimore to try to recruit others to the jihadist
cause.
Most notably, Hassan was among those urging an attack on a Prophet Muhammad cartoon contest
in Garland, Texas, last May. Before the attacks, Hassan tweeted: "The brothers from the Charlie
hebdo attack did their part. It's time for brothers in the #US to do their part."
Rita Katz, director of SITE Intelligence Group, said Hassan had at least 33 Twitter accounts and
used social media to help recruit a new class of jihadists, including some from Minnesota.
"One of his important activities was he was reaching out to people that he knew, people that were
somehow connected to him, and recruiting them," she said.
Katz said if the State Department's announcement is true, it would make sense because al-Shabab
has been attacking and killing those who supported the Islamic State group. "If he wants to save his
life, he did the right thing," she said.
She also added that while news of Hassan's surrender is important, there are many others who are
willing to take his place online.
Omar Jamal, head of the Somali Human Rights Commission, said he hopes Hassan will be brought
to Minnesota to face justice "because he created havoc in his tweets. ... he recruited tons of people
through social media."
In addition to his online messages, Hassan was directly tied to some Islamic State group recruits.
According to court documents, Hassan became Facebook friends with another Minnesota man
roughly two months before that man went to Syria to join the Islamic State group. In one of their
private message exchanges, Hassan gave that man some advice, telling him to connect with others
who made the trip to Syria.
Hassan is among roughly 22 young men who left Minnesota since 2007 to join al-Shabab in
Somalia; about a dozen Minnesota residents have traveled to Syria to join jihadist groups there
since late 2013.
Hassan, who was born in Somalia, is a legal resident of the U.S. but is not an American citizen.
What Obama and Xi said to Africa
By Damian Zane BBC News /08/12/2015
China's President Xi Jinping and US President Barack Obama have both made major speeches in
Africa this year. President Xi spoke last week to heads of state at a summit in Johannesburg, South
Africa, and in July President Obama spoke at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia. Their oratory show some remarkable similarities and some interesting differences.
Partnership of equals?
Both leaders spoke about past relations with the continent.
President Xi: "What has made China-Africa friendship durable and vigorous is that our two sides
have always been guided by the principle of treating each other as equals... China and Africa will
forever remain good friends, good partners and good brothers."
President Obama: "As president, I've worked to transform America's relationship with Africa - so
that we're truly listening to our African friends and working together, as equal partners."
Both presidents used the word "partners" but there is still a difference. Africa analyst Aubrey Hruby
says that China is able to emphasise the shared development experience with Africa, whereas the
US has had to work harder at making the equal partnership a reality.
Speak up or keep quiet?
Despite talking about Africa solving its own problems, the US president said that he would not be
afraid to bring up human rights issues, while the Chinese leader underlined China's policy of noninterference.
President Obama: "The bottom line is that when citizens cannot exercise their rights, the world has
a responsibility to speak out. And America will, even if it's sometimes uncomfortable, even when
it's sometimes directed toward our friends."
President Xi: "We should respect each other's choice of development path... China strongly believes
that Africa belongs to the African people and that African affairs should be decided by the African
people."
How to do business
President Obama's trip to Africa this year was timed to coincide with the Global Entrepreneurship
Summit in Kenya. Ms Hruby says he came with a message of private business development and
brought potential investors with him, whereas President Xi emphasised big infrastructure
development.
President Obama: "Entrepreneurship creates new jobs and new businesses, new ways to deliver
basic services, new ways of seeing the world - it's the spark of prosperity."
President Xi: "We should fully leverage the strengths of political mutual trust… and focus on
industrial capacity cooperation as well as… industrialisation."
The Mandela quote
Both leaders felt it necessary to name-check the late South African President Nelson Mandela,
though they chose quotes which emphasised different issues.
President Xi: "President Nelson Mandela... said: 'We stand at the dawn of an African century, a
century where Africa will take its rightful place among the nations of the world.' I couldn't agree
more with this statement."
President Obama: "Nelson Mandela taught us 'to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to
live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others'".
Peace and progress
Both men chose to link security and development and were keen to offer their country's help. Again,
their emphasis was slightly different:
President Xi: "Poverty is the root cause of chaos while peace is the guarantee for development...
China stands ready to take an active part in Africa's efforts in capacity-building for maintaining and
strengthening peace and security."
President Obama: "Africa's progress will also depend on security and peace... Now, as Africa stands
against terror and conflict, I want you to know that the United States stands with you."
Ben Carson announces Africa trip; details to come
Associated Press/Dec. 7, 2015
Ben Carson's campaign says the Republican presidential candidate will travel to Africa later this
month.
A statement from the campaign says Carson will visit three African nations on a trip slated to begin
Dec. 27. No word on which countries Carson will visit or how long the trip will last.
Carson is the only African-American among the major Democratic and Republican presidential
hopefuls. He has said previously that he traced his ancestry back to African slaves brought to the
United States by force.
In the campaign, the retired neurosurgeon has tried to answer concerns about his lack of foreign
policy experience.
The Africa trip would be Carson's second foreign venture in recent months. In late November, he
traveled to the Middle East, visiting Syrian refugee camps in Jordan.
CANADA/AFRICA :
AUSTRALIA/AFRICA :
EU/AFRICA :
Côte d’Ivoire: Guillaume Soro visé par un mandat d'amener à Paris
Par RFI/le 08-12-2015
La justice française souhaite entendre le président de l'Assemblée nationale ivoirienne. Guillaume
Soro est visé par un mandat d'amener, dans le cadre d'une plainte déposée par le fils de l'ancien
président ivoirien, Laurent Gbagbo. Michel Gbagbo affirme avoir été enlevé et séquestré pendant
plusieurs mois après son arrestation, en 2011.
Arrêté à Abidjan, le 11 avril 2011, en même temps que son père, Michel Gbagbo affirme avoir été «
enlevé, séquestré » et victime de « traitements inhumains et dégradants » pendant quatre mois, entre
son arrestation au mois d'avril et son inculpation formelle au mois d'août de la même année.
Le fils de l'ancien président ivoirien est également citoyen français. Il a donc déposé plainte en
France, auprès du parquet de Paris, au mois de juin 2012. Saisie du dossier, la juge d'instruction
Sabine Khéris a adressé une convocation à Guillaume Soro pour l'entendre sous le statut de témoin
assisté.
Mais, selon l'ambassade de Côte d'Ivoire en France, cette convocation n'a été « retrouvée » que ce
lundi 7 décembre, à Abidjan. Les avocats du président de l'Assemblée ivoirienne évoquent une «
erreur du consulat général de France ».
N'ayant aucune réponse de Guillaume Soro, la juge d'instruction a délivré un mandat d'amener et
des policiers français se sont alors rendus, ce lundi matin 7 décembre, à l'adresse qu'ils pensaient
être celle du président de l'Assemblée nationale ivoirienne en France. Ils ne l’ont pas trouvé.
Immunité diplomatique
Les avocats de Guillaume Soro protestent contre cette convocation du juge d’instruction. Joint par
RFI, Maître Jean-Paul Benoît, précise que le président de l’Assemblée nationale ivoirienne était à
Paris en déplacement officiel et qu’il bénéficiait, par conséquent, de l’immunité diplomatique.
« Il est là, en sa qualité de président de l’Assemblée nationale de la Côte d’Ivoire et il était en
France dans le cadre de la Cop21. Cette mission fait l’objet d’un ordre de mission signé par le
président de la République ivoirienne. Donc, monsieur Soro était protégé pendant cette présence en
France, par une immunité qui tient à sa qualité de deuxième personnage de Côte d’Ivoire, du fait
qu’il était en mission officielle pour l’Assemblée nationale et pour la Cop 21, au titre de l’Etat
ivoirien. Ce mandat d’amener n’avait pas, dans ce contexte, la moindre raison d’être », a souligné
Maître Jean-Paul Benoît, avocat de Guillaume Soro.
De son côté, Maître Habiba Touré, avocate de Michel Gabgbo, rejette le motif de l’immunité
diplomatique.
« Que dire aux propos de mon confrère qui a tendance à confondre immunité et impunité ? Donc,
c’est quand même gênant, de la part d’un avocat. Et puis surtout, je suis surprise qu’il puisse
commenter les actes procéduraux. S’il entend les contester, il connait très bien la voie procédurale
la plus adaptée pour le faire », a déclaré à RFI, Me Habiba Touré.
« En ce qui nous concerne, il y a une procédure en cours. Tout ce qu’on demande, c’est que justice
soit faite et que tous les actes nécessaires à la manifestation de la vérité soit accomplis. Personne
n’est au-dessus des lois et je crois qu’on sera tous d’accord là-dessus. Donc, que monsieur Soro ne
s’estime pas au-dessus des lois et qu’il réponde à la justice si véritablement il n’a rien à se reprocher
», a ajouté Maître Habiba Touré, avocate de Michel Gbagbo.
CHINA/AFRICA :
China Voice: China, Africa enter new chapter of closer cooperation
Date: 15-12-08/Source: Xinhua
BEIJING, Dec. 7 (Xinhua) -- The dreams of 2.4 billion people on this planet for a better life are
connected more closely following a milestone meeting between China and African countries last
week.
The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation summit in Johannesburg has pointed a new direction for
China-Africa cooperation.
The theme of the two-day event, "Africa-China Progressing Together: Win-Win Cooperation for
Common Development," indicates that this is not a story of unrequited love.
Ballooning trade figures explain their mutual affection. When the forum was first established in
2000, the trade volume between China and Africa stood at 10 billion U.S. dollars.
Now China has become the continent's largest trading partner, with the Chinese Ministry of
Commerce expecting trade to reach 300 billion dollars in the whole of 2015.
Both development and the improvement of people's livelihoods are the shared missions of China
and the African nations.
Africa, which is rich in natural resources and blessed with a large labor force, is in the emerging
stage of industrialization, while China has accumulated advantages in technology, equipment,
skilled personnel and capital over the past three decades of reform and opening up.
Cooperation with China will help Africa break the three development bottlenecks of backward
infrastructure, talent shortage and inadequate funds, accelerating its industrialization and
agricultural modernization.
There is no time for empty talk of strengthening cooperation. China has promised to carry out 10
major projects in the next three years to boost its cooperation with Africa.
The package covers industrialization, agricultural modernization, infrastructure, financial services,
green development, trade and investment facilitation, poverty reduction and public welfare, public
health, people-to-people exchanges, and peace and security.
China will offer 60 billion U.S. dollars in support for the initiatives, including 5 billion dollars of
grant and interest-free loans.
In addition to specific development measures with clear deadlines, China also proposed five other
pillars, including political equality and mutual benefits in economic cooperation.
These moves will help translate their friendship into a driving force for common development,
bringing tangible results to people on both sides.
China and Africa have stuck together through thick and thin in recent decades while upholding
political equality, sincerity and win-win cooperation.
These principles will continue to define their partnership.
The summit and the consensus on deepening cooperation between the world's largest developing
country and the continent with the biggest number of developing and underdeveloped countries
have strengthened the solidarity of the developing nations.
Putting China-Africa ties in perspective, their common development will not only inject vitality into
South-South cooperation, improve the profile of developing countries as a whole, but also make
global governance fairer.
Chinese company building Kenyan rail link
2015-12-08/chinadaily.com.cn Editor: Wang Fan
China Communications Construction Co (CCCC) announced that the company will build a standard
gauge railway across the whole of Kenya to Malaba, where Kenya meets Uganda, and will also
invest in an industrial park at the starting point of Mombasa.
While securing the financing for the first phase of Nairobi-Malaba Standard Gauge Railway from
Nairobi to Naivasha, which will cost $1.48 billion, the company also said it won the contract for the
second and third phases, which are separated by Kenya's western city Kisumu; the plans were
announced during the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation held in Johannesburg. It's about 450
kilometers from Nairobi to Malaba.
Currently, CCCC's subsidiary China Road and Bridge Corp is building the 472-kilometer
Mombasa-Nairobi Standard Gauge Railway, which will be completed in 2017 at a cost of $3.8
billion.
Liu Qitao, chairman the Fortune Global 500 firm, told China Daily during the summit that the
company had projects worth a total of more than $5 billion and have secured loans for them during
the summit. Meanwhile, the company is in the process of applying for a loan of a further $5 billion
for other projects and "there is no big problem for that".
He also said the company plans to build a number of industrial parks in Africa. One of them will be
in Mombasa. He said it's a project the company self-invests in and it will cover an area of 12 square
kilometers. "We will invest in it gradually and the investment in the first phase is about $1 billion."
The announcement was made after President Xi Jinping announced assistance and loans totaling
$60 billion for Africa to help the continent address its top three difficulties: infrastructure, talent and
funding.
The 10 proposed cooperation plans cover industrialization, agricultural modernization,
infrastructure, and poverty reduction and people-to-people exchanges.
"These plans aim at addressing three bottleneck issues holding back Africa's development, namely
inadequate infrastructure, lack of professional and skilled personnel and a funding shortage," Xi
said.
Among the 10 plans that were announced, Xi put the China-Africa industrialization plan first,
saying that China will boost industrial links and collaboration on production capacity.
"China will build or upgrade a number of industrial parks in cooperation with Africa and send
senior government experts and advisers to Africa," he said.
As a company that has been in Africa for more than four decades, CCCC knows Africa better than
many other Chinese companies and "we are everywhere in Africa. Before, we mainly constructed
infrastructure, but now we will move upward to do 'high-end' industries, "said Liu.
"I believe we could play a big role in Africa's industrialization process as we have the capability. No
matter whether we are promoting urbanization, building industry parks or investing and financing,
we have strong capability," Liu said.
Liu also said his company will make full use of its experience to help companies from mainland of
China to come to Africa.
"We will support the development of local enterprises as well and help them take part in long-term
urbanization process in Africa," he said.
The standard gauge railway from Mombasa to Malaba is believed to be significant in reducing
transportation costs, creating job opportunities and promoting the industrialization process in the
whole East Africa region.
Currently, shipping a 6-meter container about 13,000 km from China to Mombasa costs about
$1,700. Shipping it the extra 500 km or so to Nairobi can add about $1,000 to that.
The single-gauge railway is expected to reduce rail transport costs from $20 cents to 8 cents per
metric ton per kilometer. It will also relieve the pressure on traffic on the highway, notable for the
discarded oil containers due to accidents, and reduce the great damage from the trucks to the road.
In the Mombasa to Nairobi section, up to 30,000 workers are expected to be employed before it is
completed and 5,000 Kenyan workers will be trained, according to CRBC.
Kenya government has planned a number of industry parks along the Mombasa-Nairobi Standard
Gauge Railway.
Improving the Sino-African Relationship
December 7, 2015/foreignaffairs.com
What Beijing Can Do
By Luke Patey and Zhang Chun
At the 6th Forum on China–Africa Cooperation last Friday in Johannesburg, a new relationship
between the world’s second-largest economy and its fastest rising continent was on display. The
forum is the main platform for official high-level political and economic dialogue between Africa
and China, held once every three years. China made headlines at the event by announcing a $60
billion package of loans, aid, investment, and other financial support to Africa.
Yet for all the fanfare, the relationship between China and Africa is under strain. That is why
Beijing must now rethink its engagement with the continent, focusing less on the size and number
of commitments it offers and more on sustainability, with an approach that goes beyond
government-to-government initiatives.
First, the plusses. In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping signaled Africa’s importance to Chinese
foreign policy by visiting the Republic of Congo, South Africa, and Tanzania on his first
presidential trip overseas. African governments have welcomed China’s “no-strings attached”
political approach, which broadly gives Africa an alternative to conditional aid from Western donors
and allows China to leverage its economic position on the continent.
In a remarkable 22-fold increase, trade between Africa and China has risen from $10 billion in 2000
to $220 billion in 2014. African oil and minerals make up nearly half of the total trade with China,
but Beijing has also singlehandedly revitalized Africa’s infrastructure network by financing and
building sorely needed roads, bridges, and telecommunication infrastructure. Chinese firms are also
slowly moving some of their manufacturing capacity to lower-cost African destinations, including
to a special economic zone outside Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa.
But the Sino–African relationship is facing challenges. The global commodity crunch, coupled with
the restructuring of China’s economy from manufacturing to services, has led to a 40 percent drop
in Chinese investment in Africa since last year. At the same time, China has found itself ensnared in
some of the continent’s hotspots. In May, opposition forces in South Sudan’s civil war threatened
large Chinese oil investments, and in November, Islamist militants killed three Chinese executives
from a state railway company in a luxury hotel in Mali’s capital, Bamako.
African leaders have also criticized China’s relationship with Africa. South African President Jacob
Zuma put on a diplomatic smile as host of the recent forum. But at the last summit in Beijing, Zuma
called Africa’s relationship with China “unsustainable” if it continued to follow the neocolonialist
pattern of trading African raw materials for Chinese manufactured goods. From Chinese textiles
crowding out local competition in Nigeria to labor disputes in Zambia and oil spills in Chad, social
and environmental scandals have dogged Chinese investment in Africa.
The Chinese government is attempting to alleviate such concerns. Beijing contributes medical and
engineering personnel to the majority of UN peacekeeping operations in Africa, but in recent years
has elevated its involvement by sending military troops to support missions in Mali and South
Sudan. At the 70th session of the UN General Assembly in New York in September, Xi captured the
spotlight by announcing China’s commitment of $100 million in military assistance to the African
Union over the next five years and 8,000 troops for a new UN peacekeeping standby force. Chinese
destroyers are also part of multinational efforts to counter Somali piracy in the Gulf of Aden, where
China recently announced it is establishing its first overseas navy logistics facility in the tiny nation
of Djibouti.
During a four-country tour in 2014, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang acknowledged “growing pains” in
the Sino–African relationship and called on Chinese companies to respect local African laws and
regulations. In official visits, Chinese leaders have stressed cooperation in infrastructure,
agriculture, health, and the environment. Beijing has even committed to ending the legal sale of
ivory—China is the world’s largest consumer—after repeated calls from international and African
conservationists.
Yet China can do more. Beijing has deepened its bilateral military cooperation with African
governments, albeit still not at the same engagement level as the United States and European
powers, and provided billions in support to the African Union. But an overreliance on official lines
of engagement limits China’s role in helping to end African conflicts. China can bolster its support
to African grassroots and civil society groups working in conflict resolution as well as on early
warning and conflict prevention initiatives. In South Sudan, church groups have a track record of
alleviating communal violence, but need financial support and political backing. Such initiatives
may take Chinese officials out of their political comfort zones, but part of China’s global expansion
will involve navigating within social systems different from its own.
As for resolving the other issues in the Sino–African relationship, the solutions for Beijing will start
at home. Promoting an understanding of specific African laws, customs, and norms before Chinese
firms invest in the country will be essential to preventing labor and environmental violations.
The forum is another demonstration that China’s political and economic engagement in Africa has
reached a critical mass. Prioritizing security and social issues may not always be compatible with
political and economic objectives, but they will certainly improve the sustainability of the
partnership
INDIA/AFRICA :
BRAZIL/AFRICA :
EN BREF, CE 08 Décembre 2015… AGNEWS/DAM, NY, 08/12/2015