booklet - Joint Master Architecture

SOMMAIRE
PROGRAMME
INTRODUCTION
PLAN D’ACCÈS
INTERVENANTS
TEXTES
textes
PROGRAMME
LUNDI
18.05.2015
09h30-11h00
Michael Jakob
Introduction
11h15 - 16h45
CONFERENCES
MARDI
19.05.2015
09h30-16h45
CONFERENCES
17h00
PRESENTATION EVE
MERCREDI
20.05.2015
09h30-16h45
CONFERENCES
JEUDI
21.05.2015
09h30-16h45
CONFERENCES
VENDREDI
22.05.2015
09h30-15h00
CONFERENCES
15h15-16h45
Synthèse et présentation travaux
textes
INTRODUCTION
Shrinkage, décroissance, entropie, crise... le discours architectural et urbanistique des
dernières décennies a été marqué par des termes négatifs, sinon apocalyptiques. Or,
alors que certains villes et régions sont en perte de vitesse, d’autres connaissent, au
contraire, une croissance extraordinaire.
Notre séminaire questionnera les effets et les caractéristiques de la décroissance dans
le milieu urbain, en partant de cas précis et des approches théoriques les plus actuelles.
L’une des questions que nous aimerions poser est celle du statut du projet à l’enseigne
de la décroissance: peut-on projeter la décroissance?
Les conférenciers réunis tout au long de la semaine proposeront à la fois une approche
globale (une théorie de la décroissance) et des analyses ponctuelles. Le point de vue
croisé d’architectes, d’urbanistes, de géographes, d’économistes et de philosophes,
portant sur des réalités européennes et nord-américaines, nous permettra de repenser
les problèmes de l’urbanité contemporaine.
The architectural discourse of the last decades has been dominated by several negative
(and even apocalyptic) categories, such as shrinkage, entropy, or crisis. However, while
certain cities or region across the world still massively decrease, other urban realities
are growing at a very fast rate.
Our seminar intends to question the impact of shrinkage on cities, taking into consideration both the theoretical context and site specific peculiarities. One of the main problems
we want to develop is the following : is it possible to design the shrinking city, and if so,
how. Another issue is the synchronic existence of shrinking and booming or sprawling
sectors in on and the same urban context.
The conferences selected for our seminar will look at the same time for global answers
(at the heart of a theory of shrinkage) and site related empirical analysis. By crossing the
point of view of architects, urbanists, geographers, economists and philosophers among
others, related mostly to European and North-American cases, we intend to ask central
questions as to the identity of the contemporary urban space.
Michael Jakob
PLAN D’ACCÈS
PAVILLON SICLI
route des acacias 45
1227 acacias
t. + 41 22 596 43 80
INTERVENANTS
THIERRY PAQUOT
Paris
Thierry Paquot, philosophe de l’urbain, professeur des universités,
membre de la Commission du Vieux Paris, président du Conseil d’orientation du
Learning Center sur la ville durable (Halle-aux-Sucres/Dunkerque), président
de l’association « Image de Ville » (Festival d’Aix-en-Provence), membre de
la rédaction des revues ‘Scape (Pays Bas), Localities (Corée du Sud), Urban
(Italie), Books, Esprit, Hermès, Diversité (France), responsable du programme «
Archiciné » à la Cité de l’architecture et du patrimoine (Paris).
Thierry Paquot est auteur de nombreux ouvrages, dont sur ce sujet :
Utopies et utopistes (2007), Introduction à Ivan Illich (2012), Alter-architectures.
Manifesto (sous la direction de, 2012), Désastres urbains. Les villes meurent
aussi (2015), Lewis Mumford, pour une juste plénitude (2015) et Situationnistes
en ville (sous la direction de, 2015). Il est également le rhapsode de L’Esprit des
Villes.
intervenant
Y a-t-il une juste taille pour les villes ?
Durant des millénaires la taille démographique des villes ne dépassait
pas 300 000 habitants, la grande majorité d’entre elles se suffisait de 10/15
000 citadins, sauf quelques exceptions que Paul Bairoch nous indique, Rome,
Bagdad, Constantinople et X’an qui abritaient chacune environ un million de
personnes à leur apogée.
Avec l’industrialisation, la mécanisation des transports et depuis quelques
décennies la globalisation de l’économie et les migrations qui l’accompagnent,
les villes « millionnaires » se comptent par centaines et semblent petites à côté
des mégalopoles de plusieurs dizaines de millions d’urbains qui se constituent
sur tous les continents, en particuliers en Asie, Afrique et Amérique du nord et
du sud.
Simultanément à cette urbanisation par énormes conurbations, on observe
le désir, chez certains, de ne pas dépasser un seuil, au nom de l’habitabilité
même de la ville, de sa capacité à rester « urbaine », économe et hospitalière.
Les partisans de la « juste mesure » considèrent qu’au-delà de tant d’habitants
la ville devient invivable, ainsi le mouvement de slow città, les « villes en
transition », les écovillages, les biorégions urbanisées et autres unités
territoriales urbaines proposent-ils de ne pas dépasser le million d’habitants,
fixant parfois à moins de 100 000, la population idéale.
Platon, Thomas More, Fourier, William Morris, Piotr Kropotkine, Ebenzer
Howard, Lewis Mumford pour ne citer que quelques noms, suggéraient
également une « bonne taille » pour une « bonne ville ».
Thierry Paquot retracera cette géohistoire de la juste mesure urbaine et en
analysera les arguments. Son exposé visera à expliquer ce qui fait que les villes
en sont et à expliquer en quoi l’urbanisation actuelle s’effectue sans ville et
souvent contre les villes.
conference
CYRILLE HANAPPE
Paris
Cyrille Hanappe est architecte DPLG et
ingénieur centralien.
Il enseigne à l’Ecole Nationale Supérieure
d’Architecture Paris Belleville depuis 2006.
Il est Directeur Pédagogique du Diplome de Spécialisation en Architecture
et Risques Majeurs de cette même école.
Il a crée en 2000 l’agence AIR - Architectures Ingénieries Recherches dont
l’activité est à l’articulation de ces trois domaines.
- Architectures : nous avons développé une spécialisation sur les
équipements culturels et les salles de spectacles depuis plusieurs années,
que ce soit au sein de l’agence – créée en 2000 – ou pour d’autres architectes
(Architecture Studio, Manuelle Gautrand, Antoine Stinco…). Notre champ
d’activité couvre les domaines du logement, de la santé, des espaces
commerciaux et de l’évènementiel.
- Ingénieries : nous avons réuni au sein d’une même structure différentes
compétences complémentaires : architecture, architecture intérieure, HQE,
ingénierie, économie, acoustique, urbanisme et paysage. Deux ingénieurs et
un ingénieur-architecte effectuent en interne les services d’économie et de
coordination des lots techniques.
- Recherches : Exposés à Archilab 2001, Finalistes Europan, du Concours
national du meilleur diplôme, 2nd prix du Concours Zinc…, nous sommes
soucieux d’apporter à nos projets un travail de recherche approfondie pour
offrir des solutions toujours innovantes et une réelle valeur ajoutée aux
opérations qui nous sont confiées.
intervenant
l'Architecture au Temps des
Déreglements: Camps et Bidonvilles
Un tiers de la population mondiale vit en bidonvilles et 60 millions de
personnes sont actuellement en camps. Très peu d'architectes s'interessent à
ces formes urbaines et architecturales en développement alors qu'elle abritent
des populations appellées à être de plus en plus nombreuses.
Alors que la résorbtion des ces espaces urbains est un mirage devenu
sans objet, on peut se demander si ils ne proposent pas de nouveaux systèmes
architecturaux, voire des modèles pour une ville qui prendrait en compte le
Développement Durable dans son sens le plus large : Social, Economique et
Environnemental.
Les étudiants de l'ENSA Paris Belleville travaillent sur des bidonvilles de
la région parisienne et des camps et jungle du Calaisis appellés à disparaitre
pour établir une "archéologie du temps présent". Ils proposent ensuitre des
interventions spatiales dans ces espaces pour participer à la production
d'environnement basés sur des paradigmes nouveaux.
conference
MARCO ROMANO
Rome
Marco Romano è uno dei maggiori urbanisti italiani viventi.
Già professore ordinario di Estetica della città, ha diretto il Dipartimento
di Urbanistica dello IUAV e «Urbanistica», la rivista dell’Istituto Nazionale di
Urbanistica.
È stato direttore scientifico della Sezione italiana alla XVII Triennale di
Milano sul tema «Le città del mondo: il futuro delle metropoli».
Nel 2009 al 2012 è stato membro del Consiglio superiore del MiBAC.
Ha collaborato a vari giornali e scrive sul «Corriere della Sera».
È autore di numerosi saggi, tra cui L’estetica della città europea (Einaudi
1993), Costruire le città (Skira 2004), La città come opera d’arte (Einaudi 2008),
Ascesa e declino della città europea (Raffaello Cortina, 2010), Liberi di costruire
(Bollati Boringhieri 2013), La piazza europea (Marsilio, 2015)
www.esteticadellacitta.it
intervenant
Il tramonto della città europea
Carlomagno era impregnato dall’imperativo morale di costruire una
società veramente cristiana, una società dove tutti erano eguali perché tutti
egualmente figli di Dio: ma eguali soltanto dopo la morte, in quella felice vita
eterna che ciascuno avrebbe meritata nel corso di quella terrena adempiendo
scrupolosamente ai doveri della condizione sociale nella quale il Signore lo
aveva fatto nascere, contadino o guerriero o con una vocazione religiosa.
Ma intorno al Mille l’aristocrazia dei guerrieri, impegolati in interminabili
conflitti dinastici, non saranno più in grado di difendere i contadini dalle
scorrerie degli arabi - nel 846 saccheggeranno a Roma le basiliche di San
Pietro e di San Paolo e un regno arabo prospererà per centocinquant’anni a
Frassineto, vicino a Marsiglia - né dalle invasioni degli ungari, gli “orchi” delle
steppe, né dalla discesa endemica dei normanni, sicché i cittadini delle città
europee, modesti villaggi o paesi appena più grandi, impareranno a difendersi
da soli cingendosi di mura, di palizzate, di semplici roveti.
Queste città sono società aperte, nel senso che chiunque avrebbe potuto
diventarne cittadino alla condizione di avervi il possesso di una casa - quella
condizione che sperimentiamo ancora oggi quando, volendo trasferirci in
un’altra città, l’ufficio anagrafico della nuova ci chiederà dove abitiamo - e sono
poi anche società democratiche, perché la stessa difesa comporta decisioni e
impegni collettivi che coinvolgono tutti i cittadini, e per questo anche, in linea di
principio, egualitarie.
I buoni cristiani del mondo carolingio erano eguali soltanto dopo la morte,
ma i cittadini delle città del Mille erano eguali anche in vita, eguali nell’accesso
a tutti quei beni che possono rendere più felice la loro vita terrena senza
pregiudicare quella eterna; non aveva il Signore creato le ricchezze della natura
perché gli uomini ne facessero l’uso migliore per la loro maggiore felicità?
In molte civiltà e nel mondo carolingio i bisogni elementari - il cibo, la veste,
il riparo - restano per sempre i medesimi, ciotole di riso o ciambelle di mais,
tuniche per tutti e uniformi da parata per le élite, capanne o casette e qualche
palazzo rarissimo per la corte dei sovrani, quelli cinesi costruiti in legno e rifatti
tali e quali ogni cent’anni.
L’aria della città rende liberi asserisce un detto di quei tempi, ma la
conference
libertà cui allude non è quella dall’eventuale servaggio nelle campagne ma
quella stessa dei cittadini nell’ambito della città, dove ciascuno è legittimato
ad esprimere liberamente il proprio punto di vista su qualsiasi argomento in
qualsiasi campo, seguito nel caso da altri cittadini con la medesima opinione
fino a formare gruppi consistenti che incidono sullo stile di vita della civitas.
Una libertà ignota nei paesi dell’Islam, dove l’appartenenza era prima di
tutto alla umma e nella città a un clan, sicché il punto di vista di un individuo
non sarebbe stato preso i considerazione da nessuno se non fosse stato quello
ufficiale del suo clan.
La libertà consiste di fatto nel riconsiderare ogni volta i comportamenti
consolidati - è in questo che consiste la nostra stessa libertà - una
riconsiderazione che prende di petto il cibo, le vesti, le case per farne il tema di
un costante desiderio per qualcosa di nuovo: la civiltà europea è da mille anni
non è condizionata dal bisogno ma è retta sul desiderio, e in questo desiderio du
qualcxisa cge semore oltrepasa kil nusdi biasdongo è annidata la dignità di ogni
persone.
Come ammonisce re Lear alla figlia Regana che gli contesta il suo bisogno
di una corte di cento cavalieri, Non metterlo in discussione, il bisogno, Anche
i poveri più poveri hanno qualche povera cosa di superfluo. Se alla natura non
concedi qualcosa che ecceda il suo bisogno naturale, l’uomo si ridurrà come
una bestia.
Sul desiderio nasce contestualmente il mercato, uno stato d’animo
pervasivo prima ancora di essere uno spazio fisico ai margini dell’incasato,
dove ciascuno può constatare e confrontare se le merci messe lì in vendita
corrispondono ai suoi desideri, che non sono più quelli ricorrenti delle granaglie
nude e crude, ma valutate immaginandosi come farne maccheroni da insaporire
con qualche formaggio grattugiato.
I produttori sciorinano i loro prodotti anche lungo le strade cittadine dove
il confronto è pubblico, dove arrivano merci dalle altre città ad allargare la
gamma delle scelte: lì le donne fiorentine, agli inizi del Trecento, decideranno
di smettere le tuniche bigie che avevano indossato fino ad allora - tuniche
bigie che qualche musulmana indossa ancora - e lanceranno la moda delle
stoffe colorate e della vita alta, una moda che subito i mercanti fiorentini
soddisferanno facendo la fortuna della città.
intervenant
Nel fare la fortuna della città, tutti faranno anche la loro fortuna, i più
avveduti diventeranno ricchi e vorranno manifestare pubblicamente la loro
ricchezza: ma la città è per principio egualitaria e i comuni emaneranno
per secoli norme suntuarie che vietano alle dame di possedere più di due
abiti, prescrivono il numero massimo degli invitati a un pranzo di nozze e
minuziosamente le portate da servire, verranno poi vietate a Venezia le lenzuola
di lino perché a quei tempi il letto era nella stanza di soggiorno e dunque anche
lì doveva venire disciplinata l’esibizione della ricchezza.
Se in qualche misura potrà venire disciplinata l’esibizione della ricchezza
nel campo alimentare e in quello dell’abbigliamento, le cose andranno
diversamente nel campo della casa: poiché tutti, per essere cittadini debbono
avere il possesso di una casa, e d’altra parte la civitas è socialmente mobile
perché alcuni avranno avuto più fortuna e più abilità degli altri, queste
differenze di status verranno con tutta naturalezza registrate ed esibite nella
decorazione esteriore delle facciate delle case, nel cui possesso consiste il
diritto di cittadinanza, e la libertà del desiderio le farà tutte intenzionalmente
belle, compatibilmente con lo status di ciascuno, ma anche diverse tra loro.
E questa esibizione della ricchezza nelle facciate delle case non potrà venire
disciplinata perché la bellezza e l’abbondanza dei palazzi patrizi costituirà un
motivo di orgoglio nel confronto tra le città.
Naturalmente, lo sappiamo, un società fondata sul desiderio tocca le corde
dei moralisti, e Giovanni Villani non mancherà di riprovare l’abbigliamento
disinvolto delle ragazze fiorentine - che Dante avrebbe voluto far ritornare al
tempo antico di quelle tuniche informi nella quale era vestita Beatrice - mentre
san Bernardino o Petrus Cantor o Aklessandro Neckam predicheranno
veementi contro i denari dilapidati nelle facciate delle case invece che destinati
a sovvenire i poveri per meritare il paradiso: ma noi oggi li riconosciamo
benissimo i critici contemporanei del consumismo e i vincoli posti dalle
commissioni edilizie alla libertà di costruire.
Gli stessi cittadini sono poi orgogliosi di appartenere alla loro civitas e la
civitas tutta intera mostrerà il proprio rango nel contesto di tutte le città europee
realizzando temi collettivi di aspetto monumentale, gli stessi in tutte le città
europee proprio per diventare il registro condiviso di questo confronto: saranno
le mura, la zecca, il palazzo municipale, quelli del podestà e del popolo, il
conference
teatro, la biblioteca, il museo, ma anche qualche arco trionfale, qualche celebre
caffè o il giardino pubblico.
Questi temi collettivi verranno sapientemente disposti in sequenza con le
strade e le piazze tematizzate, in modo da esaltarsi reciprocamente nella sfera
estetica della città: la strada principale, magari contrappuntata nell’Ottocento
da una più recente come qui a Ginevra, la strada trionfale con un altro tema
a farle da fondale, la strada monumentale con le facciate uniformi, anche qui
riconoscibile a Ginevra, e infine la passeggiata, il boulevard, e poi la piazza
principale, la piazza del mercato, le piazze dei conventi, la piazza della chiesa, la
piazza monumentale, lo square, la piazza nazionale.
Le sequenze dei temi collettivi e delle strade e delle piazze tematizzate
sono l’esito di una riconoscibilissima volontà estetica, ed è in qualche modo
paradossale che le facoltà di architettura del’intera Europa non insegnino a
leggere nelle città un’opera d’arte, e proprio a un’opera d’arte noi affidiamo
la nostra speranza di venire ricordati in eterno: ...muore il seno sì di Rodòpi,
l’occhio del timoniere, ma il poeta, finché non muoia l’inno, vive immortale...canta Saffo - e qualche secolo dopo Orazio dice di sé ...exegi monumentum
aere perennius.
Solo che a insidiare la perennità della bellezza delle nostre città non sono i
picconi dell’ISIS, ma siamo proprio noi stessi e non potremmo farne a meno.
Il fatto è che questa mia descrizione della città europea come un’opera
d’arte è costruita ricavandola da un universo di fatti proprio come gli scienziati
sperimentali trattano i dati delle loro osservazioni, che distribuiscono lungo una
curva gaussiana che somiglia al cappello di un carabiniere, assumendo la parte
centrale della curva come il dato scientificamente assodato e trascurando
come insignificanti errori di misurazione i dati alla periferia della curva,
progressivamente in basso a destra o a sinistra.
Solo che se dovessi rappresentare le mie osservazioni sulle città europee,
quelle che mi hanno consentito di descriverle nei paragrafi precedenti,
ricorrerei piuttosto all’immagine di un U, e quanto ho descritto come i
comportamenti ricorrenti piuttosto la sedimentazione nella sua curva inferiore
degli esiti di tre permanenti conflitti, conflitti che nei secoli hanno ogni volta
trovato una sintesi consentendo e promuovendo la città come opera d’arte e
che ora non sembra siano più in grado di ritrovarla.
intervenant
La prima e fondamentale dialettica è quella tra la civitas e l’urbs, perché la
civitas con il suo stato d’animo è pervasa dal Weltanschauung che Max Weber
definiva come quella dell’homo oeconomicus, dominato cioè nelle sue scelte
dalla razionalità strumentale propria del mercato: ma d’altra parte l’ambizione
della bellezza propria dell’urbs, della città visibile, sta invece tutta nella sfera
del dono, dove chi costruisce un bella facciata alla propria casa non si aspetta
trarne un vantaggio materiale, ma soltanto di venire ricambiato da una analoga
intenzione altrui nella propria.
La Weltanschauung dell’homo oeconomicus comporta d’altra parte che
ogni decisione, sia di un individuo nella facciata della propria casa sia della
civitas nei suoi temi collettivi, comporti un qualche ragionamento sui costi e sui
vantaggi, quand’anche poi i vantaggi non siano sempre monetizzabili: sicché
per secoli ogni decisioni erano negli statuti cittadini motivati con il binomio
dell’utilitas et decus, dell’utilità e della bellezza, sicché anche la pavimentazione
delle strade, oltre a renderle meno scivolose, rendeva anche la città più bella.
Ancora fino al 1950 i progettisti dei piani regolatori disegnavano una città
più bella, consistente in quelle sequenze di strada e di piazze tematizzate
consolidate da una secolare tradizione estetica ed estese fino alle più
lontane periferie, che questa intenzione estetica condividevano nei loro larghi
boulevard e nei loro vasti square, mentre gli uffici tecnici provvedevano a tutte
quelle infrastrutture la renderanno più efficiente.
Il predominio di uno dei due corni del nostro dilemma, l’utilità senza la
bellezza del razionalismo funzionalista, ha sgangherato la città europea, e le sue
periferie moderne, staccate dalla città esistente come fossero corpi separati,
costituiscono un corpo morale difficilmente integrabile nella civitas come non
sono integrate nell’urbs: sicché, accada che può, ma certo la città europea,
quella che ha costituito per secoli il nocciolo della nostra identità, è declinata
senza rimedio.
La situazione è resa poi ancora meno felice dal progressivo consolidarsi
delle nazioni dopo la rivoluzione francese. Per secoli gli Stati europei erano il
corredo di un principe, e quando Luigi XIV affermava La France c’est moi non
intendeva certo sostenere che le sue disposizioni avessero sempre effetto
- ho spesso ricordato le duemila case signorili costruite a Parigi nei terreni
decretati da lui decretati come inedificabili, e del resto i provvedimenti sgraditi
conference
semplicemente venivano ignorati dai parlamenti regionali - ma l’esistenza
stessa di uno Stato era condizionato dall’esistenza di un suo sovrano.
La nazione è invece un corpo mistico - come quello della civitas - la cui
assemblea, per essere rappresentativa di tutti i suoi cittadini, può avocare tutte
le competenze delle città, quelle giurisdizioni strappate nei secoli ai sovrani,
sicché ha per esempio letteralmente espropriato in Italia la giurisdizione sui
loro monumenti, come se una cattedrale o un palazzo municipale fossero
l’esito di una volontà nazionale e non dei sogni estetici dei suoi cittadini:
se guardiamo al processo in corso in Europa non è difficile intravedere il
moltiplicarsi di regole che impedirebbero oggi di costruire un nuovo quartiere
fatto come quelli che ammiriamo devotamente nei nostri centri storici:
dunque le città, esito della secolare volontà estetica dei suoi cittadini, stanno
semplicemente finendo soffocati dalla burocrazia nazionale: e sono certo che
se intendessi costruire oggi un edificio moderno accanto a palazzo Rucellai la
Soprintendenza ai monumenti di Firenze lo proibirebbe
Solo che non sarebbe soltanto il pollice verso della Soprintendenza ma
soprattutto sarebbero le procedure cittadine a disciplinare la vostra irruenza,
procedure che non avrebbero consentito nel Quattrocento a Giovanni Rucellai
di costruire un palazzo in un’architettura così stravagante.
Ché resta poi il progressivo tramonto della libertà, di quella essenziale
libertà che consentiva il fervore del desiderio, la libertà di esprimere nella
facciata della propria casa il sentimento del proprio atteggiamento culturale
e dunque del proprio status sociale nella sua ricca complessità. Solo che nel
corso del Cinquecento la nuova architettura rinascimentale ha conquistato il
suo pubblico, e soprattutto pretende di disporre di regole compositive in grado
di rendere belle tutte le case della città, anche quelle più modeste, perché la
loro bellezza non è più affidata alla ricchezza della decorazione ma alla rigorosa
proporzione dei pieni e dei vuoti, appena sottolineata da modeste modanature: e
se ora conosciamo le regole della perfetta bellezza sembra ragionevole imporle
a tutte le case della città, rendendola così tutta insieme più bella.
Questa polizia estetica verrà nei primi tempi affidata, tra il Seicento e il
Settecento, agli stessi funzionari tecnici del comune, e oggi, qui in Italia, a
commissioni edilizie, che per loro natura sono chiamate ad attenuare tutto ciò
che giudicano provocatorio, escludendo quindi quelle espressioni della volontà
intervenant
estetica individuale che avevano arricchito per secoli la sfera estetica della
città europee.
La cosa paradossale è che, mentre le volontà espressive individuali
vengono sostanzialmente represse, prolifera una clamorosa arbitrarietà che
si manifesta soprattutto nei temi collettivi, affidati spessi ad architetti la cui
fama internazionale è legata spesso appunto alla loro ostentata arbitrarietà,
e chiamati per questo in tutte le città del mondo: così, se vogliamo chiudere
questo profilo del declino della città europea, questo mi sembra quasi
emblematico, che le città europee non sono più lo specchio della libera
intenzione estetica dei suoi cittadini espressa nelle case - peraltro ormai
relegate nelle loro lontane periferie - ma esito di una ricerca architettonica
codificata e esaltata fuori dall’Europa.
conference
ALAN HARDING
Liverpool
Alan Harding is Professor of Public Policy
and leads the work on economic change of
the University of Liverpoll’s Heseltine Institute
For Public Policy & Practice. With more than
20 years’ experience of managing applied and
policy-relevant research projects and programmes at local, regional, national
and international levels.
Alan Harding has an established reputation for leading and disseminating
multi-disciplinary urban and regional research and promoting inter-disciplinary
dialogue. He has played a prominent role in rethinking the relationship between
urban and regional policy and governance and the role of key urban centres in
the national and global economy.
Alan Harding has acted as policy adviser to OECD, UK Government
departments, House of Commons Select Committees, regional and sub-regional
agencies, city councils and private sector organisations. He was a member of
the Advisory Group for the Manchester Independent Economic Review.
Research Grants:
The Innovative Potential Of Contextualising Legal Norms
In Processes Of Urban Governance [CONTEXT]:
The Case Of Sustainable Area Development
Sustaining Growth for Innovative New Enterprises
Local Economic Growth What Works Centre
Economic Crisis: Resilience of Regions / ECR2
Emerging Technologies, Trajectories and Implications of Next
Generation Innovation Systems Development in China and Russia
intervenant
conference
Lucas LUISONI
Genève
Ingénieur agronome EPFZ, MBA Uni
Genève. Conseil en entreprises, pour les
institutions publiques et les ONG.
Négociation et management interculturel.
Gestion des ressources humaines. Gestion,
coordination et évaluation de projets de
coopération au développement. Direction
d’entreprises et d’institutions. Planification
participative. Enseignement et formation.
Mai 2010 à ce jour Donner du sens Sàrl DDS Conseil Associé gérant, président.
2009 à ce jour DDS Conseil, Consultant indépendant.
Haute Ecole du paysage, d’ingénierie et d’architecture (hepia) – HES SO
Genève. Chargé de cours
- Représentant hepia au sein de la plateforme développement durable des
écoles HES genevoises
- Représentant de la HES SO au comité de pilotage et au conseil
scientifique du programme de coopération pour les pays en développement
et les économies en
transition DDC-KFH.
Depuis 1998 Membre fondateur de l’association des alumni du MBA de HEC
Genève (UGMBA) Membre du Comité Exécutif jusqu’en 2004.
Depuis 2000 Membre de l’Association pour la Prévention de la Torture (APT)
Membre de l’Association Ecologie, Environnement et Développement
Durable (AEE + DD)
Depuis janvier 2009 Membre du Réseau Objection de Croissance - Genève
Depuis mai 2007 Conseiller Municipal de la commune de Puplinge,
Président de la commission d’aménagement du territoire
Membre de la commission des travaux (2007-2011)
Membre de la commission Feu-Voirie-Agriculture (2007 2011)
intervenant
décroissance.ch
Pourquoi la question de l’insoutenabilité de la croissance se pose-t-elle
maintenant, alors que cette dernière a été un élément constitutif de l’aventure
humaine depuis le début? La raison est que lorsque la famille humaine vivait sur
les intérêts de la nature, l’augmentation de la consommation posait seulement
une question de justice distributive. Maintenant que nous consommons le
capital, il est crucial de poser la question des limites.
Nous disposons déjà des connaissances nécessaires pour construire une
société en équilibre avec la nature. En partie grâce aux progrès des techniques
et de l’information, nous pourrions le faire sans perte inacceptable de bien-être.
N’est-il pas plus raisonnable d’utiliser les savoirs d’aujourd’hui pour prévenir les
problèmes de demain, plutôt que d’espérer que les savoirs de demain soient en
mesure de réparer les problèmes que nous causons aujourd’hui.
Passer de Homo faber à Homo sapiens demandera une autre façon de vivre
et d’échanger. Il faudra probablement travailler moins (mais tous, et mieux) et
apprendre à investir le gain de temps libre que nous aurons en échange au
profit de nos liens, de notre culture et de la nature. Mais le métier d’humain ne
serait-il pas, tout d’abord, de savoir vivre en harmonie avec ses semblables,
dans la limite de son environnement?
conference
Eduardo RICO
Londres
Eduardo Rico studied civil engineering in Spain and graduated from the
AA’s Landscape Urbanism programme.
Currently he works within the Arup engineering team and is part of
Relational Urbanism. He has taught at Harvard GSD and the Berlage Institute.
currently working in Arup, as well as member of design practices such as
Groundlab and Relational Urbanism.
He is currently engaged in strategic advice on infrastructure and
transportation for urban master planning in the ILG team in Arup.
Eduardo focuses his work and research in alternative design practices
which feed infrastructural inputs into architectural urbanism.
He has been co director with Enriqueta Llabres of the Relational Urbanism
Studio in Berlage Institute 2010 and 2012 as well as GSD Harvard 2013. Eduardo
is currently co director of the Ma Landscape Urbanism in the Architectural
association.
Eduardo Rico has extensively lectured on his work on Infrastructures and
Landscape as well contributed to various articles and books on the subject
matter.
intervenant
PAN EUROPEAN ATLAS OF
RADICAL TERRITORIES
In October 2000 the European Landscape Convention in Florence became
the first Pan European project with the ambition of engaging the entirety of the
European territory from a cultural perspective. While it promised a collective
sense of appreciation of territorial specificity and good landscape practice, it
trumped a stubborn reality where development practices and territorial and
agrarian policies were never translated into meaningful systems of spatial
production. The Florence Convention, could be argued, was born without
a design ethos which relegated it to a recording the existing rather than
projecting the future.
It is in this divorce between utilitarian and cultural practices of European
policies where the lecture wants to open a discourse on territorial praxis. Using
both academic and practice work it shall explore how productive and natural
formations can generate the basis of a pan-European project of territories as
the basis of new forms of documenting the future of European environments.
The lecture locates the work within the contemporary “territorial” focus of
design disciplines, emphasizing the social and political implications behind
this decision. It then describes forms of representation of the social and
material processes that shape our territories, such as interactive digital tools
and landscape simulations, to then speculate how these techniques can map
alternative futures of our European territory.
conference
Dominique DREYFUS
Paris
FORMATION
École Nationale de Géologie Appliquée et de Prospection Minière, Nancy:
Ingénieur, Option «Valorisation des minerais». Diplôme d’Etudes Approfondies
«Génie géologique et Minier». Centre d’Etudes et de Formation pour la Gestion
des Assurances et des Risques: CEFAR : Lauréat de la session 2004 formation
au risk management. Conseiller à la sécurité du transport des matières
dangereuses
EXPERIENCE PROFESSIONNELLE
Depuis Novembre 2007, expert environnement des mutations industrielles.
Diagnostics environnementaux d’entreprises en difficultés. Maitrise d’oeuvre
de mise en sécurité environnementale de sites industriels. Assistance à Maitre
d’Ouvrage démontage et démantèlement d’équipements et locaux. Assistance
à revalorisation de matériels et matières. Assistance à requalification de
tènements immobiliers précédemment occupés par sites industriels. Missions
d’expertise judiciaire.
De 1987à 2007: Industrie Papetière: Promoteur et porteur du projet
Papeteries des Alpes; plan de cession partielle négocié auprès du tribunal
de commerce de Grenoble. Différents postes de direction de services de
production et de direction d’usines.
De 1979 à 1987: Industrie Minière. Responsabilités en production.
Assistance technique en process et mise en service d’unités de traitement de
minerai. Expertise géologique en Amérique Centrale.
intervenant
La décroissance locale en pratique
L’arrêt d’activité et la réaffectation de sites industriels : un parcours complexe.
Le contexte, la survie dans les difficultés et ses effets pervers
La fin de vie d’un site industriel, quelle qu’en soit la cause, est une période
difficile souvent marquée par des restrictions budgétaires et des dérives,
organisationnelles et comportementales, aggravant le passif environnemental
et rendant plus onéreuse la réaffectation des locaux.
La phase d’arrêt, comportement des hommes
Les conditions de la cessation d’activité sont déterminantes pour la suite
des opérations. Tous les cas de figure sont possibles depuis l’arrêt maitrisé et le
repli en bon ordre, jusqu’à l’arrêt sauvage et l’abandon des installations.
La rupture du contrat de travail se traduit par une dissolution brutale du lien
entre les individus et l’entreprise et parfois entre collègues eux-mêmes. Cela
génère tous types d’attitudes et de comportements allant de la déprime à la
révolte. La mémoire du site est souvent la première victime de ces phénomènes
La mise en sécurité, obligations et obstacles techniques et financiers
L’installation désertée devient très rapidement la cible d’utilisateurs
clandestins : pillards, curieux, aventuriers de tous âges alors qu’elle présente
de très nombreux dangers. La loi et la raison imposent de prendre un certain
nombre de mesures de confinement et de traitement des risques.
Les opérations peuvent être techniques en raison de la dégradation des
installations et sont souvent onéreuses
Investigations et enjeux environnementaux, aspects règlementaires
L’industrie, au fil de décennies d’activité, a très souvent laissé des traces
dans le sous sol et dans les eaux souterraines. Il convient de dresser l’état des
lieux, de connaître l’impact sanitaire et environnemental des contaminations de
façon à mettre le site en adéquation avec le ou les usages futurs. Les travaux
de traitement peuvent s’avérer longs et coûteux. Il est parfois complexe de les
financer.
conference
Christoph LINDNER
Amsterdam
Christoph Lindner is Professor of Media and Culture and Director of the
Amsterdam School for Cultural Analysis Cities Project at the University of
Amsterdam, where he writes about cities, globalization, and visual culture.
His recent books include Imagining New York City (Oxford University
Press, 2015), Inert Cities (I.B. Tauris, 2014), and Paris-Amsterdam Underground
(Amsterdam University Press, 2013).
He is currently working on two books projects: Art and Urbanism in the
Accelerated City and the edited volume Deconstructing the High Line: Essays on
Postindustrial Urbanism.
intervenant
The Retracting City:
New York’s High Line as Implosion
Christoph Lindner, University of Amsterdam
Designed around slowness, detour, and delay, the High Line is an innovative
promenade created on a disused elevated railway in Manhattan. Since opening
in 2009, the elevated park has been widely celebrated as a monument to
grassroots activism, ecological sustainability, and the creative revivification
of postindustrial ruins. Yet, the park is also attracting growing criticism for
its role as an engine of gentrification, neoliberal urban renewal, and urban
branding. Responding to these issues, this lecture considers the ways in which
the High Line’s “slow landscape” simultaneously interrupts and accelerates
urban flows and mobilities. The result, I argue, is an aesthetic form of implosion
and introspection in which the park diverts resources and attention from
other spaces of renewal and contributes to broader patterns of emptying and
shrinkage. This is what I call the “High Line effect” and it marks the retraction
of contemporary cities into spaces of increasingly concentrated capital and
spatial division.
conference
Bernard Woeffray,
Nyon.
Bernard Woeffray (1956) est né à Sion.
Il est géographe diplômé de l’Université de Fribourg, Ingénieur civil HES.
Il a été Chef du service de l’aménagement du territoire du Canton de
Neuchâtel et directeur du RUN Réseau Urbain Neuchâtelois jusqu’en 2010.
Il a également travaillé de nombreuses années en tant qu’aménagiste au
sein du bureau URBAPLAN.
Il est actuellement le Chef du Service de l’Urbanisme de la Ville de Nyon.
Il a rejoint le Forum transfrontalier en 2008.
intervenant
La décroissance dans l'ex-Allemagne
de l'est, a l'exemple de les villes
nouvelles.
conference
Federico ZANFI
Milano
Nato nel 1978, sono un architetto urbanista.
Ho studiato architettura in Italia e in Spagna e mi
sono laureato al Politecnico di Milano nel 2003. Da
allora ho preso parte a diversi progetti di ricerca sulla città contemporanea –
tra cui, assieme all’agenzia Multiplicity, Solid Sea 04:(M)RE-Tourism, presentata
presso la Fondazione Tàpies di Barcellona nel maggio 2004, e Borderdevice(s):
Gibraltar Case, presentata presso la Fondazione Telefonica di Madrid nell’aprile
2005 – e ho lavorato come assistente all’università in corsi di Progettazione
Urbanistica.
Nel 2007 ho conseguito il dottorato di ricerca in Progetti e Politiche Urbane
e ho iniziato a lavorare come docente in corsi di Progettazione Urbanistica
e Progettazione del Paesaggio al Politecnico di Milano, oltre che come tutor
del Master in Urban Management and Architectural Design presso la Domus
Academy.
Nel 2008 ho curato e allestito – con Giovanni La Varra, Marti Peran e Filippo
Poli – la ricerca/mostra Post-it City, un’indagine sulle forme temporanee di
spazio pubblico, prodotta dal Centro di Cultura Contemporanea di Barcellona e
poi ospitata a Lille, Santiago de Chile, San Paolo, Buenos Aires, Madrid.
Oggi lavoro come ricercatore presso il Dipartimento di Architettura e
Studi urbani del Politecnico di Milano. Il mio percorso di ricerca si muove tra
esperienze di descrizione e interpretazione dei processi di trasformazione
della città contemporanea ed esperienze di progettazione architettonica e
urbanistica. In particolare mi sto concentrando sulle trasformazioni “dopo
la crescita” di vari contesti insediativi italiani, indagando la città abusiva nel
Mezzogiorno, i territori della città diffusa al centro e al nord del paese, e gli
ambienti di vita dei ceti medi in alcuni dei maggiori centri urbani.
intervenant
Quando «un nuovo ciclo di vita» non si dà.
Fenomenologia dello spazio abbandonato e
prospettive per il progetto urbanistico oltre il
paradigma del riuso
Il nostro paese attraversa oggi una fase distante da quella che fino al
recente passato ha ampiamente condizionato il progetto urbanistico. L’ipotesi di
questo paper è che molti degli edifici oggi sottoutilizzati e abbandonati porranno
forti resistenze a un progetto di riuso. Sarà necessario ripensare il ruolo
dell’azione urbanistica, che dovrà orientarsi non tanto verso una prospettiva di
ricomposizione, quanto verso la definizione di modalità di convivenza con tali
forme di abbandono.
Journal Name: Archivio di Studi Urbani e Regionali, vol XLV, n. 109, pp. 28-47
Publication Date: Dec 2014
conference
Massimo VISONE
Naples
Massimo Visone teachs History of Architecture at
the University of Naples Federico II. His researches
focus on architectural and urban history, with a
special interest in representation and transformation
of garden, landscape and cities.
Visone’s publications are included in national and
international peer review magazines, he collaborated and collaborates with national and
internationl institutions, such as the Ministero della Giustizia and the Italian Ministries
of Justice and of Heritage and Cultural Activities, Istituto Italiano di Scienze Umane,
Università di Padova, Bauhaus-Universität Weimar, Universidade de Santiago de
Compostela and Haute École du Paysage, d’Ingénierie et d’Architecture de Genève.
Massimo Visone has been in the Committee of IV International Conference on
Mediterranean cities in transformation. Identity and image of the urban landscape
between 18th and 19th centuries, he promoted and co-edited exhibitions on modern
architecture, urban and landscape iconography. He edited the Italian publications The
metropolitan area of Naples. 50 years of utopias dreams realities (Rome, 2010), and Damn
listings. Protection of contemporary architecture (Turin-London-Venice-New York, 2012)
and is author of the book Naples «a big Theater of Nature» (Naples, 2013).
intervenant
From Capital City to Metropolitan City.
An historical point of view about
Shrinking Naples
The lecture aims to illustrate the reaction of the city of Naples to a
continuous and sinuous movement of growth and shrinkage.
The study starts from a historical point of view that intends to interpret
the phenomenon in relation to the development of urban and regional
infrastructures in progress since some decades. Neapolitan shrinkage is
reflected on the explosion of its suburbs and the current establishment of the
Metropolitan City of Naples.
Naples served as the capital city of the Kingdom of Naples (Kingdom of Two
Sicilies after 1816) between 1282 and 1861.
Until the beginning of the 17th century, Naples was Europe’s largest urban
area, and the setting for the sharpest of social contrasts.
The city was also home to the greatest European concentration of
churches and palaces, with an abundant clergy and an elevated presence of
religious orders, some of whose convents and monasteries were organized like
true islands within its urban fabric. A vast number of ministers, meddlers, and
underpaid soldiers, the latter clustered in the Quartieri and frequently in conflict
with the local population, combined to make Naples “the richest and most vicefilled city there ever was in the whole world”, as Miguel de Cervantes described
it: a social magma, as unstable as the lavas of Vesuvius, at constant risk of
unrest thanks to the inefficacy of its numerous justice tribunals.
After the unification, Naples was the fifth European city by population after
London, Paris, Madrid and Vienna, but unfortunately the city was in a deep
social and economic crisis, having lost its capital role.
conference
The city initially was the subject of urban-scale interventions that changed
the relationship between the city and its local context, while during the World
War II, Naples was the most-bombed Italian city.
Since the 1980s, the city has constructed a large business district, and has
developed an advanced transport infrastructures, and an expanded the subway
network, which is planned to eventually cover half of the region.
Today is the third-largest municipality in Italy, after Rome and Milan. As of
2014, less than 1 million people live within the city’s administrative limits.
The Metropolitan City of Naples has a population of more than 3.5 million,
and is the 9th-most populous urban area in the European Union. Around 4 million
people live in the Naples metropolitan area, one of the largest metropolises on
the Mediterranean Sea.
conference
Mosè RICCI
Gênes
Emeritus of Italian Art and Culture
since 2003, Mosè Ricci is Full Professor of
Urbanism at the University of Genova and
contract professor of Landscape Architecture
at the University of Trento. He graduated in
architecture in 1982 at La Sapienza University
of Rome (Italy). Full Professor (2001) at the
Pescara School of Architecture (Italy). In 19961997 he was Fulbright Recipient and Visiting
Scholar at GSD, Harvard University, USA,
(1996-97) Visiting Professor of Sustainable
Urbanism at Universitad Moderna de Lisboa (2006-2007), at Technische
Universitat of Munich (2008-2009) and of Advanced Urbanism at IAAC,
Barcelona, Spain (2015). Since 1999 he is member of the Scientific Board of
the Villard International Seminar and since 2004 of the Villard International
Doctorate. He has been member of Italian Society of Urban Planners Steering
Committee (2003-05, 2007-11). Since 2010 he is member of the Mies Foundation
Mediterraean Program Board. He was member of the Scientific Committee and
curator of the Urbanism and Landscape section of the international exhibition
Recycle, Strategies for Architecture, Cities and Planet (MAXXI. 2010-12). Since
2013 he is scientific responsible for the University of Genoa of the National
Funded Research Recycle Italy. In 2012 he has been ranked in the top 100 World
Educators by the Cambridge Institute. He gave lectures or was keynote speaker
in several universities such as: LAU Byblos (Lebanon) IAAC Barcelona (2014),
Liebnitz University Hannover (2013); OSU Columbus Ohio (2013); GSD, Harvard
University, (2013, 1997); Tulane, New Orleans, (2013); KSU (Cleveland, 20112010), ETSAB (Barcelona, 2010); TU Munich, (2010-11), Kionggi, Seoul (2009);
University of Sao Paolo (2008); UM, Montreal (2005); School of Enviromental
Design, Waterloo (1996-97); BTU Cottbus, (2000); Weissensee Berlin (2001).
Editor of BABEL international series of books (2000-2007 Meltemi publisher and
2010-2012 List publisher) he is author of several books, such as: New Paradigms
(List, 2012), UniverCity (List 2010), iSpace (Meltemi, 2008), RISCHIOPAESAGGIO
(Meltemi, 2003).His projects with RICCISPAINI firm have got several prizes in
international competitions and have been exhibited in the Biennale of Venice in
1996 and in 2012.
intervenant
The recycle paradigm
[Learning from Detroit]
Detroit could be considered the operating manifesto of the new urban
condition in the Western World. It is possible to use it as a point of reference or
as a case study to focus on or - better - to learn from.
In Detroit, at the end of the last century, something crucial happened to the
western metropolis future. More than 320,000 jobs were lost between 2001 and
2008, and about 57% of the population having left the city from 1970, and 25% in
the past decade.
Detroit no longer expresses a traditional urban figure. In Detroit the
“Modern City” is dead, with the economy that molded its spaces.
Detroit is the American Pompeii.
In the space of just a few years its population fell from 1,850,000 to 740,000,
more than 2,000 buildings were knocked down, resulting in the abandonment of
the center for an area with an approximately eight-mile radius that is glaringly
evident. Nevertheless, more than ten years later, something is happening.
As a result of the crisis of the economy that had generated it, the Fordist
metropolis of Detroit has been forced to think about the problem of its survival
and its fate. And Detroit is slowly finding another dimension. New urban
materials are taking the place of the traditional urban figures and they give the
ruins of this Fordist city back to narrative and nature by transforming Detroit into
the real first post-metropolis.
The movement from landscape, as a way of measuring (a territory), to a
system of values (a landscape) is the conceptual basis and the general goal of
the most interesting projects and events that are happening in Detroit.
Reduction, reuse and recycle seem to be the only sustainable social
strategies capable of expressing innovation, of generating consensus and
producing beauty in the cities in the age of the crisis.
conference
Juan Hevia
Madrid
hevia & associates, is an architecture Spanish company, based in Madrid
and La Rioja.
Developing architectural and urbanism projects since 1992, however
our main experience, beside designing processes, is the capacity of both
integrating and coordinating multidisciplinary teams.
Our work encompasses cultural and offices, residential and commercial,
interiors and landscape, furniture design and historic preservation, with a focus
on a comprehensive approach to design, from a sustainability, viability and
energy efficiency priority. This range of scales includes urbanism and city
planning, building and urban infrastructures, interior design and urban
design; and naturally construction itself, where ideas are transformed into
reality.
Our combined experience includes work in Germany, Middle East, Portugal,
Turkey and Spain. Collaborations with other architects and designers make the
practice an open venue capable of adapting to different strategies and local
cultures. This design + built activity is enhanced by a dedication to academics,
with the principal teaching at local universities.
intervenant
…4 hours from Madrid…
S=v.t?
berlin…
beirut…
istanbul…
denizli…
jaen…
vitoria-gasteiz…
logroño…
How should we proceed?
different ways of shrinkage...
Human scale
Definition of the human been. Dimensions
Human develops...
Human uses...
Relation of dimensions
Space of relationship
What is it needed?
Human been walks…Plane flies...Car runs
What should it be desirable?
Distances...
A city for walking or running?
Size?
Small cities or sum of neighbourhoods
conference
Jacques LEVY
Lausanne
Jacques Lévy est professeur ordinaire
de géographie et d’urbanisme à l’École
polytechnique fédérale de Lausanne.
Il y dirige le Laboratoire Chôros.
Ses centres d’intérêts principaux sont la
théorie de l’espace des sociétés, notamment
au travers de la géographie du politique, des
villes et de l’urbanité, de l’Europe et de la
mondialisation. Il s’intéresse à l’épistémologie
et aux méthodes des sciences sociales, avec
une attention particulière pour la
cartographie et la modélisation.
Il travaille à l’introduction des langages non-verbaux, notamment audiovisuels à tous les niveaux de la recherche. Il a réalisé en 2013 un long métrage,
Urbanité/s, qui se veut un manifeste pour le film scientifique.
Il a été chercheur au CNRS (1984-1993), professeur à l’Institut d’études
politiques de Paris (1989-2007) et professeur à l’Université de Reims (1993-2004).
Il est professeur invité à New York (NYU), Los Angeles (UCLA), Naples
(IUO), São Paulo (USP), Mexico (Cátedra Reclus), Sydney (Macquarie
University) et Bergame, fellow au Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin (2003-2004).
Il est codirecteur de la revue de sciences sociales en accès libre
spacesTemps.net. Il codirige la collection L’espace en société aux Presses
polytechniques et universitaires romandes.
Il est conseiller scientifique de la revue Pouvoirs Locaux. Il est membre du
jury du Grand Prix international de l’Urbanisme (Paris).
Il collabore avec plusieurs journaux et chaines de radio et de télévision en
France et en Suisse.
Il a publié en français, en anglais, en italien, en allemand, en espagnol, en
portugais, en russe et en hongrois.
intervenant
Après l’urbanisation, l’urbanisme.
Coproduire l’urbanité dans un monde
totalement urbanisé
Les réflexions sur « la ville qui rétrécit » portent souvent sur des cas
spécifiques (crise industrielle, effondrement d’États, déficits démographiques),
peu représentatifs du monde urbain contemporain. Par ailleurs, la perspective
plus générale de la « décroissance » présente des faiblesses intellectuelles et
des risques politiques qui en affaiblissent la portée. Cependant, ces approches
posent, indirectement, une question stimulante: qu’en est-il de l’urbanisme
lorsque l’urbanisation absolue (le « remplissage » de villes à partir de la nonville) est achevée? Ce n’est pas un problème académique, puisque, en effet,
le Monde se dirige à tout vitesse vers l’accomplissement total de ce type
d’urbanisation.
Désormais, l’urbanisme ne pourra plus être pensé comme production
réactive, fondamentalement technique, de bâti, mais comme agir volontaire
et complexe, partagé entre urbanistes et habitants, ajoutant la dimension de
l’expérience à celle du projet.
conference
Charline SOWA
Grenoble
Charline Sowa, doctorante en architecture, architecte-urbaniste.
Laboratoire Métiers de l’Histoire de l’Architecture, édifice-ville-territoire
(MHAevt)
structure : ENSA Grenoble / Université Grenoble-Alpes
Architecte-urbaniste de formation, Charline Sowa réalise depuis janvier
2013 un doctorat en Architecture au sein du laboratoire MHAevt (Université
Grenoble-Alpes/ENSAG) après avoir excercé en agences d’architecture et
d’urbanisme en France et à l’international.
La recherche se porte sur la pratique du projet architectural et urbain
dans les villes en décroissance pour réinterroger le rôle de l’architecte face
aux nouveaux enjeux urbains de ce début du XXIe siècle. Ce travail est permis
grâce à un contrat doctoral du Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication
(France) et à une bourse de mobilité, Explora’Doc, de la région Rhône-Alpes.
En parallèle, elle enseigne à l’ENSA Grenoble (France).
intervenant
La shrinking city a-t-elle une forme ?
Discussion autour du concept et de ses
spatialités.
Les concepts de décroissance urbaine et de shrinking city (traduit
en français par ville décroissante et ville rétrécissante) sont aujourd'hui
largement débattus dans les recherches en sciences humaines (géographie,
aménagement du territoire, urbanisme, économie, sociologie, sciences
politiques, etc.). De ces débats ont émergé plusieurs définitions laissant
une marge de manoeuvre large dans l’interprétation de ces concepts, mais
les chercheurs s'accordent tous autour d’un indicateur commun : le déclin
démographique. Nous pouvons également constater que les définitions
proposées sont d’ordre quantitative plus que qualitative. En effet, il y a une
absence d’indicateurs concernant les spatialités du processus alors que
pourtant, ce sont des aspects qui peuvent marquer profondément le paysage
urbain (ex. : bâtis, parcelles et espaces publics abandonnés) et sur lesquels
travaillent l’architecte, l’urbaniste ou encore le paysagiste.
Dans le cadre de ce séminaire, notre communication visera à ouvrir
le débat sur la place des indicateurs spatiaux dans les concepts et leurs
définitions. Nous mettrons, en parallèle des définitions actuelles, les termes
utilisés pour décrire les phénomènes spatiaux liés à la décroissance urbaine
qui illustrent aussi bien un changement de statut des sols (ruralisation,
désurbanisation, etc.) qu’une nouvelle forme urbaine (ville réduite, ville
perforée, donuts, etc.). Nous montrerons ces phénomènes spontanés de
reconfiguration de l’espace urbain à travers différents cas à différentes
périodes de l’Histoire. Ceci nous permettra de faire le lien avec les questions
aujourd’hui posées sur les territoires impactés par la décroissance, leur
maîtrise du processus et leurs capacités d’explorer de nouveaux modèles
urbains.
conference
Mark MICHAELI
Munich
Architect (dipl.arch ETH, ETH Zurich).
Chair for Sustainable Urbanism TU
München (Full Professor), since 2010.
Visiting lecturer at University of St.Gallen, since 2009. 2001-2010 Lecturer
at ETH Zurich. 2009-2011 SEC Scientific Coordinator, Future Cities Laboratory,
Singapore.
Publications on topology of urban structures, shrinkage and demografic
change, urban metropolitan regions and strategies for urban and rural regions.
Contribution to international research programmes like Netzstadt,
Zwischenstadt, Urban Switzerland 2050 and Climate Change, Open City, Urban
Age and conception of european research initiatives like KIC Climate Change
and horizon2020.
He is advisor to governmental agencies, scientific advisor to universities
and national research agencies, german academy of urban and spatial
planning, academy of rural space (presidency). Since 1995 practise in urban
design and architecture (since 2008 based in Zurich).
Main fields of research: Sustainable Urbanisation and Transformation
Strategies and Designs for the Metropolitan Peripheries. Urban Regional
Integration of Large-scale Infrastructures. Conversion and Cultivation
Strategies. Long-term Tools for Urban Reconstruction, Transfromation
Strategies. Urbanism of the Hinterlands, Infrastructure Urbanism.
Redevelopment of Rural Areas, Peripheral Spaces and Pericentralities
More information: http://www.land.ar.tum.de/index.php?page_id=62
intervenant
Exploring sustainability strategies for
the metropolis and its hinterland.
Shrinkage a task for research and education
Challenge:
A fundamental transformation of planned and unplanned forms of
urbanisation processes has been observed in recent years. In widely diverse
areas, an urban landscape has emerged, revealing forms decisively different
from any seen before. Today’s complex polycentric urban regions functionally
and spatially stretch from metropolitan suburbia and their infrastructures far
into rural or alpine areas. The peripheral elements of these functional systems
are of particular interest. While some hub cities worldwide are trying to respond
to global and local challenges, their surrounding regions, historically their
functional hinterlands are increasingly under threat.
Certainly:
Massive investments have been poured into e.g. infrastructural projects
in the past, connecting the peripheries better to the centralities in the system.
But only a few regions with specific locational advantages (e.g. for tourism)
were able to ward-off demographic challenges and population decline, as no
strategies and business cases for the management of structural shrinkage or
stagnation has been developed yet.
It seems essential today to intelligently question and reintegrate urban
and rural local economies and to reconstruct regional expertise necessary for
rebuilding efficient, resilient and more sustainable villages, cities and regions.
The socioeconomic and spatial transformation processes arising from this
situation can be seen as an opportunity to upgrade long neglected or low-value
urban structures and move towards a quality development of the urban and the
surrounding landscapes.
conference
Particularly in demand in shrinking and stagnating areas are urban and
landscape reconstruction and operating strategies and designs that enable a
new balance between the physical space and active participants to be involved
in the transformational process and develop ideas for urban reconstruction
from the resources available. Such strategies building on specific local talents
and opportunities are considered “sustainable” or “resilient”, since they initiate
a (daily) socio-economic process that is able to sustain itself.
Which operative urban resources are available for initiating a
transformation process in the given urban situation, especially in stagnating or
shrinking environments?
How can they be activated and deployed in the redevelopment processes
and within a strategic planning process?
Which particular spatial constellations (typology and topology) can be
identified as conditions conducive to urban quality?
Which urban designs and strategies can intelligently inform development
and transformation processes?
The lecture presents and discusses exemplary references identified in
research and teaching at TUM and also gives insight into a number of projects
developed at the institute, proposing practical answers to these questions for
how the problem can be grasped and the challenges be dealt with, and: in how
far, we as architects and urban designers/planners can contribute to the debate
with our specific ability of envisioning and designing space.
conference
Eric Alonzo
Paris
Éric Alonzo est architecte DPLG et docteur en architecture.
À l'École d'architecture de la ville & des territoires à Marne-la-Vallée,
il dirige avec Frédéric Bonnet un post-master en urban design – le DSA
d'architecte-urbaniste – et dispense, en dernière année de licence, un cours
magistral sur l'histoire des infrastructures.
Il est membre de l'Observatoire de la condition suburbaine où duquel il
assure, avec Sébastien Marot, la direction éditoriale de Marnes, documents
d'architecture.
Après avoir fait paraître un ouvrage sur la généalogie du rond-point
(2005), il prépare actuellement par la publication de sa thèse consacrée à «
L'Architecture de la voie ».
Par ailleurs, il dispense le cours d'histoire des espaces publics à l'École
nationale des travaux publics de l’État et intervient régulièrement à l'École
nationale de la nature et paysage de Blois ainsi que dans la formation des
architectes-urbanistes de l'État (École des Ponts ParisTech / École de Chaillot).
En 2008 et 2009, il fut chargé de mission au ministère de la Culture, au sein
du Bureau de la recherche architecturale, urbaine et paysagère, au sein de la
cellule scientifique opérationnelle de la consultation internationale du Grand
Paris.
intervenant
L’avenir piranésien
des shrinking cities
Les grandes infrastructures de transports passent, à juste titre, pour les
emblèmes de la croissance urbaine triomphante des trente glorieuses. La
condamnation virulente à l’encontre de la présence excessive de l’automobile
en ville va aujourd’hui jusqu’à susciter la destruction ou l’enfouissement de
certaines autoroutes urbaines. La réalisation de ces chantiers titanesques
d’effacement est rendue possible par une certaine abondance financière.
De même, seule une dynamique de croissance permet encore de dilapider
l’énergie grise contenue dans ces ouvrages massifs.
Dans les shrinking city et les territoires décroissants, cette doctrine serait
donc inopérante. À l’inverse, il est même fort probable que ces infrastructures
d’un autre âge perdurent et deviennent des monuments du paysage de la
déconcentration. Au fur et à mesure de la dissolution de leur fonction initiale,
elles acquerront paradoxalement une présence matérielle accrue, à l’instar des
aqueducs antiques ruinés qui hantaient la Rome de Piranèse ; ceux-là mêmes
qui avaient servi, au XVIIIe siècle, la régénération de la théorie architecturale.
Aujourd’hui, une manière de projeter la décroissance serait ainsi
d’envisager la reconversion des infrastructures urbaines au moyen de
transformations minimales, suivant les perspectives ouvertes par Kevin Lynch
qui s’interrogeait dans son livre posthume : « What can be done with freeways
after the automobile age ? ».
conference
Angelus Eisinger
Zürich / Hambourg
Professeur, Docteur, 1964
Aménagement et Urbanisme historiens , professeur d’ urbanisme et de
développement régional de l’Université du Liechtenstein , professeur ETH
Zurich . Engagé dans la recherche , l’enseignement et les publications ayant
des problèmes d’architectes plus jeunes , le développement urbain et spatial .
Consultance et le concept de travail dans les compétitions de la planification et
des études de planification.
Fields of interest: contextual analysis of urban planning
Since 2013 Director of the RZU (Regional planning of Zurich and its
surroundings
2008-2013 Professor for metropolitan history and culture at the HafenCity
University in Hamburg
2003-2008 Professor for Urban and regional planning at the Hochschule
Liechtenstein
2002 Habilitation at the ETH
2010-1995 Lecturer at the Department for Architecture at the ETH
Various books on urban planning issues. Consultant in urban design and
planning projects. Scientific expert for the Swiss Pavillon at the Biennale in
Venecia 2010.
intervenant
Urban crisis as laboratory for
fundamental innovations in planning
Shrinking contexts make drastically aware of the blind spots and dead ends
of conventional urban planning. At the same time as recent experience shows
they work as a fascinating laboratory for surprising approaches to planning
issues.
The talk is based on an international survey on recent innovative urban
planning developments in Europe organized by the RZU. It produced a broad
range of projects in urban design, public space, landscape planning and
urban development projects that were able to establish novel trajectories of
transformations in their specific contexts.
Thorough comparative analyses of these successful planning approaches
provide empirically based insights into the multilayered prerequisites urban
planning has to address in order to influence urban change.
conference
Michael Jakob
GENEVE
hepia jointmaster of architecture
Michael Jakob enseigne la théorie et l’histoire du paysage à hepia, Genève
et il est professeur invité au GSD de la Harvard University.
Sa recherche porte principalement sur le paysage, l’esthétique,
l’architecture et la perception.
Il est le fondateur et le directeur de la revue internationale Compar(a)ison
ainsi que des collections “Paysage” (Infolio Editions) et “di monte in monte”
(Tarara’ Edizioni).
Parmi ses publications les plus récentes:
Le Paysage, Infolio, Gollion 2008.
Le jardin et les arts, Infolio, Gollion 2009.
100 Paysages, Infolio, Gollion 2011.
Mirei Shigemori, Tarara’, Verbania 2012.
Asp Landschaftsarchitekten, Infolio, Gollion 2012.
The swiss touch in landscape architecture, Tarara’, Verbania 2013.
intervenant
La "ville rétrécissante" :
un nouvel enjeu de la pensée
architecturale contemporaine
Par Charline Sowa
Formé et habitué à penser le projet dans un contexte en croissance,
l'architecte se retrouve pourtant de plus en plus face au processus inverse
: la décroissance urbaine (ou rétrécissement urbain), plus connue sous le
terme anglophone d'urban shrinkage. En effet, un très grande nombre de villes
(ex. : Detroit, Saint-Etienne, Gênes, Leipzig), voire des régions entières (ex.:
l'Allemagne de l'Est, la Roumanie, le Japon), connaissent ce processus.
Les causes sont multiples et complexes, mais les indicateurs de cet état
sont identiques partout : une décroissance démographique plus ou moins
intense (taux / durée), qui accompagne très souvent un déclin économique,
politique, ou social. L'impact spatial n'est pas à oublier et devient l'un des
indicateurs les plus perceptibles par l'homme au quotidien. On voit s'opérer un
processus d'évidement spatial, de perforation urbaine à grande échelle par le
départ des hommes et des activités.
La décroissance urbaine, considérée plus comme un maux de la ville par la
société que comme un processus d'évolution naturel, a pourtant marqué toutes
les grandes périodes historiques mais sa présence est sans précédent depuis
la seconde moitié du XXe siècle.
A partir des années 1970, de nombreux de travaux ont été réalisés sur le
sujet par des équipes pluridisciplinaires et internationales, mais l'attrait par
les architectes est encore émergent. Il a été facilité en parti par la publication
d'ouvrages et la réalisation d'une exposition en 2006 par le groupement
international Shrinking Cities coordonné par l'architecte allemand Philipp
Oswalt.
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Face aux enjeux actuels sur la fabrication de la ville en ce début du XXIe
siècle, porter un attention particulière au territoires en décroissance, ces
contextes extrêmes au devenir incertain, permettrait d'enrichir les débats et de
s'interroger sur notre pratique d'architecte aujourd'hui. Cette condition nous
implique de repenser nos savoirs, nos méthodes de travail, et nos outils de
projet.
L'observation précise de ces territoires décroissants par l'architecte
devient nécessaire et son regard spécifique permettrait d'apporter de nouvelles
connaissances.
A partir de l'hypothèse que penser les villes rétrécissantes serait à l'origine
de l'élaboration de nouvelles pensées architecturales (nouveaux langages
architecturaux, typologies et formes urbaines) et de nouvelles formes d'habiter
les territoires par l'homme (spatiale et temporelle / mode de vie / adaptabilité),
une étude comparative de projets urbains en territoires décroissants sera
réalisée.
Les projets choisis, théoriques comme réalisés, se trouveront dans des
tissus urbains différents (centre-urbain, pavillonaire, bourg rural) pour montrer
la diversité des terrains auxquels nous pouvons être confrontés et révélant les
friches de demain.
En parallèle de l'étude de cas français (Saint-Etienne, Livradois-Forez),
nous observerons d'autres expériences dans deux contextes étrangers,
précurseurs en termes d'initiatives locales et de politiques urbaines :
l'Allemagne (Halle-Neusdat, Dessau) et les États-Unis (Detroit). Une série
d'entretiens d'architectes viendra alimenter le discours
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Inert Cities
Globalization, Mobility and Suspension in
Visual Culture
Edited by Stephanie Hemelryk Donald and Christoph Lindner
A Collection of Abandoned Cities and
Suburbias
The term ‘ghost town’ conjures haunting images of abandoned buildings from
another era, empty streets and personal possessions that never began. From the Unites
States to China, these images capture the eery reminder of a possible future (or past
civilisation) abruptly ended. Their abandonments have occurred through various means
of natural or manmade disasters, war, economic or financial loss, a failing industry or
inadequate planning.
Mojave Desert City, located in California:
The 1950s and 1960s represents an ambitious era for developers. In 1958 developer,
Nat Mendelsohn purchased 80,000 acres (320 sq km) of land in the Mojave Desert.
Today, the Majave Desert City is an empty mirage of suburbia; a “failed utopia” that
was intended to rival Los Angeles.
Mendelsohn designed, developed and named a vast network of streets to support a
city to rival Los Angeles. Mendelsohn’s dream faded quickly and though California City
is the third-largest city by area in California, it is home to just 14,000 people who live in
the south west corner of the city. Soon it may no longer be a ghost town, Atlasobscura
notes it is currently the 12th fastest growing city in California.
Lehigh Acres, located in Florida:
Lehigh Acres also began in the 1950s and remained empty until the housing boom
hit Florida. Lehigh Acres was founded in 1958 when Chicago businessman Lee Ratner
needed a tax shelter. He had sold his pest control business, and he faced the possibility
of losing most of his earnings to high capital gain tax.
Ratner bought and began developing 18,000 acres (73 km²) in Florida. Lehigh
Acres boomed in 2003 but crashed once again by 2007. 90% of Lehigh Acres remains
vacant, many of the homes are foreclosed and sit empty or incomplete. In 2011 Lehigh
Acres was named one of the “World’s Eeriest Abandoned Places” by Travel + Leisure
magazine.
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Environa, located in Australia:
The city of broken dreams is not just an American phenomena. Established in 1924,
Environa located in NSW, Australia was the vision of Henry Ferdinand Halloran.
A stone entry arch was constructed as well as roads, ornamental pillars and
bandstands, but the Great Depression put the awaiting city indefinitely on hold. No
housing plots were ever sold.
Pripyat, located in Ukraine:
The above cities capture economic failure, Pripyat however, captures evacuation
through man-made disaster. Pripyat was established in 1970 however in 1986 an
explosion from the Chernobyl nuclear power station released large quantities of
radioactive particles into the atmosphere. From 1986 to 2000 over 350,400 residents
were evacuated and resettled, a new city called Slavutich was constructed specifically
to replace and rehouse many residents.
During the accident 31 people died while the long-term effects of cancers and
deformities are still being accounted for. Residents took nothing and so the city to this
day remains frozen, capturing the moment in time when tragedy stuck.
Sewell, located in Chile:
Cities throughout history have also been established for industry and may
subsequently become abandoned when that industry dies out, the most common are
mining cities that are evacuated when the mine is exhausted of resources. Sewell,
located in Chile perches on a peak in the Andes Mountains. Nicknamed “The City of
Stairs,” the layout was inaccessible by vehicle.
The town containing houses, hospitals, service departments, playgrounds, plazas,
shops and social venues was founded in 1904. By 1920 15,000 residents occupied
Sewell, by 1977 most residents had evacuated and large parts of the town were
demolished. In 1998 the Chilean Government declared Sewell a National Monument.
The UNESCO designated it a World Heritage Site in 2006. Today remaining buildings are
filled with sand.
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Villa Epecuen, located in Argentina:
Other towns vanish through natural climatic conditions, the Villa Epecuén was a
tourist village located in the Buenos Aires Province of Argentina. The town was built on
the shores of Lago Epecuén, a lake with salt levels 10 times higher than the ocean and
was well known for its therapeutic power.
To support the demand of tourism, Villa Epecuén reached a permanent population of
5,000 in 1970. In 1985 a long lasting wet weather condition caused an enormous volume
of water to instantly submerge the town under 1.2 meters of water, over the years to
follow the town became fully submerged under 10 metres of salty ocean water. In 2009,
the water began to recede. Today the city is covered in salt and has a lonely population
of 1; 81-year-old Pablo Novak
Kowloon Walled City, located in China:
Other cities remain perpetually incomplete. The Kowloon Walled City was a densely
populated, largely ungoverned settlement in New Kowloon, Hong Kong. The history
of the city can be traced back to the Song Dynasty (960–1279), when an outpost was
established to protect against pirates. By 1987 the city had a dense population of 33,000
residents.
Over time the city became the most dense city in the world and degraded into a
“city of sin”, devoid of government or law. Floors were constructed on top of buildings
until they reached over ten stories, and residents created a labyrinth of stairs and
walkways above the street that enabled them to travel from one end of the city to the
other without ever touching ground. Eventually, natural light could not penetrate street
level. The city was demolished and replaced with a park in 1993.
Burning Man; the temporary “Black Rock City”,
located in the Nevada Desert:
Imagine a city with a population of 70,000 in the middle of the Nevada desert that is
assembled and dissembled within a week, only to be reassembled the following year.
Burning Man is truly a perpetually unfinished city, though many designers regard it as a
paradigm for urban planning.
The “Black Rock City” is organised in concentric circles, which are renamed each
year in alphabetical order. These rings are bisected by radials that align with the
numbers on a clock, making it simple to explain your location.
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The Phantom City, located in New York:
Ironically, when you google the term “unfinished cities,” many of the resulting sites
discuss New York City. How could such a thriving metropolis feel unfinished? The
Museum of the Phantom City app for the iPhone depicts “the city that never was but
could have been,” according to co-founder Irene Cheng, sort of an alternate future.
Linda Bennett – archi-ninja founder and author
http://www.archi-ninja.com/unfinished-cities-learning-from-failure/
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NETZSTADT – THRESHOLD AND
DYNAMIC SCALE
Anssi JOUTSINIEMI Senior Lecturer
Institute of Urban Planning and Design
Department of Architecture Tampere University of Technology P.O.BOX 600
33101 Tampere
Finland
E-mail: [email protected]
Mark MICHAELI Assistant Professor and Lecturer
Institute for Urban Design, Network City and Landscape
ETH Zürich CH-8093 Zürich Switzerland
E-mail: [email protected]
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1 INTRODUCTION
Scale is probably one of the first concepts that students of architecture
are faced with at the beginning of their studies. Yet it remains implicitly defined
and the use various scales are adopted mostly via the practical learning period.
Working with maps becomes almost unconsciously executed, and it is easy to
forget how maps in fact eliminate a whole bunch of details in a straightforward
manner. Adopting John Holland’s idea (1998), maps are considered among
the earliest model-artefacts in human history. This brings into the front stage
the essential characteristic of modelling: to talk about model is to talk about
reduction. But when discussing on models the reduction itself is neither
good nor bad, it just is the inescapable nature of it. Otherwise it would be just
reflecting the idea of Jorge Luis Borges; the most accurate map is the target
itself. The downside of this extreme accuracy is that it would loose most of the
characteristics that in maps are found useful in a first place.
When speaking of planning and urban design, which are after all authors’
professional targets, we can hardly avoid questions concerning maps and
modelling in general. This brings us into several interrelated concepts that
are unavoidable when dealing with issues of planning and which are adopted
simultaneously with the predefined scales and practices.
Maps are among the first models to be used in planning practice. Maps
could be defined more precisely as scale models. In maps the reduction is done
in a particular manner that binds the issue of scale into first related concept
relevant to our paper. That is the concept of threshold. When focusing on maps,
the threshold can be further defined as a perceptual threshold that in ordinary
maps lies around 1 mm. This simply means that the size of a map determines
the minimal size of features that can be presented in map. More broadly
speaking the maps can be considered as simple spatial statistics that define the
reference framework for a particular purpose.
For any kind of statistic data acquisition the scale functioning as a
reference framework is of utmost importance. Geographical Information System
(GIS) applications have made selection and definition of reference parameters
(partially) more dynamic. However, the definition of reference scales on the
base of collected data could be achieved only to a very limited extent, by the
introduction of auxiliary means such as distribution definition, distance or
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1
accumulation threshold .
Obviously some of the features that need to be present in a map lie beyond
the threshold and need to be exaggerated for a particular purpose. A statue
or a piece of artwork may be such an emphasized feature or even the entire
road structure in for example in road maps. The effect of this basic reduction
for urban analysis is nearly avoided in preliminary work of Netzstadt method by
working with aerial photographs. Yet there remains an implicit threshold that
defines the interpretation of photographs. What features are included and what
are the excluded parts for territorial definitions? In that sense the threshold
is not pretended to be avoided, but instead used as a creative part in defining
the interpretation of existing urban structure. The structure that in many
ways is very different from the structure that has been established in ordinary
cartographical symbols.
It is argued by Oswald and Baccini (2003) that the knowledge of the borders
and context, i.e. the reference territory, is necessary to analyze the nodal fields
of an urban system and thus make potential centralities or edge situations
identifiable in complex structures like urban agglomerations. On the base of
complementary morphological and physiological analysis, the Netzstadt model
consequentially qualifies nodes and links, borders and scales as key elements
of the urban network. They are represented by the architecture of the territory.
On the basis of the distinct set of indicators of the Netzstadt method,
territories are analyzed and translated into an abstract model, which makes it
possible to identify and evaluate the elements of the net. In terms of targeted
strategies a structural analysis of the system context and key data is followed
by an abstraction of the characteristics of the complex system into an adapted
model setup, which does not ignore important information about structural
layout of urban form.
A reversed approach starting from the identification of the elements of
the net, which could be able to define the perimeter of the associated territory
and by that the nodal field in an unambiguous manner is not yet available. This
approach is based and justified on insight that nodal fields of higher scale
1e.g. see definition of “settlement territory” in French (Frankhauser 2004) or Finnish (Huhdanmaki
et al. 1998) land survey. Both define agglomeration as a group of buildings that don’t exceed a maximum
distance of 200 metres between neighbouring units.
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levels could not be represented (simplified) by the sum of the nodal fields on
lower scale levels due to the disregard of emerging characteristics as a typical
feature of complex systems.
The aim of this paper is to illustrate how these implicit characteristics of
scale, threshold and hierarchy affect to entire planning practice and discuss the
alternative modelling approaches to overcome this shortage.
< Figure 1 :
Example of nodal fields on regional, communal scale level, Swiss Lowlands (Wiggerstadt region).
Zoom in to nodal fields of lower scale hierarchies is indicated by darker shading. (from: Oswald
and Baccini, Netzstadt, 2003)
2 SCALES OF PLANNING
In the European countries various models of organizational principles of
planning institutions are in use. The aim of this paper cannot be to discuss the
specific characteristics of each planning system into detail, although some
general statements on principle agreements and differences in these systems
are unavoidable. The observations of resulting procedures and products in
the form of urban projects could shed light on the meaning of hierarchies and
scales in the various approaches to planning as a discipline.
As a matter of principle the organizational structure of the planning
apparatus follows the general administrative structure of the state. Hence, it
is not surprising that planning authorities in federative states are structured
differently when compared to the way they are organized in established
centralized systems. The ratio of top-down- to bottom-up-activities differs
noticeably, even though that does not mean that subsidiary organized systems
also make use of classic centralistic planning instruments and vice versa.
The fragmentation into various levels of planning competences demands
a distinct border established between several administrative authorities or
planning institutions on the one hand and a set of comparable procedures
of survey and controlling of planning activities on the other. Only via this
division into multiple parts, the planning system is capable of acting within
their assigned competences and in bilateral agreements with other planning
institutions on the same hierarchy (Sieverts et al 2005). In countries which lack
of this harmonization of instruments or competence (e.g. Switzerland on the
regional (cantonal) scale) collective planning processes supported by multiple
planning entities are marginal phenomena.
Challenged by this need of simplification most of the administrative units
(states, departments, cantons, communities, etc.) established competence and
financing of planning tree-shaped organization principles. By this standardized
means easy applicable procedures and compensation mechanisms could be
enforced which controls an egalitarian distribution of urban equipment and
infrastructure.
At the same time the dwindling significance of public planning authorities
with the increasing influence of particular stakeholders to planning processes
unwanted consequences are encountered. Especially in the developing
metropolitan regions in Europe the planning system seems to loose its capacity
to act, since it does not reflect the needs of actual planning tasks in its
structures and by this it is forced into a certain paralysis.
3 CENTRAL PLACE THEORY
The traditional division of planning tasks into separate scales (national,
regional, municipal, local) is reflecting this kind of crisp, predefined hierarchy.
The scales on the other hand are more or less arbitrary. From the dawn of
the central place theory it is known that there is a great interdependence
between scales of urban clusters – large means few. The simple models
based on economics of scale are capable of explaining these hierarchies.
Hierarchy and scale are concepts that are in fact convoluted in such a way, that
implementations tend to circularly reflect original prejudices. When stepping
out from this predefined activity-based hierarchy, that have become a normative
planning principle, the reasoning has to be found elsewhere.
One of the most influential theories concerning the urban structure and
the underlying notion of most of the existing institutional systems in planning
in Middle and Central Europe is the central place theory introduced by Walter
Christaller (1933) and later refined by August Lösch (1954). The need to
harmonize the planning structures in the multitude of different administrative
structures inherited from the German Länder, which formed the German
Reich since 1871, was the motivation of Christaller. It led to the development
of a model which overrode the traditional administrative division of southern
Germany and was instead based on the existing physical structure of the urban
network. Thus the system of central places formed a useful base component
in the reorganized administrative structures in Germany, which controlled the
distribution of limited resources for the post-war reconstruction process and
the later expansion of the infrastructural networks.
The most striking feature of Christaller’s theory is the penetrating initiative
of strict hierarchy of a physical structure. The theory has a background in scale
economies and can be seen as a simple extension of market-area analysis.
(O’Sullivan 2000) A simple central place model can be derived from different
sized market areas of various industrial goods and the law of demand. The
model results three well recognized characteristics that we know from urban
economics and location theory. First notion derived from the simple economic
rules is that the overall structure creates high diversity and scale economics
centralities. Second notion is that large centres are rare in number. Third is that
agglomeration is divided into different scaled shopping paths.
Even with few relaxing assumptions for the theory of simple central
place model we get results that preserve the hierarchical formations that
largely resemble the real world urban agglomerations. The most convincing
empirical evidence of this penetrating hierarchy created by economic forces
is the rank-size rule of cities (also called Zipf’s law). Yet there are some quite
heavy assumptions in defining the border that is considered to be urban, more
important in issues for planning practise are faced when talking about the very
nature of this hierarchy.
4 EXPLAINING THE HIERARCHY
If the approaches in central place theory taken into the concept of
hierarchy vary from descriptive to normative, a slightly more prescriptive
approach has been taken by Batty and Longley, when they try to get a hold on
multiple scale levels of urban form. The writers argue that hierarchies “are
basic organizing devices for describing and measuring the importance of
urban functions across many spatial scales” (1994, 47). They reflect the idea of
urban agglomeration as nested systems described in the now modern classic
text of Brian Berry (1964). In contrary to strict, non-overlapping hierarchy, that
characterises the central place theory in regional level and which was also the
target of Alexander’s manuscript “A City is Not a Tree”, Batty and Longley (1994)
use the notion of scale explicitly to reveal the presumed hierarchy of urban
structure. These propositions seem to be found behind several of the most
recent studies of urban morphology.
There is already unarguably strong evidence that urban form retain
significant constancy in terms of space filling by size and scale. (Batty & Xie
1996, Frankhauser 2004, Humpert et al 2002) This geometric feature of selfsimilarity or self-affinity through the scales is popularly known as fractality.
The morphological property of fractality seems at first sight self-evidently refer
to multi-scalar processes that can be found behind central place theory and
urban economics. Yet by taking a more closer look some inconsistencies are
to be found. Despite the evident fractality of some urban formation, it remains
uncertain why not all the cities are fractal even though they can be described
on bases of similar formation conventions. The fractality itself is sufficient but
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not a necessary condition of hierarchy in the traditional sense and thus the
concept of hierarchy moves to centre stage.
In that sense the fractality seems to be an external morphological
description and incapable of explaining the hierarchy of some internal process.
Benguigui et al (2000) have in fact stated that the previous studies on fractality
actually only point in direction that the fractal growth has entered the game
only in some late stage of urban development. In that sense the evidence
collected on fractal urban form indeed requires a notion of ‘richer order within
a hierarchy’ as pointed out by Batty and Longley (1994). Moreover that is true
because even completely random, stochastic processes have a capability to
create fractality as well. (Kaye 1989)
With all these notions of hierarchy mentioned above one cannot really
differentiate whether existing urban hierarchies in urban form are the cause
or effect. The scale and hierarchy seems to be ‘the reverse side of the coin’.
For planning purposes that is crucial. All that can be concluded from these
various concepts of hierarchy is that there is some sort of continuous path
from‘smallness’ to ‘bigness’ with intermediate steps. What it doesn’t say is
where these sizes come from. Marshall has made an additional remark that it
is necessary to understand the hierarchy. It is not only a continuity of scales,
he creates a hierarchy, but how those scales are related in a particular way.
(Marshall 2005) The hierarchy creates complete continuity only through the
upper end of a scale and removing this part causes discontinuity that breaks the
hierarchy as a whole.
In this paper the hierarchy is understood as a specific relation that is
created via a particular centre, concentration, hub, node or what ever, this
serves as a reference entity for parts that do not exceed that level. However
the authors’ feel that there is great disperse of opinions in the field of planning
what really are the parts that actually form the hierarchy of urban structure. The
rupture that has emerged in hierarchy of traditional urban centres has in fact
made the hierarchy non-existent.
5 THE CONCEPT OF SCALES IN THE NETZSTADT MODEL
The identification of scale in the Netzstadt model is carried out on the base
of defined physiological and morphological indicators. While the morphological
indicators induce the hierarchy by morphologic analysis via the implicit notion
of scale, the physiological indicators are based on the explicit notion of
threshold that defines the hierarchy of the nodal structure.
Within the group of the four basic elements (nodes, connections, borders,
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scales) of the net in the Netzstadt method, the term “scale” is of particular
importance. The morphological and physiological indication of nodal fields
needs a clear definition of the scale level as reference parameter. By keeping
the general principles of the indicators for each scale level specific sets of
integrated subjects of analysis exist.
Although the general definition of the term “territory” is based on the
unambiguous classification of territorial types (simplified) of the Swiss
Topographic Survey, the Netzstadt method proclaims (on the background of
complex systems) the dissimilarity of the territorial types on the various scale
levels. Territorial types of a certain order can contain various territorial types of
inferior scale levels.
For the analysis of the infrastructural networks, this conclusion is of crucial
importance. Their structures, which evolved over generations, could not be
described in a sufficient way by only naming the group, category or typology,
to which the elements belong to. The administrative classifications were
developed to link certain technical characteristics, like capacity of each single
part of the network, but not to qualify the network as a whole.
The organizational principle of the configuration of accessibility network
does not represent the actual reality of the formal structure. On one hand the
natural growth of the cities contradict this tree-shaped hierarchical model,
since the urban development is driven by non-co-ordinated individual decisions
even in lower levels of hierarchy. On the other hand higher requirements
of redundancy (in the case of partial failure) of a network lead to manifold
branching and shortcuts in the net. Recent studies already elaborated on the
difference of model abstraction and planning reality (Michaeli 2004). However
the overlapping of scales does not lead to an indistinguishable homogenous
structure, but to one which is hard to grasp with the common perception of
“scale”.
Therefore the Netzstadt method reverses the idea of the scale level and
follows the morphological indication of the accessibility by the analyzing the
topological depth of node structure. This concept allows developing the idea of
dynamic scale, deriving from the specific configuration of the urban fabric.
The categories (catE) of accessibility suggested by Oswald and Baccini
(2003) do not refer to administrative or territorial scales, to which other tolls
of the methodology refer to as reference parameter. Rather an operation is
proposed, which starts from any point of the network, and from this perspective
is able to evaluate the extent of the specific frame of reference. This links the
structural characteristics of the net to a new definition of scale within the
methodology. The documented Netzstadt study by Oswald and Baccini does not
go further into detail of this relation.
6 HIERARCHY OF MOVEMENT
The morphological classification of infrastructural network implemented
in Netzstadt model only provides limited insights about the accessibility to the
network. This is because accessibility is not only regulated by the hierarchy
of the last connecting branch, but is highly dependant of configuration of the
whole of the network. The predominant majority of the entities connected to the
urban networks are of local scale nature, while at the same time also regional
activities fluxes can emanate from these elements.
To make a sufficient description of the position and context in the network,
all possible connections (starting from any point within the network) should be
evaluated to a topological depth, which could be identified on each scale by a
characteristic path length. Though the single information for each path does
not seem to be very productive, the superposition of the collected data could
provide useful information on concentration and clustering of scale-related
types of linkage and connection. Thus by indication of accessibility the nodal
fields of specific scale levels could be identified.
To understand the relation to movement patterns a short note on the
different nature of general typologies of infrastructural networks should be
added. In terms of configuration, networks which provide a constant and
continuous supply of goods, in which the user decides for usage frequency,
duration or intensity (in which the physiology is mainly based on the individual
demand), e.g. water supply, telecommunication networks, individual traffic,
etc., differ dramatically from others which provide a service on the basis of a
set frequency or only within specified time-spans, like public transport systems,
educative programs (schools) or distribution systems such as mail service, etc.
In a hierarchically differentiated net both types map to fundamentally dissimilar
organizational principles, scales and patterns.
By empirically testing these namely configurational properties that an
urban flow network can make available, we intend to show that the hierarchy
of street and road classifications and design principles have lead to new kinds
of collective dynamics determined by the structure itself. The road structure
defines a new centrality phenomenon that can be expressed with indicators of
topological depth.
(...)
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9 SOME EMPIRICAL TESTS
Focussing on only one type of network, for example the one which
represents individual traffic, one can observe, that by modifying the typical
path length (and by that the scale level), the nodal fields, which indicate areas
of concentration and densification start to relocate in the network. This can be
stated as topological characteristics of these kinds of networks. In the majority
of cases the biggest movements can be found at medium range characteristic
path lengths, which mark the transition from local or communal to regional
scale. It seems that the configuration of the nodes of various scales alter in an
identical physical form of the network.
Further it is of interest, that the concentrations on inferior scale levels
could not be found self-evidently in the larger scales, nor can they be identified
as parts of bigger nodes. In the multiplicity of various coexisting networks with
custom characteristics this leads to a multiple of overlapping scales that are
very difficult to handle in hierarchical planning apparatus, as it is organized in
many European countries.
To avoid inaccuracies in the analysis an almost continuous and fine
graduation of the values of characteristic path lengths was tested. By
comparing various case studies the general observations on topological
behaviour of the observations could be proved. The comparison of these
case studies also showed, that a universally applicable absolute value for
the characteristic path length could not be set, since it is highly dependent of
the metric extent of the network and its meshes. Therefore, the small meshed
network of the metropolitan regions could not be compared to rural networks
or other typologies of networks. Further research on the topology and metric of
these networks should be done to define suitable thresholds.
The analyses shown in Figures 2 and 3 follow the general pattern of
previous analyses done in Helsinki metropolitan region by Joutsiniemi (2002).
Different modes of transport seem to benefit from different kinds of topological
centrality radii and the accessibility landscape differentiates accordingly. This
is especially clear in the Tampere case where the dendric structures of local
residential areas are highlighted in small radius of analysis. The areas suitable
for more traditional activities are shown at intermediate level and large scale
retailing and logistic activities as the centres of the most global radius.
10 DISCUSSION
The hierarchy and scales in Netzstadt model are interrelated via
morphological and physiological indicators. Even though it seems not to be
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the original meaning of indicators by Oswald and Baccini (2003), the indicator
structure seems complex enough to re-evaluate the elementary concepts
of Netzstadt model. For this it is important to realise how the hierarchies are
created through these indicators. The used physiological indicators are based
on the explicit notion of threshold that defines the ‘bigness’ of nodal structure
- the hierarchy that is. On the other hand in morphological side the hierarchy is
introduced via explicit notion of scales that also define quantifiable differences
for various locations.
By implementing the arbitrary scale concept used for example in analysis
of fractality it is possible to explore distribution of urban indicators across the
scales. The traditionally fractality measures are used for Boolean property of
occupied/unoccupied land-use with arbitrary cellular metrics. (Frankhauser
2004) On the other hand by changing the metrics from crow-fly distances to
cumulative accessibility or pure topological distances alternative regularities
of structure are found. What counts is the scale of reference that is relevant
for indicator in terms of configuration and phenomenon correspondence. In
Netzstadt model of Oswald and Baccini this scale of reference was set for an
upper level node. The analysis in this paper suggests that there is a need to
ease the scalar requirements of a node definition.
Via this redefinition scale becomes a reference framework for a
phenomenal threshold to be used by the side of indicators. Morphological
analysis is performed by utilizing the dynamic reference frameworks of various
phenomena and becomes building blocks of a nodal structure. Through the
access graph as it is shown in this paper or it can be built from other measures
of technical neighbourhood of morphological units.
The indicators are only dealing with different morphological units very
much similar way they are implemented in the original model scheme. Buildings
are the units of granularity index, plots those of shredding index, and road
segments of accessibility accordingly.1 The depth or the size or reference
framework only differs from one indicator to another and is based on relevance
defined by the dynamic scale.
From the four basic elements of Netzstadt the concept of a node seems
to be the most fundamental. It can be seen as a first level aggregate that is
created according to specific framework that the planners are only for the
sake of convenience called the scale. We claim that by combining explicit
1 In fact a single morphological unit may be nearly anything from the more traditional morphological
entities discussed in here to routes (i.e. ‘arteries of motor-based movement’) suggested by Stephen
Marshall (2005) or to axial line (i.e. ‘episodes of pedestrian movement’) and convex urban space (i.e.
‘rooms of control’) used in Space Syntax.
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concepts of connections and scale it s possible to simplify the model structure
significantly. Moving them into implicit properties of indicators (as it is done
when introducing the indicator of topological depth) it is possible to build node
fields in an analytical way and come up with unbiased model where modeller’s
prejudices are not reflected in the modelling result.
11 CONCLUSIONS
As an addition to and beyond the classical rating of location qualities,
the proposed technique place emphasis on the dynamic evaluation of net
structures. By the assessment of the existing urban structure the topological
qualities of determined locations in the various specific scale levels are
evaluated. Recent studies by Joutsiniemi (2002) have shown that urban
interventions driven by corporate stakeholders often make use of analogue
procedures, to confirm the locations of e.g. stores or logistics hubs in the
network, formed by the accessibility to the clients or potential customers.
The planning authorities could benefit from the proposed methodology,
since it should provide an indication of optimization potential inherent to the
existing structure. This is of relevant importance, since we have to face the
situation, where we have to deal with a diminishing budget to be invested in
the qualification or maintenance of the infrastructural network by the public
authorities. Even worse, observable processes of stagnation and shrinkage of
urban population in some agglomerations already make it necessary to discuss
the conservation or even the deconstruction of obsolete infrastructure which
can no longer be maintained.
Admittedly the proposed approach, as the actual built urban structure
does (especially in polycentric metropolitan agglomerations), diverge from the
typical layout pattern of planning authorities’ competences. First, the identified
perimeters rather frequently cross the borders of existing legislative units
and second, there is a differentiated hierarchy of competence handling each
class of elements of the network. In the past, local and regional authorities
(featured with a high grade of autonomy, but limited to their competence),
have tried to marginalize planning phenomena, which could not be influenced
by them. On that account a plenitude of unnecessary, inefficient and
redundant infrastructural equipment accrued. A second spatial effect was the
concentration of essential, but undesirable infrastructural construction along
the edge of the administrative units, which lead to a belt of undefined, shabby
space, lacking urban as well as landscape qualities. These spaces hinder the
overcoming of the borders and thus the better interconnection in between two
or more units. On the other hand these areas, yet carelessly handled provide
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new opportunities for the planning, which should be made available for a future
development.
Grasping these options some local authorities have started to gather in
regional pressure groups regulated by bi- or multilateral contracts, without
having yet developed means to discover the potential of the urban structure
beyond administrative classification. By referring to the specific existing
structure the submitted tools could either help to find solutions, which are
reconcilable or even better, detect opportunities to strengthen the network
functionality by giving up certain elements and connections. With the tools
introduced in this paper the authors want to contribute to this development
process to open up a new field for future planning practice.
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© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
Another vision of the suburbs
Jean-Christophe Bardot & Laurent Devisme &
translated by Oliver Waine
It is often said that the French suburbs – the banlieues – get a bad press;
what is more rarely pointed out is that urban spaces in general are often
portrayed in a poor light, even though certain links can be made between
these two phenomena. In both cases, raising the issue of the media visibility
and impact of images is a necessity for urban researchers. First, because it
is important to highlight the ways in which media images are made in order
to defuse their effects, which are as powerful as ever; it would, however, be
something of a shortcut – and, for the most part, inaccurate – to insist upon
a diametric opposition between representations and realities. The ideal and
the material cannot be considered opposites, and “mental realities” are still
realities that have practical consequences. From this idea, it follows that
the imageability 1of territories is to be taken seriously and not as some sort
of overarching “big-picture” vision. The imageability of a space refers to its
connotations, to the fact that it is always more than a surface on which to
project, and an actant of social histories. Spaces are, in themselves, already
inextricably values; and in determining this “alreadiness”, images play a
decisive role.
1
The word “imageability” is used here in a similar way to “representability”.
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© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
The sensibility of “the other city”
When Michel Lussault talks about a figurative urban crisis (Lussault 2007,
p. 296), he does so in order to highlight, at the very least, a deficit, but often
also negative images that form part of an “urbaphobia”, the sources and
consequences of which historians have already extensively analysed (Baubérot
and Bourillon 2009; Salomon Cavin and Marchand 2011). It is a regular feature
in the mass media: notable examples include the issue of weekly cultural
magazine Télérama devoted to “La France moche” (“Ugly France”, 13 February
2010), to which Éric Chauvier’s work Contre Télérama (2011) was a reaction;
and, as early as 1996, Le Figaro launched a four-part investigation (24 June
1996) titled “La laideur aux portes de la ville” (“Ugliness on the city’s doorstep”).
This has provoked numerous reactions: over the past 15 years, a sometimes
enchanted imagery of the city’s edges has developed. The fascination for
peripheral commercial spaces was palpable in the exhibition “L’autre ville.
L’empire des signes” (“The Other City. The Empire of Signs”), organised by
the French Institute of Architecture in 1997, which made use in particular of a
semiological work on commercial signs, echoing the work of the same name
by Roland Barthes. This exhibition was linked to the requirements of the call for
research tenders on the theme of “La ville émergente” (“The Emerging City”).
Although this period of urban research may seem distant, the importance of the
aesthetic register in the debates that could be followed at the time must not be
forgotten.
For example, Paul Chemetov proposed “an aesthetic that provides the
cultural packaging of the merchandise” (Urbanisme, no. 298, 1998, p. 37), while
Bruno Fortier was opposed to the generic city of Rem Koolhaas. Two other
research media of the period ought also to be recalled. The first of these is
issue no. 35 of the journal TTS (Techniques, territoires et sociétés), which
re-examined the emerging city. Geneviève Dubois-Taine, then director of the
programme of the “Ville émergente” programme at PUCA 1, wrote: “While 90%
or 95% of the population lives ‘well’ and pleasantly in their territories, this vast
1 PUCA – Plan urbanisme, construction, architecture – is an interministerial urban development,
construction and architecture plan.
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© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
majority is absent from the literature, ignored even; their points of view are
not revealed” (p. 200). Though the desire to work on contemporary territories
is not confined to the outer suburbs, the stimulus for such work often comes
from these areas because of the existence of “a certain number of urban
settlements, not totally planned by local authorities, which meet with very
strong support from residents. Shopping centres, multiplex cinemas, out-oftown business parks and leisure parks are favoured by users. (...) The territories
of contemporary practices are systems of places chosen by residents to enable
them to lead their lives as they see fit”(pp. 201 and 203).
The second research medium in question is very much a counterpoint to
the first: in 1999, the journal Esprit published a special issue titled “Quand la ville
se défait” (“When the city undoes itself”) and taking as its starting point the
observation of the “failure” of the socialising function of the city, replaced by
forms of affinity-based urbanisation on the edges of cities that are concerned
with protecting their own members rather than including those on the margins.
“The classic European city was marked by the class struggle symbolised by the
opposition of the Versaillais and the Communards during the Paris Commune.
Today, the ‘emerging city’ is an island within an island; the polis has very little to
do with polemos” (Esprit, November 1999, p. 86). This special edition shows just
how much the imageability of periurban areas was a sensitive issue at the turn
of the 21st century.
A mere 15 years on, few lessons have been learned from this crisis of
figurability – as if the opposition between two “models” (the classic European
city versus the emerging city) remains a valid framework, whereas it is in fact
only (too) convenient! And yet the deployment of photographic images has
become a considerable resource for those who seek to decipher urban areas.
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© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
The renaissance of territorial photography
Unprecedented in scale, this deployment is first of all that of aerial views
of different territories (Monsaingeon 2013). “Double-clic”, the quasi-character
directed by Bruno Latour (2012), here plays its role and creates the illusion
for the web user of almost universal accessibility to the planetary space: all it
takes is to zoom in or navigate on Google Street View to actually be there. The
popularity of the photographic work of Yann Arthus-Bertrand and even Alex
MacLean is another testament to this phenomenon, which tends to induce a
contemplative attitude and reinforce those aspects that appear to refer to an
ecological awareness (Devisme 2013). In any case, this trend clearly calls for
photography to return to a human scale. But how should it be framed? What
should be highlighted?
Indeed, we are contemporaries to the development of what is almost an
editorial line with regard to periurban photography. While it is true that “interest
in the urban peripheries is a constant features of the poetic and photographic
study of vernacular since the 1930s, with all the ambiguities that this notion
generates when it is applied similarly to traditional forms of rural housing
and industrial building standards,” says Jean-François Chevrier (2006, p. 123)
regarding the importance of the territorial dimension in American photography.
But more recently, since the Photographic Mission of the French spatial
planning agency DATAR (Délégation interministérielle à l’aménagement du
territoire et à l’attractivité régionale – Interministerial Delegation for Territorial
Development and Regional Attractiveness) was initiated in the 1980s, the
number of exhibitions and publications resulting from public commissions or the
work of “independent” photographers has increased, resolutely putting urban
issues on the agenda.
© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
The urban fringes as a photographic genre?
The same patterns seemed to appear time and again, to such an extent
that it was qualified – in a collective research project1 – as the manifestation
of a sort of academicism: grassy foregrounds and periurban skylines on the
horizon; the omnipresence of exterior views and the absence of views inside
housing; a focus on incongruity; the reproduction of identical objects portrayed
as a recursive mise en abyme... Furthermore, a contemplative perspective was
frequently used to create distance, as if to avoid bringing those who view these
photos too close to what actually goes on in the urban fringes.
Our work led to the identification of a number of essential objects: the
shopping centre, photographed from its outdoor spaces; infrastructure, viewed
from the standpoint of its remains or in terms of spatial externalities; the
suburban housing estate, stigmatised by the more or less standard and more
or less tightly packed single-family homes, and sometimes even portrayed as a
scale model full of little toy houses; industries and spaces dedicated to logistics
that sometimes echo wastelands (alongside the planned spaces, there are
certain indeterminate “outsider” spaces that are not included in future plans,
and which consequently seem all the more to be vehicles of strangeness); and
finally, the roundabout, that quintessential traffic management device, has also
become a recurrent feature of periurban photography: often disproportionately
dimensioned and the bearers of obsolete emblems of the towns and villages
they dot, roundabouts have, in the space of a few years, gone from being the
punctum to being the studium of many road layouts, to use Roland Barthes’s
terminology (1980). 2
These themes can be identified in various series of photographs, and
in particular those of André Merian (“The Statement”), Isabelle Hayeur
(“Excavations”), Jürgen Nefzger (“Hexagone 1” and “Hexagone 2” 3), Stéphane
1 We refer the reader to the first chapter of a work we edited a few years ago (Devisme 2008)
called “Greetings from Suburbia”. Contributors to this chapter include Arnaud Bertolotti, Anne Bossé and
Guillaume Ertaud.
2 In Camera Lucida (La Chambre claire in French), Barthes highlights the punctum, denoting
a wound or poignant detail or meaningful anecdote in a photograph that attracts our attention, which
interferes with the studium, denoting the overall interpretation of a photograph or its application to a thing,
or a general involvement in a particular domain.
3 Hexagone. 1995-2001. 1. Le paysage fabriqué and Hexagone. 2000-2005. 2. Le paysage consommé
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© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
Couturier (“Landscaping”), Marc Räder (“Scanscapes”), Emmanuel Pinard
(“Marne-la-Vallée” and “Périphérie”) and Denis Darzacq (“Nu” and “Hyper”)
– a list of authors that is far from exhaustive and which should not mask
important differences in terms of the approaches adopted. The point we seek
to make here refers primarily to the relevance of using visual social-science
practices that could create closer links between documentary photography and
qualitative sociology closer together – two activities that share many qualities
(Becker 2001), not least the fact that, in general, they allow for more detailed
representations of territories. 1
were published in France in 2006 by Éditions Füdo.
1 Furthermore, the joint consideration of photographers’ and researchers’ viewpoints is at the core
of an ongoing project within the LAUA (Langages, actions urbaines, altérités – “Language, Urban Action,
Otherness”) research unit, called “Péri-ville invisible”, in response to the invitation to tender launched by
PUCA titled “Du périurbain à l’urbain”
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© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
The urban fringes captured: between real and unreal
If we apply this approach to extracts from the series “En périféerie”1
by Jean-Christophe Bardot (of Le Bar Floréal), what observations and
interpretations can be made?
First, the space in these areas is more geometric, more optical. Periurban
spaces are delimited by clean lines, indicating sites clearly and making
crossings difficult2. In framing his pictures, the photographer even reveals a grid
when overhead power lines are superimposed, obscuring the third dimension.
This geometry emphasises another “quality” that permeates these photographs:
order and tidiness.
Here, nothing sticks out, creating spaces reminiscent of the kind of goodneighbour guidelines found at the entrances to many apartment blocks that
discourage certain uses of spaces and emphasise codes of conduct – here as
elsewhere, indeed, as this trend is by no means restricted to the outer suburbs!
The geometric aspect is confirmed by the sharp shadows cast everywhere.
We suspect that it is difficult to find shelter here (after all, who knows, a shelter
could also be a possible den or a hiding place for a potential attacker). The heat
is oppressive, even in a quiet little place like Le Bois-d’Arcy, in the far western
suburbs of Paris, and the suggested atmosphere is redolent of certain scenes in
Dog Days, Ulrich Seidl’s 2001 film that takes place in an Austrian suburb crushed
by the summer heat.
Second, the selection highlights a contrast of colours, which can also be
found, of course, in work on strip malls and shopping centres, but which here
instead focuses on the contrasts between the different materials used and in
1 A play on the words “périphérie” and “féerie” that could be approximately translated as “On the
fairytale fringes”.
2 This is evoked particularly well in a scene from the film Le Grand Soir (Benoît Delépine and
Gustave Kerven, 2012), when the two main characters, brothers, cut straight through a housing estate,
jumping over hedges and fences, even cutting right through the houses themselves without stopping,
suggesting to the terrified residents as they pass though what might perhaps have existed there before the
houses were built.
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© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
the boldness of signage. Materials are above all placed, rather than implanted,
in their settings. There are no signs of anything being rooted into the ground
here. The wood cladding has just been fitted, but it will soon be replaced;
houses being built follow the tabula rasa principle; the terrace of the sushi bar,
with its exposed aggregate concrete slabs (particularly resistant, it is true), will
perhaps soon be a memory, as that even the temporary sales offices are already
doomed to become wasteland.
The idea of following the life cycle of building materials may be more
promising1. Like some of the other photographic works mentioned above,
Jean-Christophe Bardot’s work deals in simulacrum and seriality. One picture,
for instance, juxtaposes a fantasy suburban hedge-enclosed “farmstead” with
its real-life counterpart, of which only the roof is visible. Here, we are in the
same domain as the credits of the television series Weeds, which frame and reframe the theme of reproduction and cloning (Bossé and Devisme 2011).
We can nevertheless identify, to a certain extent at least, where we are: we
are in Île-de-France – the Paris region – one minute on the run-down concrete
deck of a new town, barely able to tell the front of the place from the back...
then, without transition, transported to the “edges” of the region, where there
are new areas to be cleared and urbanised, unless the pioneer front is reversed,
transforming it into a paradise lost covered by suddenly invasive vegetation.
Indeed, the relationship with nature is enlightening: nature is generally kept
under control and, when it spills over, it is to threaten urbanisation, “regain its
rightful place” in this wasteland of housing-estate sales offices.
The artificialised face of nature par excellence is without doubt the “potted
tree”, the complete opposite of the open ground. But it is the last extract from
“En périféerie” that seems both the most ordinary and the most intriguing. It
forms less of a tableau than the others, probably partly because we can see
the raindrops on the camera lens, and because the drizzle creates a blurred
quality that contrasts with the previous images. The bottled gas stacked in
columns at the supermarket petrol station appears as a synecdoche of the
distant suburbs, of those spaces that have no connection to the power grid. It is
all too easy to imagine, on the very same car park, a tanker preparing to tour the
1 Take, for example, the work of Brussels-based collective Rotor, which in early 2013 exhibited a
work in Montreal titled “Polyurethane”, which seeks to trace the use of expanded foam in the construction
industry and in public works (Canadian Centre for Architecture (CCA), ABC: MTL exhibition).
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© Jean-Christophe Bardot/Le Bar Floréal.
neighbourhood to fill up all the fuel tanks with ever cheaper heating oil before
the winter comes... It is here that we find Deleuze, for whom “the imaginary
is not the unreal, but rather the indistinguishability between the real and the
unreal”(Deleuze 1990, p. 93).
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Conceptualizing urban shrinkage
Annegret Haase, Dieter Rink, Katrin Grossmann Helmholtz
Centre for Environmental Research—UFZ, Department for
Urban and Environmental Sociology.
Matthias Bernt. Leibniz Institute for Regional
Development and Structural Planning.
Abstract:
Since the second half of the 20th century, urban shrinkage has become
a common pathway of transformation for many large cities across the globe.
Although the appearance of shrinkage is fairly universal—typically manifested
in dwindling population, emerging vacant spaces, and the underuse of existing
urban infrastructure, ranging from schools and parks to water pipelines—
its essence is hidden from view. Phenomena related to shrinkage have
been discussed predominantly using terms such as decline, decay, blight,
abandonment, disurbanization, urban crisis, and demographic change. Amongst
others, these concepts were typically related to specific national contexts,
installed in distinct explanatory frameworks, based around diverging normative
accounts, ultimately leading to very different policy implications. Yet there is
still a lack of conceptualization and integration of shrinkage into the wider
theoretical debates in human geography, town and country planning, urban
and regional studies, and social sciences at large. The problem here is not
only to explain how shrinkage comes about, but also to study shrinkage as a
process: simultaneously as a presupposition, a medium, and an outcome of
continually changing social relationships. If we wish to understand shrinkage in
a specific location, we need to integrate theoretical explanations with historical
trajectories, as well as to combine these with a study of the specific impacts
caused by shrinkage and to analyse the policy environment in which these
processes take place. The authors apply an integrative model which maps the
entire process across different contexts and independently of local or national
specifics; it covers causes, impacts, responses, and feedback loops, and the
interrelations between these aspects.
The model does not ‘explain’ shrinkage in every case: instead, it builds
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a framework into which place-specific and time-specific explanations can
be embedded. It is thus a heuristics that enables communication, if not
comparison, across different contexts. With the help of this model, the authors
hope to find a way in which shrinkage can be studied both in a conceptually
rigorous and in an historically specific way. Instead of an invariant ‘process of
shrinkage’, they portray a ‘pluralist world of shrinkages’.
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Opening of the International Shrinking
Cities Exhbition at the CUDC, 2007
(Jerry Mann)
cities growing small
Shrinking Cities
Planning Challenges from an
International Perspective
Karina Pallagst
Karina Pallagst is a Program Director with the
Center for Global Metropolitan Studies,
University of California at Berkeley.
from Cities Growing Smaller
published by Kent State University’s
Cleveland Urban Design Collaborative
© 2008, Kent State University
6 cities growing smaller
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Urban shrinkage is a multidimensional phenomenon encompassing regions, cities,
and parts of cities or metropolitan areas that are experiencing a dramatic decline
in their economic and social bases. The causes of this urban decline are many and
complex, though one common denominator is that each “shrinking city” has been
significantly impacted by the forces of globalization [Palagst, 2007a].
Despite the fact that globalization is a strong influence in producing shrinking cities, economic change does not affect all cities and countries in the same way. On the
contrary, shrinkage can show very different characteristics depending on national,
regional and local contexts [Cunningham-Sabot and Fol, 2007].
Moreover, there is no clear definition of shrinking cities, but rather a range of
various interpretations of the phenomenon. Beno Brandstetter and his co-authors
detect a wide spectrum of definitions, ranging from a natural growth-opposing
process to decline with negative implications. Combining previous approaches, they
further speculate that urban shrinkage is a cyclical process, embedded in a broader
context of growing and shrinking [Brandstetter et. al., 2005]. Within US discourse,
“shrinking cities” only recently cropped up as a new term in urban planning and
development, often used in a similar way to “urban decline” [Grossmann, 2007].
The Shrinking Cities International Research Network (SCiRN) defines a shrinking
city more precisely as a densely populated urban area with a minimum population
of 10,000 residents that has faced population losses in large parts for more than two
years and is undergoing economic transformations with some symptoms of a structural crisis [Wiechmann, 2006].
Shrinking Cities in Europe
Despite the fact that changes in demography and urban density of cities occur
quite regularly, the acceptance of the shrinkage phenomenon is low [Benke, 2005].
Yet urban shrinkage is not a new phenomenon.
Urban shrinkage has taken place in Europe since the middle ages. The collapse of
the Roman Empire, plagues, and agricultural crises all left their mark in the urban
fabric [Benke, 2005]. These cities were never completely abandoned and usually
resettled. Later on, cities were frequently hit by epidemics, war, and fire. With the
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19th century, industrialization led to urbanization processes and drastic changes in
settlement patterns all over Europe, creating larger agglomerations on the one hand,
and shrinking cities or regions on the other hand. Further polarization set in with
the building of railways.
Today, the locales of shrinkage are the post-socialist countries (especially Latvia,
Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, and the eastern part of Germany), the northern countries (especially Finland and Sweden), and Southern European countries (in
particular, Italy and Spain).
The reasons for shrinkage in Europe are complex and partly overlapping. In the
post-socialist countries, economic transformation led to shifts in settlement patterns
caused by migration. (e.g. Eastern Germany). New economic migration usually occurs in favor of the capital cities, while remote and peripheral regions lose population
(e.g. in Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria). Many western European countries are affected
by changing demographic patterns, such as a low birth rates. The Northern countries
are still losing population in the rural and peripheral regions. Germany and Italy are
affected by dramatically low birth rates, leading to city shrinkage on a larger national
scale. Some of these developments are overlapping and thus increase the shrinkage
problem. In Germany for example, population decline and economic transformations go hand in hand.
Shrinking Cities in the United States
When considering urban shrinkage in the United States, observations usually
start with the post World War II era, the period when shrinkage of cities set in to a
larger extent due to post-industrial transformations. Robert Beauregard’s research
shows that only a few US cities lost population between 1820 and 1930. All of them
were port cities heavily dependent on trade, and their decline was either affected by
transportation decisions regarding the railway system or crises like fires or droughts
[Beauregard, 2003].
As for recent shrinkage processes, the academic discussion has for many years concentrated on urban decline. This does not necessarily take population losses of the
entire city (urban and suburban areas), or regional shrinkage into consideration, but
addresses the consequences of urban sprawl. Correspondingly, planning responses
have dealt primarily with revitalizing distressed city centers. Yet shrinkage in the
United States occurs primarily in the context suburban development versus inner
city decline. This pattern, called “hollowing out” or the “doughnut effect,” can be
found all over the country.
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Despite the fact that the problems of shrinkage are found in a regional or urbansuburban context, American planning has been focusing on revitalizing the distressed
inner cities for many years, as these are the places with the largest problems. Cities
like Pittsburgh and St. Louis, which have had to cope with economic decline and
large population losses, receive a significant amount of attention from the American
planning community. Less attention is paid to the fact that there are large-scale areas
that are shrinking, in particular in the Northeast/Midwest “Rustbelt.” A city-regional
approach is also discouraged by the fact that inner city revitalization lies in the hands
of specific organizations like redevelopment agencies, which are acting separately
from planning departments. Multi-agency competencies make accounting for urban
complexity more difficult.
In the US, shrinkage can be part of standard post-industrial transformations,
which are due to the decline of manufacturing industries, or it can be triggered by
“post industrial transformations of a second generation,” which are connected to the
high-tech industry (e.g. the dot-com bust) [Pallagst, 2007a].
Especially in the United States, urban planning often concentrates on either
managing urban growth, or tackling redevelopment in a fragmented (non-regional)
way—this despite the fact that shrinkage often occurs throughout an entire metropolitan region. The current discourse in urban and regional planning in the United
States still shows a high affinity toward growth. Despite the increasing popularity of
the revitalization approach, which is usually focused narrowly on city centers, there
is little active discussion of shrinking cities [Pallagst and Wiechmann, 2005]. According to Beauregard, a focus on urban population losses and their consequences
would form a counterpoint to the literature on urban growth. He refers to shrinking
populations as a “stigma,” not fitting into the ideal of local decision makers [Beauregard, 2003].
However, there has been a ‘journalistic’ discourse on shrinking cities, as the press
have been taking on the topic recently. This development has been fueled by an
exhibition that has toured US cities, and a symposium on shrinking cities organized
at UC Berkeley.1
Figure 2 depicts the most recent clusters of shrinking cities over 100,000 inhabitants in the United States in order of their population growth rate (ascending from
slowest growth rate). Interestingly, among them is the San Francisco Bay Area, with
Silicon Valley as a shrinking region.
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The main observations of shrinking cities researchers in the United States are the
following [Pallagst, 2007a]:
s 4HEPHENOMENONOFSHRINKINGCITIESISNOTONLYRELATEDTOTHEWELLKNOWNPOST
industrial “Rust-Belt” examples, but other areas are affected as well.
s 4RANSFORMATIONPROCESSESOCCURWITHINTHESPHEREOFLANDUSESHRINKINGAND
growing are processes that can be observed in a parallel mode. Due to the overall
population growth triggered by immigration, many cities in the US have to
provide for redevelopment in shrinking areas and growth-related development at
the same time.
Unlike in old industrial regions of Europe, shrinkage in the US is usually taking
place in the urban core, while the suburban region continues to grow. In fact, early
processes of shrinkage of the 1950s and 1960s were triggered by suburbanization.
The sprawl pattern led to dramatic losses of population in the city centers. The
problems of derelict sites, vacancies and abandoned urban quarters are well known.
Social consequences include poverty, segregation, and homelessness, which are happening to a much more dramatic extent in the United States than in European cities.
Nevertheless, suburbanization alone does not account for shrinking in the United
States. Economic transformation has led to out-migration of the workforce on a
regional scale ever since the manufacturing industry went into a downward spiral,
while new economic centers of service, high-tech, and recreation industries have
boomed.
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The program targets housing vacancies that peaked at 14.9% of the housing stock
at the end of the 1990s [Liebmann, 2007]. As a result, 190,000 housing units have
been torn down.
The pioneer in this development was the city of Leipzig, which developed the first
strategic plan that followed the federal program Urban Renewal East, thus becoming
a model for many other East German cities [Glock, 2005]. This drastic intervention
in the urban housing markets was feuled by the fact that building associations owning most of the housing stock [Fuhrich and Kaltenbrunner, 2005]. Yet not all neighborhoods were able to have their share in the revitalization process. Heike Liebmann
has observed a polarization between revitalized, high-in-demand areas and those that
have problematic development perspectives. In the future, the program will place a
stronger emphasis on urban quality aspects than on quantitative (tear-down) aspects,
in an effort to achieve benefits for the entire city, not only individual neighborhoods
[Liebmann, 2007].
Tracing an international discourse on shrinking cities
While there is an extensive planning debate in some European countries about
shrinking cities (e.g. Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom),2 the
phenomenon has until now been overlooked in international comparative research.
Moreover, although shrinking cities exist all over the world, there has not been much
of an international discourse on the topic. German planners as the forerunners of the
current shrinking cities debate are on the verge of developing a ‘German School’ on
shrinking cities. However, for the most part, these discussions take place in German
and are centered on a German epistemic community, with few or no links to scholars elsewhere. Problem-solving within national boundaries is typical for the shrinking cities debate and perhaps also for planning in general.
Recent efforts are aimed at enhancing an international discourse on the topic of
shrinking cities. Initiated by the visiting scholars’ roundtable at the Institute of Urban and Regional Development, University of California, Berkeley, an interdisciplinary group of research specialists from five continents has been dealing with shrinking
cities in a global perspective since 2004. A comparative viewpoint is essential to the
research because the phenomenon of shrinking can be noticed all over the world,
albeit within different cultural and socio-economic settings. The starting point of the
investigation is European discourse about shrinking cities, since in other areas—the
US in particular—urban growth persists as the dominant planning paradigm [Pallagst, 2007a].
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Paul Cotter, Gareth Morris, Heidi Rustgaard, Eike Sindlinger, Ulrike Steven, and
Susanne Thomas, London
Title: "COW - the udder way"
Photographs of the performance in Liverpool, 2005
(c) COW - the udder way - team
The “German School” on the of topic shrinking cities
Post-industrial transformations have occurred in Germany since the 1960s and
1970s, mainly leading to the shrinkage of urban cores [Brandstetter et. al., 2005].
But shrinkage happened also on a larger scale. Most familiar are the economic
downturns in the steel industry affecting the Ruhr Area, which is a region that has
been in decline for decades. As for the urban planning discourse, as early as 1988,
shrinking cities were identified as a new type of urban challenge with a profile to be
distinguished from growing cities [Häussermann and Siebel, 1998], but this debate
was not further elaborated until recent years.
The situation of German shrinking cities was aggravated dramatically at the beginning of the 1990s. With Germany’s reunification, the former GDR joined a western
European country, and a large-scale economic transformation of the eastern part
of the country set in, leading to a high rate of unemployment (in many cities over
20%). The economic decline in this post-socialist phase led to a massive movement
of population from east to west.
Despite various discussions in the 1980s, dealing with shrinkage is considered a
new development in Germany today [Brandstetter, 2005]. The basic trigger was the
report of a commission on housing vacancies published in the year 2000, which
received huge public attention. The planning debate for the East German Länder
indicated a change in perspective about these areas, moving toward an urban development policy that actively addresses declining development on a long-term basis.
This has led to a paradigm shift in urban planning and development in (eastern)
Germany. Meanwhile, it is now general consensus that the topic of shrinkage has
reached an unique status in German urban planning and research.
Whereas population decline affects almost all eastern German cities, in the west
it is a problem of specific cities and regions. However, despite the different dimensions in shrinkage, one shared trend is the ongoing demographic change of an ageing
population and low birth rates. This problem will strongly reinforce shrinkage in the
western part of Germany in the future [Fuhrich and Kaltenbrunner, 2005].
The latest trend in planning for urban shrinkage in Germany targets the large
number of abandoned housing units in eastern Germany. Unlike the drastic revitalization procedures during the 1970s, when tear-downs were carried out in many
cities, both in Europe and the US, this strategy is accompanied by revitalization, stabilization and beautification measures. Despite the fact that tear-downs have always
been part of urban development, the 1970s procedures have left a stigma regarding
this process [Fuhrich and Kaltenbrunner, 2005]. A framework for this strategy in
Germany is the federal program “Urban Renewal East”, which comprises 350 cities.
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Bas Princen, photographer, Rotterdam
Title: "After Planning #3" (Ivanovo)
Photograph, color, 2003/04
(c) Bas Princen
The program targets housing vacancies that peaked at 14.9% of the housing stock
at the end of the 1990s [Liebmann, 2007]. As a result, 190,000 housing units have
been torn down.
The pioneer in this development was the city of Leipzig, which developed the first
strategic plan that followed the federal program Urban Renewal East, thus becoming
a model for many other East German cities [Glock, 2005]. This drastic intervention
in the urban housing markets was feuled by the fact that building associations owning most of the housing stock [Fuhrich and Kaltenbrunner, 2005]. Yet not all neighborhoods were able to have their share in the revitalization process. Heike Liebmann
has observed a polarization between revitalized, high-in-demand areas and those that
have problematic development perspectives. In the future, the program will place a
stronger emphasis on urban quality aspects than on quantitative (tear-down) aspects,
in an effort to achieve benefits for the entire city, not only individual neighborhoods
[Liebmann, 2007].
Tracing an international discourse on shrinking cities
While there is an extensive planning debate in some European countries about
shrinking cities (e.g. Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom),2 the
phenomenon has until now been overlooked in international comparative research.
Moreover, although shrinking cities exist all over the world, there has not been much
of an international discourse on the topic. German planners as the forerunners of the
current shrinking cities debate are on the verge of developing a ‘German School’ on
shrinking cities. However, for the most part, these discussions take place in German
and are centered on a German epistemic community, with few or no links to scholars elsewhere. Problem-solving within national boundaries is typical for the shrinking cities debate and perhaps also for planning in general.
Recent efforts are aimed at enhancing an international discourse on the topic of
shrinking cities. Initiated by the visiting scholars’ roundtable at the Institute of Urban and Regional Development, University of California, Berkeley, an interdisciplinary group of research specialists from five continents has been dealing with shrinking
cities in a global perspective since 2004. A comparative viewpoint is essential to the
research because the phenomenon of shrinking can be noticed all over the world,
albeit within different cultural and socio-economic settings. The starting point of the
investigation is European discourse about shrinking cities, since in other areas—the
US in particular—urban growth persists as the dominant planning paradigm [Pallagst, 2007a].
textes
Nikolas Brade, photographer, Halle
Title: "Blick über das Mansfelder Land" / "View Over the Mansfelder Land"
Photograph, 2002
(c) Nikolaus Brade
This networked research will be vital in redefining land policy and regional governance for the international planning debate. Experiences and case studies from the
US, Mexico, Brazil, Germany, France, United Kingdom, South Korea, Australia, and
Japan are currently being investigated by an international team of researchers under
the aegis of the Shrinking Cities International Research Network (SCiRN).
The SCiRN network has established a web site3 and bi-weekly online discussions.
The international discussion on shrinking cities is still an ongoing process. However,
a first comparison reveals a multitude of similarities and differences. Further results
were presented and discussed at several international occasions: a symposium at
Dresden in March 2006, the World Planning Schools Congress in Mexico City in
July 2007, and a symposium at Berkeley in February 2007. An in-depth case study
analysis is currently provided by the shrinking cities network, and it will be developed further at future conferences of planners and urban geographers.
The first results of this international research reveal that the location of shrinking
cities varies from country to country. For example, whereas the United Kingdom
shows a north-south divide with shrinkage in the northern parts of the country,
France’s shrinking cities are located in the center of the country, away from European
transportation networks [Cunningham-Sabot and Fol, 2007]. The east-west divide of
German city shrinkage was mentioned earlier in this paper. In the United States, the
Rustbelt cities are the most affected by shrinkage.
Moreover, international comparison of shrinking cities reveals that there are different patterns of shrinkage on the level of the city. While in the US the pattern is
usually a “hollowing out” of the inner city leading to the so called “doughnut effect,”
[Pallagst and Wiechmann, 2005]4 other countries display different changes in the
urban structure. For example, the Paris region has to face shrinkage in the outer
suburban rings, which were the traditional locales of industrial development, while
the core remains stable. Eastern German cities display a pattern of perforation, where
shrinkage occurs in different areas throughout the city.
Shrinking cities - a paradigm shift in planning?
One dilemma of dealing with urban shrinkage from a planning perspective is that
urban development is strongly interlinked with growth, leading to the perception
of shrinkage as a threat or a taboo [Brandstetter et. al., 2005; Cunningham-Sabot
and Fol, 2007]. Maintaining a strategy of economic growth with the aim of regaining population growth used to be the most common reaction of cities towards urban
shrinkage, not very often leading to success. In challenging the predominance of
growth as the normative doctrine in planning, Cristina Martinez-Fernandez and
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Project Office Philipp Oswalt, Berlin/Researcher Tim Rieniets, Tanja Wesse (graphics), Berlin
Title: "World Map of Shrinking Cities 1950 - 2000" Graphics, 2006 (c) Project Office Philipp Oswalt
Tong Wu ask whether shrinkage is a problem to be solved or an opportunity not
to be missed [Martinez-Fernandez and Wu, 2007]. Manfred Fuhrich and Robert
Kaltenbrunner advocate a new sensitivity in planning that relies on honesty when it
comes to coping with future challenges of shrinking cities [Fuhrich and Kaltenbrunner, 2005].
Creating realistic visions for shrinkage on the scale of the entire city is the main
planning strategy in eastern Germany, sponsored by the federal funding program
Urban Renewal East (‘Stadtumbau Ost’). In other parts of the world, like the United
States, this dramatic change in planners’ ways of thinking and acting is still quite unusual. Some cities have a more difficult time in adjusting their visions for growth to
confront the reality of shrinkage. The United States example of Youngstown can be
seen as an attempt of a shrinking US city to break with the existing growth paradigm
[Pallagst, 2007a].5 In view of the traditional focus of economic and urban growth in
the United States, it is still not clear if Youngstown will initiate a shift in planning
trends that affects other cities as well.
Conclusions
In many European countries, processes of shrinkage go hand in hand with demographic change and a shrinking population. In the United States, processes of
shrinkage are embedded in an environment of population growth. For this reason—
and given the growth-oriented planning culture of the United States—a debate
on urban shrinkage like the current European one is not in sight in the US. The
question is whether planning will be capable of actively dealing with a topic that has
been stigmatized for so long.
Bibliography
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Urban Geography 24, 8, 672-690.
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Leipzig,” in eds. Gestring, Norbert et. al. (2005), Jahrbuch StadtRegion 2004/2005 Schwerpunkt Schrumpfende
Städte, VS Verlag fuer Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, 71-89.
Grossmann, Katrin (2007), “Schrumpfung zwischen Tabu und Thematisierung,” Berliner Debatte Initial 18/1,
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Martinez-Fernandez, Cristina and Tong Wu (2007), “Stadtentwickliung in einer differenten Wirtlichkeit –
schrumpfende Städte in Australien,” Berliner Debatte Initial 18/1, 45-60.
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Pallagst, Karina (2007a), “Das Ende der Wachstumsmaschine,” Berliner Debatte Initial, 18/1, 4-13.
Pallagst, Karina (2007 b), Growth management in the US between theory and practice, Ashgate, Aldershot.
Pallagst, Karina and Thorsten Wiechmann (2005), “Shrinking smart? Städtische Schrumpfungsprozesse in den
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Rightsizing Shrinking Cities: The urban design dimension
Chapter 14 in The City After Abandonment
(editors Margaret Dewar and June Manning Thomas, University of Michigan
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming 2012)
Brent D. Ryan
Department of Urban Studies and Planning, MIT
[email protected]
Recently urban policymakers have begun to make ”rightsizing” a watchword for the perceived
mismatch between shrinking city populations, physical and infrastructural plants, and budgets. Built for
a population in some cases over twice as large as that currently within the city limits, shrinking cities are
now left with an unmanageably large array of streets, utilities, public buildings, parks, and housing.
“Rightsizing” refers to the yet-unproved process of bringing cities down to a “right” size, meaning a size
proportionate to city government’s ability to pay for itself. In practice, rightsizing has yet come to little
in shrinking cities. In fact, no city in history has ever attained a fixed size, with unchecked growth the
general pattern for cities from Victorian London to most of the developing world today. In the United
States, decades of optimistic master plans have had little or no effect in reducing rates of population
loss in deindustrializing cities such as Cleveland, Baltimore, or Philadelphia, all of which lost 25 to 60
percent of their populations between 1950 and 2010. Even in New Orleans, a city that had very good
reasons to make deliberate decisions about where the city should and should not rebuild after Hurricane
Katrina, political fears and widespread citizen opposition stymied rightsizing decisions. i Just as suburban
developers resent planners’ proclaiming that they may not develop a parcel of farmland, residents of
New Orleans resented that planners might transform their property or even their neighborhood into
swampland.
On the surface, then, “rightsizing” appears difficult if not impossible for shrinking cities in the
United States. The term also remains somewhat meaningless, as neither scholars nor practitioners have
textes
Figures. All illustrations are by the author and Allison Hu.
Figure 14.1. The Historic Industrial American City around 1950
thus far defined it exactly. What physical form and size should the city take after abandonment? What
decisions should city officials make, concerning which aspects of the city should survive and who should
live where? How much would rightsizing cost, and who would pay? Does an ultimate vision of the city
guide rightsizing, or will policymakers simply follow immediate imperatives?
This chapter will argue that scholars and policymakers should consider using an urban design
vision, at least in part, as they plan for rightsizing. Though many shrinking cities began as unregulated
industrial centers with little urban design, population decline and housing loss today present designers
and planners with a new opportunity to shape a better physical environment in concert with these
cities’ present economic and social needs. Given that many view the visual landscape of shrinking cities
as their most striking and disturbing feature, ii urban design seems an obvious means by which planners
and designers might reshape these cities after decline and, by extension, explore new forms of the ideal
urban neighborhood and, perhaps, the ideal city.
As abandonment of buildings and properties characterize shrinking cities, any urban design
strategy for these places must contend with abandonment before all else. iii Abandonment in shrinking
cities is problematic at multiple scales. While planners and others often consider abandonment at the
individual scale of a single building or property, abandonment also occurs at the scale of the city block,
neighborhood, and city as a whole, causing different problems at different scales. This section will
consider each of these scales before describing city- and neighborhood-scale urban design strategies
that might help resolve the problems of abandonment. iv
The Physical Consequences of Abandonment
In a shrinking city, abandoned structures and lots are serious problems, and confronting the
abandonment of individual structures often demands a substantial amount of policymaker attention
directed to shrinking areas. Recent citywide demolition programs such as Philadelphia’s Neighborhood
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FLAG/Bastien Aubry, Dimitri Broquard, Zurich
No Title
Graphics, 2005
(c) FLAG
Transformation Initiative and Buffalo’s “5 in 5” program (5000 housing units demolished in five years)
act to clear derelict structures but use only individual dwelling criteria (structure condition) as a means
of action. In the absence of spatial planning for shrinking neighborhoods and cities, city officials may
make larger-scale assessments of abandonment only in a development-driven context, as when a
proposal is imminent.
Abandonment in shrinking cities could be just as frustrating as the policy-directed neighborhood
demolition of the 1950s excoriated by Jacobs and other critics of urban renewal. v Abandonment in
shrinking cities occurs on an undirected, piecemeal basis as individuals decide whether or not to remain
in their homes. Understanding the piecemeal nature of the process provides the basis for understanding
the urban design problems these places face.
Because decline is episodic and scattered rather than neat and organized, a given shrinking-city
resident in a deteriorating neighborhood may have only partial information about when and if an
adjoining property will become abandoned. Episodic abandonment confronts individual residents with a
pressing problem: since the status and condition of properties adjoining her house can shift, her home is
vulnerable as well. On a block where owners abandon property piecemeal, block-scale stability becomes
difficult, for once abandonment has progressed the majority of houses will adjoin an empty house or lot.
As abandonment continues, the neighborhood loses the collective benefit of more concentrated
housing, and each resident’s individual incentive to stop investing in his or her property increases.
As abandonment progresses, individual lots become vacant in a generally scattered fashion.
With a checkerboard pattern, up to fifty percent of properties might become vacant lots without any
two adjoining ones becoming vacant. But real abandonment patterns do not mimic a checkerboard; a
quick aerial survey of a place such as Flint, Michigan, indicates that remaining houses sometimes cluster
and sometimes do not. Above fifty percent vacancy, blocks assume a pattern of desolation that becomes
more apparent as this percentage increases. At around seventy or eighty percent vacancy, remaining
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Figure 14.2. Patchwork Appearance of Shrinking Cities
houses become islands in a sea of green. This pattern is most apparent at a large scale in places such as
Detroit’s east side or the northern half of St. Louis.
A scattered pattern of property abandonment with interspersed remaining houses persists even
at high levels of vacancy. In Buffalo for example, except in blocks purposefully cleared by public action or
through demolition of large, single-lot industrial buildings, some housing always persists. At the scale of
five to eight blocks, no cluster of blocks in Buffalo was more than 71 percent vacant as of 2010. vi The
persistence of inhabited housing even in mostly vacant areas helped defeat New Orleans’s nascent
rightsizing proposals of 2006 and also confronts more recent efforts in Detroit. vii Even in a 90 percent
vacant area, one resident’s wishing to remain in her home will require officials to condemn the property
if they wish to make an entire block available for redevelopment and will complicate their efforts to
withdraw city services.
At a larger level, piecemeal, house-by-house abandonment leads to patchiness, where large
areas of the city may have varying levels of vacancy, while other areas have only minimal vacancies or
retain all their housing. Analysis of Buffalo showed that 50 percent of the city’s census block groups
were at least 10 percent vacant, and that about 20 percent of those block groups (about 10 percent of
Buffalo’s census block groups/total), were over 50 percent vacant. viii In Buffalo, and doubtless in other
shrinking cities as well, vacancy ebbed and flowed across space in a pattern that was never neat, always
irregular, always shifting, and always interrupted by remaining structures. Factors such as the presence
of other vacant areas, stable or desirable areas of the city, historic industrial or low-income
concentrations, and ethnic and racial patterns influenced vacancy patterns in Buffalo, but this
relationship was never exact and was difficult to prove. Over time these piecemeal patches of
abandonment tended to grow, spreading from high-vacancy areas into some but not all adjoining lowervacancy areas. ix The shift from an undifferentiated urban pattern to patchwork abandonment is evident
in schematic form in Figures 1 and 2 and at a smaller scale in Figures 5 and 6.
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(Figure 1 [historic shrinking city] about here)
(Figure 2 [current-day shrinking city] about here)
Reconnecting Urban Design with Social Policy
Any move toward an urban design strategy for rightsizing shrinking cities will not be easy.
Designers will not find a rightsizing vision encapsulated in past ideals of city form such as neatly
bounded garden or radiant cities, nor in contemporary ideals such as neotraditionalism, “smart growth,”
or landscape urbanism. These have little relationship to the novel physical condition of shrinking cities.
Another challenge lies in the need for an urban design-based rightsizing strategy to reconcile differences
between socially-oriented planning and urban design that have existed for decades. While many
theorists have argued that design must necessarily consider political, economic, and social function, x
integration has proven problematic in both urban planning and urban design.
In planning--arguably beginning with urban policy initiatives in the 1960s such as conservation,
community renewal requirements, and the Model Cities program, and conceptually advocated by
Davidoff’s advocacy strategy xi -- a shift toward practice based in social science research and paralleled
by traditional practitioners’ retention of land-use and urban redevelopment practice resulted in a
profession more divorced from design than ever before. xii Similarly, architecture separated from social
concerns in a close coincidence with the Nixon administration’s cancellation of Great Society urban
policies. xiii After 1975, urban redevelopment in the United States consequently shifted from ambitious,
modernist-inspired large-scale work promoted by the state to a more modest mix of postmodern design
and nonprofit- or developer-driven projects. xiv
Yet one may discern surviving links between innovative urban design and liberal social policies.
These links have persisted since the end of the Great Society primarily through the works of committed
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Figure 14.3. Conventional Redevelopment Strategies in Shrinking Cities: Subsidized Private
Development Around Downtown and in High-Income Neighborhoods and Nonprofits’ Scattered
Developments in Lower-Value, Higher-Vacancy Areas
practitioners and policymakers. Beginning in the 1970s community organizing generated the occasional
innovative design such as Villa Victoria in Boston’s South End that linked partially abstract Modernist
architecture with social housing while respecting the urban design of its surroundings. xv In similar
fashion, in the 1990s Philadelphia’s Office of Housing comprehensively redesigned the disinvested
neighborhood of Lower North Philadelphia with moderate-density, low-income housing. xvi While design
was not a signal feature of this project, Philadelphia’s ambitious planning approach was reminiscent of
such signal accomplishments of the late Modern and early post-Modern eras as the Yorktown houses
constructed from 1960 to 1970 in Philadelphia xvii and the St. Lawrence development of Toronto from the
1970s.xviii A recent urban design studio for the city of Buffalo replicated these combinations of
innovative design and social planning. xix This studio showed that the city had sufficient Community
Development Block Grant funding to construct large numbers of housing if city officials chose to
prioritize construction over demolition and that urban designers had a range of design options available
to relieve many of the physical problems afflicting shrinking cities, assuming a continued demand for
new housing by low- and moderate-income households.
The threads linking formally ambitious urban design to social action have become thin and
frayed since the end of Modernism in the 1970s, but a renewed urban design agenda for rightsizing
shrinking cities, if put into practice by committed policymakers, might begin to regenerate these
threads. I propose that such an agenda be interventionist, critical, and benevolent in order to improve
upon the modest and ineffective urban design strategies that shrinking cities are currently pursuing.
Interventionist urban design is committed to large-scale, comprehensive action across a wide
area of space. Such large-scale action by and in the public interest characterized high-quality urban
renewal efforts such as Yorktown in Philadelphia, but since the end of urban renewal, interventionism in
shrinking cities has been limited to occasional projects such as Philadelphia’s Poplar Nehemiah. Poplar’s
chief planner John Kromer believed that only large-scale action could simultaneously demonstrate a
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Figure 14.4. Strategic Interventions: New Neighborhoods in “Isolated” and “Connected” Areas
political commitment to improving disinvested urban neighborhoods and achieve the public visibility to
convince politicians of what Kromer called “neighborhood recovery.” xx
Critical urban design questions existing modes of practice, such as the nostalgic bent of
neotraditional urbanism, and projects innovative formal and social strategies to address new or
emerging social needs, as Boston’s Villa Victoria and Alvaro Siza’s Quinta Malagueira in Evora, Portugal,
did well, xxi and as late Modernist projects such as the New York Urban Development Corporation’s
scattered-site Twin Parks Houses achieved a decade previous. xxii Critical urban design moves beyond
conventional wisdoms to attain different configurations of spaces, buildings, and activities.
Lastly, benevolent urban design is committed to acting in the interest of disempowered or
under-served city residents ranging from low-income renters to members of the middle class.
Benevolent urban design recognizes the needs of the least powerful amid more powerful urban
residents. At the same time, a benevolent urban design philosophy needs to prevent the egregious
stigmatization of the poor that occurred in Modernist urban designs such as mid-twentieth century
public housing with large-scale, tabula rasa developments lacking any relationship to their
surroundings. xxiii
A renewed urban design agenda committed to critical and benevolent interventionism is more
radical than it seems. Its “benevolence” frankly evokes the need for social justice, not always wellconnected to discussions of urban design. Fainstein’s call for a more “just” urban planning identifies
only New Urbanism as a planning and design paradigm with potential for increased justice in the city. xxiv
Yet New Urbanism’s relationship to social justice is questionable. New Urbanism’s most well-known
involvement in low-income housing, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s HOPE VI
program beginning in the mid-1990s, dramatically reduced the number of low-income housing units. xxv
HOPE VI’s New Urbanist design reduced the stigma associated with the distinctive High Modernist
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Figure 14.5. Typical Neighborhood Prior to Decline
towers of public housing, but it did so by accepting a substantial reduction in the number of units to
house the very poor.
Providing for society’s less privileged should not be an invisible project. Urban policymakers and
designers should therefore use urban design as a vehicle to provide the rightsizing of shrinking cities
with greater public visibility. Innovative spatial solutions to the longstanding problems of shrinking cities
could help restore the weakened connections between urban design and social policy.
Toward Patchwork Urbanism
Historic photographs of industrial cities such as Detroit or Buffalo show a uniform carpet of
nearly identical houses stretching toward the horizon. With the onset of population loss and housing
abandonment, this formerly homogenous pattern (Figures 1, 5) has become a frayed and tattered urban
fabric. Today, the cityscapes of shrinking cities resemble a patchwork of intact areas interspersed with
declining areas of growing abandonment and with heavily abandoned areas (Figure 2, 6). Current de
facto policies comprise a parallel patchwork of small-scale nonprofit-driven housing, market-rate
housing in higher-income areas, and little or nothing in those areas with very high vacancy (Figure 3). In
other words, shrinking cities lack a comprehensive urban design strategy to shape either their shrinkage
or their growth. Almost twenty years ago, Philadelphia’s Office of Housing and Community
Development recognized this problematic combination of individual building demolition, market
avoidance of low-income areas, scattered nonprofit development, and lack of overall spatial planning in
shrinking cities. xxvi
(Figure 3 [conventional redevelopment patterns] about here)
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Figure 14.6. Semi-Abandoned Neighborhood
The patchwork nature of decline with vacant areas of different sizes and housing in various
states of occupancy frustrates conventional urban design approaches such as New Urbanism or
landscape urbanism that require large cleared areas of land. Such sites are rarely available even in
deteriorated areas of shrinking cities. Conventional urban design also projects physical futures hardly
compatible with the reality of shrinking cities. New Urbanism favors restored street networks with
relatively high-density housing. In shrinking cities the restoration of the street and block fabric is
possible in small quantities, but the weak real estate markets prevent a full-scale reconstruction of the
past fabric. Full-scale rebuilding along New Urbanist lines is also conceptually illogical as historic fabrics
in working class areas of industrial cities often lacked many contemporary amenities such as public
space and diverse housing types.
Landscape urbanism, a recent design movement with very different ideals than New Urbanism,
promotes the somewhat paradoxical call to combine natural landscapes with precise, avant-garde
design. xxvii This strategy generally operates best in large, discrete parcels of land with few structures,
such as vacant industrial sites. But the vacant areas of shrinking cities are rarely large and discrete;
instead they are more often small and scattered, with many properties, many owners, and many
structures remaining. In time landscape urbanism may better confront the property conditions of
shrinking cities; in the meantime, landscape urbanism is a compelling strategy for large previously
industrial areas such as the “monumental wilderness” of empty grain elevators along the Buffalo River
but not for the patchwork of vacant and settled areas that characterize partly abandoned
neighborhoods. xxviii As a citywide strategy, landscape urbanism has even less traction, for any large-scale
open space strategy would face skepticism from political leaders interested in increasing economic
development and fearful of alienating voters with threats of widespread condemnation for open space.
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Figure 14.7. Reconstructing a Semi-Abandoned Neighborhood with Improved Housing, Additional
Open Space and Changed Street Patterns
Shrinking cities present urban designers and planners with a physical condition that current
urban design ideals do not fully address. Urban design has always projected visions of the city as a
complete, idealized entity, from the symmetrical avenues of the Baroque xxix to Brasilia’s bird-in-flight
form xxx to the picturesque New Urbanist village of Seaside. xxxi Precisely the opposite conditions,
however, characterize shrinking cities: an incompleteness and imperfection that make the attainment
of an ideal form a seeming impossibility. Urban designers tend to dislike imperfection and
incompleteness, but any urban design theory for the shrinking city ideal will, by necessity, have to value
and incorporate these attributes.
The future shrinking city should be neither New Urbanism’s ideal restored cityscape of historicist
homes nor landscape urbanism’s successional landscape of returned nature, but rather a patchwork of
differentiated areas containing settlements of multiple densities and form, interspersed with open areas
of various sizes, programs, and levels of use. Four spatial patterns should characterize the shrinking
city’s “patchwork urbanism”: a large-scale pattern of interwoven growth and shrinkage, and its three
components: areas with extensive shrinkage, growth in isolation, and growth in connection. The
following sections describe each of these principles in detail (see Figures 4 and 7 for illustrations in a
hypothetical city and neighborhood). Below, I describe the components of the patchwork urbanism that
both describe the existing shrinking cityscape and provide a framework for a new urban design approach
to improve these environments.
Interwoven Growth and Shrinkage
Few urban designers have acknowledged and appreciated urban incompleteness as a formal
ideal. Among them is Kevin Lynch, who described an ideal metropolitan form that he called “the
polycentered net.” xxxii Such a net would possess both “intensive peaks” of density and “extensive regions
of low density” within a “dispersed urban sheet” or urban grid. This grid would consist both of streets
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and of “belts and tongues of open land.” This pattern would not be static, but would “specialize and
grow, perhaps in a rhythmically pulsating fashion.” Lynch’s recommendation captured many of the
characteristics that he felt characterized the modern metropolis: generally low densities resulting from
automobile use and a desire for pastoral settings; dynamism resulting in part from rapid technological
and lifestyle advances; choice resulting from the increased desire of different types of people for
different experiences at different times; and physical differentiation resulting from the presence of both
historic and modern structures and urban patterns across any given area.
Lynch’s polycentered net was a somewhat odd idea, and he did not wholeheartedly explore it
again nor has any other urban designer expanded upon it. It certainly has little resemblance to New
Urbanism’s “transect,” which offers a 1920s vision of a dense central city and low-density suburbs. xxxiii
Fifty years later the polycentered net remains an apt ideal for the American city, accepting both
suburban sprawl and urban centrality with neither nostalgia nor cynicism. At a smaller scale, the
polycentered net is also a helpful spatial concept to apply to shrinking cities. Historically structured
around speculative grids developed with a homogenous pattern of housing and other buildings (Figure
1), shrinking cities have in their decline shifted toward a differentiated, if unorganized, pattern of lower
and higher (i.e. historic) building densities (Figure 2). The differentiated grid of shrinking cities, with
areas that are still becoming denser and other areas with increasing abandonment, is analogous to the
dynamic patterns of density and openness of Lynch’s concept.
The fluidity and dynamism of Lynch’s concepts constituted a sea change from the static urban
design ideals of the past. In similar fashion, an urban design approach should accommodate rather than
reject the shrinking city’s inevitable housing loss within the historic street network. Attempting to stop
this shrinkage in the future is likely to be as fruitless as in the past, for individual abandonment and
demolition of abandoned buildings motivated by safety concerns and neighborhood complaints will
continue to generate piecemeal vacancies. Even if building loss in shrinking areas continues to be
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unplanned, decisions about growth or reconstruction of abandoned areas need not be; location should
be as critical for state-driven redevelopment as it is for private developers building in shrinking cities.
Gradually increasing areas of lower density will continue to characterize shrinking cities as city
officials and private owners demolish structures on a piecemeal basis year by year. These shrinking,
increasingly empty areas will intermingle with remaining, surviving areas of historic building stock and
densities. While overall shrinkage continues, urban design policy can reverse shrinkage in selected
locations by constructing new large-scale, mostly residential neighborhoods that return certain lowdensity areas to a higher (if not historic) density level. Government-driven redevelopment could
construct these new neighborhoods even as private developers continue to construct scattered, smallerscale projects along major corridors (Figures 4, 7). The overall city would continue to shrink, but certain
areas of the city would grow within this declining fabric. Thus, today’s pattern of patchwork shrinkage
with concentrated growth in higher-income areas would under this plan shift to a more balanced
pattern of shrinkage and growth across both high- and low-income areas of the city. This new growth
pattern would stabilize parts of the shrinking city fabric, while allowing loss to continue elsewhere in the
city.
(Figure 4 [patchwork urbanism redevelopment pattern] about here)
(Figures 5, 6, and 7 can go anywhere in the next sections)
Extensive Shrinkage
The fate of open, vacant areas in shrinking cities makes up much of the dialogue about
shrinkage. From “blots” of vacant lots annexed by adjoining homeowners in Detroit xxxiv to corridors of
abandoned infrastructure, urban farms, and wildlife habitat, open spaces in shrinking cities both
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provoke those who wish for regenerated historic urban fabrics and suggest promise for those who long
for a fuller expression of nature in cities. Open spaces in shrinking cities are growing and evolving and
will continue to do so, offering a rich palette for exploration and cultivation of diverse activities. Vacant
areas are abundant, and urban policymakers and urban designers should see them as ‘open territory’ for
whatever gestures residents or outsiders wish to make there.
Probably the least practical transformation for these areas is to turn them into formal city parks.
Conventional recreation equipment, maintained athletic fields, and pastoral Olmstedian landscapes
would be impossibly expensive, and these facilities already exist in overabundance from past eras. The
most practical transformations have already been occurring, such as the piecemeal, everyday
annexation of empty parcels, whether formal or informal, by residents who have chosen to remain and
who value these parcels as amenities for their own home. But “blotting” is likely to be a limited-scale
strategy, and one that may itself ultimately decrease in frequency as residents of scattered homes
continue to leave the city and as new developments with more fixed form incorporate open space into
their designs. No blotting can exist without homes. By the same token this everyday urbanism-related
practice holds substantial continued promise in cities with dense rowhouses, where outdoor private
space is both entirely absent and badly needed, such as Philadelphia or Baltimore. City officials should
strongly encourage blotting in these cities, perhaps with low fences or walls to provide some
continuation of the former streetwall.
Ultimately the open areas of shrinking cities will themselves resemble a patchwork, a green
microcosm of the city at large, with a mix of consciously designed space--maintained small blots, larger
areas cultivated as urban farms, and designated natural habitat areas-- with the unconscious, meaning
badly maintained city- or privately-owned parcels, and larger areas of land undesignated for any use
whatsoever. All of these open areas, designed or not, will intermix with remaining homes. No one
vacancy strategy is likely to dominate these areas of continued shrinkage, nor should one, for open area
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strategies will evolve as shrinkage continues. New development may in time occupy some open areas; if
these are designed areas, their reuse will likely engender resistance in the same way that community
garden “owners” have fought redevelopment in New York and Chicago. But most new development, if
and when it reoccupies open areas, will not encounter much resistance, except from speculators. New
development will likely never occur in most open areas, which will remain open for the foreseeable
future.
Perhaps the most contentious aspect of dialogues over the fate of open areas has concerned
residents who remain in isolated houses scattered throughout these areas. Involuntary displacement
was the Achilles’ heel of urban renewal, and its ghost haunts dialogues about rightsizing. Urban citizens
who have persisted through decades of decline and abandonment and who may enjoy their isolation
and spaciousness are rightly incensed at prospects that city officials may displace them simply for open
space or wildlife habitat. Residents of mostly open areas who wish to remain there, surrounded by
memories and a pastoral landscape, should do so. At the same time, city officials should establish
service provision standards reduction of city services to isolated, nearly vacant areas; one might imagine
the city formally abandoning street blocks where only one or two houses remain and deeding
maintenance responsibility for that street to the residents. Such distances are much less than those
owned and maintained by residents of rural areas. But residents of isolated, sparsely populated open
areas will need to come to grips with the reality that living in abandoned areas will require them to
assume additional responsibilities, as the reach of municipal services recedes to the nearest street
intersection.
Growth in Isolation
In cities such as Detroit, abandonment has progressed to the point where some neighborhoods
may be a mile or more from retailing establishments and market-rate housing. Vacancy has occurred for
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so long and to such an extent that surviving intact blocks are “isolated” by larger patches of
abandonment. In Buffalo, for example, patchwork abandonment in the city’s central declining area is
almost two miles in diameter. xxxv Isolated areas are poor prospects for conventional, privately-financed
housing development. Residents or visitors unfamiliar with the areas tend to avoid them, so most city
residents do not see them. Since they are inhabited almost entirely by people in poverty, services, police
protection, and other municipal benefits are less than in other parts of the city. Many isolated areas,
built in an era when cities were denser and pedestrian-oriented, are also remote from major arterials,
making them inconvenient for automobile access. The result, seen in Figure 3, is what one might expect:
isolated areas receive little redevelopment except for scattered nonprofit housing. Out of sight and out
of mind to other residents of the city, isolated areas tend to remain isolated, and their decline tends to
continue.
Physical isolation confers a significant, direct cost on residents of these areas and less directly
confers costs on the city as a whole. For residents, physical isolation means disconnection from everyday
amenities found in denser areas, much as “social isolation” isolates residents from socioeconomic role
models. xxxvi Large stretches of the inner cities pictured in Camilo Jose Vergara’s photos feature nary a
grocery store or restaurant, a sign of physical isolation’s cost. xxxvii Other parts of the city suffer in turn
from physically isolated areas’ failure to redevelop, because abandonment in adjoining areas may grow
as abandonment in isolated areas increases. Work in Buffalo has clearly showed this phenomenon. xxxviii
Creating new neighborhoods in shrinking cities’ most isolated areas thus could be an important
strategy. Perhaps the strongest argument in favor of new neighborhood development in such areas is
based on equity; in a democracy, all citizens merit a decent living environment with access to public
facilities, regardless of where they happen to live. Isolated area residents’ continued deprivation of
access to amenities common in denser areas can thus reduce if not violate their civil rights, just as
children citywide should have the right of access to the best available public education. New
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neighborhoods in isolated areas may not reverse or remove negative influences present in the lives of
area residents, but they will certainly increase their exposure to benefits such as new parks, streets, or
stable neighborhoods, and indirect benefits such as improved city services and increased public order in
surrounding areas. Current redevelopment policies that emphasize new housing in areas adjacent to
high-value areas of the city tacitly exclude citizens of isolated areas from receiving the spillover benefits
of new development such as improved public services or police protection. The lack of development in
isolated areas thus diminishes rather than enhances equity for residents of these areas.
Certain factors that influence private-sector development in shrinking cities, particularly
visibility and access from major arterial roads, should also guide selection of new neighborhood sites
within isolated areas. Any new neighborhood site should adjoin at least a mid-sized arterial street to
enhance auto access and increase the probability of mass transit access. Additionally, a new
neighborhood adjoining a mid-sized arterial offers a better market for retail development constructed
either with or following housing construction. (Figure 4 shows this adjacency to arterial streets).
Equity arguments are sufficient reason to locate new neighborhoods within isolated areas to the
extent practicable as long as these developments are accessible from arterial roadways. An isolated-area
new neighborhood strategy would be a radical one for shrinking cities; recent developments including
Philadelphia’s Poplar Nehemiah have been sited adjacent to active areas in the hope of incentivizing
market development and buffering healthy areas from decline. This strategy is legitimate, but it ignores
the arguably stronger equity motive for building in isolated areas.
Urban design arguments for new neighborhoods in isolated areas are also strong. With high
levels of vacancy and poor social and economic conditions, isolated areas require innovative design to
reimagine neighborhood patterns. In isolated, abandoned areas, little reason exists to replicate the longgone pattern of speculative grids developed with monotonous, dense housing. New residents, many of
whom may be coming from or may be considering the suburbs, will doubtless desire both distinction
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and protection from deteriorated surroundings, as well as amenities such as private open space and offstreet parking routine in contemporary development elsewhere. Developers have often provided
contemporary amenities in inner cities through the construction of suburban-style housing providing
private parking and culs-de-sac, but urban designers have a responsibility to do more than merely
imitate suburbs. xxxix Instead, they must supply housing that provides expected private amenities, but
that also provides some of the activity, security, and visual and experiential interest of urban
neighborhoods.
Residents of new neighborhoods in isolated areas are likely to have low or moderate incomes.
Upper-income residents have choices that enable them to consider other locations, and some
metropolitan-area residents’ racial fears prevent them from considering a location that they consider
“inner-city.” However, low- and moderate-income city residents may find isolated locations desirable.
Amenities such as spacious homes and private space would be available at a low cost, making isolated
areas competitive locations for homeowners conscious of costs and tolerant of urban locations. Such
homeowners, often African-American, are precisely the demographic that has purchased new for-sale
homes in redeveloped areas of Detroit such as Victoria Park. xl Such residents also made up the new
neighborhoods of Yorktown, North Philadelphia’s most stable neighborhood, as Kromer noted. xli Lowermiddle-class households may represent the best hope for preventing housing abandonment in isolated
areas, but they will require well-designed new neighborhoods to attract and house them.
Little or no prospect exists for private-sector developer financing of new neighborhood
construction in isolated areas. For-profit development in shrinking cities is risky even in the best of times
and locations, xlii and to expect developer financing in isolated locations is surely to ask too much. Only
city governments, fiscally constrained as they are, possess the means to finance new housing in isolated
locations, but they should not do so outside of the framework of a spatial plan that fairly balances
different neighborhoods’ needs for rebuilding.
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Constructing new neighborhoods would be costly and would demand significant time and
capacity from city agencies. Philadelphia, for example, was able to afford only a few sizable publiclyfinanced new neighborhoods in the prosperous 1990s. In Buffalo, however, reduced federal funding is
not the limiting factor in constructing new neighborhoods. With a ten-year time horizon, ample federal
and state funds were available to construct hundreds of new houses at densities of around 15 units per
acre at a cost of up to $200,000 per housing unit. xliii Given that land costs are low in most shrinking-city
neighborhoods, the construction of new neighborhoods in abandoned areas of shrinking cities would
seem feasible. Whether shrinking-city agencies are up to the task is another question.
Growth in Connection
While abandoned, isolated areas are perhaps shrinking cities’ most striking and troubling
environments, many other areas of these cities have brighter prospects. Every shrinking city has healthy
neighborhoods where residents choose to live and remain, forgoing the suburbs in favor of a distinctive
living experience in the city. These healthy neighborhoods are little different than their better-known
cousins in “creative-class” cities such as Portland or Boston, and their prices are often lower.
Entrepreneurial real estate developers see these sites as excellent locations for new housing, and city
administrations are happy to subsidize them.
Unlike in Boston or Portland, however, shrinking cities often possess partially abandoned
neighborhoods close to these healthy areas. Buffalonians who take the short walk across Main Street
away from prosperous Delaware Avenue find themselves in the shrinking neighborhood of Masten Park,
a low-income, African-American neighborhood with approximately 50 percent of its properties vacant
lots. xliv Buffalo, Cleveland, and other shrinking cities possess many such “connected” shrinking
neighborhoods, adjacent to prosperous areas but nevertheless badly deteriorated.
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New neighborhoods in connected areas offer different benefits both to residents and to the city
as a whole. Since these locations are already adjacent to intact and higher-income residential and retail
areas, residents of new neighborhoods enjoy immediate access to these amenities. Adjacent new
neighborhoods also reinforce the success of healthy areas as additional new residents locate within
walking or short driving distance of these places, a trend that supports existing activities. Proximity to
active neighborhoods is beneficial to lower-income residents. Development in connected
neighborhoods also holds promise of attracting a potentially greater range of incomes and populations
than is possible for isolated areas. Neighborhoods adjacent to high-priced areas have historically been at
risk of gentrification in more prosperous cities, but gentrification risks are low in shrinking cities.
Demand for housing is low, and prices are affordable even in healthy neighborhoods.
At a larger scale, construction of new neighborhoods at the frontier of decline can check
abandonment’s apparent spread across deteriorating neighborhoods. New neighborhoods on
borderlands between healthy and vacant neighborhoods indicate that “abandonment stops here,”
reduce risk to healthy neighborhoods, and help to revive formerly at-risk shrinking neighborhoods. This
metaphor, of helping those who are not yet beyond hope, is widespread: medicine has the practice of
triage; in crime prevention, fixing ‘broken windows” quickly avoids more serious problems, and many
social programs direct aid toward “at-risk” children. Constructing new neighborhoods in “at-risk,”
connected areas promises to arrest or stabilize decline’s spread and to reverse abandonment in areas
where it has not yet fully taken hold, even if it offers little promise to areas elsewhere with deeper
abandonment problems where a gradual leveraging of private-sector activity may take years or decades
to spread.
However, connected areas are generally less extensively abandoned than isolated areas, and
latitude for major urban design intervention is correspondingly less. At vacancy rates of below 50
percent, street, block, and settlement reconfiguration is difficult barring extensive relocation of existing
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residents. xlv Urban design at moderate levels of abandonment is thus limited to small new clusters of
homes, closure of occasional streets, and provision of new open spaces or community facilities on
scattered sites. Since even small-scale actions may require home relocation, significant numbers of
remaining houses make an infill urban design approach stronger in connected areas. Such strategies
have been pursued in moderately vacant neighborhoods such as Corktown in Detroit or Buffalo’s Near
West Side.
Towards a New Shrinking City
Almost forty years ago, the United States abandoned the enterprise of state-driven urban
redevelopment in favor of decentralization and private initiative. xlvi The neoliberal economics that have
dominated since that time have driven planning and urban design, particularly in the United States but
increasingly in Europe, to follow the lead of private-sector developers in rebuilding cities. Some theorists
believe that such a strategy is ideal, that obeying the market’s wishes is the best path forward for
building cities. xlvii Yet this very strategy has also cast shrinking cities adrift, guiding them to spend
hundreds of millions of dollars on downtown megaprojects xlviii and subsidizing developers to construct
housing in connected areas, while ignoring the even larger challenge of improving conditions in the
isolated, abandoned areas that grow larger as economic decline continues. The shrinkage of historically
industrial cities represents the signal failure of neoliberal planning and of the planners that advocate it,
for shrinking cities’ reliance on the market has clearly done little to improve the quality of the built
environment in their most abandoned areas. This chapter has argued that a benevolent, interventionist,
critical urban design approach can begin to undo the neglect of the laissez-faire planning of the past
forty years and begin to project a future for shrinking cities that goes beyond the piecemeal
abandonment and demolition they currently experience.
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Such an urban design approach might address each of the different landscapes of the shrinking
city-- areas with extensive shrinkage, new neighborhoods in isolated areas, and new neighborhoods in
connected areas--with strategies that mix new construction in some areas with the acceptance of
continued abandonment and decline in other areas. Funds are likely to be scarce and political capacity
episodic, but a robust urban design approach has the potential to transcend these constraints. Ideally,
the future shrinking city would be a “patchwork city” of new, old, vanished, and vanishing
neighborhoods, intermingled within the bounds of the historic city. Such cities will not be preserved
historic monuments, but neither will they be ruined wastelands. Ultimately, shrinking cities might
become a lively combination of different types of environments, a central-city realization of Kevin
Lynch’s “polycentered net.”
Rightsizing will be an urban policy subject to the same challenges and opportunities as all other
urban policies. Political leadership in shrinking cities is not necessarily strong; agencies have lost capacity
over years of budget cuts. Federal and state funding to shrinking cities is not generous, but it can
achieve substantial aims if applied in large quantities to a single site. Constructing concentrated and
innovative new neighborhoods will change urban development as usual and place new demands on
nonprofit and public agencies accustomed to decentralized action. But the problem of shrinking cities is
too large to be left to chance, to the market, or to scattered and ineffective actors. Rightsizing shrinking
cities represents a new opportunity for urban design and planning to take the lead in shaping the future
of some of the United States’ most distinctive and meaningful urban environments. The need to
rightsize is critical, the potential to rightsize is tremendous, and the time to rightsize is now.
Ryan, Rightsizing Shrinking Cities
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i
Richard Campanella, Bienville’s Dilemma: A historical geography of New Orleans (Lafayette, LA: Center
for Louisiana Studies, 2008), 344-350; Ehrenfeucht and Nelson, this volume.
ii
Camilo Vergara, American Ruins (New York: Monacelli Press, 2003); Andrew Moore and Philip Levine,
Detroit Disassembled (Akron, OH: Akron Art Museum, 2010); Yves Marchand and Roland Meffre, The
Ruins of Detroit (London: Steidl, 2010).
iii
For the purposes of this chapter, “abandonment” means permanently vacant buildings as well as the
vacant land that results from the demolition of such structures.
iv
In this chapter, diagrams of a hypothetical city illustrate problems and solutions at both the city scale
(Figures 1 through 4) and neighborhood scale (Figures 5 through 7). This hypothetical city contains
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elements of several different shrinking cities in the American Rust Belt, but it does not purport to
represent real conditions in any one city.
v
Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Vintage, 1961).
vi
Brent Ryan, Julie Stein, Jessica Fain, and Eva Strobel, “Project 1,” Shrinking City Buffalo Urban Design
Studio, Massachusetts Institute of Technology School of Architecture and Planning, Cambridge, MA,
2010, available at http://shrinkingcitystudio.wordpress.com/.
vii
Christine MacDonald and Darren A. Nichols, “Bing moves to jump-start plans to reshape Detroit,”
Detroit News, August 18, 2010.
viii
Ryan et al, “Project 1.”
ix
Ibid.
x
Kevin Lynch, Good City Form (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981); Alexander Cuthbert, The Form of
Cities: Political economy and urban design (London: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006).
xi
Paul Davidoff, “Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning,” Journal of the American Institute of Planners 31,
no. 4 (1965): 544-55.
xii
Richard Dagenhart and David Sawicki, “Architecture and Planning: The divergence of two fields,”
Journal of Planning Education and Research 12, no. 1 (1992): 1-16.
xiii
Bernard Tschumi, “The Environmental Trigger,” in A Continuing Experiment: Learning and Teaching at
the Architectural Association, ed. James Gowan (London: Architectural Association,
1975).
xiv
Brent Ryan, Design After Decline: How America rebuilds shrinking cities (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming).
xv
Peter G. Rowe, Modernity and Housing (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993).
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Agdam (Azerbayán)
Esta ciudad llegó a albergar en su interior a 150.000 almas. se convirtió en
lo que es en 1993 durante la guerra de “Nagorno Karabahk”, aunque al ciudad
en realidad nunca fue el objetivo del combate callo victima del vandalismo
mientras estaba ocupada por los armenios lo que hizo que su población se
moviera a otras áreas de Azerbaiján e incluso a Irán. En la mayoría de los casos
sus edificios son cáscaras vacías sin nada en su interior, con sus puertas y
sus ventanas forzadas en un intento por saquear cualquier cosa de valor que
pudiera haber en ellos.
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Varosha, Famagusta (Chipre)
La historia de Varosha, un distrito de la ciudad chipriota de Famagusta en
la República Turca del Norte de Chipre, está marcada por la rivalidad entre dos
pueblos. En los años 70, esta zona costera se convirtió en el primer destino
turístico de Chipre y uno de más populares del mundo. Hasta sus lujosos
hoteles y restaurantes acudían actores, políticos y artistas como Elizabeth
Taylor, Richard Burton, Raquel Welch o Brigitte Bardot entre otros.
Para satisfacer el creciente número de turistas desde 1970 a 1974 se
construyeron nuevos hoteles y grandes edificios que debieron ser abandonados
en el verano de 1974 tras la invasión turca en Chipre, en respuesta al golpe de
Estado «pro-griego».
El ejército Turco y el Grecochipriota cruzaron fuego en las calles de
Famagusta. La población, temiendo una masacre, dejó sus casas, trabajos y
vida diaria abandonando una ciudad a la que ya nadie ha vuelto a entrar por la
falta de entendimiento. El Ejército Turco tomó el control de la zona durante la
invasión y la valló pero una resolución de Naciones Unidas impide «asentarse
a cualquier persona que no sea sus habitantes» lo que ha llevado a que esta
turística zona costera se convierta en una ciudad fantasma cada día más
deteriorada.
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kowloon (China)
Es una de las pequeñas ciudades rusas que se arruinaron con la caída de
la unión soviética, originariamente se trataba de una ciudad minera de estaño.
Sus residentes se vieron obligados a abandonar la ciudad para encontrar
servicios tan básicos como agua corriente, colegios o asistencia sanitaria,
el Estado les realojo en tan solo dos semanas, redistribuyéndoles por otros
pueblos y asignándoles nuevos domicilios. En sus prisas por evacuarlos la
población abandono tras de si casi todas sus pertenencias pro lo que aun
pueden encontrarse juguetes viejos, libros, ropa y otra clase de objetos en esta
ciudad fantasma
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Kadykchan (Rusia)
Es una de las pequeñas ciudades rusas que se arruinaron con la caída de
la unión soviética, originariamente se trataba de una ciudad minera de estaño.
Sus residentes se vieron obligados a abandonar la ciudad para encontrar
servicios tan básicos como agua corriente, colegios o asistencia sanitaria,
el Estado les realojo en tan solo dos semanas, redistribuyéndoles por otros
pueblos y asignándoles nuevos domicilios. En sus prisas por evacuarlos la
población abandono tras de si casi todas sus pertenencias pro lo que aun
pueden encontrarse juguetes viejos, libros, ropa y otra clase de objetos en esta
ciudad fantasma.
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Prípiat ( Ucrania)
La triste historia de la ciudad de Prípiat está vinculada a la Central Nuclear
de Chernóbil. Fundada el 4 de febrero de 1970 para dar hogar a los trabajadores
de la Central y a sus familias pronto se convertiría en una urbe con gran número
de población y en una de las zonas más agradables para vivir de la antigua
URSS.
En sólo 16 años la población creció hasta alcanzar más de 40.000 personas
que llegaron traídas por su estratégica posición geográfica en un clima
relativamente templado y un suelo muy fértil, cerca de una estación de tren,
una autopista y, por supuesto, el río que daba nombre a la ciudad. Sus amplias
avenidas, sus edificios, museos, colegios, parques, cines o restaurantes daban
vida a una ciudad que no imaginaba su trágico final.
Un 26 de abril de 1986 la localidad sufrió los efectos del peor accidente
de la historia de la energía nuclear cuando explotó un reactor de la Central
Nuclear de Chernóbil. La mayoría de los habitantes fueron evacuados de sus
casas para protegerlos de la enorme radiación, los animales domésticos y
el ganado debieron ser dejados atrás y sacrificados para evitar alteraciones
genéticas y muerte en sus descendientes.
Hoy, la ciudad «radioactiva» es una urbe fantasma donde apenas los
científicos acceden a unas calles donde la vegetación se abre camino entre
muros de hormigón que ven pasar los días sin esperanza de volver a escuchar
los gritos, cantos o risas de sus antiguos habitantes.
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Gunkanjima (Japón)
Es una de las 505 islas sin habitar del archipiélago de Japón, se encuentra
cerca de la ciudad de Nagasaki, a unos 15 kilómetros, también se la llama
la ciudad acorazado gracias a sus altos muros para protegerla de las
inclemencias marinas que la hace parecerse a un acorazado del ejercito.
En 1890, Mitsubishi compró la isla e inició un proyecto para la extracción de
carbón del fondo del mar, este proyecto atrajo mucha atención y en 1916 se
vieron obligados a construir edificios de hormigón para dar alojamiento y
protección frente a los huracanes a los trabajadores que allí vivían. Finalmente
en 1960 el petróleo reemplazó al carbón como principal combustible y las minas
de carbón empezaron a cerrar por todo el mundo, esta no fue una excepción.
En 1974 Mitsubishi anunció el cierre de la mina y a dia de hoy el lugar esta
completamente vacío y su entrada prohibida.
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Oradour Sur-Glane (Francia)
La apacible localidad rural francesa de Oradour-sur-Glane en la región de
Lemosín quedó marcada para siempre un 10 de junio de 1944 convirtiéndose
en un símbolo de los crímenes de guerra cometidos en Francia durante la
ocupación nazi y el régimen colaboracionista de Vichy, en la Segunda Guerra
Mundial.
Tal día de 1944 las SS alemanas atacaban a una población civil indefensa
mientras tenía lugar la Batalla de Normandía en la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
Aquel día fueron asesinadas 642 personas. La población que consiguió huir
vio destruida la mayor parte de sus edificios e infraestructuras tras su pillaje e
incendio, quedando la ciudad completamente en ruinas.
Al final de la guerra, las ruinas de la población fueron mantenidas en su
estado por orden del gobierno francés de Charles de Gaulle, como recuerdo de
este crimen y símbolo de los sufrimientos causados por la ocupación nazi.
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Craco (Italia)
A principios del siglo XI, la ciudad italiana de Craco empezó a levantar
sobre una colina una impresionante ciudad con casonas señoriales, iglesias,
palacios y hasta un castillo. Pero los arquitectos de esta próspera localidad
no tuvieron en cuenta la calidad del terreno donde edificaban y construían sus
calles.
El antiguo pueblo de Craco situado sobre una colina de arena y arcilla y
sobre una falla geológica con habituales movimiento sísmicos no aguantó y
tuvo que ser abandonado por sus habitantes quedando semiderruido en 1975.
Hoy en día sus ruinas se han convertido en un atractivo para los turistas
que recorren sus calles entre fachadas destruidas y admiran la riqueza de otros
tiempos que ya nunca volverán a Craco.
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San Zhi (Taiwan)
A alguien se le ocurrió hacer un lugar de lujo para disfrutar de unas
vacaciones de estilo futurista, lógicamente dirigido a los ricos. Sin embargo se
produjeron numerosos accidentes fatales durante su construcción y finalmente
tuvieron que detenerla, finalmente la falta de dinero y la falta de interés por
acabar el proyecto llevaron a que este nunca se reiniciara.
Finalmente el gobierno que encargo las obras se distancio de todo el
asunto y trato de tapar toda la bizarra edificación, como resultado no hay
nombres de arquitectos ni de ningún responsable de las obras. Curiosamente
poco tiempo después empezó a surgir la leyenda de que el lugar estaba
encantado por los espíritus de los fallecidos en los accidentes de las obras, en
la actualidad se dice que los espíritus habitan este área y viven en las casas
como los seres vivos lo hacemos en las nuestras, esta leyenda ha devaluado
terriblemente la zona lo que la ha hecho muy poco atractivo para futuras obras
lo que en principio va a perpetuar en el tiempo la existencia de esta ciudad
fantasma.
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Kolmanskop (Namibia)
En 1908 Lüderitz estaba inmerso en la fiebre de los diamantes y había
ríos de gente que llegaban hasta el desierto de Namibia esperando hacer una
fortuna fácilmente, ríos de gente, por que de agua, ninguno. En dos años la
ciudad estaba completa, con casino, colegio, hospital, zonas residenciales…
todo en medio de la nada y rodeado de dunas de arena. Poco después las
ventas de diamantes a nivel mundial bajaron y llegó el principio del final.
Durante los años 50 la ciudad se fue quedando paulatinamente sin gente y
las dinas empezaron a reclamar lo que era suyo. Los carteles de metal se
cayeron, los jardines se vieron invadidos por la arena, las puertas y ventanas
se fueron rompiendo bajo las inclemencias del tiempo. En la actualidad
todavía se mantienen en pie y pueden verse muchos edificios que no han sido
enterrados completamente por la arena, algunos de ellos están en muy buenas
condiciones pero la mayoría no son más que ruinas.
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Bodie, EEUU
La historia de la ciudad californiana de Bodie está ligada a las minas de oro
y a la madera. Esta típica población del oeste de EE.UU. bien pudiera ser una de
las que tantas veces han sido retratadas en las películas de vaqueros. A finales
del año 1870 el pueblo dedicado a explotar las minas de oro alcanzó su apogeo
con una población de 10.000 habitantes. Junto al crecimiento de su población
se instalaron hasta 65 «saloons» -el bar típico del oeste de los Estados Unidos
en el siglo XIX-, restaurantes, iglesias, bancos y una escuela.
El declive de Bodie empezó en 1882 con la bancarrota de las compañías
mineras provocando que la población empezara a emigrar. Dos graves
incendios unidos a la Gran Depresión terminaron con la historia de esta
localidad. Bodie pasó a convertirse en una «ciudad fantasma».
En los años 1960 fue considerada un Distrito Histórico de los Estados
Unidos y hoy en día es una de las zonas turísticas más visitadas del oeste de
EE.UU.
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Belchite, Espagne
Belchite, es un pueblo cercano a Zaragoza que fue una joya arquitectónica
con capillas, palacios renacentistas, iglesias y dos monasterios hasta que
fue bombardeada durante la Guerra Civil dejando un balance de más de 6.000
muertos en quince días. Quien pasea entre sus ruinas puede imaginar el horror
vivido y para muchos investigadores de lo paranormal Belchite es el lugar
por excelencia de las psicofonías. Aseguran que existen grabaciones que
atestiguan los gritos, caídas de bombas o resonar de campanas de los quince
días que convirtieron Belchite en un pueblo fantasma.
Como ocurrió en localidad francesa de Oradour-sur-Glane, la ciudad de
Belchite nunca fue reconstruida. Tras finalizar la guerra Francisco Franco
decidió crear un pueblo nuevo al lado -conocido como Belchite nuevo-, dejando
intactas las ruinas del anterior como recuerdo de la contienda. El conjunto, hoy
en día abandonado y en parte cerrado al paso de personas, se conoce como
Pueblo Viejo de Belchite.
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BIBLIOGRAPHIE
Ouvrages et articles généraux:
BARON Myriam, CUNNINGHAM-SABOT Emmanuèle, GRASLAND Claude, RIVIÈRE
Dominique et HAMME Gilles VAN (dir.), Villes et régions européennes en décroissance
maintenir la cohésion territoriale ?, Paris, Hermès science : Lavoisier (coll. « Traités IGAT »),
2010, 346 p.
CUNNINGHAM-SABOT Emmanuèle et FOL Sylvie, « Shrinking Cities in France and Great
Britain: A Silent Process? » dans The Future of Shrinking Cities - Problems, Patterns and
Strategies of Urban Transformation in a Global Context, Berkeley, University of California, Center
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