Policies for Sustainable Accessibility and Mobility in Urban

Transcription

Policies for Sustainable Accessibility and Mobility in
Urban Areas of Africa
Cities reports
Cities reports
June 2015
The SSATP is an international partnership to facilitate policy development and related
capacity building in the transport sector in Africa.
Sound policies lead to safe, reliable, and cost-effective transport, freeing people to lift themselves out of poverty and helping countries to compete internationally.
*******
The SSATP is a partnership of
40 African countries: Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central
African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Côte d'Ivoire,
Ethiopia, Gabon, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal,
Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe
8 Regional Economic Communities:
2 African institutions: UNECA, AU/NEPAD
Financing partners for the Second Development Plan: European Commission (main donor),
Austria, France, Norway, Sweden, United Kingdom, Islamic Development Bank, African Development Bank, and World Bank (host)
Many public and private national and regional organizations
*******
The SSATP gratefully acknowledges the contributions and support of member countries and its
partners.
*******
This paper is a product of the SSATP. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein do
not necessarily reflect the views of the SSATP or the World Bank. The SSATP does not guarantee the
accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information
shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of the SSATP or the World Bank
concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries.
© January 2015 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank Group
1818 H Street, NW Washington D.C 20433 USA.
The text of this publication may be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or
nonprofit issues, without special permission provided acknowledgement of the source is made. Requests
for permission to reproduce portions for resale or commercial purposes should be sent to the SSATP
Program Manager at the address above. The SSATP encourages dissemination of its work and normally
gives permission promptly. The Program Manager would appreciate receiving a copy of the document that
uses this publication for its source sent in care of the address above.
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments __________________________________________________ vii
Introduction ________________________________________________________ 1
1.
Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire ____________________________________________ 3
2.
Accra, Ghana __________________________________________________ 11
3.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ___________________________________________ 17
4.
Bouake, Côte d’Ivoire ___________________________________________ 25
5.
Cairo, Egypt ___________________________________________________ 33
6.
Cape Town, South Africa ________________________________________ 39
7.
Casablanca, Maroc ______________________________________________ 45
8.
Dakar, Sénégal _________________________________________________ 51
9.
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania _________________________________________ 57
10. Gauteng City, South Africa _______________________________________ 63
11. Kampala, Uganda ______________________________________________ 71
12. Kinshasa, R.D.C. _______________________________________________ 76
13. Kumasi, Ghana_________________________________________________ 83
14. Lagos, Nigeria__________________________________________________ 91
15. Maputo, Mozambique ___________________________________________ 99
16. Nairobi, Kenya ________________________________________________ 107
17. Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso ____________________________________ 121
18. Rabat-Salé, Maroc _____________________________________________ 127
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19. Sfax, Tunisie __________________________________________________ 133
20. Tunis, Tunisie ________________________________________________ 139
vi
Acknowledgments
These reports were prepared by a team led by Martin Stucki (Transitec Consulting
Engineers) in collaboration with Delphine Albrecht (Transitec Consulting Engineers),
Laila Mokhlisse (Transitec Consulting Engineers), Margarida Neta (Transitec Consulting Engineers), Jorge Vargas (Transitec Consulting Engineers), Nico McLachlan
(ODA), Roger Behrens (UCT-ACET), Sean Cooke (UCT-ACET), Julien Allaire
(CODATU), Pablo Salazar-Ferro (CODATU), Rafaa Mraihi (CODATU), Dorothy
McCormick (University of Nairobi), David A. Mfinanga (University of Dar es salaam) and Jean Granjux (Urbaplan). These reports were the subject of several rounds
of reviews and consultations organized within the World Bank and with stakeholders
in and outside Africa. The team is grateful for all the comments received from reviewers and participants in various workshops and events. The paper was published by
Inje Oueslati, SSATP Program Assistant.
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Introduction
English
The present document compiles the main qualitative data collected in the Fall of 2013
in the framework of the study carried out for SSATP. All of the twenty city reports
were structured in a similar way: (1) General overview, (2) Need for improvement of
Urban mobility, (3) Ability to manage the complexity of urban mobility, and (4) Key
issues.
Reports are developed to possibly varying levels of detail, namely depending on the
realization of a field visit or not. Specific field visits were carried out in eight out of
the 20 benchmark urban areas. Goal of the fields visits was to personally meet with
most decision-makers within a given urban area. They were carried out in the Summer and Fall of November 2013, so it is possible that more recent data is not included
in the reports.
Français
Le présent document continent les principales données qualitatives collectés durant
l'automne 2013 dans le cadre de l'étude menée pour le compte de SSATP. Tous les
rapports sont structurés de manière similaire: (1) Contexte général, (2). Besoins
d'amélioration de la mobilité urbaine. 3) Capacité à gérer la complexité de la mobilité
urbaine, et (4) Enjeux structurants.
Ces rapports sont développés à des niveaux de détail potentiellement divers, notamment selon qu'une visite de terrain sur place ait été réalisé ou non. Les visites d'étude
not. été menés pour 8 agglomérations urbaines sur les 20 intégrées dans le benchmark. L'objectif de chaque visite de terrain était de rencontrer la plupart des décideurs en charge dans l'agglomération. Les visites de terrain se sont déroulées entre
l'été et la fin de l'année 2013, ce qui justifie que certaines données plus récentes ne
soient pas forcément intégrées aux rapports.
1
1. Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire
Contexte général
Le contexte actuel d'Abidjan reflète la situation générale de la Côte d'Ivoire qui sort
d'une longue crise socio-politique qui a considérablement affaibli le pays, notamment
son économie mais aussi son fonctionnement institutionnel.
Métropole de 4.7 millions d'habitants, elle compterait environ 6 millions d'habitants
au sortir de la crise. Les quartiers résidentiels du Nord et de l'Ouest ont vu leur population augmenter
alors que les zones
d'emploi restent
concentrées
au
Sud, dans le quartier du Plateau et
du Port. La situation très spécifique
d'Abidjan, au cœur
de la lagune Ebrié, contraint fortement les déplacements au sein d'une agglomération
dont l'occupation du sol actuelle conduit à une pendularité Nord-Sud très marquée.
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Besoins d'amélioration de la mobilité urbaine
Alors que la SOTRA, opérateur historique de
transports collectifs par bus dont l'Etat ivoirien est
actionnaire à 60%, est quasiment la seule entreprise de bus dans la sous-région à s'être maintenue depuis les indépendances, elle est confrontée
à la concurrence massive, et toujours croissante,
des mini-bus et taxis collectifs, formels comme
informels.
Au-delà de ses 7 km de voies réservées pour les bus mais qui ne sont en général pas
respectés, Abidjan ne dispose d'aucune infrastructure de transport collectif de masse.
Les transports collectifs, bus, mini-bus et taxis, sont ainsi fortement touchés par la
congestion que connaît la voirie d'Abidjan sur ses axes structurants en direction du
sud / Plateau aux heures de pointe du matin. Le besoin d'amélioration du système de
transport est flagrant, que ce soit en termes de desserte de certains territoires, de volume d'offre sur certains corridors ou de performance, c'est-à-dire aussi de partage de
l'utilisation de l'espace urbain. Différents projets sont en construction, planifiés, voire
en recherche de financement 1 mais sans qu'une vision globale ne chapeaute le tout. La
1
Des projets d'infrastructure lourde, franchissement de la lagune notamment, sont en construction ou planifiés mais sans prise en considération multimodale (pas de voie réservée aux
bus, etc.).
Par ailleurs, il est à noter qu'un PPP pour un projet de train urbain est en cours de négociation
entr l'Etat ivoirien et un consortium franco-coréen. Toutefois, ce projet ne pourra porter ses
fruits que dans une vision intégrée, basée sur une forte intermodalité entre le train et les autres
modes de transport collectif de surface. A ce jour, aucun projet de restructuration des lignes
de la SOTRA ou de structuration de l'offre en mini-bus ne semble d'actualité.
Enfin, un projet de renforcement du transport lagunaire fait aussi partie des projets phare du
district d'Abidjan.
4
Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire
démarche en cours d'actualisation du Schéma directeur d'urbanisme 2, qui intègre un
volet mobilité conséquent, pourrait combler cette lacune et définir une vision d'organisation et d'accessibilité multimodale du territoire à mettre en œuvre sur les 15 prochaines années.
Capacité à gérer la complexité de la mobilité urbaine
Alors qu'Abidjan dispose d'une expérience et de compétences certaines sur les différents volets de la mobilité urbaine, elle souffre aujourd'hui d'un manque de coordination des différents acteurs mais aussi de visibilité sur les rôles des différents ministères
(Transport, Infrastructures Economiques, Urbanisme, etc.), l'AGETU, du District
d'Abidjan (avec un Gouverneur nommé) et des collectivités locales du Grand Abidjan
(13 communes avec un Maire élu). Cette confusion au niveau institutionnel a des
conséquences directes sur l'évolution non durable du système de transport:
2

Absence de vision multimodale et partagée sur l'évolution du système de
transport ;

Pas de visibilité globale sur les besoins, à l'échelle du système de transport
multimodal, de financement en termes d'investissement, de maintenance et
d'exploitation, dans un contexte de moyens financiers restreints ;

Dilution des ressources financières liées aux licences, stationnement ;

Déstructuration du marché du transport collectif du fait de la dispersion des
acteurs institutionnels qui accordent les licences et de leur incapacité à contrôler les opérateurs ; et

Développement non maîtrisé d'opérateurs artisanaux et informels.
Sur financement de la JICA.
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Enjeux structurants
Situation institutionnelle très confuse qui semble ne pouvoir se résoudre qu'au
plus haut niveau de l'Etat. Confusion au niveau institutionnel qui a des conséquences directes sur l'évolution non durable du système de transport:

L'AGETU avait vocation à devenir une institution de coordination en termes de
mobilité urbaine et d'autorité de régulation vis-à-vis des transports collectifs.
Elle n'a pas réussi à trouver sa place dans le contexte institutionnel d'Abidjan,
notamment du fait de la non application du report de recettes fiscales au profit
de l'AGETU qu'imposerait sa pleine entrée en fonction. Ainsi, aujourd'hui, on
constate un manque de visibilité sur les rôles de l'AGETU, du District, des collectivités locales, lequel génère :

Dilution des ressources financières liées aux licences,
Organisation et maîtrise du système de transport
stationnement

sion des acteurs institutionnels qui accordent les licences et de leur incapacité à contrôler les opérateurs


Prolifération d'opérateurs artisanaux et informels.
Répartition des rôles entre District et Ministères peu claire et conflictuelle qui
nuit à la définition des mesures les plus pertinentes et à leur mise en œuvre
Une situation héritée aussi de la crise que la Côte d'Ivoire vient de traverser :

Succession d'ordonnances, de décrets depuis 2000 dont il n'est pas sûr qu'ils
soient tous bien cohérents et bien compris pour en permettre l'application

Absence d'arbitrage clair entre les différents acteurs centraux, déconcentrés et
décentralisés

Absence de planification des transports pendant toute cette période qui se
traduit par un manque de perspectives sur l'évolution du système de transport
multimodal.


6
Déstructuration du marché du transport collectif du fait de la disper-
Aujourd'hui le rapport de l'Etat/AGETU et du District d'Abidjan au
transport urbain se définit essentiellement par le recouvrement des
taxes liées aux licences et au stationnement des véhicules des opérateurs de minibus et taxis
Deux projets de développement sont toutefois toujours évoqués : le train
urbain, projet plutôt concret a priori dans un cadre de PPP, et le transport lagunaire, projet qui ne disposerait pas de financement. Pour le reste, attentes
importantes à l'égard de l'étude financée par JICA.
Ressources
humaines

Des compétences techniques avérées dans différentes administrations mais
qui ne peuvent pas s'exprimer pleinement ni se développer dans un contexte
institutionnel très, voire trop confus
Peu de moyens pour assurer la maintenance et l'exploitation de la voirie

Pas de ressource fiscale suffisante (au-delà des difficultés de recouvrement)
pour couvrir les charges de structure des administrations dédiées à la planification, la régulation et au contrôle des opérateurs de transports collectifs

Pas de mécanismes de financement pérennes permettant de couvrir les déficits d'exploitation de systèmes de bus réguliers comme celui exploité par la
SOTRA.

Forte dépendance aux bailleurs de fonds internationaux pour mener les études
nécessaires

Forte dépendance aux bailleurs de fonds pour porter les investissements
nécessaires (infrastructures, matériel roulant, etc.)
Planification et contrôle
de l'usage du sol

Le schéma directeur d'urbanisme fait l'objet d'une réactualisation. Celui-ci pourrait
apporter des éléments de réponse face aux dysfonctionnements de planification,
de contrôle, voire de maîtrise foncière constatés actuellement. Le territoire d'Abidjan, du fait de sa morphologie particulière au cœur de la lagune Ebrié, souffre d'une
absence de mixité fonctionnelle : emplois au sud, habitat au nord. Son développement est aujourd'hui fortement marqué par un étalement urbain soutenu par le
régime du lotissement.
Espace
public
Financement
Insuffisance de moyens financiers pour faire face aux enjeux d'un développement durable du système de transport:
L'espace public en lien avec les espaces de circulation multimodal ne fait pas
l'objet d'une attention particulière, ni d'un partage clairement défini entre les
différents usages et modes de transport en présence (et donc ni d'un contrôle de
son respect).
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Sécurité routière
Infrastructures de transport
Services de transport
Malgré le maintien de la SOTRA comme entreprise formelle de transport collectif
par bus, le système de transport public ne répond plus aux besoins d'une ville de la
taille d'Abidjan, marquée par une forte pendularité du fait d'une faible mixité des
affectations, notamment résidentiel/emplois :
8

Absence de transports collectifs de masse (de type métro, tramway ou BRT)

Offre de la SOTRA n'assurant pas une couverture spatiale et temporelle suffisante, fortement concurrencée par différents modes, qu'ils soient formellement reconnus au travers d'une licence de transport ou informels : minibus,
taxis collectifs intercommunaux ; ce phénomène, qui a commencé depuis une
vingtaine d'années, contraint son développement et son assise financière

Absence de voies réservées pour les bus (les 7 km existants ne sont pas respectés) ; vitesse commerciale faible

Le réseau routier principal d'Abidjan est bitumé. Sur le Grand Abidjan, il demeure des routes non bitumées et des pistes villageoises. La particularité du
réseau routier d'Abidjan est liée à la morphologie de la ville du fait de sa position lagunaire. Seuls deux ouvrages (Pont Houphouet Boigny et Pont Général
de Gaulle) franchissent la lagune. Trois ouvrages sont planifiés (le pont Konan
Bédié -liaison trans-lagunaire de 6,7 km entre Riviera et Marcory- est en construction).

Le réseau routier ne fait pas l'objet d'une planification globale à long terme.

Les infrastructures lourdes sont planifiées et réalisées ponctuellement sans
réflexion multimodale globale.

La responsabilité de la maintenance et l'exploitation du réseau routier (calibrage et partage de la voirie, gestion des carrefours, etc.) est partagée entre
différentes entités en fonction de la classification des voies.

La sécurité routière urbaine est une thématique centrale dans un contexte de
prise en compte très limitée de la marche à pied dans l'aménagement et dans
l'exploitation du réseau viaire (quelques carrefours à feux intégrant des feux
piétons, sur-occupation de l'espace viaire par les voitures en stationnement,
discontinuités des itinéraires piétons, sous-éclairage public, etc.).

Les accès aux pôles de transport collectif, formel ou informel, ne font pas
l'objet d'aménagement sécurisant la marche à pied. Absence d'aménagement
pour les deux-roues non motorisés.
Coûts et temps de
déplacement
Ressources et qualité
environnementales

Le parc automobile, des bus comme des véhicules privés, est relativement
ancien, notamment en lien avec la réglementation sur l'importation des véhicules d'occasion.

Ceci combiné à une augmentation du nombre de km parcourus souligne que
les questions environnementales vont devenir centrales.

D'un point de vue plus global, la question du changement climatique risque
aussi de se poser vis-à-vis du niveau des berges de la lagune.

La distribution spatiale des affectations (habitat, emplois, formation, etc.)
génère d'importants déplacements en début de matinée et fin d'après-midi.
Les heures de pointe du matin et du soir connaissent d'importants embouteillages sur les liaisons vers, respectivement en provenance du Plateau. Cela induit un budget temps relativement important ainsi qu'une forte imprévisibilité
du temps nécessaire.
Croissance urbaine
Un besoin en mobilité urbaine en forte croissance:

Région d'Abidjan serait passée de 4.7 à 6 millions d'habitants à la fin de la
crise,

Défaillance de l'opérateur historique qu'est la SOTRA dont le parc ne suffit pas
pour assumer la demande en déplacements,

L'émergence de modes de transport artisanal (minibus, taxis, etc. formels
puisqu'ils sont censés payer une licence) et informel (l'absence de contrôle effectif génère la circulation de véhicules qui n'ont pas de licences ainsi que
l'apparition des "woros-woros banalisés", c'est-à-dire de privés qui utilisent
leur propre véhicule à des fins de taxis) traduit aussi le besoin en déplacements qui se concrétise coûte que coûte,

Une augmentation de la population plutôt en périphérie nord d'Abidjan avec
des emplois toujours concentrés au sud,

Une société en "émancipation" du fait d'un niveau d'éducation croissant, et
qui génère un nombre de déplacements motorisés en croissance.
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2. Accra, Ghana
General Overview
Accra is a city of 4 million inhabitants. The city is spatially de-concentrated with four
major nodes in the north west, north east, south east and south western quadrants of
the city. There are distinguishable precincts in the city with a relatively well-defined
central business district. Accra is located on the Gulf of Guinea. The city scape is
defined by a mix of formality and informality. To the south of the city, +-20 to 30
minutes by road is the city of Tema which is the main port city in close proximity to
Accra. By all accounts, freight traffic movement from the back -of -port does not have
a significant impact on traffic movement in and around Accra as significant warehousing and break bulk facilities have been built in the area immediately adjacent to
the port of Tema.
Accra is located on a major land transport corridor called the West African Highway.
The city hosts a major international airport and also hosts a number of important
international organizations such as the World Bank, The African Development Bank,
The Bank of Ghana, The UNDP, GEF and other bilateral organizations. The city is
governed by a metropolitan authority, and thirteen local assemblies. The metropolitan mayor has a four year term of office.
A dominant feature of present day Accra is the excessive congestion brought about
inter-alia by a failing public transport system and a rapid growth in private vehicles
and para-transit operations in the form of tro-tros (minibus taxis). Tro-tros have
varying carrying capacity ranging from 12 seaters to 35 seaters. It is estimated that
+/-12000 tro-tros are currently in operation in the city. The tro-tros are owned by an
estimated 120 owners/operators organized into 5 umbrella associations (unions). In
terms of modal split it is estimated that seventy percent of trips are made by means of
private vehicles and thirty per cent by means of public transport. In this instance
public transport include mini taxis (tro-tros), sedan taxis and buses.
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Of the 30% so called public transport operators, the para-transit sector makes up
70% of the public transport capacity, Sedan taxis 8%, buses less than 1% per cent
and non-motorized transport +/-11 per cent. Cycling is socially not seen as an acceptable means of mobility, and conditions for pedestrians are generally not conducive, as road infrastructure design does not provide for safe and passable sidewalks.
Need for improvement of Urban mobility in Accra
The contextual comments above points to a strong need for improvement of urban
mobility in Accra. Interviews conducted with a range of employers confirmed that as
a result of congestion most employees that live outside the Accra CBD could spend
between 3 to 6 hours per day stuck in traffic. Employers frequently commented on
the efficiency implications of the high level of congestion indicating that employees
often arrive at work tired, and requiring time to eat and that they and become unproductive by 3pm in the afternoon as they start worrying about getting home in a
reasonable time.
Many commentators interviewed during the field visit, pointed to urban form and
lack of land use management as a major contributors to congestion and further
pointed to the disconnect between urban form and mobility planning as well as the
deterioration of the land use management system as major contributors to the current dire state of urban mobility in Accra.
Ability to manage the complexity of urban mobility
Upon initial assessment the national and metropolitan government structures of
Ghana and Accra appear to be overly complex with significant overlaps in roles and
responsibilities, and confusion about the way in which powers and functions should
be executed. A repeat theme during interviews, is the size, cost and inefficiency of the
overall system of government. In the area of transport planning and management at
least four ministries namely transport, roads and highways, local government and the
environment all play a part in mobility planning, regulation and mobility management. By all accounts land use management has been severely neglected and private
sector developers are proceeding with developments without the necessary approvals
and in-doing so exacerbate problems pertaining to urban sprawl and congestion.
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Accra, Ghana
At metropolitan city level, a process has been in the making over the past 4 to 5 years
aimed at establishing a single transport authority to deal with the planning, management and regulation of urban mobility in metropolitan Accra. Historically, mobility
issues were looked at primarily as infrastructure issues, the dynamics of the mobility
system never enjoyed attention in transport improvement plans for Accra. Responsibility for mobility in Accra initially vested in the Ministry of Transport and was then
moved to the Department of Urban Roads in the Ministry of Transport. In 2008, the
Ministry of Transport was divided into two ministries namely the Ministry of
Transport and Ministry of Roads and Highways. The Department of Urban Roads
which is responsible for the mobility improvement in Accra is now located in the
Ministry of Roads and Highways.
The Department of Urban Roads has been hard at work trying to engender a paradigm shift from the focus on infrastructure to a focus of the total mobility system. On
the institutional front a complex evolutionary process has been unfolding over the
past 5 years. The focus has been to deliver clear authority over urban transport issues
and to establish a strong regulatory capacity. As five major unions own and control
the para-transit sector, the Department of Urban Roads via the nascent transport
authority structure called the Greater Accra Passenger Transport Executive (GAPTE))
have been engaging the unions via the office of the Mayor of Accra in an attempt at
establishing a sound regulatory system and to pave the way for a para-transit industry
-owned improvement of the mobility system.
In this regard, it appears that significant progress has been made towards the implementation of four possible BRT lines based on an operating model in which contracts will be negotiated with the existing para-transit operators. Since April 2013, it
appears that significant progress has been made at both City and national level, as the
first steering committee meeting (SCUTA) has been held with the distinct focus of
delivering the BRT system. The major focus of the proposed four BRT lines would be
to reduce journey times along the four major corridors leading in and out of Accra.
Underpinning the para-transit reform model is a process of formalization of an operating license or permit system which has been driven by the thirteen local assemblies
in Accra and coordinated by the metropolitan Mayor. The mayor of Accra has established a formalized system of engagement with the leadership of the 5 main paratransit unions and this liaison structure will be the foundation on which the BRT
contracts will be negotiated.
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The process of formalizing the five main minibus associations into legal entities is
well advanced and it’s anticipated that the contract for the first BRT line could be
signed before the end of 2013. In the case of Accra, the BRT is planned to be a 70/30
hybrid system in which thirty per cent of the current supply will be replaced by BRT
buses and seventy per cent of supply will continue to be provided by para-transit
operations, establishing a classical feeder – trunk logic along the four chosen corridors.
Public space
Land use planning
and control
Financing
Human resources
Organization and control
over the urban transport
system
Key issues
14

Only 30% of passenger trips are provided by what is termed the public
transport sector (meaning the para- transit sector).

Private vehicles account for 70% of passenger trips.

Supply although informally organized cannot be described as an organized
form of supply as the majority of trips are made by private vehicles.

The mobility system is characterized by travel times that ranges between 3
to 6 hours per day.

There appears to be an adequate level of human resource with transport
planning and engineering expertise at various levels of government

The efficient and effective utilization of specialist human resources however
appears to be impeded by bureaucratic complexity and inter-institutional
role and responsibility confusion.

In none of the interviews did the issue of funding mechanisms surface as a
primary concern.

There appears to be no long term spatial vision to guide the growth of the
city.

There appears to be a disconnect between spatial planning and mobility
planning.

In addition most role players interviewed referred to a total breakdown of
land use management in the city.

Public space, trading space, and safe walk ways are not a common feature
of the urban scape and city authorities are known to regularly take action
against street traders.
Transport
services
Accra, Ghana

Significant improvements seems to have been made with the formalization
and regulation of the para -transit sector.

A renewable para-transit permit system has been introduced and this will
serve as the foundation of allocation of market share as the city introduces
first BRT lines.
Transport infrastructure
 The condition of urban roads in metropolitan Accra ranges from good to
extremely deteriorated.
 In general the road design do not make provision for non-motorized
transport (sidewalks hardly exist).
 Road maintenance appears to be unplanned and sporadic, and upgrade of
important interchanges similarly appear to be unplanned
 No clear hierarchy in terms of a roads and freeway improvement program
appear to exist
Road safety
 Traffic flow regulation is largely based on a system of traffic circles with
traffic officers performing point duty functions at the more highly congested
traffic circles.
 Intersections and circles lend themselves to high traffic accident risks.
 As noted previously, infrastructure for safe NMT does not exist.
Travel cost and time
Environmental
quality and
resilience
 High congestion in parts of Accra is not limited to am and pm peaks, but
occurs in off peak as well. The City suffers from high degree of air pollution.
 As stated in this report average travel time could range between 3 to 6 hours
per day.
 Introductory comments made by employers re the loss of productivity due
to long travel times needs to be noted.
15
Cities reports
The lack of a long term spatial perspective for the city appears to be the
Urban growth
major impediment to a planned approach to urban growth.
16
Most commentators agree that the lack of a long term spatial vision for the
city will result in a compounding of existing unplanned urban settlement
and therefore compounding of current congestion and urban mobility problems.
3. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Context
Ethiopia is experiencing unprecedented economic growth. Between 2004 and 2010,
the average annual growth rate was well over 10%. The government is currently using
benefits of the economic growth to fund major projects such as the construction of
the tallest dam in Africa, intended to ensure the country’s energy security.
Addis Ababa, a city of roughly 4 million inhabitants, is home to more than a third of
the total urban population of Ethiopia. Its development, driven by the robust economic health of the country, is thus particularly important for the country’s image.
Since the early 2000’s, the city experienced sustained population growth, increasing
its population by 4% every year. According to UN-Habitat forecasts, ten million people will live in the city by 2025.
The last survey on mobility in Addis Ababa mentioned that the mobility equates to
about 1 trip/inhabitant/day and 55 % of daily trips are done by walking, 35 % by
public transport and 10 % by private vehicles.
In 2011, Addis Ababa City Administration created the Bureau of Road and Transportation which manages transport policy at city level. This Bureau is responsible for the
regulation of taxis (minibuses and cars), Addis Ababa City Road Authority (AACRA),
and Anbessa the city-owned bus company.
Urban planning is also managed at City level. In 2012 Addis Ababa City Planning
Project Office (AACPPO) was created to prepare a new City Development Plan, including proper coordination with urban transport projects.
The policy of decentralization of urban transport is contrasted by the involvement of
the Federal Government in the development of Light Rail Transit (LRT) project.
Ethiopian Railway Corporation (ERC) is in charge of the construction of a 75 km rail
17
Cities reports
network (31 km in the first phase). This public company also leads the development
of the national railway system.
At the city level, a BRT network is currently under preparation (a feasibility study is
currently in progress). Twelve corridors have been selected but only the first one
(called B2) is scheduled to be operational by 2016. Coupled with the new Master Plan
and the LRT network, there is a unique occasion for the Ethiopian capital city to offer
convenient mobility options to the population and decentralize public services and
facilities from its main center.
Need for improvement of urban mobility
Traffic Management
Traffic management appears to be a top priority for the Addis Ababa Municipality.
Congestion during peak hours is significant, but the city officials are aware that the
solution doesn't only involve road construction. A recent report from Lyon Town
Planning Agency experts indicates that the Ring Road is used at 25 % of its capacity
and, except a highly congested round-about on the southern axis (Akaki) the road
network is not overloaded.
Scarce quantitative data and specific technical know-how remain two significant
issues. In particular, inter-section management is not adequate and the construction
of LRT and BRT infrastructure makes the traffic management challenge even more
complex.
Traffic enforcement is not directly under the authority of the transport bureau (although this has been proposed in the study suggesting the grouping of transport capacities). The efficiency of the traffic enforcement system is limited. It also has to be
noted that current infrastructure works in support of the implementation of the LRT
system is contributing to traffic congestion.
Four traffic lights have been implemented recently and this number should increase
in the near future. A project officer, directly under the mayor's supervision will work
to develop traffic management, and a traffic control center.
Land Use and Transport Integration
18
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
According to AACPPO, an important challenge remains to better integrate accessibility and mobility issues in the master plan. However, it is recognized that land should
be secured to facilitate implementation of right-of-way corridors.
Ten major stations have been identified for transport related development projects.
But these projects are managed separately from the mass rapid transit projects and
this may result in major challenges for the design of urban space. Beyond planning,
land use control is also an issue in Addis Ababa.
Street design and integration of mass transit with other transport facilities
On main streets, sidewalks are used for parking and street vending. As sidewalks are
managed by sections in front of each building, there is usually little or no space for
pedestrians. Even newly built urban roads have very narrow pedestrian facilities (example of Bole road). Despite a seemingly rather high level of awareness of decisionmakers concerning the need to improve walkability of public space, strong efforts
remain to be done to improve standards for pedestrian-friendlier urban road design
and maintenance.
Street design is presented as a big issue for AACRA along the LRT corridors. It is a
matter of universal accessibility to LRT and, of course, of safety for pedestrians and all
other road users. A number of major intersections have been identified as complex
and critical for mass rapid transit operation.
With regard to cycling, Addis Ababa Municipality is involved in a program with UNHabitat and UNEP called ‘share the road’. Presently, about 2 % of the urban road
network is provided with cycle lanes. The goal is to further expand the cycle network,
namely in the southern part of the city.
Integration of public transport services
With the new LRT system, integration of public transport services is identified as a
key issue. The LRT system will be operated by a state-owned company. Stakeholders
mention the need and will to integrate fares and ticketing with Anbessa Bus Company, but coordination between local and national governments do not seem yet to be
involved in a structured process to achieve such integration.
At the end of 2013, Anbessa bus services answer mostly to the needs of the poorest
urban dwellers, who are mostly dependent on public transport. According to
Anbessa, about 200 million passenger trips are made annually at the level of the entire
19
Cities reports
network, served by buses driving 27 millions of kilometers on a total of 112 routes
every year, with an operational fleet of 600 vehicles. The municipal company is hoping to be provided with new buses, although recognizing that operational optimization is still possible to improve efficiency. A study searching for potential quick-wins,
recently conducted by the municipality, has shown some promising options in this
respect. The connectivity of the paratransit sector with the mass transit system will
also be one of the important challenges in the near future. Authorities have in mind
to reorient taxi services in order to serve and operate as a feeder service to the mass
transit system. At this stage, the complexity to manage the restructuring of the network and to reorganize the taxi and bus interchange stations seems to be probably
underestimated.
Development of parking policy
Another key issue identified in discussion with Addis Ababa Municipality is parking
supply and parking policy. Parking supply seems to be rather low, and on-street parking is dominant. For now, parking is charged in accordance with a specific pricing
structure for each zone (0,5 to 1 birr for one hour).
It is a challenge for city authorities to develop off-street parking within well selected
areas, e.g. along the mass transit corridors. Some of such parking facility should be
used as Park and Ride parking but it is not clear yet if sufficient land is still available
for this.
Consideration on urban freight
Normally urban freight is not allowed in the city during peak hours, and deliveries are
supposed to be provided outside of daytime opening hours. However, specific enforcement seems rather weak. A project to set up a freight transport hub along the
southern corridor exists, aiming to relocate warehousing facilities outside of the city.
Renewal of taxi fleet, and air pollution
A renewal scheme for minibus and taxi fleet was mentioned by local stakeholder.
Currently, taxis are organized into associations. For mini-buses, there are thirteen
associations operating within five zones. About 8'000 minibuses are running now,
contributing to air pollution.
The Transport Bureau promotes 25-seater vehicles rather than 12-seaters. For individual taxis, the Transport Bureau needs to see that all taxis should be less than 13-
20
years-old. Unfortunately, in Ethiopia, the custom tax is about 200 % of the vehicle
price, therefore drastically impacting on the ability of taxi owners to renew their fleet.
As air pollution is really high in Addis, a big challenge would be to renew the minibus
and taxi fleets.
All decision-makers agree that there is a lack of human capacity in Addis Ababa Municipality. Some of them mention that financial resources are secondary compared to
the need for skilled local experts in the field of urban transport.
The Transport Bureau needs to be strengthened. It needs to be reorganized for greater
efficiency, and it needs to gain greater authority over various aspects of the urban
transport system. At present there is no process in place to look at the building of the
institutional capacity of the Transport Bureau. There is a lack of capacity in transport
planning and in the integration of land-use and transport planning. There is a strong
need for reinforcing the technical knowledge of the master plan team in transport
planning.
Data and studies are really limited,
In the Anbessa Bus Company, there is also a lack of capacity at management level as
salaries do not compare well to that of the private sector. Due to this, young professionals do not stay in the public transport sector, causing a high turn-over of young
and skilled people. .
system
urban transport

control over the
Organization and
Key issues
Addis Ababa Transport Bureau has control over the most important aspects
of urban transport with the exception of the LRT system and the traffic enforcement system. The Bureau is in need of capacity building.
21
22

Building and sustaining human capacity in transport planning and
management is a priority.

Funding appears to be less of a concern than the building of human
capacity.

The state owns the land.

A master plan is under revision.

10 major stations have been identified for transport related development
projects.

The better integration of transport and land –use planning is a major priority.

Public space is not designed for pedestrians.
resources
and control
services
Road safety
Transport
Public space
Land use planning
Financing
Human
Cities reports

Street vending and car parking reduce walking safety and efficiency.

Sidewalks are not managed by one authority along a road but by private
building owners.

Public transport network capacity is low and its quality is not attractive.

Informal transport is difficult to manage.

Development of the Bus fleet, LRT and BRT projects are underway.

The main roads suffer high congestion during peak hours.

There is a desperate need for traffic management.

There is a critical need for increased traffic enforcement.

There are big challenges in respect of road design and lack of integration
between road design and LRT construction.

A project office, directly under the mayor's supervision, will work to develop
a traffic management system, and a traffic management center.

The street design is a big issue for AACRA along the LRT corridors. It is a
matter of universal accessibility to LRT and of course safety for nonmotorized transport. Major inter-sections have been identified as highly
complex.

Addis Ababa Municipality is involved in a cycling program with UN-Habitat
and UNEP called “share the road”. Only 2 % of road network has cycle lanes.
The network will be developed in the south of the city.

Road safety is a major issue and pedestrian fatalities are high.
resilience
quality and
and time
Urban growth
Travel cost
Environmental

Air pollution is a real concern as the quality of fuel seems bad, the vehicle
fleet is older than 15 to 20 years and the city is located on high altitude.

Renewal of taxi fleet is a big priority.

The time and costs involved in walking and using public transport is high
due to inefficiencies in the public transport system.

Private car users have to contend with heavy congestion in some parts of
the city.

The City is experiencing strong demographic and economic growth and
projections by UNHABITAT indicate that the city will grow from four to ten
million inhabitants by 2025.
23
4. Bouake, Côte d’Ivoire
Contexte général
Seconde ville de Côte d'Ivoire, Bouaké compte autour de 600'000 habitants. Fortement touchée par la crise socio-politique que le pays a connue dans les années 2000,
la ville commence à se restructurer autour d'activités ayant un impact à l'échelle régionale (ouverture du marché de gros, etc.).
La ville s'est fortement étendue, dans des zones ouvertes ou non à l'urbanisation, vers
le Nord et vers l'Ouest / Sud ouest. Le réseau routier bitumé est limité aux grandes
artères et à certains quartiers proches du centre-ville. Quelques tronçons au sein des
quartiers ont été réalisés récemment dans le cadre de financement de la Banque Mondiale. Pour le reste, les pistes en terre sont en partie carrossables et fortement soumises à l'érosion.
Dans ce contexte, depuis une dizaine d'années, les motos et les taxis-motos sont devenus les deux modes de transport qui de fait sont les plus adaptés à la desserte de
l'ensemble de la ville.
25
Cities reports
Le besoin d'améliorer la mobilité urbaine est donc à la fois :

limité aujourd'hui puisque les besoins principaux de déplacement restent liés à
des besoins de formation, de petits services, etc. qui ne sont pas extrêmement
pénalisés par des temps de déplacement très longs ;

très important et très basique puisqu'il s'agit :

avant tout d'offrir à la population la possibilité de se déplacer dans des
conditions dignes et sécurisées ;

de rendre possible le développement économique de Bouaké, avec la potentielle réinstallation d'industrie, en faisant de Bouaké une ville accessible et attractive.
L'urgence est de :

rétablir des routes qui permettront à des services de transport de desservir l'ensemble des quartiers, au moins en termes de désenclavement avec la réalisation
de voies de distribution sur lesquelles les pistes de desserte plus fine pourront
se greffer ;

maîtriser les taxis-motos en termes de sécurité routière (port du casque, respect des règles de conduite, contrôle des véhicules, etc.) ;

contrôler les taxis et les minibus (Gbakas) qui assurent les déplacements en
zone urbaine.
Quand le réseau routier sera réhabilité…

26
il est probable que des services de minibus pourront se développer
"spontanément";
Bouake, Côte d’Ivoire

l'organisation de stations de minibus et de taxis-motos, la régulation et le contrôle de l'offre en transport public, voire le soutien à son développement pourront être envisagés;

une organisation plus fonctionnelle du réseau de voirie (hiérarchie du réseau
routier, sécurisation au travers de l'aménagement et de l'exploitation de certaines intersections –notamment avec le réseau national Nord-Sud-, partage de
la voirie et de l'espace viaire / public entre les différents modes de transport,
etc.) pourra être repensée et mise en œuvre.
Sans aucune visibilité financière, les autorités locales, décentralisées (Municipalité) et
déconcentrées (Préfecture, directions régionales des différents ministères) sont complètement démunies pour engager une amélioration de la situation en termes de mobilité urbaine. Le seul aspect qui fasse l'objet d'une attention spécifique, au-delà de la
perception de taxes sur certaines catégories de véhicules, est la voirie mais sous l'impulsion de décideurs à Abidjan. Les décisions structurantes nécessitant des investissements conséquents ne sont pas prises à Bouaké.
Le Ministère de la Construction et de l'Urbanisme a engagé l'élaboration d'un Schéma
Directeur d'Urbanisme à l'horizon 2030. Celui-ci devrait proposer un Programme
d'Investissement Prioritaire qui devrait pouvoir souligner l'urgence à requalifier,
respectivement créer un réseau de voiries urbaines qui desserve l'ensemble de la ville.
27
Cities reports

Le rapport de l'autorité à la mobilité urbaine est limité à la perception des
taxes liées aux licences pour les Gbakas et les taxis-motos. Mais sans contrôle effectif, cette forme d'autorité ne saurait être considérée comme une
régulation du marché.

Pas de collaborateurs formés sur la mobilité urbaine. Des ressources disponibles pour le suivi de chantier.

Une entreprise de bus, la STUB, a exercé pendant quelques années mais a
fait faillite. Aucune perspective ne semble être discutée pour donner de la
visibilité à des opérateurs pour exercer une activité financièrement stable.

L'urgence aujourd'hui est d'améliorer l'état des voiries (réhabilitation de
certaines voiries, création de voiries pour desservir voire désenclaver certains quartiers). Or il semble que les budgets d'investissement pour l'amélioration des routes soient attribués ponctuellement et sans stratégie d'organisation du réseau.

Fonds du PUIUR financé par la Banque Mondiale : investissement ponctuel
en novembre 2013 lors de la venue du Président, dans le cadre du programme présidentiel d'urgence (30 km de routes, éventuellement 19 carrefours avec feux de signalisation tricolore).

Après les années de crise socio-politique et considérant que Bouaké a été
une des villes les plus touchées du fait de sa position sur la ligne de front, la
planification urbaine est à repenser. Un Schéma directeur d'urbanisme à
l'horizon 2030 est en cours d'élaboration.

D'importants quartiers se sont développés sans accès aux services urbains
de base, et donc parfois dans des secteurs très enclavés.

Pas d'attention particulière sur les espaces publics.

Pas de respect d'espace spécifique pour les cheminements piétons.

Stationnement de véhicules privés, stations/arrêts de taxis-motos et de
taxis, étals de marchands, etc. occupent les espaces pour les piétons.
Espace public
Planification et
contrôle de l'usage
du sol
Financement
Ressources
humaines
Organisation et
maîtrise du système
de transport
Enjeux structurants
28

Absence de transports collectifs réguliers et régulés.

Quelques minibus (Gbakas) assurent ponctuellement quelques liaisons avec
certains quartiers périphériques.

Un service de taxis est aussi disponible mais ces véhicules ne peuvent circuler que sur des itinéraires relativement limités du fait de la non carrossabilité des voiries (voiries bitumées mais impraticables ou voiries non bitumées
dans la majeure partie des quartiers).

Le transport "public" est de fait assuré par les taxis-motos, seul mode de
transport à même de desservir les quartiers du fait de l'état extrêmement
dégradé de la voirie.

Un service de bus de transport du personnel dessert l'entreprise OLAM
inaugurée en 2012 en périphérie de Bouaké.

Différentes gares routières privées accueillent des autocars et des minibus
assurant essentiellement des trajets interurbains.

Globalement, l'état de la voirie est très mauvais.

Quelques grandes artères sont pratiquables (certaines ont été refaites très
récemment comme l'axe Nord-Sud reliant Khorogo à Abidjan), quelques
tronçons ont été réhabilités par un programme financé par la Banque Mondiale.

30 km pourraient être réhabilités dans le cadre du programme présidentiel
d'urgence.

Une large partie de la voirie déjà bitumée souffre d'une forte dégradation et
dans un secteur de l'érosion qui suit chaque grande pluie.

Une grande partie de la population vit dans des zones très difficiles d'accès
où seules les taxis-motos peuvent passer.Big challenges of road design with
LRT construction
29
Cities reports
Le mode principal en privé comme en public étant la moto, la sécurité routière est un thème important :

Vulnérabilité de ce mode de transport d'une manière générale.

Absence de port du casque.

Aménagement de la voirie ne favorisant pas une conduite sécurisée:

Coûts et temps de déplacement
Ressources et
qualité environnementales

30
o
Voirie beaucoup trop large sur les grandes artères favorisant la
circulation de front et diffuse des motos.
o
Voirie extrêmement dégradée.
Méconnaissance / irrespect des règles de sécurité routière par les
chauffeurs de motos (y.c. motos-taxis) ; pas de véritable contrôle de
police sur ces questions.

Conditions de marche à pied très défavorables : sur le bord de la chaussée,
qu'elle soit bitumée ou en terre ; pas de sécurisation des traversées sur les
grandes artères.

La pollution de l'air générée par les motos et les taxis-motos est certaine.
Mais au vu des volumes en présence, cette pollution reste dans un niveau
encore supportable.

Le bruit est par contre beaucoup plus perceptible.

Un trajet en taxi-moto ou en taxi coûte 200 FCFA par personne, voire 400
FCFA pour les quartiers très périphériques. En Gbaka, la course est autour
de 100 à 150 FCFA selon les distances parcourues.
Les trajets sont nécessairement très longs par rapport aux distances parcourues :


Voirie dégradée > circulation très ralentie.

Temps d'attente pour avoir un véhicule disponible.
Marche à pied pour rejoindre le point de prise en charge / la destination.
Croissance urbaine
Les besoins de mobilité vont croitre dans les années à venir du fait :

de l'étalement urbain que l'on constate dans les zones nord
notamment ;

de l'indispensable création d'emplois et du développement économique
de la ville de Bouaké, deuxième ville du pays, nécessaires à la région et à
l'équilibre de la Côte d'Ivoire ;

de la motorisation croissante des ménages (d'abord en taxis-motos ; et)

de gain de population, au-delà de la croissance démographique : exode
rural mais aussi retour d'habitants qui avaient quitté la ville lors de la crise
socio-politique.
31
5. Cairo, Egypt
General context
Located by the river Nile, the metropolitan area of Cairo has a population of more
than 16 million inhabitants and a total area of 1,492 sq. km. The Egyptian capital is
the fourth most densely populated city in the developing world.
Cairo is the biggest conurbation in Africa, and with nearly 39,000 inhabitants/sq. km,
it is one of the world’s most densely populated cities. Most of the main activity centers in Greater Cairo are concentrated in the traditional CBD. In the outstkirts of
Greater Cairo informal housing settlements are starting to appear on agricultural
land.
From the 1980s onwards, the Greater Cairo area wanted to restrict demographic pressure in the center of the metropolitan area by developing business zones in the peripheral governorates and by building new towns. These new settlements, which were
intended to create new urban nodes had limited success. This spatial reorganization
increased the number of commuter trips and distance of journeys. Lines 1 and 2 of
the metro network were inaugurated in 1987 and 1996, respectively, totaling 80 km.
Cairo generates nearly 20 million motorized trips a day; of which two-thirds are on
public transport. The traffic in Cairo is highly congested during peak hours, with high
accident rates and air pollution.
The need for improvement of urban mobility conditions in Cairo is linked to the
Egyptian city urban form (Khaled El-Araby, 2013). The following key issues have
been highlighted :
33
Cities reports

How to Redevelop or serve the Inner City areas with an Extremely High
Population.

How to integrate the Growing New Communities spreading over more than
60 Km from the metropolitan center.

How to curtail car ownership growth currently 4.2% faster than income
growth. As the existing number of vehicles already generate chronic traffic
congestion, the need for improvement of urban mobility is considerably
high.

Improvement of public transport system:


The road based public transport system is considered as poor especially
in surrounding districts.

A third line of the Cairo Metro is under construction and should contribute to facilitate mobility of city dwellers. A Fourth line is also being
planned.

Public transport consists of formal and informal modes and the management of each mode is under the control of different authorities.
Traffic management and infrastructure maintenance will benefit all modes.

Currently the traffic management and parking management is weak.
Public transport and pedestrians are the modes which suffer the most
as a result of weak traffic management The density of Greater Cairo
could be used as an advantage in the process of turning non-motorized
transport into the centerpiece of the mobility system. Unfortunately
the traffic mix and lack off pedestrian walk ways create unsafe conditions for pedestrians.

Cairo has a high accident rate: 1000 fatalities and 4000 injuries per
year.
The national institutional context has consequences for Greater Cairo’s institutional
arrangement. The metropolitan area is shared not only by the three Governorates
mentioned above, but in early 2008 two more were introduced, to be reduced to 3
again few years later. Each Governorate has its own directorate of Roads and
Transport and own Traffic Police, which is also in charge of issuing driver and vehicle
licenses, enforcing traffic law, and also street maintenance.
34
Cairo, Egypt
Cairo Governorate is responsible for Cairo Transport Authority (CTA) even if their
bus network covers other governorates. Concessioned lines are contracted to CTA for
the Cairo Governorate territory and with other Governorate for other part of Grater
Cairo.
The ministries keep a strong role in urban transport development in Greater Cairo.
For instance, the metro is operated by the Egyptian Company for Metro Operation
and Maintenance (ECM) which belongs to the Ministry of Transport. The Ministry of
Housing and Urban Development is heavily involved in the construction of elevated
expressways before transferring operation and ownership to the General Authority
for Roads, Bridges and Land Transport (GARBLT) of the Ministry of Transport.
Since 1987, some efforts have been made to create an agency to coordinate transport
planning and management of all transport services, not only public transport. “What
makes the decision externally complex is the fact that the above mentioned multiple
agencies that need to be coordinated under a single supervisory entity, belong to many
authoritative institutions. For instance, a number of these agencies belong to a number of
ministries and there are also five governorates; each with a number of own local agencies
and legislative elected councils.” (Huzayyin, et al., 2009).
Organization and control over the
urban transport system
Key issues

No public transport priority schemes exist.

Lack of effective traffic management.

No serious measures for restricting car movement.

No unified transport authority is in place.

Cairo Governorate is responsible for Cairo Transport Authority (CTA).

Each Governorate has its own directorate of Roads and Transport and own Traffic
Police, which is also in charge of issuing driver and vehicle licenses, enforcing traffic law, but also street maintenance.
35

The Ministries keep a strong role in urban transport development in Greater Cairo.
For instance, the metro is operated by the Egyptian Company for Metro Operation
and Maintenance (ECM) which belongs to the Ministry of Transport.

The Ministry of Housing and Urban Development is heavily involved in the construction of elevated expressways before transferring operation and ownership to
the General Authority for Roads, Bridges and Land Transport (GARBLT) of the Ministry of Transport.

This indicates that significant professional and technical skills exist within the
structures of government.

The Egyptian national institutional context does not facilitate transparency in respect of transport funding.

Informal areas absorb additional population and generate most jobs, economic
activities and services.

Only 4-5% of populations live in new towns.

Pre-occupation with “modern” car-based suburban living in new towns lack of
proper infrastructure capacities to accommodate increased traffic demands. Large
investments not keeping up with traffic congestion.

Mix of Vehicles/Pedestrians/Street Vendors on Street makes the streets unsafe and
difficult to operate in chronic traffic congestion.

Bad road design and inadequate traffic planning and control.
Road safety
Land use planning and control
Financing
Human resources
Cities reports
36

Cairo has a high accident rate: 1000 fatalities and 4000 injuries per year.

Very bad safety conditions for the promotion of NMT.

Long travel distances in Greater Cairo.

Heavy vehicle traffic and narrow streets with no dedicated lanes for bicycles.

Few pedestrian crossings.

Inadequate sidewalks.
Urban growth
Environmental quality
and resilience
Cairo, Egypt

The Environmental Information and Monitoring Program (EIMP) was established in
1997. 14 sites monitor of ambient air quality in Greater Cairo.

Air pollution and noise is a priority in Cairo and as it exceeds the national regulation for SO2 concentration, PM10, CO or NO2 in various districts.

The car fleets are old resulting in high emission levels.

A program to renew the taxi fleet has been carried out

Average daily commuting time more than 60 minutes, particularly to new cities.

The metro provides a good quality service and seems to answer to the needs of
inhabitants based along the metro lines.

For those who don't live in the city center or along the metro lines, it seems that
the time budget is really high.

As there is no fare integration, the cost of public transport is high.

Gasoline is highly subsidized.

Increase of transport volume.

Non-uniform urban populations: Low income housing furthest away from job
opportunities and high income housing further away from business
opportunities.

Increased private car ownership: A low bank loan, inexpensive fuel, coupled with
increased local car production/assembly promotes private car growth.
37
6. Cape Town, South Africa
General context
Cape Town is the second most populated city in South Africa after Johannesburg, and
the provincial capital and primary city of the Western Cape. As the seat of the National Parliament, it is also the legislative capital of the country. It forms part of the
City of Cape Town metropolitan municipality. The 2011 Population Census indicates
that the population of the Metropolitan area is approximately 3.74 million. This implies an annual growth rate of 2.6% over the past decade.
The Western Cape has a lower unemployment rate than other parts of South Africa,
with 26% of the prospective working population being unemployed (compared to
42% nationally) and 46% of the population being economically active (compared to
37% nationally). In 2011 the number of households in Cape Town was 1,068,572 and
this is expected to increase to 1.45 million by 2019. The number of households living
in informal dwellings has increased significantly and was estimated to be 291,826 in
2010. The 2011 census revealed that an estimated 78.4% of households were living in
formal dwellings, 7.0% were living in informal dwellings in backyards and 13.5%
were living in informal dwellings in settlements. In 2009, 55.1% of all households in
Cape Town had a monthly income under R7000 with 34.6% below the household
poverty level of R3500 per month. Many areas of Cape Town are characterized by a
relatively low population density. With few exceptions, the areas of highest density
are the informal settlements and areas having low cost housing with high densities of
informal dwellings in the yards. In general these high density areas are those which
have the highest levels of poverty.
Cape Town is characterized by high congestion and poor service delivery resulting in
negative externalities which influences the people and businesses’ daily lives and ultimately limits the economic growth and development of the city. Rapid urbanization
and the increase in private vehicle ownership as well as poor public transport services
restrict the economic growth of a city and result in poor quality of life.
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Cities reports
The City of Cape Town is polycentric city. 91% of the city population lives within a
1000 meters of scheduled/formal public transport. The modal split (public transport)
in the city is as follows:

Rail 53%;

Scheduled Bus services 18%;

Bus Rapid Transit currently below 1%;

Minibus taxi (para-transit) 29%; and

In the overall modal split private vehicles make up 38% of the split.
On average 19% of gross household monthly income is spent on transport. In 2011,
62.5% of all households in Cape Town had a monthly income under $ 600 with 47%
with an income below $ 300 per month – effectively living below the poverty line. The
effect of high percentages of household expenditure on transport can be significant.
Although the effects may be more dramatic for poorer households, it is also very
relevant to the middle income earners. The more money households spend on fuel
and car maintenance costs, the less they have to spend on food, health, water, energy,
recreation, social activities and in the general well-being of the family.
In terms of the South African National Land Transport Act, metropolitan city authorities have delegated power over transport planning, transport regulation, financing of
transport services and the contracting of transport operations. Provincial authorities
have similar planning, regulatory, financing and contracting authorities in relation to
their areas of jurisdiction.
The City of Cape Town has recently established a Transport Authority to be the custodian of all transport matters within the City itself and to be the interface with surrounding municipalities and other transport related stakeholders, with single point
responsibility for transportation matters for the Cape Town Metropolitan functional
area. The Transport Authority called Transport for Cape Town or “TCT" introduces a
new era for Transportation in Cape Town, focusing on human and other resources,
skills, and finances to deliver a superior service to the citizens and other partners of
the City. There are nine key objectives for the TCT which are long term:
40
Cape Town, South Africa
 To plan an efficient and viable relationship between land use, supporting infrastructure and transport for the sustainable development of the City Region.
 To have integrated, intermodal, interoperable, responsive and car competitive
public transport for the benefit of the community.
 To provide an economically viable transport system by balancing service provision and demand through transparent regulation.
 To ensure that TCT delivers its services in an accountable, quality and performance orientated manner.
 To develop a costed, viable and financially accountable transport management system and network through exploiting all potential sources of funding.
 To consolidated and improve the public transport law enforcement functions
of TCT so as to facilitate safety and security on the public transport network.
 To enable comprehensive communication and stakeholder management under the banner of TCT so as to ensure responsible service delivery in partnership with all industry role players.
 To facilitate a fully integrated and well maintained infrastructure network
along with related facilities, and to manage and enable the utilization of this
major asset appropriately and effectively; and
 To develop, maintain and extend the systems on the intermodal network so as
to ensure functionality, ease of access and events management as they relate
to the network.
Human
resources
Organization and control
over the urban
transport system
Key issues

Significant improvements are underway to rationalize, improve and better
integrate public transport services in Cape Town.

The framework has been created for the establishment of a single transport
authority for Cape Town called Transport for Cape Town (TCT) and the intention is that TCT will have centralized control over the planning, regulation,
management and funding of all modes of transport.
 The City Government is well served by a corps of professional and technical
employees highly skilled in areas such as transport planning, transport economics and transport engineering.
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Cities reports
Cape Town functions with a well-developed inter-governmental fiscal
framework that enables the funding of transport related infrastructure and
operations at city level.

Cape Town has a well-developed land use plan and policy but the city has
a fair share of informal settlements many of them towards the periphery
of the city where land is cheap and under-developed. This compounds
mobility challenges.

Cape Town has made significant investments in public space improvements and inner city parking is well managed.

In many parts of the city dedicated pedestrian walk ways exist.

Cape Town is served by a rail commuter system, a scheduled bus system,
a large minibus taxi system and a fledging BRT system.

Improvement in the rail system is a high priority as rail forms the backbone of the public transport system.

The Roll Out of BRT appears to be one of the ways in which improvements
in the public transport system will take place.

Important strides have been made in bringing the para-transit sector into
public transport improvements.
Environmental
quality and
resilience
Road safety
Transport
Infrastructure
Transport services
Public space
Land use
planning and
control
Financing

42

Urban road conditions in Cape Town are generally of a good standard and
road maintenance is enjoying ongoing attention.

A significant upgrade of the urban rail system including supporting infrastructure and rolling stock is being planned.

Cape Town is well served by an expanding NMT network and cycling is
actively being promoted in the City.

The City is however plagued by a high accident rate.

High am and pm peak congestion does result in noise and air pollution in
the City.
Urban growth
Travel cost
and time
Cape Town, South Africa

Cape Town suffers from high am. and pm travel times partly as a result of
urban form, the lack of public transport along key corridors and the proliferation of private car use.
 At ± 3% annual growth in urban population the pressure on mobility improvements in Cape Town will remain constant.
43
7. Casablanca, Maroc
Contexte général
La Région du Grand Casablanca s'affirme comme la capitale économique du Maroc.
Elle s'appuie sur une Commune centre de près de 4 millions d'habitants –l'unicité de
la ville a été réalisée en 2003- et 5 communes périphériques avoisinantes en fort développement. Elle fait face aux énormes défis que doivent relever les villes émergentes
en termes de gestion urbaine : les poids de population ont fortement crû dans les
zones sud en deuxième couronne, voire en périphérie sans que cela ne soit accompagné d'une mise à niveau des services de transport urbain. Des services de grands taxis
pallient de fait l'insuffisance de l'offre en transports collectifs de masse réguliers, qui
viennent tout juste d'être renforcés par une première ligne de tramway, longue de 31
km, en 2012. Celle-ci s'inscrit dans un schéma directeur plus large. Des études de
faisabilité pour une ligne de métro aérien et des lignes de BHNS sont en cours.
Dans une situation de congestion chronique et une grande imprévisibilité des déplacements au cœur de l'agglomération, la question de la mobilité urbaine est reconnue
comme un des enjeux prioritaires du Grand Casablanca pour garantir son attractivité
et sa compétitivité au niveau international.
L'agglomération de Casablanca dispose d'un transport collectif régulier, assuré en
majeure partie par un opérateur en gestion déléguée (M'dinabus), complété par une
offre en grands taxis -qui s'est mise en place sans régulation ni planification dans un
contexte de défaillance du réseau de lignes de bus régulières-, du transport du personnel et du transport scolaire à caractère privé. Les besoins d'amélioration de la
mobilité se situent à différents niveaux :

planification et d'articulation avec la politique de la ville : le Schéma directeur
d'urbanisme et d'aménagement à l'horizon 2030 conforte une agglomération
polycentrique et envisage un développement très poussé des infrastructures
de transport collectif avec deux lignes de RER, une ligne de métro et quatre
lignes de tramway. Mais l'urbanisation ne se fait que partiellement en respect
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Cities reports
du SDAU et les zones urbanisées en périphérie de la ville centre sont difficiles
à desservir par les transports collectifs, l'intégration des questions de mobilité
dans les outils de mise en œuvre du SDAU que sont les plans d'aménagement
se fait à la marge, l'effort colossal de développement des TCSP est engagé mais
il n'est pas certain qu'il puisse atteindre l'ambition souhaitée;

conception globale d'un système de transports collectifs optimisé, basé sur la
complémentarité et la connexion des différents modes : train (réseau ferré en
place mais aussi RER projeté), tramway, bus, taxis ; mise en place d'une intégration tarifaire, réalisation des pôles d'échange, renforcement de l'offre en
transports collectifs par bus en termes de desserte spatiale et temporelle
comme de performance (amélioration de la vitesse commerciale notamment,
etc.)

partage multimodal de la voirie et gestion des circulations par une régulation
du trafic volontariste (résorption des zones de congestion, amélioration des
cheminements piétons en accès aux pôles multimodaux, maîtrise des zones de
stationnement et d'arrêt des modes TC; etc.) ; et

maîtrise du stationnement en centre-ville et dans les cœurs de quartier.
Le contexte institutionnel du Grand Casablanca est peu performant en termes de
gestion urbaine. Les attributions et responsabilités des différentes administrations
seraient relativement claires sur le papier mais la pratique met en évidence d'importantes déficiences dans la collaboration entre ces entités, entre Wilaya / Préfectures
d'arrondissement / Préfecture / Provinces, Agence Urbaine et Communes Urbaines /
arrondissements communaux.
Malgré ses 4 millions d'habitants et le fait que les questions de déplacement soient
thématisées depuis plus d'une dizaine d'années, la Commune Urbaine de Casablanca
ne dispose pas d'un département dédié à la mobilité urbaine et n'est pas à même
d'assumer les projets complexes qui y sont liés (gestion du trafic, etc.).
Depuis 2009, deux autres acteurs sont entrés en jeu : une Autorité Organisatrice des
Déplacements Urbains qui après 5 ans d'existence reste en quête de légitimité, ses
statuts ne lui permettant aucunement d'asseoir une quelconque autorité, et une société de développement locale CasaTransport en charge de la conception et de la réalisation des transports collectifs en site propre.
46
Casablanca, Maroc
Par ailleurs, l'aspect du financement des infrastructures de TCSP et des déficits d'exploitation qui y sont liés est en cours de clarification au niveau central.
Ainsi les défis restent nombreux mais la prise de conscience des acteurs marocains est
certaine. Le schéma institutionnel opérationnel et pérenne du Grand Casablanca reste
à affiner et concrétiser.
Financement
Ressources humaines
Organisation et maîtrise du
système de transport
Enjeux structurants

La mobilité urbaine n'est pas un secteur clairement identifié au niveau
institutionnel au sein de l'agglomération. Les acteurs y afférant dépendent de différentes administrations et la coordination, voire la communication entre services est lacunaire.

Au niveau des transports collectifs urbains, le schéma institutionnel devrait évoluer dans les prochaines années du fait de la cohabitation actuelle de deux modèles avec gestion déléguée à risques et périls pour les
bus et contrat hors risque commercial pour le tramway.

Les équipes techniques des différentes administrations sont peu formées
et s'appuient sur peu d'expérience sur les questions de mobilité urbaine.

La montée en puissance des compétences est un enjeu majeur vis-à-vis
d'une amélioration durable des déplacements urbains : compétences
managériales, de planification et de coordination interdisciplinaires,
compétences techniques sur les outils de gestion des déplacements urbains (aménagement et exploitation de la voirie, etc.)

Les mécanismes de financement en place n'assurent pas de visibilité à
long terme sur le développement nécessaire des infrastructures de transport collectif et la pérennité de leur exploitation. Le Ministère de l'intérieur œuvre avec le Ministère des finances pour mettre en place un fonds
dédié au financement des transports collectifs en site propre dans les
grandes villes du royaume. Ce fonds a été inscrit dans la loi de finances
2014 au travers de l'amendement du Fonds d'accompagnement des réformes du transport.
47
Espace public
Planification et contrôle de
l'usage du sol
Cities reports
48

Les questions d'étalement urbain pèsent fortement sur un développement cohérent de la mobilité urbaine.

De nombreuses zones de développement ont émergé sous le régime de
la dérogation sans que la dimension de mobilité urbaine ne soit prise en
considération.

La collaboration entre Agence Urbaine et Autorité organisatrice des déplacements urbains est balbutiante dans le cadre de l'élaboration des
plans d'aménagement, concrétisation à moyen terme du SDAU.

Pas d'attention particulière sur les espaces publics en lien avec les lieux de
transport, mis à part quelques places emblématiques traitées dans le
cadre du projet de tramway

Pas de réflexion générale sur les cheminements piétons

Stationnement de véhicules privés, stations/arrêts de taxis, étals de marchands, etc. occupent les espaces pour les piétons

Casablanca s'est en 2012 dotée d'une première ligne de tramway. Une
ligne de métro et trois lignes de BHNS sont à l'étude. Le service connaît un
succès certain mais sans avoir atteint sa vitesse de croisière en termes de
fréquentation après près d'un an d'exploitation.

Le réseau de bus actuel dont la flotte repose essentiellement sur du matériel d'occasion devrait être prochainement restructuré afin de mieux intégrer l'offre du tramway. Une intégration tarifaire est aussi programmée.

La défaillance du transport de masse au cours des années 2000 a favorisé
l'émergence des grands taxis, mode destiné aux déplacements interurbains mais qui assure une large part des déplacements à l'intérieur de
l'agglomération et dont il est aujourd'hui difficile de se défaire (pression
sociale, offre bus alternative insuffisante, etc.).

Globalement, les routes sont en bon état. Le réseau routier est équipé sur
un grand nombre d'intersections de carrefours à feux. Certains quartiers
périphériques en émergence ne disposent pas encore d'un réseau routier
maillé et connecté au réseau principal d'agglomération.

Toutefois, il faut signaler que l'aménagement et l'exploitation de la voirie
routière ne sont pas conçus et maintenus dans une acceptation multimodale du partage de la voirie : pas de voies bus, pas de priorités aux feux
pour les bus, conflits systématiques des feux piétons avec des mouvements voitures autorisés, aucune prise en compte des deux-roues non
motorisés, etc.

Certains axes structurants (grandes pénétrantes, autoroute urbaine, etc.)
présents des volumes de charges très élevés et une congestion chronique
en heure de pointe (matin et soir). Les situations de travaux des dernières
années accentuent l'effet de congestion en l'absence de coordination et
planification des phases de chantier.

Accidentologie marquée notamment au niveau de certains carrefours du
fait du non-respect du code de la route (manque de respect des feux de
signalisation tricolore par certains usagers, etc.), de la conduite dangereuse de certains usagers (petits et grands taxis notamment : conduite
peu respectueuse du code de la route, arrêts intempestifs, etc.) mais aussi
de l'aménagement (souvent trop large et mal marqué) et de l'exploitation
en place.

Conditions de marche à pied très défavorables : sur le bord de la chaussée; pas de sécurisation des traversées sur les grandes artères

L'augmentation de trafic des 10 dernières années est cause d'une pollution atmosphérique et sonore croissante. Elle est accentuée par le fait
qu'une large part modale est assumée par les grands taxis, dont la capacité de transport est limitée en pratique à 6 personnes (soit au maximum 18
personnes pour 3 véhicules alors qu'un seul véhicule de type bus urbain
transporterait 50 à 70 personnes sur le même espace).

Le budget temps et financier lié aux déplacements est fortement marqué
par l'imprévisibilité de certains déplacements, liée à la non disponibilité
de l'offre en transports mécanisés dans certains secteurs (bus ou tramways bondés, indisponibilité des grands taxis aux heures de pointe, pas
d'offre du tout, etc.), à des certains secteurs congestionnés qui ne permettent pas de prévoir la durée du temps de trajet.
Coûts et temps de
déplacement
environnementales
Casablanca, Maroc
49
Croissance
urbaine
Cities reports
50

Les besoins de mobilité vont croitre dans les années à venir du fait ;

de l'étalement urbain en périphériedu développement socio-économique
de l'agglomération ; et

de la motorisation croissante des ménages
8. Dakar, Sénégal
Contexte général
Capitale politique et économique du Sénégal, la Ville de Dakar correspond au territoire du département de Dakar, lequel constitue, aux côtés des départements de Pikine, de Guédiawaye et de Rufisque, la région de Dakar englobe l'agglomération urbaine continue de Dakar, comptant plus de 3 millions d'habitants aujourd'hui (estimations, 2.4 millions en 2001), en croissance annuelle de 3,6% environ.
Située à l'extrémité d'une avancée de terre sur le front Atlantique, la région de Dakar
s'étend sur 550 km2 (soit moins de 0,28% du territoire national) et concentre 25% de
la population nationale et 80% des activités économiques du pays.
De par son développement historique et sa configuration en presqu'île, l'agglomération dakaroise se caractérise par une hyper-polarité des activités et services au niveau
du Plateau, alors que l'habitat se répartit sur l'ensemble du territoire, notamment au
niveau de banlieues situées entre 10 et 15 kilomètres du centre-ville.
Du fait d'une forte convergence des flux pendulaires vers le Plateau, les voies routières
sont soumises à une pression automobile très forte et croissante, sans possibilités
d'itinéraires alternatifs. Le réseau n'intègre pratiquement aucun aménagement en
faveur des transports collectifs, à l'exception de quelques encoches au droit de certains arrêts de bus, peu respectés et généralement encombrés. Pour ce qui est des
piétons (largement majoritaires, comptant pour 80% des déplacements lors des dernières enquêtes en 2003), des trottoirs existent en centre-ville, largement encombrés
par différents usages (étales marchands, cantines, etc. malgré quelques initiatives
récentes et énergiques de libération à mettre au crédit du Maire de Dakar). En re-
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Cities reports
vanche, la sécurité et le respect du piéton sont très fragiles, notamment en traversées
des grands axes.
L'entretien du réseau routier est d'un niveau plutôt correct sur les grandes voies classées, assuré par l'Etat via Ageroute, alors qu'il est très variable et globalement plutôt
de mauvaise qualité sur les voies non classées, dont beaucoup ne sont pas revêtues,
dépendant des moyens insuffisants des Collectivités locales. La gestion des circulations se limite à un contrôle policier assuré par un corps national de police, les
quelques carrefours à feux au fonctionnement très sommaire situés sur la commune
de Dakar étant du ressort de la Ville.
Une ligne de chemin de fer (Petit Train de Banlieue : à deux voies sur une grande
partie de son tracé) relie Dakar à Rufisque, une liaison desservie par une quinzaine de
courses par jour, par du matériel roulant vieillissant sur des voies qui nécessiteraient
également une sérieuse remise à niveau.
Représentant une part majoritaire des flux mécanisés, le transport public est assuré
majoritairement par des "cars rapides" (2'500 à 3'000 minibus relevant du secteur
informel/artisanal), les lignes de l'AFTU (association d'une quinzaine de GIE regroupant des opérateurs privés s'étant soumis aux conditions d'exploitation fixées par le
Conseil Exécutif des Transports Urbains de Dakar, en contrepartie notamment de
l'accès à de nouveaux véhicules subventionnés), les lignes de Dakar Dem Dikk (opérateur étatique d'autobus), les taxis formels et informels voire illégaux.
Globalement, les besoins de transport excèdent l'offre disponible, ce qui se traduit par
une couverture territoriale inégale et incomplète, des temps d'attente importants, une
sur-occupation des véhicules et un confort précaire pour l'usager. L'absence de mesures favorisant la progression des transports collectifs sur la voirie, associée à la congestion du réseau viaire, explique les temps de parcours très longs, auxquels s'ajoutent
les temps de transbordement, des transbordements d'autant plus pénibles qu'ils s'accompagnent de coûts supplémentaires importants pour l'usager (absence de tarification intégrée).
Les besoins d'amélioration sont importants et portent en particulier sur:

52
Le développement et l'amélioration des infrastructures routières, tant au
niveau de l'aménagement, l'exploitation et la maintenance, en intégrant les
besoins liés aux piétons et aux transports collectifs,
Dakar, Sénégal

L'augmentation et l'amélioration des services de transport public, en particulier en ce qui concerne la structuration d'un réseau primaire d'agglomération, prenant appui sur un réseau de bus à haut niveau de service (en site
propre), a priori articulé avec le PTB et surtout avec des services de rabattement pleinement intégrés,

La mise en cohérence des réseaux de transport et de l'urbanisation, puisque
ces deux composantes essentielles sont particulièrement désarticulées aujourd'hui.
Dakar est dotée depuis 1997 du Conseil Exécutif des Transports Urbains de Dakar, un
établissement public ayant vocation à organiser et à réguler le transport public à
l'échelle de l'agglomération urbaine.
Bien que l'apport du CETUD soit nettement perceptible en ce qui concerne la mise
sur pied de l'AFTU et du programme pionnier de renouvellement du matériel roulant
et de professionnalisation de quelques centaines d'opérateurs auparavant informels,
son rôle d'autorité reste difficile à assoir.
Parmi les principales difficultés à relever aujourd'hui :


Problème d'identification et de légitimité : le CETUD n'est pas pleinement
reconnu en tant qu'autorité organisatrice des transports par les collectivités
locales, qui disposent de quelques prérogatives notamment en matière de
gestion de la voirie, de même d'ailleurs que par l'Etat, dès lors que:

Le plan des déplacements urbains de Dakar n'est pas reconnu
comme composante fondamentale de l'instrumentation de planification et de contrôle du développement territorial,

Le CETUD n'est pas systématiquement consulté dans la conception
ou la priorisation des investissements en matière d'infrastructures,
routières en particulier, notamment lorsque celles-ci ont un impact
potentiel significatif sur les déplacements urbains.
Problème de ressources humaines et financières : le CETUD n'est pas en mesure de s'imposer sur les différents champs censés relever de ses prérogatives,
en l'absence d'un personnel suffisant et suffisamment qualifié pour l'ensemble des tâches correspondantes. Du point financier, seul l'Etat contribue
au financement direct du CETUD, alors que les Collectivités locales et les
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Cities reports
opérateurs de transport n'ont jamais versé les contributions qui leur incombent. En l'absence de visibilité sur les frais de fonctionnement, il est difficile
pour le CETUD d'assurer une mission d'autorité qui nécessite la poursuite
engagée d'une vision de moyen-long terme,

Problème de coordination entre acteurs : au-delà de l'Etat, de ses différents
démembrements et des Collectivités territoriales, de nombreuses agences
d'exécution interviennent sur le réseau de voirie, dont la coordination
s'avère difficile à assurer,

Problème de visibilité et de vision partagée : peu de données récentes sur le
système de la mobilité urbaine sont disponibles, ce qui diminue à la fois la
visibilité sur la situation effective, comme la possibilité pour les planificateurs et les décideurs de baser leurs décisions sur des éléments avérés et pertinents. De plus, le manque de de coordination déjà évoquée constitue un
frein important à la cohérence des actions engagées par les différents intervenants du secteur.
Ressources humaines
Enjeux structurants
54

Le CETUD existe depuis 15 ans mais peine encore à être reconnu comme
l'autorité organisatrice des transports urbains, soufrant notamment d'un
manque de moyens humains, matériels et financiers qui lui permettraient
d'assoir son rôle d'autorité.

Une organisation institutionnelle mal coordonnée et sans vision territoriale partagée, à la fois entre les différentes directions, agences et entreprises sous tutelle de l'Etat et avec les Collectivités territoriales, encore
mal identifiées comme partenaires.

D'une manière générale, les administrations centrales et les agences
impliquées disposent d'ingénieurs bien formés dans les domaines techniques traditionnels (not. génie civil), mais rarement spécialisés dans le
domaine de la mobilité urbaine (à l'exception de quelques experts au
CETUD).

Dans les collectivités locales, la situation est plus difficile, les moyens
faisant souvent largement défaut pour recruter des cadres techniques dotés des compétences nécessaires (not. en matière de gestion des circulations).
Espace
public
l'usage du sol
Infrastructures de
transport
Services de
transport
Financement
Dakar, Sénégal

Globalement, un problème important de sous-financement et de mauvaise coordination des moyens alloués au secteur, à la fois en ce qui concerne la mise à disposition des infrastructures et des services, comme de
leur bonne exploitation.

D'une manière générale, en dehors de certaines agences d'exécution, des
moyens humains insuffisants, en quantité et en qualité.

Extension peu maîtrisée de la zone d’urbanisation, de plus en plus loin du
centre-ville.

Une partie importante du développement urbain se fait de manière informelle, sous différentes formes d'habitat précaire.

L'espace public est de qualité variable, négligé pour l'essentiel.

Le développement des transports informels augmente fortement la pression sur les espaces autour des pôles multimodaux principaux.

Une offre de transport multiforme mais globalement peu attractive ou
performante: train, autobus publics (DDD), bus formels (AFTU), cars rapides informels, taxis réguliers, taxis informels (taxis de banlieue), taxis illégaux, etc.

Un service marqué par une concurrence entre les modes formels et informels, pénalisés par l'absence de mesures en leur faveur sur le réseau de
voirie.

Une couverture territoriale incomplète et des temps de trajet relativement longs, irréguliers et inconfortables voire peu sûrs.

Un réseau de voirie de densité et de qualité très variable, particulièrement
mal entretenu sur le réseau non classé en main des collectivités locales,
démunies.

Un réseau qui néglige les piétons et sans aménagements en faveur des
transports collectifs.

Une exploitation qui se résume au strict minimum, avec notamment très
peu de carrefours régulés efficacement par feux.

Les conditions de déplacement pour les piétons et les (rares) cyclistes
sont fortement dégradées du fait de la forte pression de l'automobile et
de l'absence de politiques spécifiques à l'égard de ces usagers vulnérables.
55
Croissance
urbaine
Coûts et temps de
déplacement
Ressources et
Cities reports
56

Sans que des données chiffrées n'aient été collectées, il ne fait aucun
doute que le trafic automobile en croissance impacte significativement la
qualité de l'environnement urbain (pollution, bruit).

Sans données récentes, le temps et le budget consacrés aux déplacements par les ménages est relativement à très important, en particulier
pour les habitants des banlieues.

La congestion croissante du réseau viaire impacte l'efficacité de tous les
déplacements.

Très forte croissance démographique et économique observe dans la
dernière décennie et attendue pour la prochaine.
9. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
General Overview:
The City of Dar es Salaam is Tanzania's largest and richest city, serving as a regionally
important economic centre. The city is located within the Dar es Salaam Region, it is
an administrative province within Tanzania, and consists of three local government
areas or administrative districts: northern Kinondoni, central Ilala, and southern
Temeke. The Dar es Salaam Region had a population of 4,364,541 as at the official
2012 census. Dar es Salaam is a rapidly growing city with a forecast population of
over 5 million by 2020. In addition to a growing urban population, city congestion is
also affected by its location on the coast with the country’s largest port situated right
in the heart of the city. In the absence of effective rail transit from the port, trucks are
the predominant mode for moving freight.
The city's gross domestic product is Tsh. 2,324 billion. The average household income
is Tsh. 130,000. The proportion of gross household monthly income is spent on
transport is between 7 to 18 per cent. Tanzania’s urban population is growing rapidly
at around 4% per year. The city of Dar es Salaam faces particularly difficult challenges
in dealing with urban traffic growth. The central business district is highly constrained on two sides by the sea and a shipping channel. Urban densification is taking
place across the city, both in the suburbs and the city centre with new high rise buildings
Need for improvement for Urban mobility:
Dar es Salaam is vulnerable to floods, sea level rise and coastal erosion, water scarcity
and outbreak of diseases. The existing infrastructure such as storm water drainage
system is not proportional to the population size.
57
Cities reports
75 per cent of the city population live in informal housing. More than 50 per cent of
employees commute daily from outside of the metropolitan/city area limits. The daily
modal split daily is as follows: public transport-43%, private cars-6%, non-motorized
modes-45%, other-6%. The average morning peak period work trip travel time in the
city is 77 minutes.
Public transport is mostly provided by dala-dalas – private-sector minibuses or para–
transit operators – with very few large buses; these are supplemented by micro-transit
that acts to increase traffic congestion. Shirika la Usafiri Dar es Salaam [UDA] is the
sole remnant of formal city bus transport in Dar es Salaam. It is 51% owned by Dar es
Salaam City Council and 49% by the Ministry of Finance with a nominated Board
that meets quarterly. It has 20 large buses on 12 routes with 60 permanent staff and
50 contracted bus drivers on six-monthly contracts. It is estimated that there are over
6,000 dala-dalas operating officially in Dar es Salaam.
Public transport operations are not subsidized, but there is provision within the regulations to allow this for regular transport. The modes delivering public transport in
Dar es Salaam are:

Formal ‘large bus’ transport – a small fleet of conventional standard size single-deck buses run by Shirika la Usafiri Dar es Salaam [UDA].

Dala-dala transport – mainly second-hand Toyota ‘Coaster’ and similar
types of minibuses, plus in suburban areas, smaller Toyota Hi-Ace type and
similar types of minibuses.

Three-wheeler auto-rickshaws, commonly called ‘Bajaj’ vehicles.

2-wheeler public motocycles.

Roving saloon taxis, often parked at official and unofficial ranks.
Insufficient attention has been given to public transport or to the adequate provision
of new road space, connections and access. As a result ordinary journeys to work are
difficult and problematic, with many people spending four (and more) hours each
day on commuting.
Ability to manage the complexity of urban mobility:
In terms of policy, Tanzania has a national transport policy (2003), although little
attention is given to urban transport issues. The policy covers issues of urban road
and other infrastructure, road services, traffic flow and management, land use plan-
58
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
ning and transport for disadvantaged groups. No attention is given to pedestrians and
non-motorized transport road users, who are often the losers in the struggle for urban space and have little power to influence the urban transport agenda. Furthermore, whilst there appears to be a general bias towards building your way out of congestion by increasing road width, the policy does recognize some of the challenges
with traffic congestion and the impact that poor land use planning has on traffic flow
and congestion.
A new national transport policy is currently being drawn up under the Department
for International Development (DFID) supported technical assistance program within the Ministry of Transport. This appears to give more attention to issues of public
transport, BRT and land use planning, and supports the establishment of Dar es Salaam Urban Transport Authority (DUTA) as a central coordinating body on urban
transport issues.

Progress has been made in recent years with the establishment of a
transport authority for Dar es Salaam.

The Ministry of Transport supports the establishment of Dar es Salaam
Urban Transport Authority (DUTA) as a central coordinating body on urban transport issues.

The development of human resources with the appropriate levels of
knowledge and skills to manage urban transport remains a priority.

The World Bank is funding the introduction of DART a mass rapid transit
system for Dar es Salaam.

Local governments in the Tanzanian inter-governmental fiscal model
have very limited taxation and financing powers.
Financing
Human
resources
Organization and
control over the
urban transport
system
Key issues
59

The city of Dar es Salaam faces particularly difficult challenges in dealing
with urban traffic growth.

The central business district is highly constrained on two sides by the sea
and a shipping channel.

Urban densification is taking place across the city, both in the suburbs
and the city centre with new high rise buildings.

The inter-relationship between land use management and mobility planning has not been enjoying the required level of attention to date.

Urbanization is not managed by means of a well-developed urban plan or
land–use management scheme, this means that settlements are being allowed to take place on the urban fringe compounding traffic congestion
and the cost and time involved in travel to and from places of economic
opportunity.
Public space
Cities reports
Road safety
Transport
Infrastructure
Transport services
The modes delivering public transport in Dar es Salaam are:
60

Formal ‘large bus’ transport – a small fleet of conventional standard size
single-deck buses run by Shirika la Usafiri Dar es Salaam [UDA].

Dala-dala transport – mainly second-hand Toyota ‘Coaster’ and similar
types of minibuses, plus in suburban areas, smaller Toyota Hi-Ace type
and similar types of minibuses.

Three-wheeler auto-rickshaws, commonly called ‘Bajaj’ vehicles.

2-wheeler public motorcycles.

Roving saloon taxis, often parked at official and unofficial ranks.

Congestion has reached alarming proportions and Traffic congestion in
the city needs to be addressed.

Dar es Salaam is vulnerable to floods, sea level rise and coastal erosion,
water scarcity and outbreak of diseases. The existing infrastructure such
as storm water drainage system is not proportional to the population size.

Deteriorating road infrastructure means that the conditions for NMT are
not conducive. It needs to be noted that 45% of daily trips are made by
means of walking or cycling.
Urban
growth
Environment
al quality and
resilience
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

Current congestion levels results in noise and air pollution.

The introduction of the BRT system is in part aimed at reducing negative
externalities.

75 per cent of the city population live in informal housing.

More than 50 per cent of employees commute daily from outside of the
metropolitan/city area limits.

The daily modal split daily is as follows: public transport-43%, private cars6%, non-motorized modes-45%, other-6%. The average morning peak period work trip travel time in the city is 77 minutes.

Due to urban sprawl those who require public transport often live on the
edge of the city.

Tanzania’s urban population is growing rapidly at around 4% per year.

Dar es Salaam is a rapidly growing city with a forecast population of over
5 million by 2020.
61
10. Gauteng City, South Africa
General Overview
The Gauteng City Region (GCR) encompasses three metropolitan authorities namely
the City of Johannesburg, the City of Tshwane (Pretoria) and the City of Ekuruleni
(East Rand). In addition the GCR encompasses two district municipalities and a
number of local municipalities. The population growth projections for the GCR indicate a growth rate of more than 50% over the next 25 years from 12.2 million to 18.7
million people, coupled with an annual projected economic growth rate of 4.5 % per
annum. It is further estimated that growth in formal employment will rise from 3.9
million to 9.6 million jobs and that that linear road vehicle population growth will
rise from 3.6 million to at least 6.6 million over the same 25 year period. The total
number of peak hour person trips is expected to increase from 2.2 million to 3.89
million by 2037.
The GCR is perhaps one of the most developed urban conurbations on the African
continent. Over the past 5 years more than 2.5billion US dollars was spent on the
Gauteng freeway improvement program. This program was funded by means of a
bond issue and the repayment of the bond is planned to take place via the introduction of a sophisticated e-tolling system. This initiative introduced one the most controversial road transport improvements in post-apartheid South African history, it
resulted in civic action and court challenges, but at the time of the conducting of this
field review it appeared that the national and provincial government will forge ahead
with the e-tolling system on the basis of a “user pays” rationale.
The GCR is the economic heartland of South Africa contributing of excess of 25% to
the national GDP. It serves as a major freight and passenger hub for Sub-Saharan
Africa and sits at the heart of important transnational corridors such as the Maputo Walvis Bay Corridor. The area is served by a major oil and gas pipeline system from
the port of Durban. The regional economy is highly diversified although mining
economy still forms an important part of the economy the finance sector at 25%
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Cities reports
followed by the community sector at 23% and the manufacturing and trade sectors 17
and 15 per cent respectively makes up a diverse and modern regional economy.
Need for improvement for Urban mobility
In this growing polycentric city region, trip distances ranges from 10 km to as high as
40km in any single direction. Travel times ranges from 30 minutes to 3 hours depending on origins and destinations. The public transport modal split for the period
2009-2014 was determined as 73% minibus taxis, 19% bus, and 8% rail. In 2002, the
private/ public transport split was set at 52%, this trend has been deteriorating with
private cars now constituting 65% of overall modal share. There are over 50 000 minibus taxis in the GCR organized into 185 associations. There are just over 3000 buses
owned by a combination of private, parastatal and municipality entities. The Metropolitan Rail service provides rail services with an estimated 1846 rail cars in operation
in the GCR.
A significant upgrade of the rail system is being planned and tenders have been
awarded for the refurbishment of the rail rolling stock over the next 15 to 25 year
period. More recently the GCR saw the introduction of Africa’s first Rapid Rail link
(The Gautrain) operating between OR Tambo International Airport on the east of the
City Region to Sandton, The Central City of Johannesburg, Midrand and Pretoria.
In brief average trip distances and travel times with resultant urban efficiency and
pollution implications makes a strong case for ongoing improvement of the public
transport system in the GCR.
In terms of the South African National Land Transport Act, metropolitan city authorities have delegated power over transport planning, transport regulation, financing of
transport services and the contracting of transport operations. Provincial authorities
have similar planning, regulatory, financing and contracting authorities in relation to
their areas of jurisdiction. This provides a unique transport governance challenge for
the GCR. All three metropolitan authorities in GCR have well advanced integrated
transport plans and are well advanced with the planning and implementation of public transport improvements most notably in the form of the introduction of jurisdiction based Bus Rapid Transport systems. In order to facilitate coordination of plan-
64
Gauteng City, South Africa
ning and mobility improvement programs the provincial department of transport
acting in consultation with the three metropolitan authorities, the district and local
municipalities have prepared the legal foundations for the establishment of a Gauteng
Transport Commission. The main tasks of the Transport Commission will be to:

Integrate rail planning;

Promote, coordinate and support the introduction of standardize intelligent transport systems in respect of integrated ticketing, fare management,
passenger information and traffic management;

Promote the integration and alignment of BRT systems between metropolitan authorities;

Promote the implementation of sustainable transport options including
NMT;

Promote the implementation of travel demand management systems;

Foster cooperation with transport stakeholders, and

Execute any roles assigned to the Commission.
The Commission is established in terms of the intergovernmental Cooperation
Framework Act.
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Cities reports
Key issues
Organization and control over the urban transport system
 In terms of the South African National Land Transport Act, metropolitan city
authorities have delegated power over transport planning, transport regulation, financing of transport services and the contracting of transport operations.
 Provincial authorities have similar planning, regulatory, financing and contracting authorities in relation to their areas of jurisdiction.
 This provides a unique transport governance challenge for the GCR.
 All three metropolitan authorities in GCR have well advanced integrated
transport plans and are well advanced with the planning and implementation of public transport improvements most notably in the form of the introduction of jurisdiction based Bus Rapid Transport systems.
 In order to facilitate coordination of planning and mobility improvement
programs the provincial department of transport acting in consultation with
the three metropolitan authorities, the district and local municipalities have
prepared the legal foundations for the establishment of a Gauteng Transport
Commission.
 Both the provincial and metropolitan city authorities are well resourced with
Human resources
transport planning, transport engineering and transport economics expertise.
 Bus operations expertise may become in short supply as more BRT type bus
operations are being established in the city region.
 It is widely acknowledged that rail operations expertise need to be rebuilt as
large numbers rail operations staff such as train drivers, signal system operators and maintenance staff emigrated as a result of progressive under–
investment in rail.
 The GCR functions within a well-developed inter-governmental fiscal
Financing
framework in support of public transport and mobility improvements.
 The provincial government in the city region is further empowered to implement provincial taxes and levies in support of public transport and mobility improvements.
 The metropolitan authorities have access to own revenue sources and
should be in a position to contribute to both capital and operating costs of
mobility improvements.
66
Land use planning and
control
 At both GCR and metropolitan city level spatial and human settlement
planning are legislative prescribed processes.
 Spatial plans have to take into account settlement patterns, economic
activities and mobility needs.
 The GCR is largely a planned structured urban environment, however significant informal settlements manifests throughout the city region.
Public space
 At metropolitan city level significant efforts have been put into spatial
development frameworks and human settlement plans that provide for the
better utilization of public space.
 SDFs and human settlement plans are also designed to take into account
mobility plans and mobility improvements.
 NMT in the form of pedestrian walkways and cycle lanes are also enjoying
Transport services
priority as part of road improvement plans at metropolitan city level.

A major concern in the GCR is the growth in private car numbers.

The growth in private car numbers need to be understood in the context of
recent urban development and should not only be attributed to the lack of
public transport.

Important initiatives are underway to improve public transport at both city
region and metropolitan city level.

Travel times ranges from 30 minutes to 3 hours depending on origins and
destinations.

The public transport modal split for the period 2009-2014 was determined
as 73% minibus taxis, 19% bus, and 8% rail. In 2002, the private/ public
transport split was set at 52%, this trend has been deteriorating with private
cars now constituting 65% of overall modal share.

There are over 50 000 minibus taxis in the GCR organized into 185 associations. There are just over 3000 buses owned by a combination of private,
parastatal and municipality entities.

The introduction of the rapid rail system and three bus rapid transit initiatives at metropolitan city level bears testimony to this.
67
Cities reports
 A significant ($2.4 bn) investment has been made into the improvement of
the freeway system serving the GCR.
 The next major challenge to overcome is the introduction of the e-tolling
system as part of the foundation for funding the current and future road improvement and maintenance projects in the City region.
 Both the existing Gautrain (rapid rail link) and the metropolitan rail system
have been earmarked for further expansion and significant upgrade (in the
case of metro rail).
 The roll out of BRT infrastructure in all three metropolitan cities in the Gauteng city region is in progress.
 The City region as well as the three metropolitan cities are served by a well-
Road safety
established traffic policing system.
 Road safety is a major priority as the GCR suffers from a high accident and
high fatality level.
 At metropolitan city level, significant road upgrade programs are underway
and all such programs take into account the need for improvement for walk
and cycle ways.
Environmental quality and
resilience
 Significant impediments to urban efficiencies exist.
 This is a direct result of the legacy of apartheid urban planning.
 The expansion of cost effective mass rapid transit systems should therefore
remain a priority in the GCR.
 Similarly the reorganization and formalization of the para-transit system
should continue to enjoy priority attention as much of the current and future supply will come from the para-transit sector.
 As illustrated in this report, trip distances and travel times are major impedTravel cost and time
iments to urban efficiencies.
68
 This is a direct result of the legacy of apartheid urban planning.
 The expansion of cost effective mass rapid transit systems should therefore
remain a priority in the GCR.
 Similarly the reorganization and formalization of the para-transit system
should continue to enjoy priority attention as much of the current and future supply will come from the para-transit sector.
 The population growth projections for the GCR indicate a growth rate of
Urban growth
more than 50% over the next 25 years from 12.2 million to 18.7 million people, coupled with an annual projected economic growth rate of 4.5 % per
annum.
 It is further estimated that growth in formal employment will rise from 3.9
million to 9.6 million jobs and that that linear road vehicle population
growth will rise from 3.6 million to at least 6.6 million over the same 25 year
period.
 The total number of peak hour person trips is expected to increase from 2.2
million to 3.89 million by 2037.
69
11. Kampala, Uganda
General Overview
Kampala is the largest city and capital of Uganda. The city is divided into five boroughs that oversee local planning: Kampala Central Division, Kawempe Division,
Makindye Division, Nakawa Division and Lubaga Division. The estimated 2008 population was 1,770,000, about 7 percent of the country as a whole, and the growth rate
remains somewhat greater than 4 percent per year. By 2017, the population is estimated to grow to over 2.1 million. The continued growth of greater Kampala is due
to natural increase as well as rural to urban migration.
As the city itself has expanded, former agricultural and vacant land within 15-20 km
radius of the city, primarily to the north, east and south, have become increasingly
residential, mostly with unplanned, inadequately serviced, low-density and poor
quality housing. Urban growth has also begun to spill into the city’s former wetlands
which are prone to flooding and to diseases such as malaria, cholera and diarrhea.
Kampala is not only the capital and largest city in the country, but it is the center of
Uganda’s industrial and commercial development. Overall, approximately 80 percent
of the country’s industrial and services sectors are located in Kampala and the city
now generates more than 50 percent of the country’s GDP.
However, the competitiveness, attractiveness and productivity of the city are being
severely impacted by its poor infrastructure, particularly its road network, its water
and sewer systems, poor rail access and unreliable supply of energy. Virtually no major road improvements have been made in years and with the unstoppable growth in
the number of vehicles, traffic jams have become a way of life. Traffic bound for Kenya along the main road between Kampala and Jinja, 70 km to the east can average less
than 30 km per hour during much of the day. Commuters from suburbs less than 20
km from the center of town can take well over an hour to get to and from work and
incur high transportation costs.
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Cities reports
Need for improvement for Urban mobility
The city is polycentric. The urban conurbation contains over 8 % of the country’s
population, accounts for perhaps 30-40 % of the national income, and contains up to
half the vehicle population. Mass commuting to workplaces creates a great need for
public transport, and results in heavy morning and evening congestion and delays on
an inadequate and over-loaded road network. Parking in the city centre has become a
major problem, and the overall quality of life has suffered and continues to deteriorate.
The number of public transport trips (not including the para-transit boda boda) is
about 460,000 in the peak AM period or about 800,000 daily trips; these figures have
probably now risen to about 575,000 and one million respectively. The 2003 total
indicated that about 146 trips per person per year were being made by public
transport. This is a low figure and indicates: (i) insufficient public transit capacity; (ii)
in all likelihood, a large number of walking and bicycle trips; and (iii) a possibly low
level of public transport accessibility. The modal split in the city is 30 percent private
and 70 per cent public. The proportion of unscheduled/informal public transport
service vehicles that are unregulated/unlicensed is 48 per cent.
The Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area or known as GKMA is not only the richest
region in the country, but also an area where a large number of poor people reside, all
of them seeking better incomes and living conditions.35 per cent of the city population lives on less than $US 1 a day and the average household income is UGX 959
400. 39 per cent of the city’s population lives in informal settlements. The GKMA lies
on the Northern Corridor route of East Africa, and all cargo and passenger trips
crossing East Africa from Mombasa or Nairobi to western Uganda, Rwanda, and
north-eastern DR Congo must pass through Kampala's city center. Kampala City also
possesses some of the worst-planned storm water drainage systems in the world, despite possession of a Kampala Drainage Master Plan since 2003, and road-flooding is
a common occurrence even after a relatively light storm, leading to intense traffic
jams, often bordering on gridlock.
Ability to manage the complexity of urban mobility:
Uganda has a National Transport Master Plan and sets a 15-year scenario for future
development and management of the transport sector, including a transport sector
investment plan, and an outline of the required institutional and regulatory frame-
72
Kampala, Uganda
work and its implementation. This scenario aims to be consistent with the country’s
longer-term overall development goals, as outlined in the ‘Vision 25’ and ‘Vision 35’
documents setting overall frameworks to the years 2025 and 2035 respectively.
The Ministry of Works and Transport (MoWT) intends to introduce a Bus Rapid
Transit (BRT) system in the Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area (GKMA) to meet
the growing demand for mobility.
Key issues
Human resources
Organization and
control over the
urban transport
system
 Inadequate Regulation and enforcement are contributors to
the urban mobility challenges faced by Kampala.
 The need for adequately qualified and experienced human
resources in fields such as transport planning, urban planning,
transport engineering, economics and bus operating systems
is a high priority.
Public space
Financing
 Mobility improvement projects in the form of BRT lines are
being funded by the World Bank.
 City authorities have limited financial and fiscal powers over
public transport.
 Urbanization in Kampala has been taking place against the
backdrop of an acute lack of land use planning and management. The proliferation of badly serviced informal settlements
will contribute to the urban mobility challenges already experienced in Kampala.
 Parking and congestion in the inner city are rated as two of the
most pressing issues in Kampala.
Transport
services
 The lack of formalization of public transport supply is one of
the biggest challenges.
73
Environmental
quality and
resilience
Road safety
Transport
infrastructure
Cities reports
74

The lack of and quality of road infrastructure rates amongst
the top issues in Kampala.

Poor quality of road infrastructure means that NMT conditions are not favorable.

High air pollution levels and high accident rates are direct
consequence of the lack of formal public transport supply
and related congestion.

Travel time and the negative impacts of congestion is major
issue in Kampala, with a significant portion of the household
budget being spent on informal transport.

The number of public transport trips (not including the paratransit boda boda) was about 460,000 in the peak AM period
or about 800,000 daily trips.

These figures have probably now risen to about 575,000 and
one million respectively.

The 2003 total indicated that about 146 trips per person per
year were being made by public transport.

This is a low figure indicating: (i) insufficient public transit
capacity; (ii) in all likelihood, a large number of walking and
bicycle trips; and (iii) a possibly low level of public transport
accessibility.

The modal split in the city is 30 percent private and 70 per
cent public. The proportion of unscheduled/informal public
transport service vehicles that are unregulated/unlicensed is
48 per cent.
Urban growth
Kampala, Uganda

The estimated 2008 population was 1,770,000, about 7 percent of the country as a whole, and

the growth rate remains somewhat greater than 4 percent
per year.

By 2017, the population is estimated to grow to over 2.1
million.

The continued growth of greater Kampala is due to natural
increase as well as rural to urban migration.
75
12. Kinshasa, R.D.C.
Contexte général
Kinshasa, capitale de la République Démocratique du Congo mais aussi Province du
pays, compte près de 10 millions d'habitants. Elle croît à une très grande vitesse,
notamment au Sud, le Nord longeant le fleuve Congo, sans que la gestion des services
urbains ne parvienne à suivre ce rythme effréné. Le système de transport ne répond
plus aux besoins en déplacement de la population et, sans intervention drastique, sera
complètement dépassé d'ici peu du fait de la croissance démographique et de l'étalement urbain qui caractérisent le développement de l'agglomération.
Les différentes observations et analyses ont montré que :

le manque d'entretiens des voiries, l'exploitation déficiente des intersections et
l'utilisation non contrôlée de l'espace viaire, génère des situations de congestion chroniques malgré une motorisation individuelle encore limitée et un
réseau viaire dense. Néanmoins, du potentiel d'amélioration en termes d'optimisation d'exploitation de la voirie à court terme existe ! Si rien n'est fait, les
conditions de circulation, déjà difficiles sur certains axes, vont très rapidement se dégrader avec l'augmentation du taux de motorisation ;

la marche à pied est le mode principal de déplacement. Les piétons sont partout et leur sécurité est souvent précaire malgré les efforts consentis sur les
nouveaux projets. En période de pointe du matin, la répartition modale à
Kinshasa est de 80% pour les piétons, 15% pour les transports en commun
et 5% pour les véhicules particuliers ;

l'offre en transport informel supporte plus de 95% des déplacements de personnes en transports en commun et se fait dans des conditions très difficiles
(véhicules très vieux et surchargés). La majeure partie des déplacements mécanisés échappe donc à toute planification urbaine (organisation des circulation, exploitation de la voirie, stationnement, …) ;
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Cities reports

le fonctionnement institutionnel est déficient, souffrant d'un manque de
coordination et de vision à long terme; aucun leadership ni claire répartition
des tâches ne se dégagent pour porter une vision sur la mobilité urbaine et la
mettre en œuvre en impliquant les différents acteurs de manière ciblée ; et

l'absence de vision multimodale appropriée et partagée ne permet pas d'inscrire les différents projets portés par des financements divers et variés dans
un plan d'actions cohérent et concerté. Cette absence empêche de faire les
réservations d'emprises nécessaires pour le long terme.
Le besoin d'améliorer la mobilité urbaine est très important et très basique puisqu'il
s'agit :

d'offrir à la population la possibilité de se déplacer dans des conditions
dignes et sécurisées ; et

de donner les bases pour un meilleur développement économique de
Kinshasa et de meilleures possibilités de se rendre au centre administratif
de la ville.
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Kinshasa, R.D.C.
L'urgence est de :

mettre en place une cellule de coordination des transports ;

réhabiliter les routes déjà pavées qui sont en très mauvais état afin de pouvoir offrir un réseau viaire utilisable ;

définir une hiérarchie et un schéma de circulation permettant d'organiser
le réseau viaire et de mettre en place des services de transport visant à desservir les quartiers et favoriser l'accès au centre-ville;

(re)définir et coordonner les différentes lignes de bus du service public
(Etat et Province) à mettre en exploitation avec les véhicules venant d'être
acquis ;

aménager des arrêts pour les transports collectifs, voire des pôles
d'échange ; et

rajeunir la flotte du transport minibus.
Actuellement, la coordination entre les différents acteurs est déficiente voir inexistante. Le nombre d'acteurs est très important mais d'ordres et de ministères différents. Kinshasa étant une "Capitale – Province", certaines décisions sont prises soit au
niveau de l'Etat, soit au niveau de la Province, voir de la Ville. Les projets se réalisent
trop souvent sur la base d'opportunités (apports financiers extérieurs, mise à disposition de véhicules ou selon affinités/facilités entre différents acteurs) et donc, sans
vision globale.
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Cities reports
Consciente des ces difficultés, la Banque Mondiale a effectué une mission d'expertise
en mai 2013 afin de définir un plan d'action et essayer de mobiliser les différents acteurs (voir schéma ci-dessous). La mise en place des préconisations est en attente
mais les différents acteurs semblent comprendre la nécessité d'évoluer.
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Kinshasa, R.D.C.
Espace public
Planification et
contrôle de l'usage
du sol
Financement
Ressources humaines
Enjeux structurants
80

Pas de coordination entre les différents acteurs.

Pas de vision à court ou long terme.

Pas de leader.

Responsabilité et cahiers des charges non suivis, pas adaptés, plus d'actualité ou peu clairs.

Aucune donnée à disposition pour établir un suivi.

Enjeu de renforcement des ressources à tous les niveaux : de la gestion
au quotidien de la voirie (Police, services communaux, etc.) aux échelons
décisionnels sur les mesures structurantes.

Proposition, dans le cadre de l'étude Banque Mondiale, de mobiliser les
ressources autour d'un projet de mise à niveau et de concrétiser en parallèle le cadre institutionnel.

Budget d'investissement pas connu pour les voiries .

Kinshasa profite en très grande partie de fonds internationaux pour des
projets précis et concrets. Pas de vision globale mais investissements par
"opportunité".

Quelques investissements ponctuels de l'Etat et de la Province pour l'acquisition de bus urbains.

Un Schéma directeur d'urbanisme a été établi dans les années 2000 mais
pas du tout suivi. Un nouveau schéma est en cours d'élaboration.

D'importants quartiers se sont développés spontanément en périphérie,
sans accès aux services urbains de base.


Pas de respect d'espace spécifique pour les cheminements piétons.

Stationnement de véhicules privés (en augmentation) sur les trottoirs ou
cheminements piétons.
Ressources et
qualité
environnementales
Cities reports

Absence de transports collectifs réguliers et régulés. Mais des améliorations sont attendues à court terme avec la mise en service de plus de 500
bus d'ici 2014.

Un très grand nombre de minibus (informels) mais sans gestion "officielle" (horaires, lignes, …) et sans confort.

Pas de service de taxis officiel.

Pas de réelles gares routières ou "pôles d'échanges".

Globalement, l'état de la voirie est très mauvais.

Quelques grands axes ont été réhabilités ou sont en cours de réhabilitation par différents fonds internationaux.

Très peu de gestion des intersections. Certains feux en place ne jouent
pas leur rôle mais sont globalement respecté par les automobilistes.

Gestion de la voirie (marquage, …) pas uniforme, donc problèmes de
compréhensions.

Une large partie de la voirie déjà bitumée souffre d'une forte
dégradation.

Une grande partie de la population vit dans des zones très difficiles d'accès où très peu de véhicules motorisés peuvent circuler

L'état des voiries rend les conditions de circulation très difficiles et
dangereuses.

L'état des véhicules est très mauvais entrainant des nombreux problèmes
de sécurité (accidents, pannes, …).

Méconnaissance / irrespect des règles de sécurité routière par les chauffeurs de minibus et véhicules privé ; pas de véritable contrôle de police
sur ces questions.

Conditions de marche à pied très défavorables sur les axes non réhabilités : sur le bord de la chaussée, qu'elle soit bitumée ou en terre ; pas de
sécurisation des traversées sur ces axes

La pollution de l'air générée par les minibus et bus d'âges très élevés
(donc presque tous les véhicules) est certaine. Mais au vu des volumes en
présence, cette pollution reste dans un niveau encore supportable.
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Kinshasa, R.D.C.

Un trajet en minibus ou bus coûte 500 FC par personne, voire plus de
1'000 FC pour les quartiers très périphériques.

Les trajets sont nécessairement très longs par rapport aux distances
parcourues :

Voirie dégradée > circulation très ralentie et perte de capacité de
l'ensemble de l'axe.

Temps d'attente pour avoir un véhicule disponible.

Marche à pied pour rejoindre le point de prise en charge / la destination.


de l'étalement urbain que l'on constate dans les zones nord
notamment.

de l'indispensable création d'emplois et du développement économique de la ville de Kinshasa.

de la motorisation croissante des ménages.

de gain de population, au-delà de la croissance démographique :
exode rural mais aussi retour d'habitants qui avaient quitté la ville
lors de la crise socio-politique.
Croissance urbaine
82
13. Kumasi, Ghana
General Context
Kumasi is the second largest City in Ghana, and with a population of 2 million people
growing at a rate of more than 5% a year, the City of Kumasi is an important asset
and a hub of economic activity for both residents and those living in the surrounding
districts. Kumasi by its centrality and sphere of influence offers the nucleus for a
Greater Kumasi Metropolitan Area (gKMA), comprising of the following districts: 1.
Ejisu-Juaben Municipal Area (EJMA), 2. Bosomtwe, 3. Atwima Kwanwoma, 4. Atwima Nwabiagya, 5. Afigya Kwabere 6. Kwabre East.
An assessment of urban travel and the development of the transport way forward may
have to focus not only on travel within Kumasi Metropolitan Area but also movements to and from the district areas as they relate to Kumasi Metropolitan Area. The
efficient movement of people and goods is essential to the vitality and success of the
city, whilst limiting the environmental impact of transport sector and encouraging
more sustainable means of travel will contribute to the liveability of the City traditionally known as ‘The Garden City’.
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Cities reports
Need for Improvement of Urban Mobility
An Transport Strategy for Kumasi has been developed within the framework of the
overarching Ghana policy documents. These include:
1. Ghana Shared Growth Development Agenda
2. National Transport Policy
3. Urban Transport Policy
4. Environmental Policy
5. National Labour, Health and Safety Requirements
6. Disability Act
Vision for Urban Mobility
The Vision for urban transport in Ghana as set out in the Urban Transport Policy
Framework of the Urban Transport Policy is “An affordable, safe and efficient urban
transportation system that supports the overall development and competitiveness of
the urban area”
Mobility strategy for Greater Kumasi Metropolitan Area
Considering the significance of Kumasi within
the regional economy and the role it plays in
international trade, especially to the land locked
Sahel regions, the vision of the city and the
following Key pillars for improving mobility in
Kumasi:
1. Develop an urban transport system that supports the goal of making Ghana
the transport hub for West Africa.
2. Create an accessible, affordable, reliable and efficient transport system that
supports the competitiveness of the city.
3. Integrate urban transport planning, infrastructure development and service
provision with urban planning and a strategic urban development
framework.
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Kumasi, Ghana
4. Create a vibrant investment and performance based urban environment
that ensures adequate returns for public and private investment in urban
transport infrastructure and services.
5. Develop and implement a decentralized institutional and regulatory
framework for urban transportation.
6. Ensure sustainable development of the urban transport sub-sector to minimize its adverse environmental and social impact.
7. Develop adequate human resources and apply new technology for urban
transport delivery.
Land Use and Mobility Planning
The importance of integration between land use and transport planning is recognized
and taken account of throughout the report. Spatial Growth and Urban Development
is a complex process, and demands an understanding of the options provided by the
existing physical, social, economic and cultural conditions of the society in land use
decision-making.
There are three types of drivers of spatial change in Kumasi and its surrounding districts. In the first place there are the existing factors that derive from the prevailing
conditions within the Kumasi administrative district boundaries. Secondly, there are
other drivers emanating from outside the city’s own administrative boundaries but
within the metropolitan region that channel population movements in particular
directions. Thirdly, there are drivers emanating from public policy and programmes
generated by politicians and officials based in Accra which have the induced concurrence of the city’s authorities in spite of local plans that may be contradictory.
Land Management and Land Use Planning Disjuncture
The primary internal driver of spatial growth of Kumasi has been the desire to own
land for residential development. The ease of land acquisition, partly attributable to
the simplified hierarchical land ownership structure of the Ashantis fuels the rapid
development of housing in Kumasi. Although medium rise buildings exist in the city
core, these have very high occupancy rates and complex communal ownership that
do not encourage redevelopment and expansion. As a result, peripheral land is at a
premium leading to a fusion between the administrative boundaries of Kumasi with
its adjoining districts causing an organic development of the metropolitan region.
Out-dated Master-planning, and Spatial planning by the district assemblies predominantly on the basis of the master planning approach whereby land use allocations are
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Cities reports
sectorally segregated and fixed, leaving little room for multi-sector overlapping
land uses.
This situation is further compounded by the lack of capacity of the development
control unit of the local authorities (in terms of both the numbers and the technical
knowledge of inclusive planning). Another competing driver for spatial expansion
arises from the intensive economic ventures across the city and the high premium
placed on commerce in Kumasi, with the Kejetia market being one of the largest in
West Africa.
The prospects of better returns from the commercial sector is so high that households
living in adjoining districts place a premium on the national and regional routes leading into Kumasi because they guarantee rapid entry and exits from the Kumasi markets for such inter-city commuters. As a result, growth patterns in Kumasi and its
adjoining districts are denser closer to these corridors and form a continuum of development.
Ability to manage Urban mobility
The Kumasi Metropolitan Assembly has adequate institutional and regulatory structures to manage mobility. The major challenge it encountered is the development and
implementation of a comprehensive mobility strategy and plans. The strategy has
been developed under the Ghana Urban Transport Project and is yet to be
implemented.
Regulated public transportation with adequate linkages to land use and economic
development are some of the principal pillars for the strategy. In terms of policy institutions, kumasi works carefully within the nationals and regional frameworks. Nationally there are a number of institutions such as, Ministry of Transport, Ministry of
Roads and Highways, Ministry of Local Government, National Road Safety Commission, Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority and the Department of Urban Roads.
These deal with policy and regulatory issues at the national level.
At the metropolitan level, there are two key departments and a commission namely,
Department of Urban Roads, Transport Department and the Road Transport Committee of the Assembly. With these structures, the city is able to deal with its mobility
issues. Although, there are capacity issues.
86
Kumasi, Ghana
Key issues

Considering the significance of Kumasi within the regional economy and the
role it plays in international trade, especially to the land locked Sahel regions,
the vision of the city and the following Key pillars for improving mobility in
Kumasi:

Develop an urban transport system that supports the goal of making
Ghana the transport hub for West Africa;

Create an accessible, affordable, reliable and efficient transport system
that supports the competitiveness of the city;

Integrate urban transport planning, infrastructure development and
service provision with urban planning and a strategic urban development framework;

Create a vibrant investment and performance based urban environment that ensures adequate returns for public and private investment
in urban transport infrastructure and services;

Develop and implement a decentralized institutional and regulatory
framework for urban transportation;

Ensure sustainable development of the urban transport sub-sector to
minimize its adverse environmental and social impact; and

Develop adequate human resources and apply new technology for
urban transport delivery.

Regulation of the tro-tro operations allows for the planning of public
transport operations and the development of a coordinated and integrated
network.

Bus based mass-transit was determined most appropriate on capacity, cost
and its flexibility to adapt to changing land use patterns.

A mass-transit network was developed, consisting of high capacity service
provision on the main arterial routes, with services extending to the districts.

Interchange hubs located at accessible points close to the arterials provide
the opportunity for traveler interchange without entering the Centre of
Kumasi.
87

The need to develop adequate human resource capacity to govern and manage public transport in Kumasi is a priority.

Capacity also needs to be built by dealing with inter-institutional role clarity
issues.

Funding for urban mobility remains a big challenge for the city authorities in
the face of inadequate revenue and poor funds which flows from the center
to the city authorities.

The enhancement of pedestrian facilities, through the removal of obstructions in the walkways and widening of pedestrian areas will facilitate greater
freedom of pedestrian movement within the city. With all transport trips involving some movement on foot, focus on this much overlooked area of infrastructure provision is seen as a critical part of the way forward in improving
urban mobility.

The encouragement of cycling through the provision of cycling infrastructure
which enhances safety is actively promoted, as this offers a cost effective and
sustainable means of travel over short to medium distances.

Improper utilization of public road space is a major feature of the city management about urban mobility.

The issue of lay-bys, pedestrian walkways, advertisement and road architecture are a few of the challenges confronting the city. Also, there are major
challenges to the protection of right of ways that are earmarked for future
road expansions as there are often re-demarcation and change of use of
public lands.

Hawking along the road and implementation challenges. These have sometimes led to the demolition of properties and economic services in times past.
Public space
Financing
Human
resources
Cities reports
88
Kumasi, Ghana
Transport
infrastructure
Transport services


In terms of public mobility composition, public transport vehicles account for
about a third of all vehicles.

These vehicles are responsible however for carrying 75% of travelers
within the city.

By contrast, private cars and taxis each account for around 30% of the
vehicle flow,Totaling 60% of the vehicles on the road, whilst carrying
just a quarter of person trips in total
In terms of typical daily travel, it is observed that:

80% of people do not drive a car, and furthermore;

66% of people never travel by private car; and

85% of people travel in a (para-transit) tro-tro at some point during
their typical journey.

There is the need to establish a metro-wide transport authority to coordinate
the urban transport exigencies of the greater Kumasi metro area.

Kumasi has a relatively good road system. Although, ring roads and peripheral serviced roads remain a challenge. The department of urban roads, operate
on a limited budget and the Assembly itself has a limited budget as well as to
undertake infrastructure development. Most road designs and maintenance
are done by private engineering firms and such projects are mostly tied to
project funds from development partners.
89
Urban growth
Road safety Environmental quality and resilience
Cities reports
90

Road Safety and NMT are somewhat catered for in the Metropolis. Kumasi has
a relatively good share of road safety measures. Road transport accidents
have been on a decline over the past 10 years and there is empirical evidence
to accentuate this fact.

One of the key challenges confronting the city is the issue of air pollution as a
result of public transport services. Although the National Road Safety Commission and the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority and the Environmental Protection Agency have worked effectively at the reduction in GHG Gas
emissions.

The forecast increase in vehicular activity by 2031 is expected to lead to an
increase of 13% in vehicle km while idle engine time will increase much more
dramatically. Even allowing for improvements in vehicle technology over
time, increasing vehicle usage will have an impact on greenhouse gas emissions and local air pollutant levels in the city.

Furthermore, the increasingly congested conditions within the city which
these vehicle movements will take place will lead to higher emissions on a
per-km basis as time spent in stop start traffic conditions is highly inefficient
in terms of fuel consumption and hence emissions levels.

Public Transport fares typically fall within the range of 30-70 pesewas, and are
generally considered reasonable by travelers.

For those travelling from the districts, the need to take two or more paratransit vans or tro-tros to get to destinations was found to increase the cost of
travel. With between 20% and 45% of household income spent on travel according to recent surveys, extra costs involved in multiple trips was considered to be an important issue.

Kumasi is the second largest City in Ghana, and with a population of 2 million
people growing at a rate of more than 5% a year.

Significant mobility growth can be achieved through the adoption of appropriate multi-modal transport services to address the required demands on
different routes. Based on the current and future passenger demand levels
forecast for the different corridors in Kumasi and gKMA, an investigation of
the most appropriate transit technologies has been conducted. With flows in
excess of 10,000 passengers per hour per direction observed currently on a
number of the main arterial routes, mass-transit options were worthy of consideration.
14. Lagos, Nigeria
General Context
Lagos, the sixth largest and one of the fastest growing cities in the world, is struggling
with unreliable public transportation. Buses of poor quality which are run mostly by
individual bus operators, are vital part of Lagos’ transportation network, with close to
sixteen million bus trips made daily in the city. The streets are teeming with over
75,000 minibuses known to locals as danfos (minibuses carrying 8 to 25 passengers)
and molues (larger minibuses with a passenger capacity of 30 to 50). Traffic congestion is rife and public transport costs to users constitute over 20 percent of disposable
income. The lack of planning and management capacity contributed to the poor level
of urban transport services. Improving the capacity of the public transport system to
cope with the population growth is clearly of critical importance for Lagos.
Need for Improvement of Urban Mobility
To improve mobility in Lagos, the government recognized the need for improvement
in urban mobility. Together with the World Bank and the state government, they
established the Lagos Urban Transport Project (LUTP) which was designed with the
objective to enhance the efficiency of the transport network in such a way that it contributes measurably to poverty reduction, and to sustainably improve the sector management capacity. The project draws from best practice in Bogota (Colombia) and
Curitiba (Brazil), and adapts the concept of Bus Rapid Transit to the African context.
The BRT is a bus-based mass transit system that delivers fast, comfortable and costeffective service. Through the provision of exclusive right-of-way lanes and excellence
in customer service, BRT essentially emulates the performance and amenity characteristics of a modern rail-based transit system, but at a fraction of the cost.
The pilot BRT Lite scheme which has been implemented over the past 5 years has
performed credibly since operations commenced in March 2008 :
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Cities reports
1. Over 400 million passengers has been carried in the last five years.
2. Average daily ridership is 180,000 passengers.
3. Average Load factor of 800 passengers carried per bus daily.
4. Average daily trip per day is 5.
5. Average waiting time is 15 minutes.
6. Average speed is 30km/h.
Vision for Urban Mobility
The visibility created by the 22 km BRT-Lite corridor has produced substantial demand for additional mass transit service to be developed in the Lagos metropolitan
area. The World Bank, joined by the “Agence Française de Développement” (AFD) is
currently working with its partner LAMATA to prepare a new project (LUTP 2) to
help meet some of this demand, at a total cost of about $350 million.
This project was delivered at very low cost per kilometer as compared to BRT projects
in other parts of the world (about US$2 million/km as compared to US$5-$10 million
in similar schemes in others parts of the world). As such, it could be of interest for
replicating along other corridors and low-income countries in sub-Saharan Africa.
Mobility strategy for Lagos Metropolitan Area
Lagos is a significant city within the West African sub-regional economy and it plays a
major role in international trade offering a significant market for goods, services and
people movement. Therefore, the vision of the city and the following key pillars for
improving mobility in Lagos is very important.
Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority (LAMATA) has been set up as a semiautonomous agency to ensure the highest level of service in public transportation in
the Lagos metropolis. It was established with the World Bank's collaboration in the
form of technical advice and direct financial assistance to the tune of $100 million
credit and mandatory Lagos State counterpart contribution of $35 million LAMATA's long-term goal is to make public transportation, affordable, rapid, efficient,
effective and accessible to all and sundry in metropolitan Lagos.
Ability to manage Urban mobility
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Lagos, Nigeria
LAMATA has been mandated and empowered by law to undertake a number of major functions aimed at improving mobility in the Lagos state.
Institutional and regulatory frameworks have been laid out to enable the authority
to perform effectively. The law establishing LAMATA was strengthened further in
2007 to include planning and regulatory functions across the various modes of
transport. Under the amended LAMATA Act 2007, the Authority is empowered by
law with responsibilities to carry out the following key functions in Lagos metropolitan area:
 Coordinate transport policies, programs and actions of all agencies ;
 Manage the Declared Road Network (DRN), mainly bus public transport
routes of about 632km;
 Plan, coordinate, manage and develop the supply of adequate and effective transportation;
 Recommend on route planning and general location of bus shelters, pedestrian ways and bridges;
 Collect and levy transport road user charges and establish a Transport
Fund (TF) as an user reform financing mechanism;
 To increase the low level of cost recovery in the transport sector, and to
sustain the performance of LAMATA;
 Collect 50% of net Motor Vehicle Administration (MVA) revenue (specific items) to be paid directly into the TF;
 Regulate Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) along prioritized corridors;
 Coordinate activities of the State Licensing Authority and all vehicle inspection units;
 Make policy recommendations on public transportation to the Governor, including mechanisms for implementation; and
 Prepare plans for the development and management of an integrated
multimode public transport system.
The organization's successful performance of these functions will assist in poverty
alleviation by increasing economic efficiency through lower transport costs and prices, and enhancement of employment and social opportunities.
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Cities reports

The original powers granted to LAMATA in the domain of passenger
transport had been limited to the planning and coordination of such
transport, not its actual regulation. However, the revised LAMATA Law
passed by the House in late 2006 defined LAMATA’s function as, among
other things, to “plan, regulate and co-ordinate the supply of adequate
and effective public transport in all travel modes and supporting infrastructure within metropolitan Lagos”.

The revised law also granted LAMATA specific powers to make regulations (with the approval of the governor) related to its functions. With
these powers, LAMATA’s role as the sector regulator was unambiguous.
The law also granted LAMATA the power to “prepare plans for the management and development of transportation in metropolitan Lagos” and,
in conjunction with the Ministry of Works, to “construct, re- construct,
maintain and manage transport infrastructure and facilities” necessary for
the discharge of its functions. This legislation thus empowered LAMATA
to act as the sponsor and promoter of mass transit schemes in Lagos
and therefore to develop the BRT-Lite system.

The creation of LAMATA has set out the preconditions for the recruitment and ongoing development of the requisite human resource capacity to govern and manage public transport in Lagos.

Unlike most African cities, Lagos State and LAMATA consistently attract
significant investments from both international development partners
and local sources. Thus providing some basis for matching planned development with implementable actions. This could be improved
through local taxation.
Financing
Human
resources
Key issues
94
Public space
Lagos, Nigeria

The absence of policies on land use and economic development has led
to urban sprawl, which multiplies the challenge posed by rapid growth.

The declining population density associated with sprawl has increased
travel distances and pushed up the price of public transport.

Land Use Management is the preserve of the State Department of Planning like most African cities.

Land-use planning seem to be following private sector development
initiatives leading to spontaneous settlements outside the city confines.

Most developments in Lagos are unplanned.

Development control has not improved much and would have to be
addressed significantly to match the investments being made in the
public transport sector.

The management of public space in Lagos can best be described as
chaotic management.

Whilst, there are adequate plans and strategies to improve the situation,
it is clearly difficult to address this situation in the Metropolitan Area.

However, various schemes are being designed to assist in improvements in public space utilization.

In the Victoria Island area, a careful attempt at integrated use of public
space has been factored into planning and implementation.
95

Lagos in widely known for having a very poor public transport system,
with large scale congestion, unsafe travel and pedestrian conditions
and related negative externalities.

Buses of poor quality which are run mostly by individual bus operators,
are vital part of Lagos’ transportation network, with close to sixteen million bus trips made daily in the city.

The streets are teeming with over 75,000 minibuses known to locals as
danfos (minibuses carrying 8 to 25 passengers) and molues (larger minibuses with a passenger capacity of 30 to 50).

Traffic congestion is rife and public transport costs to users constitute
over 20 percent of disposable income.

The lack of planning and management capacity contributes to the poor
level of urban transport services.

Improving the capacity of the public transport system to cope with the
population growth is clearly of critical importance for Lagos.

As a result of focused efforts in recent years Lagos today operates one
of the few, efficient Bus Rapid Transit systems in Sub-Sahara Africa.

The system has been widely acclaimed as an example for all Africa due
to its unique tweaking from full BRT to BRT Lite over a 22-kilometer
route.

However significant further investment in the improvement of the public transport system, including the urban rail commuter system and the
reorganization of the para–transit sector is required.

There is a significant need for the improvement of both rail, road and
NMT infrastructure in Lagos.

LAMATA has been charged with the mandate to undertake infrastructure design and maintenance of roads as well as rail and other modes of
transportation except aviation.

Thus, the authority has adequate legal backing. The authority also has
adequate skilled manpower to assess and recommend best approaches
in undertaking maintenance and design.

Road safety on the selected 22 kilometer BRT Lite route has improved
significantly and it is expected that, with the extension of the BRT Phase
2, this situation would be reduced significantly.
Road safety
Transport
Transport services
Cities reports
96
Urban
growth
Environmental quality and resilience
Lagos, Nigeria

Although, the Lagos Urban Transport program will eventually lead to
improvement in the reduction in GHG Gas emissions, there are no institutional structures and attempts to monitor and plan towards it. One
cannot identify a specific institution or documents that suggest the
measures or indicators that have been developed towards achieving
reduction in air and noise pollution.

From a travel cost and time point of view the BRT project has made a
reasonable impact.

There are therefore raised expectations among city residents to scale-up
the reform and investment program and extend BRT service to other
parts of Lagos metropolis.

LAMATA with support from Lagos State Government has prepared a
Phase 2 strategic plan with funding from the World Bank and Agence
Francaise de Developpment to address mobility needs of the population in a clean, safe, and affordable manner.

The objective is to create an integrated multi-modal transport system.
Some of the key elements of the plan are: (a) extension of BRT to other
corridors, including Oshodi- Mile 12-Ikorodu to-Obalende.

The rationale behind selection of these corridors is based on a comprehensive network analysis, traffic flows and ease of implementation; and
(b) the construction of two commuter rail lines—Agbado to Marina (Red
line on an existing railroad right-of-way) and Okokomaiko to Marina
(Blue line).

The State government has requested support from development partners for extension of the BRT corridors while the commuter lines are being constructed using a Public Private Partnership model, with infrastructure being funded by the Lagos State Government under a designbuild contract (at a cost of over US$1 billion) and the actual railway operations being funded and managed by the private sector under a concession agreement.

This project commenced received support in 2010 and it is under implementation to be completed in 2015. It is anticipated that, this will
lead to significant improvement in mobility from 2015.

Lagos, the sixth largest and one of the fastest growing cities in the
world.
97
15. Maputo, Mozambique
Contexto geral
A cidade costeira de Maputo, capital e maior aglomeração urbana de Moçambique,
apresenta uma população estimada em cerca de 1,5 milhões de habitantes e
representa um papel importante na economia do país, uma vez que contribui com
mais de 40% do Produto Interno Bruto (PIB). Após um período de guerra civil até
final da década de 80, Moçambique, como outros países africanos, encontra-se numa
fase de rápido crescimento económico, em muito baseada nos seus recursos naturais.
Apesar da sua localização fora das zonas de fronteira, Maputo tem um papel
importante, uma vez que apresenta ligações rodoviárias, ferroviárias e marítimas com
a África do Sul, a Suazilândia e o Zimbabwe. Na verdade, a cidade de Maputo é
considerada um interposto de comércio internacional, pertencendo ao corredor de
desenvolvimento urbano que que inclui o importante centro industrial de Gauteng,
na África do Sul.
A região urbana Gauteng 3 é uma região-cidade transfronteiriça, fundamental para a
economia, finanças e dinâmicas sociais de diferentes países, que se estende desde a
África do Sul, a Moçambique, ao Zimbabwe, ao Botswana, à Zâmbia, entre outros. O
porto de Maputo atribui a este vasto sistema urbano uma dimensão internacional.
3 The State of African Cities, UNHABITAT, 2008.
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Maputo é um exemplo claro de como a fragmentação urbana cria duas cidades
dentro de uma cidade, neste caso três, em termos de dinâmicas territoriais, sociais e
económicas. De um lado, a cidade "velha" ("a cidade de betão"), é a cidade para os
mais abastados e os estrangeiros. No meio, a cidade dos moçambicanos de nível
económico mais desfavorecido, que apresenta uma estrutura menos planeada, onde
apenas as estradas principais são pavimentadas. Na outra ponta, a cidade que cresceu
de forma ilegal, sem qualquer planeamento, dos muito carenciados, quase
marginalizados (principalmente estrangeiros, refugiados e imigrantes). Estes
assentamentos informais, de génese ilegal, não apresentam infraestruturas básicas
(água potável, saneamento e até mesmo estradas pavimentadas). Maputo apresenta
cerca de 65,9% de áreas de assentamentos informais, principalmente em zonas
periurbanas.
A mobilidade urbana em Maputo
é baseada fundamentalmente no
uso do transporte individual
motorizado,
do
transporte
público
informal,
os
denominados "chapas" (miniautocarros com 15 lugares),
serviço prestado por operadores
privados
(cerca
de
1000
operadores), e finalmente pela deslocação a pé. O transporte público formal também
existe, disponibilizado por um operador, mas a sua cobertura é muito limitada ("um
serviço pobre para pobres") 4. Nos últimos anos, tem sido evidente o aumento
exponencial da presença de veículos motorizados particulares. Hoje em dia as pessoas
têm de percorrer longas distâncias a pé para poderem chegar aos locais onde os
"chapas" disponibilizam o seu serviço. O reduzido índice de utilização da bicicleta em
Maputo, como em muitas cidades africanas, está relacionado com o facto de ser
considerada cara, com as más condições das estradas e com o sentimento de
insegurança devido aos comportamentos dos condutores dos veículos motorizados.
As infraestruturas de transportes existentes localizam-se fundamentalmente na zona
urbana/centro da cidade, enquanto a maioria da população, e a mais carenciada,
reside nas zonas suburbanas, afastadas do centro.
4
100
Proposta de Política dos Transportes Urbanos para Moçambique, USAID, 2008
Maputo, Mozambique
Necessidade de melhorar a mobilidade urbana
A necessidade de melhorar a mobilidade urbana em Maputo revela-se imperativa,
uma vez que que é necessário:

assegurar as necessidades básicas de mobilidade da população, de maneira
digna e segura;

corrigir as deficiências básicas em termos de infraestruturas de transportes,
incluindo a sua ausência ou estado extremo de degradação;

superar as situações de congestionamento existentes;

criar uma efetiva rede de transporte público estruturada e adaptada às necessidades da população;

melhorar o enquadramento regulamentar do transporte público informal
("chapas"), e contribuir para ultrapassar as situações recorrentes de insegurança e desconforto;

ultrapassar as deficiências graves das infraestruturas pedonais, estabelecendo padrões mínimos;

responder à tendência em curso, de uso excessivo do transporte individual
motorizado;

agir perante o aumento expectável da poluição atmosférica;

responder ao forte crescimento populacional esperado;

responder à expansão urbana em curso e planeada para os próximos anos;

contribuir para o desenvolvimento económico da cidade de Maputo e
transformá-la numa cidade acessível e atraente; e

contribuir para o crescimento sustentável da cidade de Maputo.
Capacidade de gerir a complexidade da mobilidade urbana
Desde Abril de 2007, o Conselho Municipal de Maputo encontra-se a implementar o
Programa de Desenvolvimento Municipal - PROMAPUTO, financiado pelo Banco
Mundial, que é composto por duas fases:
Fase 1 – 2007-2010: teve como objetivos melhorar o nível de governação, sustentação
financeira e capacidade institucional.
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Fase 2 – 2011-2015: tem como objectivo alargar a cobertura e qualidade dos serviços
prestados aos munícipes. Nesta segunda fase estão previstas intervenções ao nível da
melhoria e expansão da rede viária, transportes e trânsito e ao nível do desenvolvimento de instrumentos de planeamento urbano, como Planos Parciais de Urbanização e Planos de Pormenor.
Estão em curso e previstas inúmeras intervenções ao nível da rede viária, em termos
de (re)pavimentação, fora do centro da cidade. Do pacote de medidas previstas
implementar faz igualmente parte um centro de controlo e gestão de tráfego. Em
termos de transporte público também estão previstas algumas intervenções,
nomeadamente, no sentido de melhoria da rede e a implementação de um sistema de
Bus Rapid Transit (BRT). Relativamente a este último, a informação disponível é
escassa e não é claro o enquadramento institucional e financeiro do procjeto.
Apesar das inúmeras iniciativas em curso não é óbvia a existência de uma estratégia
integrada de intervenção, em termos de desenvolvimento urbanístico/transportes.
Este facto pode pôr em causa o sucesso das diferentes intervenções previstas e, assim,
não contribuir para uma melhoria das condições de acessibilidade e mobilidade. Por
isso, é fundamental definir uma estratégia de mobilidade/urbanismo clara,
consistente e integrada.
Uma outra ameaça prende-se com um reduzido nível de conhecimento da temática
por parte dos diferentes actores envolvidos no processo de planeamento,
nomeadamente técnicos e políticos.
É fundamental definir um sistema de governança (institucional/organizacional) claro,
que permita criar as bases para o correcto funcionamento das diferentes componentes
do sistema de transportes (multimodal) e da cidade. Um dos grandes problemas do
transporte público em Maputo, prende-se exactamente com a ausência de uma
autoridade de transportes, de regulamentos adequados e, sobretudo (e mais difícil) de
assegurar a aplicação efectiva dos mesmos (fiscalização).
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Maputo, Mozambique
Fiscalização do planeamento
urbano
Financiamento
Recursos humanos
Organização e
fiscalização do Sistema
de transporte urbano
Elementos chave

Não existe nenhuma estrutura responsável pela visão de conjunto na
área dos transportes.

Falta de regulamentação adequada e respetiva aplicação. Por exemplo,
no controlo das licenças dos "chapas".

As equipas técnicas das diferentes instituições da Administração Pública
possuem uma formação limitada na temática da mobilidade urbana e
têm uma experiência reduzida nesse âmbito.

O forte desenvolvimento da cidade potencia a necessidade de
conhecimentos técnicos na relação entre os transportes e o urbanismo
por parte dos diferentes técnicos envolvidos.

Legalmente, os serviços de transportes públicos são operados sem qualquer financiamento público. No entanto, é aceite que as taxas "sociais"
são necessárias e estas estão implementadas.

Os operadores do setor público são compensados pelos respetivos prejuízos pelo Governo Central, transgredindo a política existente.

A fase 2 do Programa de Desenvolvimento Municipal - PROMAPUTO
financiado pelo Banco Mundial, encontra-se em fase de implementação.
Esta fase envolve a construção de várias infraestruturas básicas, incluindo estradas e outros serviços relacionados com infraestruturas e gestão
de tráfego, bem como, o desenvolvimento de instrumentos de planeamento urbanístico. Estas intervenções carecem de enquadramento ao
nível do planeamento estratégico integrado.

Maputo tem crescido nas últimas décadas sem planeamento urbano /
paisagístico ou fiscalização. Existem realidades diferentes, em termos de
dinâmicas territoriais, sociais e económicas. Os assentamentos informais
correspondendo a 65,9% da área da cidade, são áreas significativas que
se desenvolveram sem acesso às infraestruturas urbanas básicas.

Legislação inspirada na legislação portuguesa está em vigor desde 2007.

O Programa de Desenvolvimento Municipal - PROMAPUTO, financiado
pelo Banco Mundial, atualmente em curso, apresenta diferentes ações
relativas ao desenvolvimento urbano.
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Infraestruturas de transporte
Serviços de Transporte
Espaço público
Cities reports
104

Não é dada atenção especial aos espaços públicos, uma vez que é notória a falta de qualidade, de conforto e falta de condições de segurança.

Desrespeito pelos peões, com muitas situações de ausência de passeios
ou situações extremas de degradação.

Fora do centro da cidade ("Baixa de Maputo"), não há fiscalização de
estacionamento, e os veículos estacionam nos poucos espaços destinados aos peões.

A Política de transportes públicos revela-se incoerente e pouco clara.

Falta de qualidade no transporte público regular: os transportes públicos
em Maputo são ineficientes e desadequados às necessidades da população; relação custo / eficiência reduzida.

O transporte público informal, os "chapas", existe e é amplamente utilizado, pois é mais barato e mais flexível do que os serviços formais. As
pessoas têm de caminhar longas distâncias para chegar aos locais de serviço dos "chapas".

O sistema de transporte público informal é dominado pelos operadores
do setor privado (~1000 operadores estão registados), cada um com 1 ou
2 "chapas". A regulamentação do serviço e respetiva fiscalização é
deficiente.

Apenas existe um operador público, com 35 autocarros, que não são
suficientes para fornecer um serviço adequado a 1,5 milhões de
habitantes.

Os custos de operação aumentaram e a receita caiu nos últimos anos.

O tempo de espera é sempre elevado e o conforto e os níveis de segurança são muito baixos, uma vez que os autocarros estão sistematicamente
lotados e encontram-se em mau estado de conservação.

De uma maneira geral, a rede viária encontra-se em mau estado de conservação, e a maioria das estradas do centro da cidade não são pavimentadas.

As vias arteriais apresentam condições razoáveis, no entanto apresentam
larguras consideráveis, muitas vezes com 3X3 pistas de circulação.

Grande parte das estradas pavimentadas apresentam níveis consideráveis de degradação.

Grande parte da população vive nas áreas periurbanas, onde faltam infraestruturas básicas (incluindo estradas pavimentadas ou passeios).

O desenho urbano é claramente a favor de veículos motorizados e da sua
fluidez e elevada velocidade de circulação.
Tempo de custo de viagem
Recursos e qualidade
ambientais
Segurança rodoviária
Maputo, Mozambique

A cidade foi planeada e organizada para responder às necessidades de
veículos motorizados e as infraestruturas dos modos não motorizados
apresentam deficiências graves.

As estradas principais são muito largas, promovendo alta velocidade.

Algumas situações de desrespeito das regras de circulação e de segurança rodoviária, assim como uma real falta de fiscalização efetiva por parte
da polícia. Algumas situações de incumprimento nos semáforos (luz
vermelha), durante a noite, devido a sentimentos de insegurança.

Condições muito desfavoráveis para a deslocação a pé: falta de passeios
ou passeios não pavimentados, más condições dos atravessamentos pedonais (passadeiras) ou ausência de atravessamentos formais e condições deficientes de iluminação do espaço público.

Já existem situações de congestionamentos de tráfego no centro da
cidade e nas vias arteriais.

As estradas não pavimentadas, em terra batida, libertam poeiras que
aumentam a sensação de poluição do ar.

O ruído está relacionado com as situações de congestionamento do
tráfego.

Em 2005, os custos por viagem nos "chapas", eram os seguintes:

<9 Km: MT5

9 Km << 30 km: 7,5 MT

> 30 Km: MT10

custo do transporte público regular por viagem é menor do que os "chapas", por se tratar de um serviço público. No entanto, as linhas existentes
são muito limitadas. O serviço é gratuito para a população deficiente e
idosa.

Preço do combustível: 27,5 MT / litro.

Portagem entre Matola e Maputo: entre MT 25 e MT 250.

O tempo de viagem é muito longo em relação à distância:


estradas em péssimas condições implicam velocidade de circulação
mais reduzida

longos tempos de espera por um autocarro ou "chapa"

longas distâncias a pé para chegar a um serviço de transporte púbico
ou ao destino.
(Proposta do salário mínimo a partir de junho de 2013: MT 2500 (setor
agrícola))
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Cities reports
Crescimento
urbano


106
As necessidades de mobilidade vão aumentar nos próximos anos devido:

ao forte crescimento da população;

à expansão urbana nos próximos anos; e

ao desenvolvimento económico de Maputo.
.Aumento da taxa de motorização.
16. Nairobi, Kenya
General Context
Nairobi is Kenya’s largest city, as well as its political and economic capital. Nairobi
also functions as a transport hub for Kenya and to some extent for the whole of East
Africa. Nairobi city’s population is currently 3.5 million. The city covers 696 sq km
and has a population density of approximately 5,000 persons per square kilometer.
The population of the wider metropolitan area comprising the city and four surrounding counties is estimated to be 6.7 million (See map).
Source: Envag Associates (L) Limited 2012
The city houses major offices of executive, legislative, and judicial branches of national government. Also present is the United Nations complex, housing several UN
agencies, and various other international organizations. Spatially the city consists of a
dense Central Business District (CBD) surrounded by other commercial and residential areas. New commercial concentrations have been springing up in response to
congested conditions in the CBD. These include Westlands, Upper Hill, Ngong Road,
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Cities reports
and along Mombasa Road leading to the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. Residential patterns have been strongly influenced by the colonial racial and economic
segregation in which the relatively affluent White settlers occupied western portions
of the city and Africans were confined to the Eastern parts. Segregation is now economic rather than racial, but it still exists.
The western parts of Nairobi are
still referred to as the ‘leafy suburbs’, while the Eastlands are
densely populated and more
barren. New residential areas
have arisen throughout the city
to accommodate the rapidly
rising population. Housing construction, in particular for low
and middle income groups,
however, has not kept pace with
population growth. Inequality and poverty means that the city includes not only
formal housing, but also many informal settlements where many people lack basic
infrastructure.
Nairobi’s economy is diverse, driven by government, the local private sector, and
international firms and organizations. Nairobi is an economic magnet, drawing people from rural areas and secondary towns to the city for jobs, business, and a perceived improvement of their socio-economic conditions. The local private sector is a
combination of formal firms and small informal businesses, many of which operate
along city streets, roadways, and sidewalks.
The period from the late 1970s to the early 2000s was economically and politically
difficult for Kenya. Among the consequences of this for Nairobi, were that city planning, housing construction, and maintenance and construction of road infrastructure
languished, leaving a major backlog that government has not yet fully addressed.
From 2002, however, the political and economic situation began to improve somewhat. One of the highlights of this period was the adoption of a new constitution in
2010, which brought a number of major changes to the institutional framework.
Since the adoption of the 2010 constitution, the country has been going through a
transition period during which some new and old institutions co-existed. The new
constitution of 2010 was only fully implemented with the General Elections of March
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Nairobi, Kenya
2013. A major change is the shift from a centralized system of government to a devolved two-level system composed of National and County governments. Provinces
were abolished and the 254 districts were consolidated into 47 counties which became
the primary unit of the devolved structure. Another important feature of the new
structure is that it has fewer, more diverse ministries led by hired professionals rather
than political appointees.
The country as a whole, including Nairobi, is slowly sorting out the lines between
county and national roles and responsibilities. Yet the legacy of the former highly
centralized structure remains strong. Citizens continue to come to Nairobi to handle
many transactions related to government – claiming a pension, registering a business
name, applying for certain types of leave from a parastatal employer, etc. This places
extra demands on transport, not only between Nairobi and the rest of the country,
but also within the city itself.
Urban Mobility Context
Nairobi’s urban mobility context is best understood by examining its two main parts:
infrastructure and transport services. Nairobi’s road infrastructure, which had failed
to keep pace with the city’s growth and development, began to be improved with the
construction of the Thika ‘super highway’, the development of key link roads and bypasses, and the reconstruction of some secondary roads. Nevertheless, much of the
backlog of road building remains, and the construction process itself has contributed
to the creation of massive traffic jams. Many roads remain highly congested. Road
users of all types – private vehicles, public vehicles, lorries, tankers, trailers carrying
shipping containers, handcarts, bicycles, motorcycles, and pedestrians must often
share space on narrow city streets. Even newly built highways and reconstructed city
roads lack appropriate facilities for public and non-motorized transport. Furthermore, on many roads traders and other informal businesses operate on the shoulders
where they interfere with the flow of traffic and obstruct drivers’ visibility.
Beyond roads, infrastructure to cater for the needs of particular types of road users is
inadequate. Bus stops, parking lots, terminals for long distance and local buses, pedestrian crossings, and sidewalks are in short supply and many that exist are in poor
condition.
Transport services have developed in response to public demand for mobility, but
observers have argued that the development that has occurred is neither sustainable
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Cities reports
nor desirable in the long run. The city had a publically regulated and supported bus
service during the colonial and early Independence periods, but this collapsed under
the weight of rapidly rising population, poor road conditions, and the growth of the
semi-formal matatu mode of transport. By the end of the 1990s virtually all ‘public’
transport in Nairobi was privately owned and run.
A matatu is a vehicle carrying between 14 and 51 passengers and
generally owned by an individual
or a small company. Vans carrying
14 passengers (commonly called
‘14-seaters’) are the majority, representing slightly over half of the
total. At the end of 2012, there
were 9,554 public service vehicles
(PSVs) plying 138 routes, carrying
an average of 810,824 passengers
per day. Matatus are service businesses. As businesses they vary considerably, but
have the common aim of making a profit for their owners. Like other types of businesses, matatus employ particular strategies such as branding, customer service, market segmentation, employee compensation systems, quick turnaround times, and
government relations to distinguish themselves from one another and to ensure their
profitability.
Although the matatu is the most common form of public service (PSV) vehicle, the
past few years have witnessed the emergence of others such as tuk-tuks (3-wheeled
taxis) and motorcycle taxis.
A handful of companies and large Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations
(SACCOs) have 200-300 vehicles each, but most owners operate fewer than ten vehicles and many fewer than five. SACCOs were introduced to help to manage the sometimes chaotic matatu system and make it easier for government to enforce regulations. At the end of 2012, there were 388 SACCOs countrywide, which vary considerably in their managerial ability.
Tuk-tuks operate as taxi-cabs, mainly in the CBD and its immediate environs. Motorcycle taxis (also called boda-boda, after the bicycle taxis that first became popular in
western Kenya near the Uganda border) have mushroomed in the past few years. One
reason for the rapid increase was government policy that gave a duty waiver on spare
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Nairobi, Kenya
parts, including completely knocked down motorcycle kits. The waiver allowed cheap
assembly of motorcycles in Kenya and generated a new form of city transport.
A second reason for the rapid growth in motorcycle taxis was demand for mobility in
the Central Business District, especially after matatus were banned from operating in
the CBD.
The most common form of urban
mobility is walking. An estimated
50-60% of Nairobi’s population
rarely uses public transport because they see it as too expensive.
Even those using public vehicles
walk to and from stages, which are
in some cases far from their homes and final destinations.
Ability to Manage Urban Mobility
Managing urban mobility requires information about current and projected conditions, appropriate infrastructure, good regulations, and consistent enforcement. Nairobi still lacks all four of these. The city is making progress in improving infrastructure, but a significant backlog of work remains to be done. In some instances, conditions worsen before they get better. The process of building roads has been disruptive,
and mitigating structures such as footbridges, zebra crossings, bus stages, and sidewalks are often constructed last.
Data on transport is hardly kept, and what is there is not analyzed. A step in the direction of information-based planning was taken by the Transport Licensing Board last
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Cities reports
year when the Board commissioned a study on matatu routes, demand, hours of
operation, and infrastructure. The report is very useful, but it covers only part of the
vast terrain of public transport data. Furthermore, it is not clear whether it is a oneoff study or an indication that the government is moving towards regular collection
and analysis of transport data.
There have been new regulations and amendments to old ones, but many gaps remain. There is also a tendency to react to situations by imposing ever greater fines
and even jail sentences. This, however, does not achieve the desired end because corruption allows many fines to go unpaid and many offenders to go free.
County Transport
Management
Improvement of public
transport services
Improvement and development
of NMT facilities
Master plan
development
Ongoing Projects and Goals for Improvement in Urban Mobility
112

The Nairobi County government has engaged JICA to prepare a 50-year
metropolis plan aimed at addressing the various socio-economic challenges facing Nairobi residents. The master plan will seek to integrate the
housing, water, transport, education, and health sectors.

NMT facilities development within the city is ongoing. Road design guidelines now require that new roads must provide for NMT. Improvement of
NMT facilities have involved construction of footbridges, walking and cycling paths. There are plans of introducing parking for cyclists in railways
and bus terminals.

KURA is to provide walkways in Eastlands area of Nairobi, while the Kenya
National Highway Authorities (KenHA) is to provide footbridges along major highways in the city. The goal of the county government is to have
NMT facilities integrated with public transport infrastructure such as termini and bus stops.

The city will develop commuter rail and BRT infrastructure on main corridors through the World Bank NUTRIP project. Since BRT is a major project,
it requires a cost-benefit analysis which is now being carried out by KenHA.

The position of matatus in upgrading projects remains unclear, but some
respondents felt strongly that they should operate on feeder roads where
larger vehicles cannot go.

Development of commuter trains using existing rail lines is in the initial
stages of implementation. This began with the Syokimau rail.

The World Bank is providing support for the establishment of the Nairobi
Metropolitan Transport Authority which will address transport issues in
Nairobi. The Authority is mandated by the Integrated National Transport
Policy.
Decongesting
Nairobi Central
Business area
Nairobi, Kenya

There are efforts to create a polycentric city. This is could imply the development of multiple economic and social centers within the city or simply
allowing commercial development in residential areas.

With devolution, public transport is the responsibility of the county
government. Consequently, the Ministry of Transport following the
Constitution of Kenya and the Urban Areas and Cities Act, 2011 is seeking to devolve transport management to the county level yet the county is not yet prepared to take up the task. For instance the county executive responsible for transport was recently appointed and is yet to understand the state of the sector.

Nairobi City is understaffed to deal with public transport.

County officers have been working with ministry officials and traffic
police in managing transport in the city, but there is need to train officers and employ more to deal with traffic management.

The county council is required to provide eight officers to control the
traffic management center; but in the view of one informant, only three
current employees are capable of being trained for this work.

The planning department at the county council is under staffed, and
many of those on staff lack relevant experience and technical expertise.
One respondent estimated that a city of over three million inhabitants
should have 100 planners.

Nairobi currently has only 19 planners. According to the same respondent, many of these lack current planning knowledge. The county, therefore, needs to either procure planning professionals or build the capacity of current planners.
Human resources
Organization and control over the urban
transport system
Key issues
113
Public space
Cities reports
114

Land set out for public use under previous plans was encroached. For
instance, poor spatial planning that did not allocate sufficient space to
small traders led them to establish their business along major corridors,
railway lines, and on road reserves.

Their presence impedes expansion and development of transport corridors by slowing down the development process and by adding to its direct and indirect costs.

In some cases, infrastructure projects delay because the government
must engage in expensive forced land acquisition and resettlement of
existing homes and businesses.

City planning has focused on high income areas for investments in
commercial and residential development partly because information on
these areas is available at the county and such information on high
population density areas is lacking. This has resulted in poor service delivery and unplanned developments such as informal settlements in
many high density areas of the city.

In the past, development of NMT infrastructure has been neglected. Engineers focused on the movement of vehicles, ignoring pedestrians and
cyclists. NMT facilities such as foot paths, cycling lanes, foot bridges and
designated crossing areas are lacking in many parts of the city.

This results in high pedestrian fatalities especially in major highways. In
the case of new road projects, NMT facilities are usually constructed only after the road has been completed.

The government has directed that all new roads should have NMT facilities. In some parts of Nairobi, NMT infrastructure development is progressing faster than in other areas where NMT facilities are absent or inadequate.
Transport services
Nairobi, Kenya

The city had a publically regulated and supported bus service during
the colonial and early Independence periods, but this collapsed under
the weight of rapidly rising population, poor road conditions, and the
growth of the semi-formal matatu mode of transport. By the end of the
1990s virtually all ‘public’ transport in Nairobi was privately owned and
run.

A matatu is a vehicle carrying between 14 and 51 passengers and generally owned by an individual or a small company. Vans carrying 14 passengers (commonly called ‘14-seaters’) are the majority, representing
slightly over half of the total. At the end of 2012, there were 9,554 public
service vehicles (PSVs) plying 138 routes, carrying an average of 810,824
passengers per day.

Matatus are service businesses. As businesses they vary considerably,
but have the common aim of making a profit for their owners. Like other types of businesses, matatus employ particular strategies such as
branding, customer service, market segmentation, employee compensation systems, quick turnaround times, and government relations to
distinguish themselves from one another and to ensure their
profitability.

Although the matatu is the most common form of public service (PSV)
vehicle, the past few years have witnessed the emergence of others
such as tuk-tuks (3-wheeled taxis) and motorcycle taxis.

Although formally registered and recognized by government, matatu
means of transport is often considered ‘informal’ because of problems
associated with it, which include:

Operators shifting to other routes in peak and off peak hours;

Obstruction of other road users;

Poor adherence to traffic regulations;

Poor access to service in some areas;

High fares which mainly affects the poor;

Arbitrary setting of fares;

Overall unreliability; and

Encroaching on Non Motorised Transport (NMT) facilities.
Tuk tuks and motor cycles share many of the problems associated with matatus, especially:

Poor adherence to traffic regulation.

Contribution to congestion in the city.

Growing number of road traffic crashes, injuries
and deaths involving motorcycles.
115
Environmental
quality and
resilience
Road safety
Cities reports
116

The city has no designated time period for delivery of goods.

Trucks and trailers are seen delivering goods in the Central Business District (CBD) area at any time of the day.

Currently freight trucks mix with other vehicles on the roads.

Trucks use roads that cannot accommodate them, resulting in obstruction of other vehicles and traffic jam.

There is also a lack of facilities for parking for trailers and tankers, leading them to park in residential areas or along the roads.

Most long distance passenger vehicles have no terminus in the city.

The Machakos country bus terminus is small and cannot accommodate
all long distance vehicles. As a result these vehicles park, load, and discharge passengers along the streets.

The demand for private vehicle parking is higher than the supply.

The city county of Nairobi mainly provides on-street parking for private
vehicles. Private vehicles are used in the CBD area, because public
transport in the city is unreliable. Public Service Vehicles (PSVs) are required to obtain a monthly ticket for parking.

In the past, development of NMT infrastructure has been neglected.

Engineers focused on the movement of vehicles, ignoring pedestrians
and cyclists. NMT facilities such as foot paths, cycling lanes, foot bridges
and designated crossing areas are lacking in many parts of the city.

This results in high pedestrian fatalities especially in major highways. In
the case of new road projects, NMT facilities are usually constructed only after the road has been completed.

The government has directed that all new roads should have NMT
facilities.

In some parts of Nairobi, NMT infrastructure development is progressing faster than in other areas where NMT facilities are absent or inadequate.

Many roads remain highly congested. Road users of all types – private
vehicles, public vehicles, lorries, tankers, trailers carrying shipping containers, handcarts, bicycles, motorcycles, and pedestrians must often
share space on narrow city streets.

High congestion levels in turn result in negative externalities such as
high pollution levels and high fatality rates.
Urban growth
Nairobi, Kenya

Nairobi’s road infrastructure, which had failed to keep pace with the
city’s growth and development, began to be improved with the construction of the Thika ‘super highway’, the development of key link
roads and by-passes, and the reconstruction of some secondary roads.

Much of the backlog of road building remains, and the construction
process itself has contributed to the creation of massive traffic jams.

Many roads remain highly congested. Road users of all types – private
vehicles, public vehicles, lorries, tankers, trailers carrying shipping containers, handcarts, bicycles, motorcycles, and pedestrians must often
share space on narrow city streets.

Even newly built highways and reconstructed city roads lack appropriate facilities for public and non-motorized transport.

Furthermore, on many roads traders and other informal businesses
operate on the shoulders where they interfere with the flow of traffic
and obstruct drivers’ visibility.

Since the adoption of the 2010 constitution, the country has been going
through a transition period during which some new and old institutions
co-existed.

The new constitution of 2010 was only fully implemented with the General Elections of March 2013. A major change is the shift from a centralized system of government to a devolved two-level system composed
of National and County governments.

Provinces were abolished and the 254 districts were consolidated into
47 counties which became the primary unit of the devolved structure.

Citizens continue to come to Nairobi to handle many transactions related to government – claiming a pension, registering a business name,
applying for certain types of leave from a parastatal employer, etc.

This places extra demands on transport, not only between Nairobi and
the rest of the country, but also within the city itself.
117
Financing
Cities reports
118

The politics of road financing is playing itself out in the new devolved
governance structure.

The Kenya Roads Board Act, which established KURA and KeRRA, remains in force. Under the previous Constitution some funds channelled
to KURA and KeRRA could be allocated by Members of Parliament (MPs)
through the Constituency Development Fund (CDF). Under the Constitution of 2010, road building and maintenance are either national (KenHA) or county functions.

MPs and newly elected Governors are, therefore, in competition for
these funds. MPs want KURA and KeRRA to survive as national institutions. Counties would like them to be absorbed into the county structure. It remains unclear how this contest will end.

Infrastructure financing requires enormous capital. The budgetary allocation for road construction in the past has been meagre. Current construction and upgrading of roads are largely financed through external
development partners.

Most of finances are given as loans to the national government. For instance the World Bank National Urban Transport Improvement Project (NUTRIP) costs about 300 million USD. African development Bank,
Japan and China are major players in road financing. EU has in the past
given technical assistance, while JICA has been involved with development of master plans and strategic plans for the city of Nairobi.

After a financing gap of almost ten years development partners have
now begun offering loans and grants for road construction. Current future of funds may include:

External donors

Road maintenance fund

Suggestions for the county government included raising the property
taxes and getting assistance from Kenya Revenue Authority to collect
property taxes. This revenue could be used for both road development
and maintenance.

A further suggestion is that new developments require a traffic analysis
and the developers participate in the development of roads around the
construction sites.
Nairobi, Kenya
Financing
Future sources to be considered are:

Private sector.

Infrastructure bonds.

Borrowing from local financial institutions.

County funds raised through increased property taxes (rates).

Requirement that property developers contribute to the development
of roads around their development.

Given Nairobi’s backlog of both road construction and maintenance
and its limited resources, road maintenance and construction projects
compete for funds.

The government is looking for alternate sources of funding. There is the
existing roads fund that was established for road maintenance, but because of financial shortages, the government is now using the funds for
construction.

The city must think of raising revenue through the existing property.
The land rate paid by most properties is very little compared to the level
of investment of the property and the returns derived from the
property.

Suggestions for the county government included raising the property
taxes and getting assistance from Kenya Revenue Authority to collect
property taxes. This revenue could be used for both road development
and maintenance.

A further suggestion is that new developments require a traffic analysis
and the developers participate in the development of roads around the
construction sites.
119
17. Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso
Contexte général
Capitale du Burkina Faso, la ville de Ouagadougou subit une forte croissance démographique : 2 000 000 d’habitants en 2012 contre 770 000 en 1996 et 60 000 en 1960.
L'étalement urbain est rapide : 52 000 hectares en 2010 contre 12 600 hectares en 1987
en raison d'une densité faible de l'habitat dans le centre. Les nouveaux quartiers sont
donc situés relativement loin du centre.
La ville regroupe l'ensemble des activités administratives, de commerces et de développement du pays. Pour "décongestionner" le centre-ville, un nouveau quartier administratif et résidentiel a été créé en périphérie de la ville. Ce quartier, dénommé
Ouaga 2000, regroupe notamment la Présidence.
Enfin, en raison de ce développement, l'aéroport est désormais localisé en limite du
centre-ville et constitue une barrière en termes de liaison entre les quartiers de la ville.
Ce contexte particulier de la ville de Ouagadougou engendre donc de nombreux déplacements, en lien avec le centre-ville, qui regroupe de nombreuses activités économiques et notamment le marché central de Rodo Woko, les hôpitaux, les écoles et
lycées et de nombreuses administrations.
La mobilité est essentiellement réalisée en modes individuels. Les données de répartition modale mécanisée sont relativement anciennes (deux-roues motorisés: environ
60%, deux-roues non motorisés: 20%, voiture: 15%, transports collectifs (autobus): <
5%, taxis (voiture): insignifiant). L'évolution récente va dans le sens d'un net développement des deux-roues non motorisés mais aussi de la part modale assurée par les
taxis collectifs, la part modale assurée par les bus restant extrêmement faible.
Les axes principaux convergent vers le cœur de ville. Un boulevard circulaire ceinture
la ville sur le cadrant allant du Nord-Est à l'Ouest, sans continuité au Nord du centre.
Certains de ces axes sont aménagés avec des voies réservées aux deux-roues (largeur
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Cities reports
de 3 mètres). En terme de demande, les pénétrantes sont souvent congestionnées aux
heures de pointe en raison des charges de trafic et du fonctionnement pas toujours
optimal des carrefours régulés.
Les piétons ne sont pas pris en compte dans la mobilité de Ouagadougou. En effet, les
trottoirs sont inexistants ou occupés par des étals de commerçants ou du stationnement automobile. Les traversées piétonnes ne sont pas sécurisées.
Le transport collectif par bus est faiblement présent et vise une clientèle essentiellement captive, ne pouvant pas se déplacer avec des moyens individuels pour des raisons financières.
Les accidents de la circulation sont en forte croissance ces 5 dernières années : 8194 en
2011 contre 6543 accidents en 2006 soit un taux de progression de 25%. Ils impliquent de nombreux deux-roues motorisés en raison de leur fort volume mais également des conditions de circulation de ces derniers.
Les besoins identifiés à Ouagadougou sont les suivants:

faire face à une augmentation de la mobilité en raison de l'augmentation de la
population et de l'augmentation des distances à parcourir. Les déplacements
individuels arrivent à congestion aux heures de pointe. Le développement des
transports collectifs semble être une solution alternative au développement de
la mobilité (des axes structurants, un parc fiable, des cadences attractives,…)
en complément du développement des deux-roues, notamment pour la desserte fine des quartiers et pour les liaisons tangentielles;

améliorer la sécurité des piétons principalement, en réalisant des trottoirs et
en sécurisant les traversées;

résoudre ponctuellement les points noirs de circulation, par des mesures
d'aménagement et d'exploitation ciblées, soit au niveau de rétrécissements
routiers (pont de Baskuy, futur échangeur Nord. par exemple) ou lorsque la
régulation par signalisation lumineuse tricolore ne fonctionne pas de manière
satisfaisante (carrefour du 2 octobre); et

coordonner les acteurs de la mobilité intervenant sur le territoire de la ville de
Ouagadougou, pour clarifier les prérogatives de la Mairie, en vertu des textes
de décentralisation existants.
122
Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso
De nombreux acteurs se retrouvent autour de la mobilité à Ouagadougou :

d'une part, la ville et ses services, qui gère le réseau communal. La mairie n'a
pas de marge de manœuvre pour agir sur le réseau national; et

d'autre part, l'Etat et ses ministères, qui s'occupe des routes nationales, pénétrantes qui traversent la ville. Ensuite différents ministères ont des prérogatives spécifiques en fonction des thématiques (feux de signalisation, pollution, routes, financement des infrastructures,…).
La concertation entre ces acteurs est faible, voire inexistante. Cette absence de coordination génère des doublons possibles dans la réalisation des études (résorptions de
points noirs de circulation) et des travaux (bitumage d'axes parallèles effectués par la
mairie et le ministère).
Différentes tentatives de monter le
Conseil Exécutif des Transports
Urbains de Ouagadougou (CETUO) ont été effectuées, sans succès en raison d'un intérêt trop
faible de la part de l'Etat et de l'absence de financement. Cette structure devait avoir un fonctionnement similaire à l'actuel CETUD de
Dakar. Actuellement, des réflexions sont en cours pour la création d'une autorité
organisatrice des transports urbains, au sein de la Mairie, qui regrouperait l'ensemble
des acteurs de la mobilité et centraliserait les études et la recherche de financement.
Cette initiative s'inscrit dans le cadre de la décentralisation au Burkina Faso.
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Cities reports
Espace public
Planification
et contrôle
de l'usage du
sol
Financement
Ressources humaines
Enjeux structurants
124

Différents documents de planification à long terme existent et sont
parfois très optimistes en matière d'infrastructure (nouvel aéroport, nouvelle rocade routière, nouveaux échangeurs, nouvelle rocade ferroviaire,…).

De nombreux acteurs autour de la mobilité urbaine (ministère des transports, ministère de l'environnement, Municipalité, mais aussi Ministère
des finances).

Une autorité organisatrice qui a de la peine à se mettre en place (CETUO.

Les Ministères techniques disposent d'ingénieurs compétents dans les
domaines classiques tels que le génie civil.

La Commune acquiert progressivement des compétences, notamment
au travers de renforcements via des programmes de coopération décentralisée, mais ces compétences dans le domaine de la mobilité reste encore très embryonnaires, pas à l'échelle des enjeux et de la ville.

Des financements propres à chaque acteur.

Un financement faible de la SOTRACO, entreprise de transports publics
urbains, qui ne lui permet pas de se développer.

Un mécanisme de financement des gares routières publiques a été défini
au travers d'une étude spécifique lancée par l'AFD et sera prochainement
mis en place.

La ville est peu dense, en raison notamment de la spéculation immobilière sur les terrains centraux proches de l'aéroport. La ville s'étend sur
des faibles densités ce qui augmente les distances à parcourir pour les
populations.


Pas de respect d'espace spécifique pour les cheminements piétons,
absence de trottoirs sur la plupart des artères.

Stationnement de véhicules privés, stations/arrêts de taxis-motos et de
taxis, étals de marchands, etc. occupent les espaces pour les piétons.
qualité
environnementales
Coûts et temps de
déplacement
Ressources et
Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso

Absence de transports collectifs réguliers et régulés, l'offre en transports
publics est très faible, voire anecdotique, même si le réseau couvre la ville
entière.

Les taxis complètent l'offre TC.

Malgré le fait que la part modale des deux-roues (motorisés) est très
élevée, il n'existe pas de service de moto-taxis.

Le transport interurbain est pour sa part structuré par des compagnies
formelles (possédant des cars modernes) et de nombreuses compagnies
informelles (cars anciens, minibus).

Différentes gares routières publiques et des garages privés accueillent
des autocars et des minibus assurant essentiellement des trajets interurbains.

Les axes principaux sont bitumés et de relativement bonne qualité (représentent 15% des 2000km de voiries). Le dédoublement des routes nationales dans le centre de la ville rend le niveau de service élevé.

Les voies secondaires sont en terre, souvent de très mauvaise qualité,
surtout après la saison des pluies.

Le fonctionnement des feux est basique, avec un temps de vert défini sur
l'axe principal et un temps de vert plus faible sur l'axe secondaire. De
faibles différences de programmation existent entre les intersections.

Il existe de nombreuses voies deux-roues.

Le mode principal en privé comme en public étant la moto, la sécurité
routière est un thème important.

Vulnérabilité de ce mode de transport d'une manière générale.

Absence de port du casque (des essais ont été tentés, mais sans satisfaire
la population).

Conditions de marche à pied très défavorables : sur le bord de la chaussée, qu'elle soit bitumée ou en terre ; pas de sécurisation des traversées
sur les grandes artères.

La pollution de l'air générée par les motos est certaine. Notamment en
raison de la baisse de qualité des véhicules importés.

Le bruit est par contre beaucoup plus perceptible.

Tarification bus : 150 FCFA; taxis : 200 à 300FCFA.

Durée des déplacements : en général les déplacements en mode individuel mécanisé (deux-roues motorisé) sont rapides, mais ont tendance à
s'allonger avec les distances.
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Cities reports
Croissance urbaine

126


de l'étalement urbain ;

de l'indispensable création d'emplois et du développement économique de la ville ; et

de gain de population, lié à l'exode rural.
18. Rabat-Salé, Maroc
Contexte général
L'agglomération de Rabat-Salé qui compte environ 2 millions d'habitants est l'agglomération de la ville capitale, d'une part, et la seconde métropole du Maroc, d'autre
part. Elle se caractérise par une organisation multipolaire, avec trois centralités principales, Temara, Rabat et Salé. Rabat-Salé a, sous l'impulsion et la conduite de
l'Agence pour l'Aménagement de la Vallée du Bouregreg, bénéficié de la construction
de trois ouvrages majeurs : un pont routier en traversée du Bouregreg qui intègre
aussi le passage du tramway, deux lignes de tramway, mises en service en 2011, qui
relient Rabat et Salé et un tunnel sous la Kasbah historique des Oudayas.
Depuis début 2012, l'agglomération s'est définie un cadre institutionnel en ce qui
concerne la mobilité urbaine en fondant un Groupement d'agglomération. Elle a, à ce
titre, acquis 93% de l'actionnariat de l'entreprise de transports collectifs par bus
STAREO suite au départ de l'opérateur international de gestion déléguée du service
de transport par bus.
Au travers d'une décennie d'études et de mise en œuvre, la question de la mobilité
urbaine a ainsi trouvé place dans le discours politique au niveau central comme local.
Reste à la concrétiser au travers d'une gouvernance urbaine et de mécanismes de
financement renforcés pour assumer les défis à venir.
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Cities reports
L'agglomération de Rabat-Salé dispose d'un transport collectif régulier complété par
une offre en grands taxis, du transport du personnel et du transport scolaire à caractère privé. Les besoins d'amélioration de la mobilité se situent à différents niveaux :

planification et d'articulation avec la politique de la ville : l'agglomération
souffre d'un manque de vision sur le développement de son système de mobilité urbaine en cohérence avec les extensions urbaines auxquelles elle est confrontée et pour faire face aux besoins de mobilité croissants ;

conception globale d'un système de transports collectifs optimisé, basé sur la
complémentarité et la connexion des différents modes : train, tramway, bus,
taxis ; renforcement de l'offre en transports collectifs par bus en termes de desserte spatiale et temporelle comme de performance (amélioration de la vitesse
commerciale notamment, etc.) ;

partage multimodal de la voirie et gestion des circulations par une régulation
du trafic volontariste (résorption des zones de congestion, amélioration des
cheminements piétons en accès aux pôles multimodaux, maîtrise des zones de
stationnement et d'arrêt des modes TC; etc.) ; et

maîtrise du stationnement en centre-ville et dans les cœurs de quartier.
La constitution du Groupement d'agglomération Al Assima au niveau de Rabat-SaléTemara est un premier pas fondateur pour mettre en place un cadre institutionnel
pérenne et stabilisé pour le développement de la mobilité urbaine. Aujourd'hui, ce
Groupement d'agglomération est né de la crise suscitée par le départ de l'entreprise
responsable du contrat de gestion déléguée pour l'exploitation du réseau de bus. Il est
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Rabat-Salé, Maroc
actionnaire de la société de bus et devrait bientôt l'être de la STRS, société assurant le
rôle d'autorité délégante des lignes de tramway. Il ne s'appuie toutefois, actuellement,
sur aucune structure technique. Il s'agit avant tout d'un organe de coordination politique qui devrait être amené à s'étoffer dans les prochaines années.
Le schéma institutionnel n'est pas stabilisé. Esquissé sur les questions liées aux transports collectifs urbains, il reste à concrétiser en termes de répartition des rôles entre
les niveaux stratégique, tactique et opérationnel. Par contre, il n'est pas approfondi
dans une approche multimodale de la mobilité. La vision multimodale manque, l'organisation institutionnelle pour aborder la coordination des différentes problématiques liées à la mobilité urbaine aussi.
Par ailleurs, l'aspect du financement des infrastructures de TCSP et des déficits d'exploitation qui y sont liés est en cours de clarification au niveau central.
Ainsi les défis restent nombreux mais la prise de conscience des acteurs marocains est
certaine, leur volonté de dégager des solutions endogènes aussi.
Organisation et maîtrise du système de transport
Enjeux structurants

La mobilité urbaine n'est pas un secteur clairement identifié au niveau
institutionnel au sein de l'agglomération. Les acteurs y afférant dépendent de différentes administrations et la coordination, voire la communication entre services est lacunaire. Certains services sont en partie redondants entre Wilaya/Préfecture et Communes urbaines.

Au niveau des transports collectifs urbains, le schéma institutionnel est
en cours d'évolution, voire de mutation profonde. A ce jour, deux entités sont présentes :

La STRS : société de tramway de Rabat-Salé, qui a conduit le projet
de réalisation du tramway et en est l'autorité délégante ; et

La STAREO : opérateur de bus dont l'actionnariat est détenu à 93%
par le Groupement d'agglomération de Rabat-Salé-Temara. Cette
société est très récente. Elle émane de la crise provoquée par le départ du mandataire en faillite de la Délégation de Service Public
Veolia en 2011, un an et demi après le début de son contrat.
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
Les équipes techniques des différentes administrations sont peu formées
et s'appuient sur peu d'expérience sur les questions de mobilité urbaine.

Le Groupement Al Assima ne dispose pas encore de ressources techniques propres.

Le renforcement des compétences à tous les niveaux (opérateur STAREO,
échelon d'autorité de régulation, échelon de décision politique mais aussi au sein des administrations communales et préfectorales en fonction
de leurs niveaux de prérogatives) est essentiel pour assurer la pérennité
des démarches engagées.

Les mécanismes de financement en place n'assurent pas de visibilité à
long terme sur le développement nécessaire des infrastructures de
transport collectif et la pérennité de leur exploitation. Le Ministère de
l'intérieur œuvre avec le Ministère des finances pour mettre en place un
fonds dédié au financement des transports collectifs en site propre dans
les grandes villes du royaume. Ce fonds a été inscrit dans la loi de finances 2014 au travers de l'amendement du Fonds d'accompagnement
des réformes du transport.

Les questions d'étalement urbain pèsent fortement sur un développement cohérent de la mobilité urbaine. Au-delà des trois villes centre de
Temara, Rabat et Salé se développent des zones résidentielles excentrées
difficiles à desservir par les transports collectifs. L'articulation urbanismetransport reste relativement théorique (un certain niveau de planification
intégrant des réflexions sur le système de transport est entrepris au niveau de l'agence urbaine mais sans véritable appropriation par les autres
acteurs ; le plan de déplacements urbains engagé en 2006 n'ayant par
ailleurs pas abouti, l'agglomération ne dispose pas d'une vision à long
terme de son développement en termes de mobilité urbaine).

Pas d'attention particulière sur les espaces publics en lien avec les lieux
de transport, mis à part quelques places emblématiques traitées dans le
cadre du projet de tramway.

Pas de réflexion générale sur les cheminements piétons.

Stationnement de véhicules privés, stations/arrêts de taxis, étals de
marchands, etc. occupent les espaces pour les piétons.
Espace public
l'usage du sol
Financement
Ressources humaines
Cities reports
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
Rabat et Salé sont dotés de deux premières lignes de tramway. L'extension de ces premières lignes est à l'étude. Le service a connu un réel
succès et satisfait une demande conséquente en direction de Rabat le
matin et en direction de Salé en fin d'après-midi. La qualité de service
est appréciée des utilisateurs. En moins de deux années d'exploitation,
le tramway a acquis une forte légitimité et acceptation par la
population.

Le réseau de bus actuel est en phase de redémarrage après une importante crise suite à la faillite de l'opérateur de la Délégation de Service
Public en 2011. Le parc devrait être complété très prochainement, la
restructuration du réseau en faveur de plus d'intermodalité avec le tram
et le train devrait intervenir prochainement.

La défaillance du transport de masse au cours des années 2000 a favorisé l'émergence des grands taxis, mode destiné aux déplacements interurbains mais qui assure une large des déplacements à l'intérieur de
l'agglomération.

Globalement, les routes sont en bon état. Le réseau routier est équipé
sur un grand nombre d'intersections de carrefours à feux.

Toutefois, il faut signaler que l'aménagement et l'exploitation de la
voirie routière ne sont pas conçus et maintenus dans une acceptation
multimodale du partage de la voirie : pas de voies bus, pas de priorités
aux feux pour les bus, conflits systématiques des feux piétons avec des
mouvements voitures autorisés, etc. Quelques pistes et bandes cyclables ont été réalisées mais sans cohérence d'ensemble ni traitement
des carrefours.

Quelques carrefours fortement chargés et chroniquement congestionnés au niveau de l'agglomération dont le réseau routier est relativement
peu étoffé du fait de sa configuration le long du littoral et de part et
d'autre de l'embouchure du fleuve Bouregreg. Traversée du Bouregreg
fortement congestionnée en période de pointe du matin et du soir.

Accidentologie marquée notamment au niveau de certains carrefours
du fait du non respect du code de la route (manque de respect des feux
de signalisation tricolore par certains usagers, etc.), de la conduite dangereuse de certains usagers (petits et grands taxis notamment : conduite peu respectueuse du code de la route, arrêts intempestifs, etc.)
mais aussi de l'aménagement (souvent trop large et mal marqué) et de
l'exploitation en place.

Conditions de marche à pied très défavorables : sur le bord de la chaussée; pas de sécurisation des traversées sur les grandes artères.
Rabat-Salé, Maroc
131
Croissance urbaine
Coûts et temps de
déplacement
environnementales
Cities reports
132

L'augmentation de trafic des 10 dernières années est cause d'une pollution atmosphérique et sonore croissante. Elle est accentuée par le fait
qu'une large part modale est assumée par les grands taxis, dont la capacité de transport est limitée en pratique à 6 personnes (soit au maximum
18 personnes pour 3 véhicules alors qu'un seul véhicule de type bus urbain transporterait 50 à 70 personnes sur le même espace).

Le budget temps et financier lié aux déplacements est fortement marqué
par l'imprévisibilité de certains déplacements, liée à la non disponibilité
de l'offre en transports mécanisés dans certains secteurs (bus ou tramways bondés, indisponibilité des grands taxis aux heures de pointe, pas
d'offre du tout, etc.), à des certains secteurs congestionnés (traversée du
pont, etc.) qui ne permettent pas de prévoir la durée du temps de trajet.

de l'étalement urbain que l'on constate sur la commune de Salé au
Nord et à l'Ouest (vers Salé El Jadida, Technopolis, etc.) comme au Sud
Ouest de Rabat notamment (Ain Aouda, etc.),

du développement socio-économique de l'agglomération et

19. Sfax, Tunisie
Contexte général
Ville portuaire située à l’est de la Tunisie et second pôle économique après Tunis,
l’agglomération de Sfax est constituée de 7 communes qui totalisent plus de 500 000
habitants pour une superficie totale de 220 km2. En matière de transport, la ville de
Sfax est aujourd’hui confrontée à un étalement urbain de plus en plus marqué et à
une dégradation de ses transports collectifs.
Sfax est l’agglomération tunisienne la plus étendue. Sa densité est quatre fois plus
faible qu’à Tunis. Toutefois, elle est également fortement polarisée. La ville centre
accueille plus de la moitié de la population de l’intercommunalité. La formation
radiale de la ville concentre la population et les activités dans le centre-ville de Sfax.
Le littoral de la ville concentre près de 85 % des emplois. Le centre-ville se décompose
en 4 pôles urbains : la médina : centre historique de la ville qui comprend une dimension résidentielle, commerciale et patrimoniale importante ; la ville européenne : née
sous le protectorat français qui comprend l’hôtel de ville et la gare ; le quartier de Sfax
Jadida : issu d’un grand projet d’aménagement initié dans les années 80, ce quartier
est essentiellement dédié aux affaires et aux commerces ; Taparura : nouveau pôle
urbain réaménagé pour recréer le lien entre la ville et le littoral.
Son organisation est radioconcentrique avec une commune-centre en demi-cercle sur
la mer et une distribution des six communes de banlieue selon des axes radiaux. Avec
seulement 4,4% de la population de l’agglomération, l’arrondissement communal
central accapare 40,1 % de l’ensemble des emplois du Grand Sfax5.
5 Source : Stratégie de Développement du Grand Sfax 2016 Phase II (SDGS2),
http://www.medcities.org/
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La délimitation administrative du Grand Sfax et de son agglomération urbaine, est
présentée dans le schéma ci-dessous.
L’ouverture économique du pays et la dynamique d’étalement urbain, a contribué à
l’augmentation de la part modale des véhicules particuliers – 60 % en 2009 contre 37
% en 1996 – au détriment de celle des transports collectifs – de 28 à 20 % sur la même
période.
L’augmentation du recours au véhicule particulier est également due à la mauvaise
qualité de service de la SORETRAS – Société de transport du gouvernorat de Sfax. La
qualité de l’offre se dégrade peu à peu avec pour principale cause des difficultés financières et un manque de planification 6. Les habitants de Sfax recourent à des véhicules
particuliers ou aux transports artisanaux. Ces taxis collectifs se sont récemment multipliés. Officiellement non reconnu car illégal, ce mode de transport présente
l’avantage de pouvoir répondre aux besoins des habitants pour un prix très abordable.
6
Plan Bleu, Les obstacles à l’application de la planification du transport urbain pour le
développement durable à Sfax, compte-rendu des travaux de l’atelier, 2005.
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Sfax, Tunisie
La concentration des activités couplées à l’augmentation des véhicules particuliers
entrainent inexorablement des difficultés de circulation et un déficit de stationnement. Cette situation génère de la pollution, des difficultés de circulation et un stationnement anarchique.
En Tunisie, les collectivités locales ont un pouvoir très limité sur la gestion des services urbains. Elles ont également de très faibles ressources humaines et budgétaires.
La commune de Sfax et les 6 municipalités alentour, se sont constituées en un groupement intercommunal pour former le Grand Sfax qui compte 50 % de la population
du gouvernorat de Sfax qui comprend 16 communes au total. C’est dans cette configuration que fut élaborée en 2002, la Stratégie de Développement du Grand Sfax
(SDGS) ; stratégie multi-volets : aménagement urbain, développement des infrastructures, amélioration du cadre de vie, développement économique. La SDGS accorde
une attention toute particulière au secteur des transports.
Ressources humaines
Organisation et maîtrise du système de
transport
Enjeux structurants

De nombreux documents de planification existent (circulation, transport
public, stationnement, etc.).

Volonté de réaliser un PDU mais à l’heure actuelle aucune date n’est
envisagée.

Les compétences en matière de transport collectif restent concentrées au
niveau central. La mise en place d'une AROTT (Autorité Régionale pour
l'organisation des transports terrestres) nécessitera un transfert de compétences ainsi que la formation de collaborateurs supplémentaires au niveau local.

Différentes études de mobilité urbaine ont été menées à Sfax si bien que
les cadres de la collectivité locale sont sensibilisés aux enjeux de mobilité
urbaine. Le suivi des projets à venir nécessitera de renforcer leurs capacités techniques (intégration d'un axe de TCSP vis-à-vis du partage de la
voirie spatial et temporel, gestion du contrat d'exploitation du TCSP, etc.).
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Espace public
Planification et
contrôle de
l'usage du sol
Financement
Cities reports
136

Le gouvernorat de Sfax est un pôle de croissance économique.

Toutefois, les collectivités locales en Tunisie ne disposent pas de beaucoup de moyens.

La situation économique en Tunisie est très incertaine suite à la révolution.

Fort développement de la périphérie de l'agglomération depuis la moitié
des années 1990.

Entretien de la voirie de la médina dans le respect des matériaux traditionnels

La société d'autobus subit la congestion des axes de circulation.

Mise en route d’une étude pour évaluer le degré de performance des
transports collectifs par bus de la SORETRAS.

Etude de faisabilité pour la réalisation d’un métro léger ou d'un tramway.

Critique au réseau de la SORETRAS : les amplitudes horaires limitées
constituant ainsi un handicap de taille pour le développement d’activités
nocturnes dans l’agglomération de Sfax ; les fréquences sont assez
faibles ; des vitesses commerciales en perpétuelle dégradation ; la non
régularité des passages aux arrêts entrainant un temps d’attente excessif,
et par des surcharges liées aux déplacements pendulaires.

Fort développement du transport informel dans les espaces intertitiel ou
le transport collectif traditionnel n'est pas compétitif.

Existence d'un plan de circulation depuis 2004.

L’emprise de voirie est grignotée par les implantations résidentielles ou
économiques.

Stationnement anarchique non réglementé.

La circulation pendulaire complexifie l'organisation de la circulation.

Le trafic routier depuis la zone portuaire encombre également les axes de
circulation.

Saturation des carrefours centraux.

Rares données spécifiques disponibles; impression et ressenti d'une
situation peu optimale, résultant notamment d'aménagements très routiers, qui n'intègrent pas ou trop peu les modes actifs.
Croissance
urbaine
Coûts et temps
de déplacement
Ressources et
Sfax, Tunisie

Une situation similaire aux autres grandes villes tunisienne, susceptible
d'améliorations significatives.

Une préoccupation exprimée par les autorités de la Ville de Sfax (notamment au travers de la réalisation d'un bilan carbone).

Mouvements de circulation pendulaires très prononcés de type « domicile – travail » et réciproquement sur l’ensemble des radiales de
l’agglomération.

La mobilité urbaine va croitre dans les années à venir du fait de la croissance économique et démographique de l'agglomération.

La tendance à la motorisation devrait se prolonger.
137
20. Tunis, Tunisie
Contexte général
Alors que dans les années 1980, Tunis mettait en service sa première ligne de métro
léger, dans la capitale, les parts modales étaient respectivement 70 % pour le transport
collectif et 30 % environ pour le transport individuel motorisés. Vingt ans plus tard,
c'est l'inverse qui est constaté.
Ville pionnière sur le sud de la Méditerranée en termes de développement des transports collectifs et de maîtrise de la voiture individuelle en termes d'organisation des
circulation, Tunis fait face aujourd'hui à d'importants défis en termes d'évolution de
son cadre institutionnel et de mise sur pied de mécanismes de financement pérennes
pour assurer une offre de mobilité durable à ses plus de 2 millions d'habitants.
Le réseau de transports collectifs est fortement chargé, voire complètement saturé sur
ses lignes ferroviaires et de métro léger. Le réseau de bus pénalisé par l'absence de sites
propres ne parvient plus à satisfaire les besoins. Par ailleurs, l'extension urbaine rend
difficile la desserte de certains secteurs en termes de rentabilité économique.
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L'agglomération a besoin d'un net saut quantitatif d'offre en transport. Le projet de
réseau express régional, le RFR, devrait pouvoir apporter une première réponse en ce
sens. Une amélioration du réseau de surface, en métro léger comme en bus, est absolument nécessaire face à l'augmentation du nombre de véhicules de transport collectif
artisanal qui vont rapidement saturer le centre-ville, en termes de circulation comme
d'espace de stationnement.
En parallèle au nécessaire développement des transports collectifs, la maîtrise de l'essor automobile, des circulations et du stationnement compte désormais parmi les
enjeux prioritaires pour le Grand Tunis comme pour les principales autres agglomérations du pays. La congestion s'accroît de manière exponentielle et visible, la pression sur l'espace public atteint un niveau important d'inconfort, d'inefficacité voire
d'insécurité par endroit. Résultat des effets conjugués de deux décennies de développement spatial, de renforcement du pouvoir d'achat et de mesures favorisant directement l'essor de l'automobile (investissements routiers, carburant subventionné,
programme "voitures populaires", etc.), sous-investissement dans les transports collectifs, manque d'attention portée à la qualité de l'espace public, cette tendance provoque des externalités négatives auxquelles les pouvoirs publics doivent désormais
faire face.
Plus récemment, depuis la révolution du printemps 2011, on observe une montée de
l'indiscipline et de l'incivisme, qui contribue à la dégradation des conditions de mobilité (irrespect des règles élémentaires d'utilisation de la voirie, explosion du phénomène de resquille, etc.) et à la nécessité d'améliorations significatives et rapides.
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Tunis, Tunisie
La tentative de mise en place de couloirs réservés aux bus et aux taxis sur certaines
grandes voies routières est à relever. Néanmoins, la simplicité des dispositifs mis en
place (simple marquage, sans aménagements ni mesures d'exploitation spécifiques,
not. aux intersections), l'irrespect des usagers et l'absence ou l'insuffisance de contrôles suffisent à en expliquer l'ineffectivité.
L'agglomération de Tunis peut s'appuyer sur une large expérience de planification,
d'exploitation et de gestion des transports collectifs urbains. Toutefois, aujourd'hui,
l'organisation institutionnelle en place ne permet pas de répondre aux enjeux de mobilité multimodaux auxquels l'agglomération est confrontée. La coordination nécessaire entre les différents acteurs concernés par la mobilité urbaine dans le Grand Tunis ne trouve pas place.
Cette défaillance potentielle du cadre institutionnel avait été identifiée au début des
années 2000. En 2004, un nouveau cadre réglementaire longuement négocié entre les
différents ministères avait été avalisé au travers de la loi 2004/33 sur l’organisation des
transports terrestres. Cette loi, toujours en vigueur, va dans le sens d’une déconcentration des compétences liées à l’organisation des transports terrestres. Elle ne règle
toutefois pas le cas du Grand Tunis qui ne correspond pas à une juridiction administrative et pour lequel des mesures spécifiques doivent être définies.
Ainsi, alors que Tunis dispose de compétences et d'une expérience avérées en matière
de transport collectif, force est de constater qu'elle n'a pas encore atteint la maturité
nécessaire sur les aspects de gouvernance (y.c. de maîtrise des aspects financiers) pour
affronter les défis à relever dans un système de transport multimodal complexe. Lors
des Journées nationales du Transport urbain organisées en Tunisie en décembre 2012,
trois orientations stratégiques avaient notamment été définies pour Tunis:
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Cities reports

Orientation 3 : créer une autorité organisatrice des transports spécifique
au Grand Tunis (zone relevant de quatre Gouvernorats) en vue de la mise
en service du RFR,

Orientation 4 : mettre en place une tarification intégrée pour les transports collectifs à Tunis, basée sur une révision des réductions tarifaires et
intégrant les différents modes de transports collectifs et la tarification liée
aux voitures particulières en particulier pour le stationnement, et

Orientation 5: clarifier les relations entre les pouvoirs publics et les entreprises de transport en termes d’objectifs, d’engagements réciproques et de
financement.
En outre, la visite de terrain a permis plus particulièrement de mettre en évidence:
142

la nécessité de clarifier et d'harmoniser les rôles entre les institutions relevant des principaux Ministères concernés, afin d'assurer une meilleure
coordination inter-sectorielle (urbanisme, transport, énergie, environnement, etc.),

les opportunités et les risques liés aux futures décisions et mécanismes de
décentralisation, notamment en ce qui concerne l'attention et les moyens
financiers à accorder à la gestion de la mobilité urbaine,

la nécessité d'améliorer la visibilité sur les enjeux de la mobilité urbaine,
au travers d'un monitoring plus systématique et d'une meilleure diffusion
de l'information (la dernière enquête significative sur les déplacements
urbains à l'échelle du Grand Tunis date de 1994), et

l'importante question des filières de formation technique aptes à assurer
les besoins de recrutement et de relève des cadres à court, moyen et long
termes.
Tunis, Tunisie
Financement
Ressources humaines
Organisation et maîtrise du système
de transport
Enjeux structurants

Une organisation institutionnelle, très centralisée, qui mériterait d'être
optimisée .

Rôles d’opérateur et de régulateur pas toujours très clairs.

Coordination inter-acteurs (centraux, déconcentrés et décentralisés) mal
définie.

Un cadre législatif revu en 2004 mais non mis en œuvre qui permettrait
d'engager une première étape de déconcentration pour une gestion des
transports collectifs plus régionale.

Un besoin reconnu de doter le Grand Tunis d'une Autorité Organisatrice à
l'échelle du périmètre des transports urbains.

Des compétences avérées à différents niveaux : central, décentral au sein
des services de la commune de Tunis, chez les opérateurs.

Question posée du renouvellement des compétences avec le départ à la
retraite de plusieurs hauts cadres qui ont suivi le développement des infrastructures de mobilité urbaine depuis les années 80.

Un contexte institutionnel qui ne permet pas un développement ciblé et
optimum des ressources humaines alors que l'administration est soumise
à de nouveaux défis en termes de régulation, de financement, de partage
de l'espace, etc.

Non-pérennité des mécanismes de financement des transports collectifs
urbains dans un contexte national où la voiture individuelle profite du
subventionnement des carburants.

Fragilité économique des exploitants privés comme publics, dont les
déficits cumulés prennent d’inquiétantes proportions, ne leur permettant
plus de payer complètement leurs charges (dettes vis-à-vis de certains
services de l’Etat, immobilisation d’une partie du parc de véhicules faute
de pièces détachées, etc.

Tarification sociale, partiellement compensée, concernant aujourd’hui
plus de 50% des voyageurs de la Société des Transports de Tunis, et
jusqu’à 80% des voyageurs dans certains territoires, pesant considérablement sur les équilibres financiers des opérateurs de transport.

Peu de transparence des flux financiers entre l'Etat (Ministère des transports) et l'opérateur public qu'est TRANSTU.
143

Forte extension de la zone d’urbanisation, rendant la couverture de tous
les quartiers plus difficile pour les entreprises de transports collectifs.

Problème de coordination des politiques, gérées de manière centralisée
et très sectorielles.

La pression sur l’espace public a fortement augmenté, notamment au
travers de la demande croissante en stationnement, satisfaite en partie
de manière illicite et gênante pour les transports collectifs et les modes
doux.

Le développement des transports artisanaux augmente fortement la
pression sur les espaces autour des pôles multimodaux principaux.

Manque d’attractivité des transports collectifs du fait de l’insuffisance de
leur offre en volume et en qualité et de conditions de circulation fortement dégradées par la congestion de la voirie aux heures de pointe :
Infrastructures de
transport
Espace public
Planification et
contrôle de
l'usage du sol
Cities reports
144

Le taux de motorisation s’est accru ainsi que le niveau de congestion des voiries urbaines, lequel pénalise fortement la progression
des bus mais aussi la priorisation des métros légers aux
intersections,

les besoins en déplacements ont largement augmenté sans que
l’offre parvienne à satisfaire la demande (cela est particulièrement
problématique sur les lignes du métro léger et les lignes de bus de
Tunis aux heures de pointe), témoignage d'un sous-investissement
très clair dans les collectifs au cours de ces deux dernières
décennies, et

en réponse à cette insuffisance des transports collectifs de masse,
les taxis collectifs (850 véhicules de 9 places maximum ; à comparer
au nombre de 16'000 taxis individuels travaillant au compteur), voire
des opérateurs non autorisés utilisant des voitures particulières se
sont développés ces dernières années de manière importante, sans
que les conséquences n'en soient bien connues/maîtrisées par les
pouvoirs publics.

Un savoir-faire supérieur à celui de la majorité des villes du continent,
notamment en matière de gestion des circulations (héritage de la mise
en place d'un plan de circulation efficace début 1980), mais qui est en
train de se perdre du fait de l'absence de relève des cadres partis/partant
à la retraite, et

Une pression très forte des circulations et du stationnement, qui semble
échapper peu à peu au contrôle des pouvoirs publics.
Ressources et
Tunis, Tunisie

Les conditions de déplacements pour les piétons et les cyclistes sont
dégradées du fait de la forte pression de l'automobile (circulation et stationnement) et l'insuffisance voire l'absence de politiques et de mesures
fortes en faveur des usagers les plus vulnérables, ce qui se traduit a priori
en termes d'accidentologie.

Sans que des données chiffrées n'aient été collectées, il ne fait strictement aucun doute que l'augmentation très forte des déplacements motorisés impacte significativement la qualité de l'environnement urbain
(pollution, bruit).
Croissance
urbaine

L'insatisfaction des usagers des transports publics est avérée, avec :

86% des usagers des autobus interrogés récemment 7 qui expriment
un avis défavorable à très défavorable sur la qualité du service (irrégularité, inconfort, insécurité, etc.) ;

46% des usagers du métro léger ; et

32% des usagers de la ligne ferroviaire de banlieue nord (mais seulement 4% des usagers de la ligne ferroviaire de banlieue sud qui a
été mise en service en 2012 avec du matériel roulant électrique neuf).

La congestion croissante impacte l'efficacité de tous les déplacements
effectués sur le réseau routier, y.c. en véhicules particuliers donc.

Croissance des besoins en déplacement lies à l'évolution socioéconomique comme à la tendance d'étalement urbain
7
Rapport de l'enquête sur la qualité des services de transport public dans le Grand Tunis –
Institut National de la Consommation – février 2013
145

Policies for Sustainable Accessibility and Mobility in Urban

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