Title Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih : (Austronesian : Upper

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Author(s)
Citation
Issue Date
URL
Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih : (Austronesian : Upper
Reaches of Kahayan River in Kalimantan, Indonesia)
Inagaki, Kazuya
京都大学言語学研究 (2005), 24: 15-43
2005-12-24
http://dx.doi.org/10.14989/87858
Right
Type
Textversion
Departmental Bulletin Paper
publisher
Kyoto University
京都大学言語学研究 (Kyoto University Linguistic Research) 24 (2005),
Phonemic
(Austronesian:
Sketch
of Dohoi/Kadorih
Upper Reaches of Kahayan River in Kalimantan,
Kazuya
15-43
Indonesia)
INAGAKI
This paper provides a description and analysis of the Dohoi/Kadorih
sound system which has been depicted only superficially so far
(Santoso et al. 1984). First, in § 2.1, rules for fronting, prenasalization, and nonrelease will be postulated to explain general
allophones.
Then, exhibiting (sub-) minimal pairs in several
environments, procedures of determining phonemes and allophones
(supported by acoustic correlates) follow. Consonant and vowel
phonemes will be posited in § 2.2—§2.6 and § 3 respectively. At
the same time, derivations for each allophonic realization will
be specified. Distributional deviations of each context-sensitive
allophone tell us which segment does not have full status as a
phoneme: d; y; 13; d, n ; e. Diphthong is confirmed by three
conditions that define diphthong status, described in § 3.2.
Key words:
1
1.1
fronting
rule,
acoustic
correlates,
prenasalization
conditions
rule, nonrelease
rule,
for a diphthong
Introduction
Mapping
This paper deals with an Austronesian language, Dohoi/Kadorih. § 1.2 determines
how the language name "Dohoi/Kadorih" is used in this paper.
Meyers et al. (2003) is the only literature that documents populations of language
communities for each village along the Seruyanriver. This survey remarks that speakers of "Sebaun (Dohoi)" reside around the Seruyan-East tributary (Rantau Panjang,
Mongohjuoi), and around the Seruyan tributary (Tusuk Belawan, T. (Tumbang)
Kalam, T. Bahan, and T. Kasai).
Table 1 summarizes the details about Language Names and demographic information of Meyers et al. (2003), Inagaki (2005), Santoso et al. (1984), Hudson (1967), and
— 15 —
Phonemic
Tusuk
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
Belawan
N
0
Figure
Language
Name
Sebaun
Dohoi,
Sebaun
Dohoi
(Melahoi), Dohoi
Dohoi
Central
Kalimantan,
Population
Village
489
Rantau Panjang
254
Mongohjuoi
153
Tusuk Belawan
175
T. Kalam
461
T. Bahan
212
?
Dohoi/Kadorih
1
650?
Indonesia
River
Seruyan
Researcher
Meyers et al. (2003)
T. Kasai
Karetau
Sarian
T. Marikoi
Inagaki (2005)
Kahayan
Hudson (1967)
T. Sian
T. Marikoi
T. Bukoi
Ot Danum
Kapuas
Santoso et al. (1984)
T. Kaburai
Sabaung
T. Barui
Ot Danum
Table 1
Dayak
9
Katingan
Loing (1916-17)
Language Names, demographic information, and Researchers (T. = Tumbang)
—16—
Kazuya
INAGAKI
Loing (1916-17, in Stokhof 1986: 3-16). If it is true that all language names in Table
I refer to (certain dialects of) a single language, then the whole upstream region which
includes Seruyan-Katingan-Kahayan-Kapuas
the area of this single language.
1.2
Language
name:
(from west to east) can be recognized as
Dohoi/Kadorih
People residing in the upstream region of Kahayan refer to their mother tongue by
phrases bahasa Dohoi, bahasa Ot Danum, bahasa Kadorih, when speaking Indonesian. Santoso et al. (1984) surveyed in Tumbang Marikoi in which Inagaki (2005)
surveyed, but only used the word "Ot Danum" rather than "Dohoi" or "Kadorih".
"Ot Danum" (Mallinckrodt 1928
, Cense and Uhlenbeck 1958, Santoso et al. 1984),
and "Dohoi" (Hudson 1967, Wurm and Hattori 1981-83) have been referred to in
much of the literatures. Hudson states that "Ot Danum" is an ambiguous term since:
(1) a. it doesn't have a precise ethnic referent
b. it had an original pejorative connotation (like "Dayak")
c. it isn't used by any group to refer to itself
(Hudson 1967: 7)
"Sebaun" is a name of the language which is spoken in the upper Seruyan river .
Some of the speakers recognize their language as same as "Dohoi" (Meyers et al.
2003: 11). In this paper, "Sebaun" is counted out because it is impossible to know
what this language is (there is no linguistic data available).
Gordon (2005) refers to alternative names other than "Dohoi" for languages such
as "Uut Danum, Uud Danum, Malahoi" and for dialects such as "Ulu Ai' (Da'an),
Ot Balawan, Ot Banu'u, Kadorih, Ot Olang, Ot Tuhup, Sarawai (Melawi), Sebaung".
In this list, "Kadorih"
and "Sebaung" (probably identical with "Sebaun" in Meyers
et al. 2003) are found to be dialects of "Dohoi", but again no linguistic data of these
languages/dialects can be reviewed.
For the language name in this paper, some basic criteria are used. First, the name by
which most of the people residing in the upstream region of Kahayan easily identi the
referent, i.e., Dohoi, Ot Danum, Kadorih. `1 Second, the name by which researchers
identifir the referent without any difficulty.As noted above, "Dohoi" and "Ot Danum"
have been used in several studies. Third, Hudson's statement (la) and (lb) must be
considered. For (1a), of danum 'source + water' is recognized as a phrase that has
a certain kind of LOCATION
property, thus the referent of this phrase is regarded as a
`1 Hudson (1967: 7) rejects the name "Ot Danum" because it is "not used by any group"
[see (lc)]. However his statement is exaggerated by the word "any". Thus, at this stage
the identifiability of the name "Ot Danum" can be reinforced.
—17—
Phonemic
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
geographical one, not as an ethnic one. For (lb), the element of is associated with
another lexical item uut `primitive, outdated' that has contemptuous implications, so
bahasa Ot Danum and orang Ot Danum are not preferred.
"Dohoi" is selected as the language name since it does not violate any basic criteria
given above, whereas "Ot Danum" and "Kadorih" do. In addition, "Ot Danum" violates the last two criteria, while "Kadorih" that is specialized to refer to the dialect only
violates the second criterion. Thus, it may be appropriate to use the name "Kadorih"
for a dialect of "Dohoi" (Dohoi/Kadorih).
1.3
A classification
of `Barito isolects" in Hudson (1967)
Hudson (1967) classified languages in Southern Kalimantan
sound correspondences"
based on "contrastive
and lexicostatistics. Figure 2 shows a classification of "Barito
isolects" and Hudson's sound correspondences.
Barito
West
Barito-Mahakam
north
East
south
(33?
TAtifT?Nds4T
north
T
KB
central
south
o ---
e
A
~G
AD
CAaa
cro
AD
t7 y
t7 En 4wtz
~
'
0
yy
cro
ry0,yC''
f
OQ
Figure
2
A classification
of Barito
languages
(with some modification to Hudson 1967: 26)
Hudson's
pioneering
tions that are inconsistent
classification,
however,
—18—
o
cannot incorporate
with his "sound correspondences".
some of the excep-
For example,
there are
Kazuya
INAGAKI
d3/If, T/NT correspondencesin [Dohoi,Munmg-1]/[Murung-2,Siang]which are
similar to the ones between KB and Katingan(d3/tf, NT/T). But the exceptionsare
seen with the initial d3 of Murung-2as in (2a') and with the medial NT of Murung-1
as in (2b').
"NW -Barito
(2) "Sound correspondences" in
Dohoi
a.
'tongue'chola?
a'.
'bad'd3aa?
b.
'worm'lukuu
b'.
'sibling'aka
" (a. d3/i
Murung- l ]
d3ola?
arlka
b. T/NT)
[ Murung-2
tfola?
d3e?et
1urlkur~
ar~ka?
Siang ]
Iola?
feet
luokunj
arlka
There may be other exceptions that are enough to make "sound correspondences"
dubious, but some part of the basic information in Hudson (1967) is presumed by
Wurm and Hattori (1981-83) and Uchibori and Shibata (1992) for provisional classifications, which attempted to map languages in Borneo. At this stage, the following
mapping of Dohoi/Kadorih is assumed within the scope of these previous studies, although the distinction between [Dohoi, Murung-1] and [Murung-2, Siang] is rejected.
(3) A provisional mapping of DohoilKadorih in Austronesian languages
Austronesian,
Malayo-Polynesian,
Barito,
West
Barito,
Northwest
Barito
Dohoi/Kadorih
2
Consonants
Dohoi/Kadorih
has eighteen
consonant
phonemes
as in Table 2.
In this section, Dohoi/Kadorih contrastive consonants in three environments (stringinitial/intervocalic/string-final) *2are explored, and phonetic forms are manifested by
means of the formalization of generative phonology.
r2 In this paper
, the term string is employed to state the allophonic environments (` ['=left
edge, ' ] '=right edge) ratherthan"word"since string by itself can be referredinterms
of purelyphonetic/phonological
ground,"word"cannoton the other.
This paper does not consider
sition,
which is not common
consonant
sequence
to all consonants.
— 19 —
CC entirely
at the string-medial
po-
m
Phonemic
vl.
vd.
vl.
vd.
plosive
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
labial
alveolar
p
t
b
d
velar
glottal
k
g
c
affricate
J
fricative
s
11
nasal
n
trill
r
flap
r
approximant
Table 2
alveopalatal
Dohoi/Kadorih
h
y
consonant phonemes (v1. = voiceless; vd. = voiced)
When no minimal pair is known for the relevant segments, a sub-minimal pair is
exhibited (marked by #). In addition, each consonant is examined on status as a
phoneme from the viewpoint of its distribution.
Santoso et al. (1984) set up seventeen consonant phonemes (i.e., /p, b, t, d, c, j,
k, g, s, h, m, n, fl, rJ, R, r, w /: there is no / y / in the inventory). They postulate "/ R /" as an archiphoneme / ( r /1)/, even though "phoneme /1/ is not found
in Ot Danum" (ibid.: 10). By definition, CONTRASTof (at least) two phonemes must
be presupposed for explanation of NEUTRALIZATION,
which is again presupposed
for ARCHIPHONEME.But their discussion does not presuppose CONTRASTbetween
"/ r I" and "/1/"
, so NEUTRALIZATION
cannot be seen with these segments. In fact,
(sub-) minimal pairs in (18, 19, 20) below clearly demonstrate the contrast between
/r/ and "/ R /" ( / r / ), and the lack of neutralization with these phonemes. *3
Someatypicalandhighlyspecificphoneticsymbolswillbe used: (i) CORNER
+ SUPERSCRIPT
L ['1] (`fragile'occlusionof stops,namelyno prominentreleaseand laterally leakingairflow.see the discussionin § 2.1.3);(ii) CURLY
TAILT/D/N[) , ~, ]
(plosivesand nasal with alveolo-palatalfricatives [, ] in terms of the articulatory
targetpositions);(iii) SUBSCRIPT
DOT[ . ] (slightlyretroflexedalveolarconsonants.
See Ladefogedand Maddieson(1996:25-27) on "two degrees of retroflexion");(iv)
SUBSCRIPT
W [ w] (simplelabializationwithout raising of the back of the tongue.
See LadefogedandMaddieson1996:356-58).
s3 One possible explanation
would be that Santoso et al. (1984) analyzed the suspensive
allophones of "/ R P' in the context of Indonesian phonemic contrast (/r :1/). If so, however, this archiphonemic analysis must be rejected because the term ARCHIPHONEME
can never be associated with a bizarre neutralization found outside the relevant phonemic system.
—20—
Kazuya
2.1
Allophones
INAGAKI
and its relevant rules
Most of allophones derived from the consonant phonemes in Dohoi/Kadorih
can be
explained using three rules in (4: vd. = voiced, vl. = voiceless).
(4) a. fronting rule: fronted place of articulation, § 2.1.1, (7)
b. prenasalization rule: predictive velic opening of vd. plosives, §2.1.2, (10)
c. nonrelease rule: unaudible releases of vl. plosives, §2.1.3, (12)
2.1.1 Fronting rule
Alveolarand alveopalatalconsonantshavea seriesof allophonesbeforeor after close
front unroundedvowel. More specifically, t, d, n, r, r; c, j, s, s that occur in the
environment _ (D)i or i _ ] are differentfromthosethat occur elsewhere.These
i-adjacentallophonescan be describedas commonin the sense of laminal phones
(placeof articulation:denti-alveolar;[ ] ).
(5) Alveolar/alveopalatal
[fl:
[t]:
[°d]:
[nd].
[n]:
[n]:
[r]:
[r]:
[r]:
[r]:
[nd]:
[nd]:
allophones conditioned by adjacent vowels
`to sleep'
, 'sickle'
'bush'
taca, tumo, terik, toru
, 'louse', 'strong sunshine', 'three'
'above'
diag [ndiuu]
'blood'
daha, duhi, dera, doni
, 'thorn', 'cannon', 'nearby'
'nearby'
doni [°doni],ohcin [ohtsin]
, 'fish'
naka, nupi, nokuh
jackfruit', `(to) dream', 'toward'
'afraid
ridu [ri°du], mihkir[mixkir]
, anxious', `to deceive'
rami, ruha, regge,rondorondop 'thronged' , 'concussion', `to be set', 'Be careful!'
'five'
rimo [rimo]
'song'
ragu, rukuv,rehkai, rohi
, 'worm', 'price', 'snake'
'proverb'
tandiri[tundiii]
'below'
, 'horn', `to say', 'theirs'
pinda, tonduk,pander, endo
tiruh [tiruh], arit [erit ]
cikar [Piker]
capat, curuk,cehpak,cocurug
jipon ['dtipon]
jaru, jurav, jerak,jora
sita [Otn],karis [kuri]
[c]~ saku,suna,seta, sohu
[P.] rrihpo [nixpo]
[4] rradap, rbuhu,rrokok
[t~]
V] :
[d]
['Slz]
—21
'fully loaded'
'underpants'
, 'small torch', `rubber', 'funnel'
'slave'
'eight'
, 'pot', 'light (lamp)', 'tongue'
`to love'
, 'kris'
'saucer'
, 'onion', 'seats (in a boat)', 'anchor'
'tooth'
'sap'
, `to order, command', `to cough'
—
Phonemic
On
the
other
alveolar
and
α・伽1α
hand,
each
velar
alveopalatal
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
consonant
also
consonants,血ey
伽([k],回),n・t
by
has
are
i-adj acent
allophones,
characterized
by
but
adレanted
unlike
place{ゾ
l・min・litt'.
(6) Velarallophonesconditionedby adjacentvowels
[k]:
kiru[kiru],kolk[koik']
[k]:
kacu,
kutan,
[ヤ]1
ginigi.η'η
[n9]:
gam加
`a pair
keter,
kotut
囚gi舜i.°ginin]`inclination
η加[gi脚],・
回1
maat,
make
`wrist
吻[0胸1
pot',`fart'
a ho置e
`bomce,,`to
η
rJuhta,
scales',`small'
to
乃, gugugaga,
geh吻gole〃2加
[o]:
of
`wood',`thousand',`cooking
in
someth童ng
silky
smooth'
s舳er,,
bracelet',`balloon'
`t・danCe',`h・ney'
momo
`bat',`to
vomit',`to
feel'
If allophones in(5)and(6)are transcribedmore broadly,then,"fronted"(or"advanced")is abstractedas a common featurewithin these.allophones. Based on this
manner of transcription,
the allophonicrulein(7)can be postulatedconcerning the
noticeablerealizationof"frontedness".
(7)Fronting rule
(appliedto/t,
d, n, r, r, c,j,
十COILS
‐son
‐cons
‐tont
十high
一f-cons[
‐lab-[+fron・
S,1}, k,9,0/in―(D)i
・d]/-
Note
that
each
of the
the
narrower
to
alveopalatal
phonetic
phonet重c
consonants)on
(6:[.];velar
s4Th
broader
the
consonants)on
one
the
representations
transcriptions,
hand
and
_]*4
十high
‐back
derived
by
the
LAMINAL(51[
ADVANCED
i―])
一COIlS
OL
‐back
十voi
resp6nds
or
rule(7)cor-
[];alveolar
PLACE
OF
and
ARTICULATION
other.
e feature[fronted]isneithergeneralnor formalingenerative
phonology.
Featurespecifications
ofphonemes inthispaper can be assumed as follows.
P
b
ﾟ
m
t
d
n
r
r
C
J
S
ﾘ
k
ﾟ
母
h
Y
i
u
e
0
consonantal
十
十
十
十
十
十
―
―
―
―
一
-
―
―
―
一
―
一
・
con髄nuant
十
十
―
―
十
十
十
―
十
十
十
―
一
一
十
―
―
―
一
十
十
十
十
―
十
十
十
sonorant
十
十
―
干
午
十
-
―
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
nasal
一
―
―
十
―
―
十
一
一
―
―
―
十
―
―
十
―
}
―
一
―
―
―
latera!
―
―
―
―
―
―
―
-
―
―
―
―
―
―
―
一
一
一
―
―
一
十
十
十
十
―
十
―
十
―
十
十
―
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
十
―
labial
十
十
十
十
―
■
voke
十
十
―
一
}
―
―
一
―
―
―
―
―
―
―
―
―
一
一
―
―
coronal
―
―
―
―
十
十
十
十
十
十
―
―
―
一
十
―
―
―
―
―
―
十
十
十
―
十
十
十
anterior
十
十
―
―
―
―
一
一
一
―
―
一
一
一
―
―
distributed
―
十
十
十
十
―
一
一
―
十
一
―
一
―
―
十
十
十
十
十
十
―
―
十
十
―
十
十
十
―
十
十
―
―
―
一
『
『
}
一
―
十
―
―
―
十
dorsal
一
―
-
―
―
―
―
-
―
-
一
―
―
―
―
一
一
―
―
―
-
―
―
―
一
―
―
一
―
―
―
一
―
toW
―
一
}
―
―
―
一
―
一
―
―
―
一
一
―
-
back
―
―
―
一
―
―
―
―
―
一
一
―
―
十
十
十
high
―
一22一
十
a
十
Kazuya
2.1.2
Prenasalization
INAGAKI
rule
Thereare homorganicprenasalizations
of voicedplosives([ND]) whosefirstportion
is differentiatedfrom the nasalsegmentin the sequence [ND](whichappearsonlyin
the middleposition)in termsof quantityandquality.
(8)
:
[ND]
[ND]
.
[mbeu]
.
[°•duhu]
:
[°cV ru]
[°gurelcnu]
This articulatory
[pembuu]
[endo]
[rurpctu]
[6u1gnu]
and auditory
'mouth'
'window'
'blood'
`theirs'
'eight'
'lance'
'omen'
`Solanum
observation
is supported
tarvum'
by an acoustic phonetic
evi-
dence.
m
b
U
S
e
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
Time (s)
5.8
5.9
6
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7
16.8
Time (s)
16.9
17
17.1
Figure3 Spectrogramsof ['butt] 'mouth' and [pumbeu] `window'
Figure3 shows the spectrogramsof [mbeu] 'mouth' and [pembeu] `window'.
Both of these wordswere utteredin almostthe same duration,about600ms. Additionally,[mbsu]consistsof a smallernumberof segmentsthan [pembsu].Therefore,
[mbuu]wasproducedat a slowerspeechratethan [pembeu].Despiteits slowerspeech
rate, [m]has a shorterduration(115ms)as a nasal segmentthan [m] does(170ms).
Furthermore,it is confirmedthat the nasal portionof [mbeu]is weakerthan that
of [pembeu] when the values of amplitudeare consideredconcerningeach of the
formantpolesin Figure4.
Figure4 showsspectraof [m]in [mbuu]and [m]in [pembeu],the formeris 'sliced'
at 5.4 second-point,
the
latter
at 16.7
second-point,
in each
form
shown
in Figure
3.
The valuesof amplitudein eachresonanceof [m] are lowerthan thoseof [m]. This
meansthat [m]has a lowerqualityas a bilabialnasalconsonantthan [m].
— 23 —
Phonemic
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
[In]
8(
\SN
[m]
8
6
e
4(
1
.n~
2(
~t~V
0
1000
2000
3000
Frequency (Hz)
4000
4
2
n
5000
1000
2000
3000
Frequency (Hz)
4000
5000
Figure4 FFT spectraof [m] in [mbuu](left:@5.4sec.) and [m] in [pembuu]
(right:@16.7sec.)withrelativecurvesof smoothedspectrasuperimposed.
In Dohoi/Kadorih, the prenasalization is observed both at the string-initial and
string-medial positions, and some of the pairs contrast a prenasalized consonant and a
sequence of two homorganic consonants as in (9). However, a prenasalized consonant
[ND] and a non-prenasalized one [D] never contrast.
(9) String-medial (only)
/b/
/d/
/g/
# : /mb/
: /nd/
tj : /lig/
tabit
rtadap
jagau
—
nambit
i anda
sa;lgau
b – mb, d – nd, g –gg/
V
V
[tumbit'] : [nembitl, 'spiritualcounsellor' : 'to grip'
[nn°dup,] : [rondne], 'seed' : 'to take care of'
["iclzn°gen]: [9'engnu], 'male (animal)' :
Solanum
tarvum'
(9) shows the sub-minimal pairs of / b – mb /, / d – nd /, and of / g – rigI. The nasal
portions of these strings are also different from each other in terms of their quantity
and quality.
In the case of the prenasalizationin Dohoi/Kadorih,the velum maintainsintermediate positions(i.e., not fully closedor lowered)in whichairflowleaks throughthe
velar port. As a result,only a slightnasal leakingis audible.Suchprenasalizationcan
be consideredto be a phoneticdeviceto supportvoicingin the allophonesof voiced
plosive/affricatesince thereis no contrastbetweenprenasalizedallophone([ND]) and
its non-prenasalizedcounterpart([D]). *5
Considering the property of supporting voicing as just mentioned, the allophonic
rule in (10) can be postulated concerning the noticeable realization of the nasality.
*5Ohala (1983: 200)
points out the fact that some languages utilize prenasalization to maintain voicing contrast on a stop consonant.
–24–
Kazuya
(10)
Prenasalization
+ cons
— son
— cont
rule
INAGAKI
(applied to string-initial or intervocalic /b ,d,j,g/)
—>[ +prenasal ] /
[—nas])_
/b/
/d/
/j/
/g/
*6
+ voi
—>
—>
—>
-4
[t'b]
[nd] P
M ]
[°g]
Note that no [-NND-]has been detected.Therefore,the prenasalizationrule (10)is
stipulatedto be inactiveagainstthe postnasal/ D /, whichis alreadyprecededby nasal
segment /N /, in other words, 'alreadyprenasalized'.To put it more technically,(10)
does not alter /D / to [-ND-]in the context' [ +nas ] _ ', and does elsewhere.
2.1.3
Nonrelease
rule
There are string-final
voiceless
plosives
voiceless
plosives that have a property
are only released
(11) takip [tekipl 'ladle',
"no audible
in the string-initial/medial
positions.
release".
The
For example:
kapit [kapit'] 'twin', potik [potik ] 'wasp'
As shown in (11), string-initial and intervocalic p, t, k must be released, while
string-final ones cannot be released. The airflow for articulating p, t, k must be unreleased and stopped at each place of articulation in the case of string-final plosives.
Thus, the allophonic rule in (12) can be postulated concerning the noticeable "no audible release".
(12) Nonrelease rule(applied
cons
— son
— cont
to string-final /p, t, c, k /)
/p/
—>[ +nonrelease ] / _j
/t/
*7
(/c/
/k/
— voi
It should
preceding
(13)
.6
.7
.S
be noted
vowels.
ucat
alut
sapet
usot
that
phonetic
forms
of string-final
-[t
[p,]
,t]
-[IC]
t varies depending on their
For example:
[u;ksnt-'l]
[arut'1]
[cupet'1]
[upot'1]
'neck'
'canoe'
'to see one's wayto'
'mucus'
opit
[opit']
`sparrow'
The feature [prenasal ] is neithergeneralnor formal in generativephonology.
The feature [nonrelease] is neithergeneralnor formalin generativephonology.
This rule applicationis includedin the scopeof rule (12), but the occurrenceof stringfinal / c / is not allowedby Dohoi/Kadorihphonotactics,therefore [s-'] neveroccurs.
—25 —
Phonemic
Sketch of Dohoi/Kad orih
Whena vowelotherthan i precedes t , the airflowis incompletelyobstructedat the
alveolarridge and leaks from the narrowaperturebetweenthe palate and the side of
the tonguesince such t is articulatedas apicalphonewith slightretroflexion( [t] ). On
the contrary,when i precedes t, the airflowis completelyobstructedby the laminal
[t] that occludesairflow'spathmore extensivelythan apical [t] does.
Allophonicrealizationsarenot affectedby ruleordering,either(7 then 10 then
12),(12then 10then7) etc. sincetheserulesneitherfeednorbleedeachother.But
if the lateralleakingnotedaboveis takenintoaccount,and a certainkindof rule
formalization
(e.g.dependency
onlaminality)
is posited,thenruleorderingwillneed
to be considered.In this paper,conditions
fortherealizationof [0] aredescribedas
in (14).
(14) Conditionsfor the realizationof [f']
a. / t / at the string-finalposition
b. / t / precededby a vowelother than / i /
2.2
Bilabial consonants
There are only three items which have initial /13/, 13ayah (tuh) 'now', fiarisan 'to
inherit',13adai 'cake, snack'. But all of these are borrowed items from Ngaju wayah,
wadai, and Indonesian warisan. On the other hand, /11/ is widely distributed at the
intervocalic position as in (16).
(15) String-initial
'p/
: /bi
puru
buru
:/m/
pira
mira
:/d
pahi
tahi
bohit
mohit
:/d/
baha
daha
: /n/
muap
nuap
/m/
/m/
(16) Intervocalic
/p/
/b/
p,b,m,!/[—
# : /b/
:/m/
: fj3f
0: /t/
#:/m/
#: /13/
#: /d/
[puru] : [mburu], 'ten' : 'body hair'
[pire]: [mire], 'howmany' : 'when'
[pehi] : [tehi], 'ray' : 'long (time)'
[mbohit']: [mohit'], 'scabies' : 'salty'
[tbehe] : ["dehe], `tumor' : 'blood'
[muep'] : [nuep'], `to open (pot cover)' :
p,
tapih
tabit
Jopi
gomi
Vafla
otag
amun
bif3ih
kadarah
gapa
opan
kabun
bibit
kabain
`to yawn'
m, j3/V ___V
[tepix] : [tembit'], `sarong': `spiritualcounselor'
[nopi]: [nomi], `tohit (childdiscipline)': `tosmile'
[nepe] : [nefle], `to carry (back)' : 'to talk in sleep'
[open]: [oten], 'bait' : `sarongused as a sling'
[kembun]: [emun], 'garden' : `if
[mbimbit']: [mbi134], 'seed' : 'lip'
[kembein]: [ke°dereh], 'becauseof : `thin,meager'
—26 --
Kazuya
/m/
#: /13/ mama
: In/ gomi
: Is/
uj3i
ma$3ak
gonih
usi
INAGAKI
[mumu]: [muf3uek'],'uncle' : 'to bite'
[gomi]: [gonix], 'to smile' : 'to hear'
[uf3i]: [ui], 'sweet potato' : 'flesh'
Of the four bilabial consonants /p, b, 13,m /, only /p / and / m / can occur at the
string-final position.
(17) String-final
—
/p/
0: /m/ parap
/m/
: ltl
I : /n/
p, m / _ ]
karam
tahap
kahat
mondam pondan
[purup']: [karum], 'cock-fighting':
'liquidformedduringdecompositionof body'
[tuhup'] : [kuhut''], 'flat sieve(rice)' : `pinang'
[mondum]: [pondun], `tobe feverish' : 'bat'
The contrastive bilabial consonants and relevant rules are postulated in Table 3. Note
that the phoneme of voiced bilabial fricative /13/ has a very low status as a phoneme
because it occurs only at the intervocalic position.
/p/
—
/b/
—
/11/
—
/m/
—
[P1
[P]
[b]
[mb]
/ (12)
/ els.
/ [-Fnas] —
/ (10)
`vl . bilabial
`vl
. bilabial
'vd
. bilabial
'vd . bilabial
unreleased
stop'
plosive'
plosive'
prenasalized
[13]
'vd . bilabial
fricative'
[m]
'vd . bilabial
nasal'
plosive'
Bilabial consonants and the relevant rules
Table 3
(els. = elsewhere, vl. = voiceless, vd. = voiced)
2.3
Alveolar
consonants
In the environment [ — i (the string-initialposition followedby i), t , r and r
occur freely,but occurrencesof d and n are restricted(onlythree items:dikdikard
hop'; diaij'upper, above'; dindir3
(18) String-initial
/t/
: /d/
turar3
: /n/
tapa
:In/
rival)
: /r/
toJ3u
lc/tapa
—
t,d,n,r,r/[__
durag
napa
rigan
ro(3u
capat
[turuu]: [°durux3],'bone' : 'wok'
[tupu]: [nape], `cheek(outside)': 'to make,do'
[tiqu0]: [riijun], 'hornbill': 'wound'
[tol3u]: [ro(3u],'sugarcane': 'village'
[tupu]: [tsuput'1], `cheek(outside)': 'fast'
–27–
can
'to
Phonemic
/d/
: ln/
durgo
/n/
0: lr/
: lrl
: ljl
: lr/
: lrl
:/n/
: lrl
duhi
dorgan
durag
natag
noforg
nondu
ragu
# : ly/
ratai
0: lyl
rakep
/r/
/r/
nugo
ruha
rogan
jurag
ratag
rof3org
ryondu
ragu
yakat
yakat
—
(19) Intervocalic
/t/
/d/
in'
ratirg
radig
: /n/
/r/
/r/
/c/
:
: /r/
/r/
: /j/
/r/
/r/
atag
anan
morog
oru
ucag
ranon
.nururg
otu
utag
radok
ruduk
parirg
kajarag
rgorih
kara
padirg
kadarah
rgonih
kana
iroh
poILdg
marom
iyo
baras
bayar
ponag
/r/
/r/
/r/
: /y/
: /y/
marom
Of the five alveolar
the string-final
consonants
position,
(20) String final
—
lt/
: ln/
ucat
/n/
0: lr/
: lr/
: /kl
0: /r/
capat
bakat
rout
a(3an
/r/
0: lrl
: /nl
0: /r/
garakan
nosan
cikar
[nduno]: [nuno], `to sit (relaxed)': `tonod'
[nduhl]: [ruha], 'thorn' : 'shaking'
[ndonun]: [ronun], `companion': 'attic'
[ndurun]: [' urun], 'wok' : 'pot'
[nutun] : [rutun], `to weave' : 'basket'
[not3on]: [roj3on], `to cut down' : 'grave'
[nondu] : [i ondu], `tocrow (cock)' : `tohiccup'
[regu] : [re&gu], 'worried,anxious' : 'song'
[retui] : [jukut'1], 'necklace' : 'Get in!'
[rekep'] : [jukat'1], 'trap' : 'Get in!'
t,d ,n,r,r/V—V
Id/
motog
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
[retin] : [rnndin], 'raft' : 'knife'
[utun] : [unun], 'birdsof prey' : 'there'
[moton]: [moron], `to make a knot' : 'straight'
[otu] : [oru], 'ghost' : 'although'
[utun] : [Wen], 'debt' : 'deer'
[rn'dok'] : [ranon], 'dagger' : 'awake'
[nur'duk'] : [n.urun], `to cut, slash' : 'flood'
[pu"din]: [purin], 'metal waistband': 'most'
[ku°duruh]: [kn dYure;l], `thin,meager' : 'swallow'
[nonix]: [gorix], `tohear' : `to drink'
[kelp] : [(kuhtip') kure], `hit, touched' : 'scorpion'
[ponun] : [ponen], 'hand+ forearm' : 'small accessory'
[marom]: [marom], 'brown' : 'yesterday'
[iroh]: [ijo], 'they' : 'then'
[mbure] [mbujur], 'formative(numerals)': `topay'
/t, d, n, r, r/,
/t/,
/n/,
/r/
and /r/
can occur at
only / d/ cannot occur.
t, n, r, r / _1
ucan
tapar
pamakar
rouk
naflar
pamakar
nosay
pamakar
[Wut'1] : [u sun], 'neck' : 'rain'
[ eput"] : [tapar], 'fast' : 'slap'
[mbukutil]: [pumukul], 'anchor' : `villagehead'
[routil]: [foul], 'betel' : 'mixed'
[u(iun]: [me]3ur], 'mark, spot' `to bargain'
[°gurukun]: [pumekul], 'omen' : `villagehead'
[nopen]: [noy;en], `to forge,weld' : `toknit'
[ksikur]: [pumukul], 'fully loaded' : `villagehead'
—28—
Kazuya
# : is/
[pixel.]: [huepr],
huas
suar
INAGAKI
'lamp (hunting)' : 'cylinder'
The phone [1] appears only at the string-finalposition. This phone can be determined to be an allophoneof /r/ for the reasonthat [-1] of hayar (`dream,fantasy')
is alteredto [—r—]
whensuffixedas hayar-an (`dream,imagination').In addition, [r]
and [1] are distributedcomplementarily,and the flap [r] is a similarphone to the
lateral approximant [1] in terms of being liquids.
The contrastive
Note that
alveolar
consonants
and the relevant
/ d, n/ have comparatively
rules are postulated
low status as phonemes
because
in Table 4.
they scarcely
occur in the environment [_ i .
[t,]
L: ]
Et]
[t]
/(12)
/t/<
/ els.
/di<
/
/
/
/
(7)
els.
(7)
els.
/
/
In _1i
/
[nd] /
(7)
els.
(7)
els.
[d]
/ [+nas]
/ (10)
/n/
[n]
[u]
/ (7)
/ els.
[r]
/ (7)
/ els.
fri
/ —1
/r/4
[1]
[r]
/ els.
Table 4
[r]
/ (7)
/ els.
`v1
. laminal alveolar unreleased
stop'
`v1 . apical alveolar unreleased
stop'
`vl
. laminal alveolar plosive'
`vl
. apical alveolar plosive'
'vd
. laminal alveolar plosive'
'vd . apical alveolar plosive'
'vd
. laminal
'vd
'vd
. apical
alveolar
alveolar
. laminal
'vd
. apical
'vd .
'vd
.
'vd
.
'vd
.
'vd
.
alveolar
alveolar
advanced
alveolar
apical
prenasalized
plosive'
prenasalized
plosive'
nasal'
nasal'
alveolar
trill'
trill'
alveolar
advanced
alveolar
lateral approximant'
alveolar
flap'
flap'
Alveolar consonants and the relevant rules (els. = elswhere,
vl. = voiceless, vd. = voiced, *= plus laterally leaking airflow)
2A
Alveopalatal
As regarding
furthermore
consonants
initial
/y /, there
are only two items
these items are semantically
(21)
String-initial
/c/
4 : h/
: is/
:/IV
ca(3at
curuk
caBat
—
yo
Yes!',
yakat
'Get
in!'
contentless.
c,J,s ,n>Y/ 1_
jajiau
suruh
naPot
[g'efnt'1] rt;I'vj3nu], 'underpants' : 'cassava'
[ksuruk']: [puruh], 'torch' : 'bud'
[rbuj3ot'1], 'underpants': 'to ask for'
—29 —
and
Phonemic
/j/
Is/
: /y/
: /k/
: /s/
: /r)/
: /y/
: /g/
: /n/
: /y/
capat
caj3at
yakat
kapah
jara
jara
jaat
sara
jambu
saj3ut
sout
gambuh
rya(3ot
g,arau
yakat
:/h/
: /yI
sama
riakahak
q : /ig/
rranda
yo
hama
yakat
gandah
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorib
[gEpret'i]: [jukut'1], 'fast' : 'Get in!'
[t uj3ut'1]
: [kei3uh], `underpants': 'bigpot'
['Were] : [cure], 'net' : 'wrong'
["oVure]: [aereu], 'net' : 'to stickone'stongueout'
["cl?uut'1]
: [jukut'1], 'bad' : 'Getin!'
rcl!.umbu]: [ngumbuh], 'Eugenia': 'bounce'
[cej3u0]: [r}utlot'1],'fibrousroot' : 'to askfor'
[cout'']: [jo], 'bamboospikes': 'Yes!'
[cnmu]: [frame], 'alike,similar': 'termite'
[pukuhuk]: [jukuti1], 'spitoutphlegm': 'Getin!'
[pundu]: [tanduh], 'to pawn': 'happy'
/y l: bayar 'to pay'; hayar 'to
There are only five items that possess
dream';
iyo `then';
(22) Intervocalic
: /j/
: /s/
'a long-sleeved
leeved blouse';
kabaya
c, j, s, ip, y/V_V
—
taca
tajak
tocah
tosan
q : /ry/
: /y/
bacag
bacag
mardan
bayar
:/k/
: /s/
bacag
bakag
puji
q : /r)/
gujum
pusit
murAug
: /y/
ijo
iyo
/i/
q : lyl
q : /h/
q : /y/
pajak
kasou
isou
osu
marsan
pagar
/s/
q : /g/
: /r)/
: hi/
maryan
ma;ian
/c/
/j/
rayar 'sail'.
[tu;ksu]: [tu4clzuk'], 'bush' : 'spade'
[tok~uh]: [topen], 'dry' : 'metalwork'
[mbWurj]: [men:en], 'top' : `eaglewood'
[mbugraj]: [mhejur], 'top' : 'to pay'
[mbe et)]: [ fielce3], 'top' : 'spider'
[pu9.45i]; [puit'], 'ever' : 'shattered'
[rjuv.?um] : [mupu;3], 'to stick one's tongue
in one's cheek'
kai}ou
iyo
sohu
bayar
: 'to sharpen
to a point'
[i"c;tzo]: [ijo], `COMPLIMENTIZER'
: `then'
[pecVel'] : [puugur], 'tribute' : 'fence'
[kasou]: [kai ou], 'rafters,joist' : 'head hunter'
[icou]: [ijo], 'chopper' : 'then'
[ocu]: [cohu], 'grandchild' : 'to move downstream'
[mui n] : ['lacier], `eaglewood': 'to pay'
[nrenen]: [mm!en], `eaglewood': 'red (pepper)'
It should be clarified how the affricate V]
1.t] differs
differs from
from the
the plosive
plosive [t.1
[t] and the
fricative [p] in terms of the plosive- and fricative-like portion of the affricate.
In Figure5, the sound associatedwith closurefor the [t] can be seen between4.74.93 sec. in the leftmostpanels,and for its release burst between 4.93-4.94 sec. In
comparison,the release burst of the [s] in the middle panels (12.45-12.47sec.) is
modifiedas a prolongedfricationwhosespectrogramactivityis similar to that of the
soundassociatedwith the [p]in the rightmostpanels(5.03-5.17sec.).
—30—
Kazuya
INAGAKI
t
u
u
0.4
-0.4
0.4
0.4
-0 _4
-0 .4
10°
104
8000
C
8000
8000
6000
6000
4000
4000
2000
2000
e
2000
4.6
47
4.8
4.9
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
12.6
4.9
5.1
5.2
5.3
Figure5 [utn], [u,en], and [ucu]: expandedportionsof the waveforms
(upper panel) and spectrograms (lower panel) cut out from the
words utag'debt', ucav'deer', and susah 'poor'.
There are two reasonsto construethe affricateas a singleunit. First is that the
portionof fricationin an affricateis not of as much durationas in a fricativeso that
the portionof fricationdependson the precedingsegment [t] as the releaseburstof
a plosivedoes. Secondis that the sequencesuch as plosive-fricative(e.g. [;t9])does
not otherwise
occur
in Dohoi/Kadorih.
The affricate / c / does not occur at the string-final position, thus this phoneme is
included in a subset of obstruents different from voiceless plosives and fricativeswhich
occur at the string-final position (/p, t, k; s, h / / _ ] ).
Of the five alveopalatal consonants / c, j, s, r~, y /, only / s / can occur in stringfinal position. There are only three items which have the final / -is / sequence, karis
'kris'
, kumis 'moustache', and pariggis 'trowel'. On the contrary, /-as/, /-us/, and
/ -os / occur extensively at the string-final position.
(23) String-final —
1st
: /h/
s/—]
haus
auk
bahkas ahkah
manas panah
[heu9]: [uuh], 'thirsty' : 'voice'
['°buhku] : [nhkuh], 'male (human)': 'spiraling
[munuc]: [puneh], 'bead' : 'bow'
upward'
The approximants M and [0 can appear only at the string final position, and they
are in free variation with canonical allophonic realization of the fricative / s / ([s], [u]).
For instance, poros 'ache, ill' is pronounced as [poro0 or [poro0. Spectrograms
covering frequency upto 10,000Hz is represented in Figure 6.
- 31
-
Phonemic
0
P
r
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
6
0
P
0
r
0
6
16.1
16.2
Time (s)
io
8000
x
x"
g
0
60(10
4000
2000
69.6
69.8
69.9
Time (s)
69.7
70
70.1
15.9
Spectrograms of [porop]
Figure 6
16.3
16.4
[poro] (`ache, ill': in free variation)
and
The spectrogram activity (especially 4,000-8,000Hz) of [] in the right panel in
Figure 6 is clearly weaker than the one of [p] in the left panel.
The contrastive
alveopalatal
consonants
ble 5. Note that the phoneme
and the relevant rules are postulated
in Ta-
/ y / has little status because there are only seven items
for / y /.
[P]
/c/
Lr
/ [-Enas]—
/j/<
j
[4']
[c. ]
rn
-, zi
/ (10)
[]
/-]
/s/<
/ els.
[]
Lri
[R.]
/n/
`v1
/ (7)
/ els.
/
/
/
/
`v1
Table 5
alveopalatal
. alveopalatal
affricate'
affricate'
'vd
. laminal alveopalatal affricate'
'vd . alveopalatal
affricate'
'vd . laminal alveopalatal
prenasalized
affricate'
'vd
. alveopalatal prenasalized
affricate'
'vl
. laminal alveopalatal approximant'
`vl
*
. alveopalatal approximant'
`v1
. laminal alveopalatal fricative'
`vl . alveopalatal
fricative'
(7)
els.
(7)
els.
/ (7)
/ els.
/(7)
/ els.
'vd
/(7)
/ els.
'vd
'vd
[]]
/y/
. laminal
. laminal
alveopalatal
nasal'
. alveopalatal
nasal'
. alveopalatal
approximant'
Alveopalatal consonants and the relevant rules
(els. = elsewhere, vl. = voiceless, vd. = voiced, * = optional rule)
2.5
There
Velar
consonants
are three
velar
consonants,
namely
–32–
/k,
g,
/.
Kazuya
(24) String-initial
/k/
/g/
/rj/
# : /g/
: /g/
: /p/
# : /ij/
: /b/
: /m/
: /g/
: /i/
: 1p/
1W tI: /ij/
ti : lbl
/ij/ : /m/
k, g, fl / [
kambut
kaj3uk
kariy
garakan
garag
gambuh [kumbut''] : [°gumbuh], 'wovenbag' : 'bounce'
rlaj3uk [kutiuk] : [guj3ukl, 'iguana' : 'to pileup'
parij
[kurig]: [purig], 'to lie down' : `most'
rlarakup [°gurukun]: [ryurukupl, 'omen' : 'to clenchone's fist'
baraaja [°guru;!]: [mbureg-e],
'bracelet' : 'earthenwarecookingpot'
;lorom
morog
(25) Intervocalic
/k/
—
INAGAKI
—
['prom] : [moroti], 'to brood' : 'straight'
k, g, xj/ V — V
oko
ago
bokon bouon
naka
napa
ogo
roijo
nugas cuba
rirlan riman
[oko]: [o°go], 'old' : 'grandfather'
[mbokon]: [mbokon], 'Not!' : 'all by oneself'
[nuku] : [nupu], `jackfruit': 'to make,do'
[o°go]: [rogo], 'grandfather' : 'arm'
[nu°guc]; Vumbu], 'to givepower' : 'hey,say'
[rigun]: [riman], 'scar' : 'approximately(food)'
At the string-final position, /k / and / / can occur while /g / cannot occur.
(26) String final
/k/
/ij/
—
: /KJ/ turak
: /p/ dorak
: /m/ bora;l
k, rJ /
turaij
dorap
boram
[turukl : [turui], 'to go ' : 'bone'
[°dorek,]: [°dorepl, 'flower' : 'spleen'
[mborei]: [mborum],. 'itchingpowder' : 'palmwine'
The contrastive velar consonants and the relevant rules are postulated in Table 6.
/ (12)
lkI
/ els.
/g/<
/ [-Fnas]
/ (10)
/
/
/
/
(7)
els.
(7)
els.
/
/
['g]
/
[1]g] /
(7)
els.
(7)
els.
1 ]
r,_]
[k]
[g]
[g]
[rJ]
[IA
/9/
Table 6
/ (7)
/ els.
`vl
. advanced
velar unreleased
stop'
`vl
. velar unreleased
stop'
`v1
. advanced velar plosive'
`vl
. velar plosive'
'vd
. advanced velar plosive'
'vd . velar plosive'
'vd
. advanced velar prenasalized
'vd . velar prenasalized
plosive'
'vd . advanced velar nasal'
'vd
. velar nasal'
Velar consonants and the relevant rules
(els. = elsewhere, vl. = voiceless, vd. = voiced)
— 33 —
plosive'
Phonemic
2.6
Glottal
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
consonant
The glottalconsonant/ h / is labializedto [h] adjacentto / u /, and alteredto advanced
velar fricative [x] adjacentto / i /. [h] and [x] appearseitherat the string-finalposition or beforea voicelessplosive/affricateT.Before i, [x] is not realized,alternatively
the glottal fricative [h] is realized,and at the sametime, the succeedingi is realized
with a slightlyretractedtongueroot.
(27) Glottal allophones conditioned by adjacent vowels
[h(i)]:
[h(u)]:
[h]:
[(i)x]:
[(u)h]:
[h]:
hiag [hnnj]'great-great-grandparents'
huag [huerl]'will,
shall'
hajo, henda,horas
'big', 'turmeric', 'sweat'
doih Nobs], ihco [ix °o] 'needle', `one'
auh [euh], puhti [puhti] 'voice', `white'
buah, beleh,amoh'Yes!',
'youth', 'where'
With attention to the allophonic realization in (27), contrastive pairs concerning the
adjacent i and u are considered (28, 29, 30).
(28) String-initial ---h/[_,
haPun
/h/
/hi/
/hu/
0:
0:
0:
0:
/si/
/ku/
/su/
/pu/
(29)
Intervocalic
/h/
: /j3/
:/k/
: /pi/
/hi/
/hu/
0: /ki/
0: /si/
: /flu/
: /ku/
0: /su/
0: /pu/
[ — i,
kaPuk
hira
hira
hureg
huag
hum]
puan
—
[—u
tomorrow' : 'iguana'
kirap.
[hire]
_r
__the directionof: `lightning'
siran
[hire]
: [ iren], 'in the directionof : `foot+ lowerleg'
kurat: [kuret], 'sloping' : 'mushroom'
[hureg]
suar
[turn]
: [cuer], 'will, shall' : 'lamp (hunting)'
[huerj]: [puen], 'will, shall' :
`durian-size fruit withpersimmontaste'
h/V—
V, V
i,
V
u
duhug
ma(iak
bakai
bajiiu
takip
musit
tollun
dukug
[mehei3]: [me13ueke],'hard' : `to bite'
[`"behei]: ["'bekei], 'shoulder' : 'not yet finished'
[mbehiu]: [mbetiiu], 'air,wind' : `female(animal)'
[tehi] : [tekip'], 'long (time)' : 'ladle'
[muhi] : [muit'1], `towash up' : `toshatter,hatch'
[tohun] : [toj3un], `middle' : 'sugarcane-LINKER'
["duhur3]: [("duku).:'dukuxl], 'thunder' :
`to sit (withthe kneesbent to one side)'
pohuk
nahuag
osuk
napunan
[pohuk] : [o9uk'], `female(bipedal)': `mygrandchild'
*hum]] : [nepunnn], `towant something': `tocollectup'
mahag
bahai
bahiu
tahi
muhi
tohun
—34 —
Kazuya
(30) String-final
: lkl
: /ik/
/hi
/ih/
—
zrembah
rahpih
String-final
(31)
h
i _],
nembak
[nembeh]: [nembak'], 'to worship': 'to shoot'
[rehpix]: [rehpikl, `flat': 'sleepingmat'
[rjorix]: [keri~], 'to drink' 'kris'
[puhpuh]: [muhpuk'], `buttoks': 'to wash(clothes)'
[euh]: [hsup], 'voice': `thirsty'
[nokuh]: [rjukup'], 'toward': 'in thehand'
rahpik
g: /is/
yorih
# : /uk/ puhpuh
: /us/auh
: /up/nokuh
/uh/
INAGAKI
kiwis
muhpuk
haus
gakup
h is indispensable
for distinguishing
tari [tvri]'rope'
muhka [muhke]
danda rid:endv]
u_]
'to open'
'fine, penalty'
some pairs, for example:
tarih [turbd
muhkah [muhkah]
dandah [' dundnh]
'taro'
'to throw'
'slow, late'
It must be noted here that there are consonant sequences such as [glottal fricative]—
[voiceless plosive/affiicate] hT as Hudson has suggested. *9 Most of the sequence
hT is in free variation *10with the segment T as in (32), but contrasts can be seen in
certain items as in (33).
(32) T
hT in free variation
[rkipo]^' [rk'?rPo]
[r3emuto] [gemuhto]
[nogot"] ti [nolOPot't]
[`°borekerj]—[mborehke;l]
zpo
p"hp:
t
ht:
rgamuto
c~hc:
nocot
k
borakag
hk:
'tooth'
'to shut the eyes'
'to shiver'
'to sell'
(33) T : hT in contrast (not in free variation)
/t/
: /ht/
puti
puhti
noto
nohto
1k/
: /Ilk/
bakai
bahkai
If a given Dohoi/Kadorih
is in homonymic
pronounced
*9
*10
relation
'banana'
: 'white'
[puti] : [puhti]
[noto] : [nohto] `(personal name)' : 'to see'
[mbuker]: rbvhkei]
'unfinished' : 'monkey'
lexical item lacks h before
with an Indonesian
T, and at the same time, it
lexical item, then it is more likely to be
in the hT form.
"Dohoi is distinctive among all the Barito isolects for its medial preaspirated v
oiceless
stops and affricate (Hudson 1967: 53).
The realization of hT is restricted only to the position before string-final vowel:
ryakapu[rbekupu]ti[ryekehpu] 'to carry'
x[rbehkepu], x[wehkuhpu]
nokacuk[nbketsuk'] - [nokeh0uk] 'to spring,jump' I x [nohketruk'], x [noke ~uhk']
— 35 --
Phonemic
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
Indonesian
(34)
'when?'
kapan
'we (inclusive)'
kita
kihta
'shop'
toko
tohko
The allophones
[x]
[h]
[h]
/h//
Table 7
Dohoi/Kadorih
kahpan`thick'
of the phoneme
/ i _ ] or iT
/u_],
or u
/ elsewhere
/h/
[kixte]
'there are'
[tohko]
x [kepen]
x [kit'e]
x [toko]
are derived by rules in Table 7.
`vl
T or
[kghpu n]
'sap
, resin'
u
`vl
. advanced
. simply
`v1 . glottal
velar fricative'
labialized
glottal
fricative'
fricative'
Glottal consonant and the relevant rules (v1. = voiceless,
T = vl. plosive/affricate)
Vowels
3
Santoso et. al. (1984) assumes five vowel phonemes / a, e, i, u, o / with references to
six minimal pairs and provides examples concerning each distribution, string-initial/
-medial/-final (pp . 19-22). In addition, it exhbits diphthongs / ay, oy, aw, uy, ow / as
the phonemes in "Ot Danum", although "the diphthongs occur only at the string-final
position" (pp. 22-23).
In § 3.1, (sub-) minimal pairs of monophthongs are exhibited to account for each
phonemic status of vowels. In §3.2, three conditions for a diphthong will be specified,
then, the diphthongs in Dohoi/Kadorih are not phonemic but predictable.
3.1
Monophthongs
and
their
acoustic
spaces
(35) String-first vowels
/a/
: /u/
: /e/
: /o/
: /u/
: /e/
ahi
ihi
aai
iai
atag
utag
baru
buru
atar~
etarj
bahon
behov
au
oru
aka
oka
mia
mua
riou
ruou
iku
eku
['On]: [ihr], 'there' : 'that'
[vet]: [ier], 'Not!' : 'who'
[etelj] : [uterj], 'birdsof prey' : 'debt'
["beru] : [mburu], `widow' : 'body hair'
[etui3]: [eterj], 'birdsof prey' : 'single strap'
[mbehon]: [(rembet'1) mbehou], 'cinder' : 'handbag'
[eru] : [oru], 'pounder' : 'although'
[eke] : [oke], 'number symbols': 'older sibling'
[name]
: [mue], 'shy, ashamed': 'to bear fruit'
[riou]: [ruou], 'soul, ghost' : 'swamp, lake'
[iku] : [eku], `tail' : 'mine'
— 36 —
Kazuya
sita
seta
potik
miros
potik
MOWS
: /e/
utag
etag
: /o/
butih
utag
beti
otag
butih
etag
botih
otag
jerak
jora
/o/
/u/
/e/
: /o/
INAGAKI
[itu] : [etu (urut'')], 'to love' : 'seats in a boat'
[pitik ] : [potik'], 'sketch,drawing' : 'wasp'
[miro9]: [morop], 'squinting' : 'wild (animal)'
[utux]]: [etuij], 'debt' : 'single strap'
[mbutix]: [mbeti], `wart(black)' : 'body'
[utuq] : [otur3], 'debt' : `sarongusedas a sling'
[mbutix]: [mbotix], `wart(black)' : 'calf'
[etuij]: [oturi], 'single strap' : `sarongused as a sling'
["azerek'] : ["dzore], 'light (lamp)' : 'tongue'
25
4
x
V
0
55sa
L.
7 oa
fl
85042600
2100
Figure
7
1600
F2 (Hz)
1100
Fl
F2
sample
320
2290
37
e
520
2000
12
a
780
1350
147
0
540
980
85
u
360
850
71
600
Formant plots of string-first vowels (left), average values of the
first and second formant frequencies of each first vowel (right)
Figure 7 represents formant plots of string-first vowels (352 vowels), F1 on the
y-axis and F2 on the x-axis. No vowel space overlaps. This fact implies that there are
explicit acoustic inter-distinctions among the five vowels at the string-first position.
(36) String-second
/a/
/u/
vowels
/i/
ara
ari
/u/
ora
Of
/e/
berag
beteg
/o/
oka
oko
/u/
siki
siku
/e/
sorig
soreg
/o/
gomi
rnomo
/e/
al 111
sareta
[ere] : [uri], 'Don't!' : 'youngersibling'
[ore] : [oru], 'sago flour' : 'although'
[mberep]: [(mbere).mberep], 'measles' : 'round'
[oku] : [oko], 'older sibling' : 'elder'
: [iku], 'narrow' : 'elbow'
[eoritj]: [prep], 'smoothness': `to understand'
[r)omi]: [porno], `to smile' : `to feel'
[cerut'l] : [perete], 'flow,stream' : 'bean'
—37—
Phonemic
: /o/
/el
: /o/
tikus
tikos
sohpeg sohpot
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
[tikuc] : [tikoc],
'rat, squirrel' : 'riddle'
[ohperj] : [cohpot'1], 'conch shell' : 'blow-pipe'
There are only a few items which possess e (around 7% in 1000 items) in comparison to items composed of other vowels.
Vowel and glide (-like) consonant are contrastiveto each other.
(37)
/u/
: /ti/
: /y/
baui
io
bajii
yo
[mbeui]: [mbye(3i],
`lid, cap' : 'female'
[io]: [jo],`(s)he' : `Yes!'
3.2 Diphthongs
There is a series of falling diphthongswhose second portions are the gliding high
vowels, i or u ([ ' ] and [ ' ] indicatehigh and lowpitch respectively).
(38)
/ail
/oi/
amai
ahtoi
[emsi]
[eht6i]
`father'
'liver'
/ui/
ahpui
[ehpui]
'fire'
/au/ ucau
/ou/ isou
/eu/ ruteu
/iu/ ohciu
[C06]
[ruteu]
`bamboo,shoot'
'chopper'
'prostitute'
'animal'
A diphthong must at least meet three conditions.
The first condition is that the second portion of a diphthong must be a high vowel.
If the second portion is a high vowel, a falling pitch is realized in the vowel sequence
(VV). In contrast, the pitch realization of vowel sequences ao, ua, uo, whose second
portions are not high vowels, is different from the pitch realization in (38). In this
case, a slight falling pitch is realized in the second portion of a vowel sequence (39:
VV' ).
(39)
/ao/
/ual
gatao
bahue
], 'to laugh'
/uo/
[mbehue'], 'new''sebum
somuo
[c6mu6' ]
in pores of nose'
The second condition is that a diphthong must occur at the string-final position. If
a vowel sequence occurs with a succeeding consonant, then the pitch realization is the
same as the pitch curves as in (39), where the pitch falling starts at the second element
position of the vowel sequence.
(40)
/al/
tau/
lout
/iu/
kabaim
haramaug
torous
hasium
[kimbefm]`because ofyou'
[heremeuij] 'tiger'
[thr64] (1.1.'1) 'deer'
[higher)]'to
kisseachother'
The third condition is that a diphthong cannot compose a string by itself. If a string
is composed only of a bi-vowel sequence, the pitch pattern in (39, 40) appears again.
—38—
Kazuya
(41)
/ail
/oi/
rai
toi
[this]
[toi']
INAGAKI
Iau/ bau
/ou/ tou
/iu/ riu
'rudder,helm'
'faeces'
[mbeu']
[tou' ]
[riu' ]
'mouth'
'to be allowed'
'rainbow'
The observations of falling pitch in (38) and (41) are supported by the following
paired acoustic analysis which compares the FO curve of bau 'mouth' to that of
pambau 'window' (FO: fundamental frequency).
145
145
-n
1
d~~l
iiliI 11111,,.
30003
ulIIhIIMIUI
s
GS
I
LLLOW
lOW
---------------------------------------------
5.3
5.4
53
70
70
5.6
5.7
Time (s)
5.8
5.9
6
16.4
16.5
16.6
16.7 16.8
Time (s)
16.9
17
17
Figure8 Spectrogramsof [mbtI' ] 'mouth' and [pumbsb] 'window'
witheach fundamentalfrequency(FO)curve
Every sequence
composed
thong, not as diphthong
(42)
baui
joui
pakaraiu
of three vowels appears
as single monophthong
+ diph-
+ monophthong.
'lid, cap'
ui
'toad'[W661]
'the last'
iu
[mbsui]
[pelrereib]
*au
•ou
•ai
•[mbuui]
*reoui]
•[pekureiu]
In sum, a vowel sequenceis not a diphthongbut a vowelhiatus (i) if the second
portionof a sequenceis not a high vowel,and/or(ii) in the context_ C ] or _ V ],
and/or(iii) if a vowelsequenceis the only vocalicpart in the relevantstring.
It must be noted that there is a contrast between true diphthong and fake diphthong
as shown in (43).
(43) true vs. fake diphthong
[mbOrOb]: [mb6r611'],
(VV vs. V+V)
`fruit for food (slang)' : 'hungry'
Certain kinds of lexical specificationsuch as a syllable boundary between o and u in
borou 'hungry' are required for the distinction of true and fake diphthong pair. In
this paper, the underlying form for the fake diphthong, / borou' / is assumed, in which
the mark / ' / represents "non-finality of its own string".
— 39 —
Phonemic
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
The contrastive vowels and the relevant rules are postulated in Table 8. These rules
predict allophonic realizations of diphthongs (or complex vowel sequence) as well
as monophthongs. Note that the phoneme / e / has a very low status as a phoneme
because it scarcely occurs in strings.
/i/
/ e/
/o/
/a/
[I] [i] /V—] orh —*
/ els.
[u]/ V — ] /u/
[u] / els.
—
—
—
—
'close
near-front
front unrounded
unrounded
`semi -close
—>[o]
`semi -close
—>['e]
`near -open
front unrounded
back rounded
central
vowel'
vowel'
`near -close near-back rounded
'close back rounded vowel'
—+[e]
Table 8
4
`near -close
vowel'
vowel'
vowel'
unrounded
vowel'
Vowels and the relevant rules (* see (27), els. = elsewhere)
Conclusion
Santos() et al. (1984) only listed items which have a phoneme. In this paper, new
description and analysis of the Dohoi/Kadorih sound system are provided.
The contributionof this papercan be summarizedby the followingfive points.This
paper (a) demonstratesallophonesof each phonemeand some of the acousticcorrelates of them (specifically,prenasalizationversus nasal portion of ND sequence,
the approximantizationof / s / as a free variation,plosive-affricate-fricative
contrast,
formantplots of vowels, and FO curvesof a hiatus versus a diphthong),(b) organizes (sub-)minimal pairs and refers strictly to contrasts,resulting in twenty three
phonemes(Table9, 10in Appendix),(c) clarifiesthe statusof each phonemeby indicatingdistributionaldeviations(1 string-finalonly; y just sevenitems; j3intervocalic
only; d, n none */ [ _ i; e extremelyfew),(d) postulatesgenerativephonological rules for eachphonemicsegment(mostallophonesare derivedby fronting rule ,
prenasalizationrule , and nonreleaserule), and (e) statesthree conditionsfor a diphthong (high vowelsecond, string-finalposition, no string by itself). Diphthongsare
predictableby the rules for vowels.
—40—
Kazuya
INAGAKI
References
Cense A. A. and E. M. Uhlenbeck. 1958. Critical survey of studies on the languages of
Borneo. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Bibliographical
Series 2. 's-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff.
Gordon, R. G. Jr. ed. 2005. Ethnologue: Languages of the world. Fifteenth edition.
SIL International. Online version [Accessed 17 May 2005]:
http://www.ethnologue.com/web.asp.
Hudson, A. B. 1967. The Barito isolects of Borneo: A classification based on comparative reconstruction and lexicostatistics. Ithaca, New York: Department of
Asian Studies, Cornell University.
Inagaki,
K. 2005. Survey in Tumbang Marikoi
05. Jan. 22. r„ Feb. 11. unpublished
field
notes.
Ladefoged, P. and I. Maddieson. 1996. The sounds of the world's languages. Oxford:
Blackwell.
Mallinckrodt,
Meyers,
J. 1928. Het Adatrecht
J., H. Meyers,
van Borneo.
Leiden:
M. Dubbeldeman.
B. Rice, and S. Rice. 2003. Report on the Seruyan
river surveys
in Central Kalimantan (Kohin, Keninjal and Sebaun (Dohoi) Languages). SIL
Electronic Survey Reports 2003-017. SIL International. Online [Retrieved 17
May 2005]: http: //www.sil. org/silesr/2003/silesr2003-017.pdf
Ohala, J. J. 1983. The origin of sound patterns in vocal tract constraints.
In P. F.
MacNeilage (ed.) The production of speech, pp. 189-216. New York: Springer
Verlag.
Santos() R. B., S. Taib, and D. Lorida. 1984. Struktur Bahasa Ot Danum. Departemen
Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. (Proyek Penelitian Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia
dan Daerah Kalimantan Tengah).
Stokhof, W. A. L. (ed.). 1986. Holle lists: vocabularies in languages of Indonesia,
Vol. 8 (Kalimantan (Borneo)). Canberra: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School
of Pacific Studies, Australian National University (Pacific Linguistics Series D
- No . 69).
Uchibori, M. and N. Shibata. 1992. Bornneo-syogo (Bornean languages). In Kamei,
T., R. Kono, and E. Chino (eds.). The Sanseido encyclopaedia of linguistics,
Vol. 3 (Languages of the world, part III), pp. 1187-93. Tokyo: Sanseido.
Wurm, S. and S. Hattori (eds.). 1981-83. Language atlas of the pacific area, vols. 12. Canberra: Australian Academy of the Humanities in collaboration with the
Japan Academy.
-41-
b
Phonemic
Appendix:
Phonemic
inventories
labial
plosive
vd.
vl.
alveolar
glottal
k.
[k^ k' k'-4 ]
g
[`'9^~9]
d
rd—nd]
c v-45] ]
1[M QS~]
affricate
vd.
nasal
velar
[P^°P'] [t^-t^t'l-t']
[tb]
fricative
alveopalatal
t
P
vl.
Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih
13
[13]
h
[h.<.fi
s
[9^-'R'"."11
r1:
[u—ol
n
[n—n]
[m]
m
[4-9]9][w
r
trill
[r^'r]
flap
r
[r^r^1]
y
approximant
Table 9
[ii
Consonantinventoryof Dohoi/Kadorih
In the context` [i-nas] _ ', [b,d, d, 4 , 44,*,
g] insteadof
[mb,"d, Rd,40.;,N,*, °g] respectively.(v1.= voiceless,vd. =-voi
front
i [i-st]
e [e]
close
mid
back
u [u—u]
0 [o]
a [e]
open
Table
central
10
Vowel inventory
— 42 —
of Dohoi/Kadorih
ced)
Kazuya
INAGAKI
ドホ イ/カ ドリ語 音 素 の 大 要
(オ ー ス トロ ネ シ ア 諸 語:イ ン ドネ シア 、 カ リマ ンタ ン、 カハ ヤ ン 川 源 流)
稲垣 和 也 (INAGAKI Kazuya)
Abstract
本 論 文 に よ る ドホ イ/カ ド リ語 の 新 た な 記 述 と分 析 は 、 以 下 の 音 声 学
的 、音 韻 論 的 側 面 を 明 ら か に す る こ と に よ っ て 、Santoso
et al.〈1984)
の 音 素 に つ い て の 素 描 の 全 体 を 補 う。
1.お の お の の 音 素 の 異 音 に 関 す る調 音 音 声 学 的 な 記 述 と音 響
音 声 学 的 な相 関 物(前 鼻 音 と同 器 官 的 鼻 音 、 自由 変 異 と して
の ノs1の 接 近 音 化 、破 裂 一
破 擦 一摩 擦 の 対 比 、母 音 の フ ォ ル
マ ン トプ ロ ッ ト、母 音 連続 と二 重母 音 のFO曲
線)
II.(準 。)最小 対 を整 理 す る こ とで 対 立 に厳 密 に 言 及 した の ち の
二十三 の音素
III.分 布 的 な 偏 りを 根 拠 とす る各 音 素 の ス テ ー タ ス(音 列 末 尾
の み の1、 七 項 目の み に 現 れ るY、 音 列 中 間 の み に 現 れ る
β、/[―1の
N.子
環 境 で 生 起 しな いdとn、
音 音 素 の 異 音 を 導 出 す る 規 則(大
極 端 に 少 数 のe)
半 の異音 は 前方化 規則
(fronting rule)、 前 鼻 音 化 規 則(prenasalization
規 則(nonrelease
rule)に
rule)、 無 開 放
よ つ て 導 か れ る)
V.二 重 母 音 で あ るた め の 三 つ の 要 件([i]第 二 要 素 狭 母 音 、[ii】
音 列 末 尾 位 置 の 生 起 、[iii]それ の み で 音 列 を構 成 し な い)
と、 母 音 音 素 の 異 音 を導 出す る規 則
一43一