When second-hand peer-to

IDDRI
UNIVERSITÉ PARIS SUD
ESCP EUROPE
UNIVERSITÉ PARIS-DAUPHINE
OUISHARE
CNIID – ZERO WASTE FRANCE
Les PIonniers
du COllaboratif
Sustainability of collaborative
consumption in question:
When second-hand peer-topeer platforms stimulate green
consumers’ impulse buying
and overconsumption
Béatrice Parguel, CHARGÉ DE RECHERCHE CNRS
Renaud Lunardo, KEDGE BUSINESS SCHOOL
Florence Benoit-Moreau, UNIVERSITÉ PARIS-DAUPHINE
Le projet Pionniers du Collaboratif (PICO) a été réalisé par l’Iddri,
l’ESCP-Europe, les Universités Paris Sud et Paris Dauphine, Zero
Waste France et Ouishare, grâce au soutien financier du ministère de
l’Environnement (programme MOVIDA) et de la MAIF.
Le projet PICO a pour objectif de clarifier ce qu’est l’économie
collaborative et la place des enjeux environnementaux et sociaux chez ses
acteurs ; étudier ses impacts environnementaux et sociaux ; apporter des
pistes d’action pour les pouvoirs publics qui voudraient mettre l’économie
collaborative au service du développement durable.
L’ensemble des articles publiés dans le cadre du projet PICO est
accessible sur : www.iddri.org/Projets/PICO-PIonniers-du-COllaboratif
Citation : B. Parguel, Lunardo R., Benoit-Moreau F. (2016).
Sustainability of Collaborative Consumption in Question : When Secondhand Peer-to-peer Platforms Stimulate Green Consumers” Impulse Buying
and Overconsumption. PICO Working paper, Paris, France, 20 p.
2
INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH
QUESTION
Collaborative consumption encompasses “systems of organized sharing, bartering, lending,
trading, renting, gifting, and swapping across
communities of peers”. Amongst this wide panel
of practices, activities associated to redistribution markets, defined as the exchange of “used
or pre-owned goods moving from somewhere
they are not needed to somewhere they are” (for
free or with compensation), are the most common practice. Old practice per se as it used to
be done through garage sale, second-order outlets, “redistribution markets” have gained momentum with the development of Web-based
second-hand peer-to-peer (P2P) platforms (eg.
Craig’s list or Ebay in the US, Le Bon coin in
France).
These second-hand P2P platforms are seen
as encouraging sustainable consumption as they
offer second life to products, avoiding to latter
to be stored in some place, meanwhile other
households would buy new items. However,
the question of the positive environmental impact of second-hand P2P platforms is still to be
proved. Several authors tend to argue that they
could also stimulate overconsumption through
rebound effects. The present paper contributes
to this debate by investigating the propensity
of consumers, especially environmentally conscious ones, to be tempted by overconsumption
on peer-to-peer platforms, which provide a favorable context for self-licensing behaviors.
METHOD & DATA
A survey was conducted in June 2015 amongst
541 active buyers of the French P2P platform
leboncoin (equivalent of US craiglist) addressing
questions relative to their buying activity during
the previous year.
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
Results confirm that environmentally conscious
consumers are more akin to be tempted in the
context of second-hand P2P platform. More
precisely, the route leading from materialism
to overconsumption through impulse buying is
stronger for them than for non-green consumers.
KEY CONTRIBUTIONS
This finding has key practical contributions regarding the counterproductive role of collaborative consumption to sustainability in certain
conditions. Theoretically, the research contributes to further develop the emerging theory of
self-license in a new context of decision.
3
4
TABLE DES MATIÈRES
INTRODUCTION7
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
8
Collaborative Consumption : Definition and Practices
8
Collaborative Consumption and Sustainability
9
Redistribution Markets and Sustainability :
The Good Old Debate about Second-hand Buying
10
Second-hand P2P Platforms as an Ideal Context for Self-licensing
10
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
11
METHOD12
Survey procedure. 12
Measures. 14
Results14
DISCUSSION16
REFERENCES18
5
6
INTRODUCTION
Collaborative1 consumption encompasses “systems of organized sharing, bartering, lending,
trading, renting, gifting, and swapping across
communities of peers” (Botsman & Rogers,
2010). Many academics and managers (Botsman
& Rogers, 2010; Bauwens, Mendoza, & Iacomella,
2012; Schor, 2014) see it as a third industrial revolution as the collaborative economy induces a
new paradigm in terms of production and consumption, laying on technological as well as sociological changes. Amongst collaborative consumption practices, second-hand peer-to-peer
(P2P) exchanges (e.g., craigslist in the US, eBay
worldwide, leboncoin in France) have recently
gained momentum to become the most widespread practice of collaborative consumption.
As the offspring of traditional second-hand
shopping at garage sales, flea markets or second-order outlets (Guiot & Roux, 2010), second-hand P2P platforms relax transaction
costs associated with second-hand exchanges
(Thomas, 2011). Indeed, the permanent flow of
classified ads alleviates spatial and temporal
constraints related to the connection of buyers and sellers in a specific place and a precise
timeframe. Thus, in 2014, three quarters of
French people bought at least one item on a
second-hand P2P platform (Daudey & Hoibian,
2014), making second-hand P2P platforms of utmost strategic importance in terms of economic
impact as well as with regard to sustainability
issues. Thus far, there is a lack of empirical ac1. In the present paper, we adopt the term “collaborative”
rather than “sharing”, which is considered a synonymous
due to its positive, and potentially misleading, symbolic
meaning and also because, strictly speaking, it does not
cover the giving or trading of objects.
ademic research addressing the comprehension
of users’ behavior on second-hand P2P platforms
generally. In terms of sustainability, collaborative consumption is sometimes represented as
a utopia (Prothero et al., 2011; Schor, 2014), in
that it creates social links, empowers ordinary
people, provides vulnerable persons with access
to markets, and reduces the environmental footprint. At the same time, critics denounce it as
exploitative and self-interested (Schor, 2014) as
well as its capacity to lead to over-consumption
(Denegri-Knott & Molesworth, 2009; DenegriKnott, 2011; Robert, Binninger, & Ourahmoune,
2014).
Regarding this last complex question, very little is known so far. At first glance, second-hand
P2P platforms would seem to encourage sustainable consumption as they offer a kind of second life to objects, avoiding storing them uselessly, compared to other households that buy
new ones. In this way, such platforms incarnate
the best channel to apply the second injunction
of the famous US EPA2 slogan “Reduce, Reuse,
Recycle.” In addition, environmental arguments
are a key motivation for “offline” second-hand
shopping (Guiot & Roux, 2010) and the first or
second motive for 30% of consumers using these
platforms, just after economic motives (i.e., saving or earning money) (Daudey & Hoibian, 2014).
However, the positive environmental impact
of second-hand P2P platforms remains to be
proved. Several authors argue that this impact
could be negative because of overconsumption
and rebound effects (e.g., Thomas, 2003, 2011;
Robert et al., 2014). In particular, they point out
that consumers may buy more objects, even
unnecessary ones, or replace them more often
2. Environmental Protection Agency, US public agency in
charge of environmental issues.
7
8
for different reasons including price attractiveness, the opportunity to sell them if found to be
useless or obsolete, or indirect overconsumption through purchasing other things with the
savings from second-hand buying (Peugeot,
Beuscart, Pharabod, & Trespeuch, 2015).
With these findings in mind, the present research contributes to the debate by investigating one aspect of the question: do second-hand
P2P platforms stimulate overconsumption? In
the present research, we follow Ehrlich and
Ehrlich’s (2004) definition of overconsumption,
meaning “goods consumed above a basic level
needed to give “reasonable comfort” (p. 120).
More precisely, we address the question of who
would be more tempted by overconsumption in
the context of second-hand P2P platform shopping. Common sense would generally dictate
that “green” consumers (those who are highly
environmentally conscious) are less likely to
overconsume. However, we postulate that, due
to the liberating context of a second-hand P2P
platform, environmentally conscious consumers
could be more subject to overconsumption than
others. To justify this assumption, we build on the
emerging theory of self-licensing (Khan & Dhar,
2005; Mukhopadhyay & Johar, 2009; Merritt,
Effron, & Monin, 2010; De Witt Huberts, Evers,
& De Ridder, 2012), which states that certain
decision contexts lead to hedonic or indulgent
decisions because they offer a justification to
give in to temptation, especially when conflicting goals are at stake. Drawing on this theory,
we develop a conceptual framework postulating
that consumers’ environmental consciousness
will enhance impulse buying and strengthen the
influence of consumers’ materialism on impulse
buying on second-hand P2P platforms. Based
on a survey conducted in June 2015 amongst
541 active buyers on the French leading second-hand P2P platform leboncoin, this research
shows that both the materialism of consumers
and their environmental consciousness enhance
overconsumption behaviors, through the mediation of impulse buying.
The contributions are, therefore, twofold.
From a practical point of view, this research represents the first attempt to empirically test the
possible counterproductive effect of redistributive market practices in terms of their consumption environmental impact. As such, this has
implications in terms of consumer education or
measures to limit “greenwashing” on the part of
platform managers. From a theoretical point of
view, the research extends the emerging theory
of self-licensing to a new marketing context re-
lated to the distribution channel itself and identifies impulse buying as the underlying mechanism explaining the counterproductive effect of
P2P platforms on the environment. In this way,
it is also the first research in consumer behavior
to address a new technological Internet-based
interface, P2P platforms, and it seeks to explain
the specific drivers of impulse buying on these
kinds of websites. Indeed, previous research
concerning the human-technology interface has
only addressed the comprehension of classical
online environments (Punj, 2012; Demangeot &
Broderick, 2010).
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Collaborative Consumption: Definition
and Practices
Collaborative consumption really emerged as
a global concept in 2010 with Botsman and
Rogers, even if the first leading collaborative
platforms were launched earlier (e.g., ebay and
craigslist in the US in 1995, leboncoin in France
in 2006, AirBnB in 2008). Defining it as “systems
of organized sharing, bartering, lending, trading, renting, gifting, and swapping across communities of peers” (p. 15), Botsman and Rogers
(2010) adopted a practical definition that lists
the activities covered by the concept and emphasizes the main aspect of the underlying revolution, the peer-to-peer dimension. Belk (2014)
then proposed a more conceptual definition
stating that “collaborative consumption is people coordinating the acquisition and distribution
of a resource for a fee or other compensation”
(p. 1597), leaving aside the question of the exact
perimeter of the activities covered, but making it
a central question for marketing and consumption. If these definitions do not set as a necessary condition that collaborative practices be
conducted through web-based platforms, many
authors consider that Web 2.0 technologies are
the reason for the tremendous pace of the phenomenon’s development on a worldwide scale
(Belk, 2014; Schor, 2014), as well as the culture
that has developed around values of collaboration, openness, freeness, and horizontality
(Turner, 2012, cited by Peugeot et al. 2015, p. 21).
Going further, these seminal works contributed to defining typologies of collaborative
practices. Bostman and Rogers (2011) organize
collaborative practices around three types. The
first, termed product-service systems (PSS),
encapsulates activities relating to the renting
or sharing of durables or semi-durables, where
property of the objects is not transferred.
Famous examples of this category are zipcar,
blablacar, neighborgoods in the US or sharevoisins in France. The second type of practice,
called redistribution markets, includes activities
of bartering, gifting, or selling of objects with
an effective transfer of property, the exchange
being without compensation for gift or with material or financial compensation. As the oldest
collaborative activities, demonstrated by the
early emergence of ebay and craigslist in 1995,
they are the most widespread with a great majority of people having already tried them. Many
new platforms of this type are still emerging
every day, such as thredup or threadflip for
apparel, freecycle or yerdle for free exchange
(Schor, 2014). The third type, termed collaborative lifestyles, includes the sharing of immaterial resources such as space (e.g., co-working,
co-gardening, and housing, such as couchsurfing
or airbnb), money (e.g., crowdfunding), or services. Schor (2014) has proposed a very similar
typology depending on the practice objectives:
increased utilization of durable assets/sharing
of productive assets (equivalent to PSS, except
that Schor distinguishes between the sharing
of assets for consumption and assets for new
production, like co-working or makerspace), the
recirculation of goods (similar to redistribution
markets), and exchange of services.
Collaborative Consumption and
Sustainability
Many researchers (Belk, 2010; Botsman &
Rogers, 2010; Gansky, 2010; Prothero et al.,
2011; Albinsson & Perera, 2012; Schor, 2014)
share the general view that the collaborative
economy is probably a major step towards more
sustainable ways of life, sustainability being
understood at the environmental and social
levels. Belk (2010) considers sharing as an alternative form to traditional distribution channels,
which aim, from an environmental perspective,
to preserve natural resources and, from a social point of view, foster a sense of community.
Prothero et al. (2011) indicate that the collaborative economy reflects “a global readiness to
shift values away from excessive consumption
to more frugal and thus more sustainable solutions to everyday problems” (p. 36). Focusing on
the ecological side, Bostman and Rogers (2011)
also state that these collaborative systems offer
environmental benefits by increasing the use of
unproductive objects, reducing waste, encour-
aging the development of objects with longer
lifespans or optimized lifecycles, and absorbing
the surplus generated by overproduction and
overconsumption.
Several works show that collaborative practices also tend to change the relation that consumers have to objects and material life (Robert
et al., 2014). Since collaborative consumption is
associated with sharing instead of having, to the
superiority of access over possessions, and to
the acceleration of the circulation of objects, it
disrupts previous conceptualizations of objects
as extending the concept of the self and creating attachment (Belk, 1988), enhancing social
identity (Bourdieu, 1979), or encapsulating the
memory of the past (Scholl, 2006). It therefore
gives way to a paradigm shift towards more frugal ways of living.
Practically speaking, many collaborative
platforms advertise themselves as green, as
a way to reduce one’s carbon footprint, given
that sharing is less resource intensive than the
dominant ways of accessing goods and services
(Schor, 2014). In this way, they respond to increasing demands from consumers, who engage
in collaborative practices for ecological motivations, which immediately follow economic ones
(Daudey & Hoibian, 2014; Robert et al. 2014).
After this initial enthusiasm towards a utopian view of collaborative consumption, however,
several authors began to consider its environmental benefits as a more complex question
(Schor, 2014; Robert et al., 2014). The detachment from possessions and consumption is
not as obvious since renting or temporarily accessing objects present an opportunity to enjoy
new experiences, which increases the hedonic and experiential value of objects (Durgee &
O’Connor, 1995). As an illustration, Peugeot et al.
(2015) identify different trajectories of relationships to cars amongst users of drivy (a car-sharing platform): there are those who sell their own
car because their needs are tenuous and they
rely on public transportation and rental cars;
but there are also those who are interested in
keeping their car because they can offset costs
by renting it occasionally.
Regarding this issue of the environmental
impact of P2P platforms, as Schor (2014) states,
“despite the widespread belief that the sector
helps to reduce carbon emissions, there are almost no comprehensive studies of its impact,”
apart from few exceptions regarding car sharing
(cited by Schor, 2014). As these initiatives tend
to demonstrate, the question of the ecological
impact of collaborative consumption needs to
9
be addressed at the level of one specific type of
consumption, and probably even at the level of
the platform itself, depending on the rules it defines for peer-to-peer exchange. In the present
research, we focus on the most common practice (i.e., redistribution markets), and examine
its importance in terms of transaction flows and
therefore its capacity to transform consumers’
relation to objects and material life.
Redistribution Markets and
Sustainability: The Good Old Debate
about Second-hand Buying
10
Redistribution markets constitute a renewal
of the already well-established activity of second-hand buying, which have been disrupted
due to Web 2.0 technologies replacing traditional second-hand markets, flea markets, and garage sales by huge second-hand P2P platforms.
Research concerning traditional second-hand
buying is scarce in marketing, probably because
the practice used to be epiphenomenal, though
it is interesting for the present research.
At the market level, research in economics
has addressed the question of second-hand market rebound effects, namely the fact that they
stimulate demand for new goods, thereby increasing material consumption, since owners of
new goods are able to sell their assets more easily and buy new assets more frequently (Thomas,
2003). According to Thomas (2011), the magnitude of rebound effects depends on several interacting factors to be modeled in each specific
market situation: product lifetime, product obsolescence, benefit of newness on the market, and
transaction costs and loss of value between each
transaction. The general idea that second-hand
markets support and promote primary markets
by making consumer products into “liquid assets”
that consumers can easily sell has been defended since 1957 by Fox (cited by Thomas, 2011).
At the individual level, consumers hold the
strong belief that buying second-hand objects
is environmentally virtuous as it nurtures a “zero-waste” society (Peugeot et al., 2015). Guiot
and Roux (2010) identify shoppers’ motivations
for second-hand buying in general and empirically measure key motives, aside from economic
ones, including supporting ethical and ecological concerns about recycling and combating
waste. Other authors defend a more ambiguous
perspective concerning consumer motivations.
Peugeot et al. (2015) show that on second-hand
P2P platforms the real motivation of frugality
cohabits with motivations to buy more items or
more luxurious ones, knowing that they can sell
them after a few uses (especially in fashion markets). Dehling (2014) also observed the degree to
which much second-hand buying can be associated with the accumulation of objects. Earlier in
2005, Bardhi and Arnould showed, in the context
of traditional offline second-hand buying, that
thrift and hedonic desire, though apparently contradictory, actually cohabited at the same time
during a buying occasion. Consumers’ discourse
show that they use thrift as a way of justifying
treats when they engage in contradictory practices, reporting for example “having no regrets
for buying stuff in thrift shops that they would
never use or might not even like.” Following Belk
et al. (2003), Bardhi and Arnould (2005) argue
that “consumers justify their desires through
moral arguments and that every culture creates
specific social contexts where indulgences of desires are approved.” However, they do not test
this hypothesis further. This interesting intuition
to explain the ambivalence of consumers’ motivation at the individual level can be theoretically supported by the theory of self-licensing. The
following section develops the conceptual foundations of self-licensing and how it can explain
behaviors in a context of impulse temptation,
that is, on second-hand P2P platforms.
Second-hand P2P Platforms as an Ideal
Context for Self-licensing
The concept of self-licensing is based on the
finding from decision-making research that people are more likely to behave in ways that can be
easily justified (Shafir et al., 1993). When choice
generates a conflict, decision makers seek reasons to solve the conflict and justify their choice
(De Witt Huberts et al., 2012). Self-licensing processes were initially applied to moral behavior
(Merritt et al., 2010) where people whose past
behavior (considered as “good” behavior) served
as a justification to behave badly subsequently in the same domain (De Witt Huberts et al.,
2012). The theory has been recently applied to
consumer behavior (the term “self-licensing”
was first employed by Khan and Dhar, 2006),
in order to explain hedonic choices or indulgent
decisions by permitting oneself an otherwise
disallowed pleasure (De Witt Huberts et al.,
2012; Khan, 2011; Mukhopadhyay & Johar, 2009;
Kivetz & Simonson, 2002), but research is still
scarce (De Witt Huberts et al., 2012) and only a
few contexts have been covered by studies.
Licensing effects specifically contribute to
explaining how people give in to temptation,
i.e., a “momentary allurement that threatens
a currently active goal.” It is therefore closely
linked to impulse buying, which occurs when
temptation is high (Mukhopadhyay & Johar,
2009; Mukhopadhyay et al., 2008). It arises
when goal-conflict is at stake, for example, being
tempted to purchase an unplanned product, or
the typical case of indulging with chocolate cake
when on a diet (Mukhopadhyay & Johar, 2009;
Khan & Dhar, 2006). Previous research also
agrees that the context providing justification
for self-licensing serves to enhance consumers’
self-concept (feeling virtuous), therefore, allowing for transgression versus an initially goal set
(Khan & Dhar, 2006). Several contexts have been
covered by recent research to explain indulgent
behaviors. These include initial shopping restraints (Mukhopadhyay & Johar, 2009; Louro,
Pieters, and Zeelenberg, 2007), money won
from a lottery (O’Curry & Strahilevitz, 2001), altruistic decisions made before consumption decisions (Khan & Dhar, 2005), and the amount of
effort devoted to obtain a reward in a loyalty
program (Kivetz & Simonson, 2002).
The context of second-hand P2P platforms
seems appropriate to enact licensing processes
because of two specificities. Generally speaking,
websites have been shown to stimulate temptation (Mukhopadhyay & Johar, 2009) and impulse
buying (Novak, Hoffman, & Duhachek, 2003;
Park, Kin, Funches, & Foxx, 2012). In this regard,
Denegri-Knott (2011) have shown through a qualitative study how ebay accelerates consumer desire by invigorating the “cult for the new” and the
always changing influx of goods, both because
of its digital nature (being accessible anytime,
anywhere) and the permanent actualization of
offers. Traditional second-hand market places
have also been identified as enhancing impulse
buying (Guiot & Roux, 2010). This characteristic of second-hand P2P platform should lead to
impulse buying and probably overconsumption.
But at the same time, because they provide second-hand objects, these platforms are supposed
to be virtuous, encourage zero-waste and offer
a second-life to objects. They therefore offer an
excellent context to see how justification gives
way to materialistic temptation, as assumed in
the following conceptual framework.
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Impulse buying, defined as the “sudden, often
powerful and persistent urge to consume, often
without much deliberation” (Dholakia, 2000), is
logically triggered by a materialistic orientation
(Rose, 2007). As demonstrated by Rose (2007),
individuals that are likely to think that buying
products is a way to reach happiness or express
their success should exhibit greater buying habits. This should be enhanced on second-hand
P2P platforms which bring together the specificity of second-hand shopping and online shopping. Second-hand shopping is known to trigger
impulse buying (Stone, Horne and Hibbert, 1996;
Guiot & Roux, 2010) because of the opportunities for savings and discounts, and due to recreational motivations and the limited time of the
sale (since the product is unique, it can be sold to
someone else if a person takes time to make his
decision). Denegri-Knot (2011) shows how the
phenomenon is amplified on the Internet with
the case of ebay, where ads appear as a continuous flow of new products accessible at any
time from anywhere. Other research concerning impulse buying on the Internet shows the
importance of affective reactions to trigger impulse buying, such as enjoyment, surprise, and
the feeling of bargain hunting (Wolfinbarger &
Gilly, 2001; Bressolles, Durrieu, & Giraud, 2007;
Parboteeah, Valacich, & Wells, 2009). Secondhand P2P platforms are perfect places to feel
these sort of affective reactions.
Furthermore, the ambivalence of second-hand P2P platforms, fueling both consumption desire and environmentally friendly
purchases, makes them perfect candidates for
goal-conflict contexts. On such platforms, consumers are actually likely to face a situation
where they are able to satisfy their materialistic
aspirations (Denegri-Knott, 2011). In addition, as
on traditional second-hand market places (Guiot
& Roux, 2010), they should at the same time
be likely to engage their ecological concerns
(Bardhi & Arnould, 2005). Therefore, shoppers
who are highly concerned with the environment
will face a goal conflict between their materialistic orientations and the preservation of the
environment, resulting in a dissonant situation
(Dholakia, 2000; Burroughs & Rindfleisch, 2011).
As impulse buying is a cognitive and volitional process, the conflict will have to be solved
through a cognitive evaluation mechanism to
decide whether to resist or enact the purchase
(Dholakia, 2000). According to self-licensing theory, the context of the second-hand P2P platform
appears to be a good opportunity to justify giving in to temptation, and thus enacting impulse
buying. Therefore, green consumers should exhibit more impulse buying on second-hand P2P
platforms than non-green consumers, and also
11
exhibit greater influence of their materialism on
impulse buying because of the specific context
of second-hand P2P platform.
Hence, the hypotheses are as follows:
H1: Consumers’ materialism will exert a positive effect on impulse buying
on a second-hand P2P platform.
H2: Consumers’ environmental consciousness will exert a positive effect on
impulse buying on a second-hand P2P
platform.
H3: Consumers’ environmental consciousness will moderate the positive
effect of consumers’ materialism on
impulse buying on a second-hand P2P
platform, such that this effect will be
more positive among highly environmentally conscious consumers.
12
De Witt Huberts and colleagues (2012)
have shown the influence that impulse factors
have on enhancing overconsumption, using
the theoretical background of self-licensing.
Overconsumption remains quite a vague concept, though the term has been increasingly
used during the last decade (Hakansson, 2014).
“Overconsumption is commonly used when discussing and in particular when criticizing consumption or some aspects of it” (p. 692), and
the term is used in a large variety of disciplines
(medicine, nutrition, psychology, marketing,
sociology, ecology, economics…) (Hakansson,
2014). Hakansson (2014) defines overconsumption as being “when consumption is faulty and
excessive, [becoming] inherently normative.”
He therefore articulates previous conceptualizations around three schools derived from
moral philosophy (Sandel, 2010, in Hakansson,
2014): 1—overconsumption by consequence (a
detrimental consequence for the person or the
environment), 2—overconsumption by a faulty
decision-making procedure (the wrong assessment of actual needs), and 3—overconsumption
by value degradation (value degradation being
the antecedent of overconsumption).
In the present paper, we have adopted the
second school of conceptualization, derived
from Ehrlich and Ehrlich’s (2004) definition of
overconsumption as “goods consumed above a
basic level needed to sustain oneself and give
“reasonable comfort.” According to this definition, and following the findings of De Witt
Huberts and colleagues (2012), impulse buying,
which is manifested by a “persistent urge to
consume without much deliberation” (Dholakia,
2000) will logically enhance overconsumption
through a faulty assessment of actual needs.
To sum up previous arguments, materialism will result in overconsumption through the
mediation of impulse buying, and this route will
again be strengthened for environmentally conscious consumers. Therefore, it leads to H4:
H4: Consumers’ environmental consciousness will moderate the indirect
effects of consumers’ materialism on
overconsumption on second-hand P2P
platforms through impulse buying, such
that these effects will be more positive
among highly environmentally conscious consumers.
These hypotheses lead to the following theoretical model.
Figure 1. The conceptual model
Consumer’s environmental consciousness
H4
H3
H2
Consumer’s
materialism
- Happiness
- Success
- Centrality
H1
Impulse Buying on
second-hand P2P
platform
Overconsumption
The next section presents the method that
was used to test this model.
METHOD
Survey procedure.
To test our conceptual framework, a survey was
administered in July 2015 to 541 French consumers recruited through a professional market research institute. This sample was representative
of the French population in terms of age (mean
age: 40 years), gender (52% women), region, and
social class. All participants were active buyers
on the P2P platform leboncoin, meaning that
they had bought at least one item on leboncoin
over the previous 12 months. Launched in 2006,
leboncoin aims at connecting buyers and sellers
in France. It is the French equivalent of subito
in Italy, custojusto in Portugal, segundamano
in Spain, avito in Morocco, tayara in Tunisia,
or mudah in Malaysia. In France, with around
22 million users, 4 million visits a month, and
more than 600 thousand classified ads posted
Materialism
Happiness
Environmental
consciousness
Materialism
Centrality
Materialism
Sucess
Price sensitivity
Overconsumption
Impulse buying
Table 1. Psychometric properties of the scales
Since I bought on leboncoin, I wonder less if I really need
to buy as much
,826
Since I bought on leboncoin, I have less regret associated
with the purchase of products that I do not actually need
,818
Since I bought on leboncoin, I wonder less often about the
real utility of the products I buy
,805
Since I bought on leboncoin, I feel less guilty buying many
products
,789
Since I bought on leboncoin, I replace my products faster
,761
Since I bought on leboncoin, I feel more comfortable
with the idea of replacing products that are still in good
condition
,718
Since I bought on leboncoin, I sometimes buy things that I
would not have bought otherwise
,711
My life would be better if I owned certain things I don’t
have
,870
I’d be happier if I could afford to buy more things
,823
I do not have all the things I really need to enjoy life
,821
I would be happier if I owned nicer things
,776
When possible, I systematically choose the product that
has the lowest impact on the environment
,923
When I have the choice between two equivalent products,
I always wonder which one pollutes less before buying
,903
I try not to buy from companies that strongly pollute
,897
When I saw this product on leboncoin, I suddenly wanted
to buy it
,897
When I saw this product on leboncoin, I immediately felt
like buying it
,872
When I saw this product on leboncoin, I could not resist
the desire to buy it
,806
I try to keep my life simple, as far as possessions are
concerned
,840
I usually buy only the things I need
,836
I do not like spending money on things that aren’t
practical
,829
I place a lot of emphasis on the number of material objects
people own as a sign of success
,822
Some of the most important achievements in life include
acquiring material possessions
,786
The things I own say a lot about how well I’m doing in life
,726
When it comes to choosing something, I rely heavily on
price
,824
I usually buy the lowest priced products that will suit my
needs
,801
I usually buy products on sale
,772
Reliability
.897
.896
.920
.838
.812
.806
.722
13
each day, leboncoin is the main P2P platform in
France and also the 6th most visited website.
Measures.
14
Respondents were first invited to report their
experience on the P2P platform (in months).
Overconsumption was assessed through objective and subjective measures. The objective
measure consisted in the consumption level
following Quick and Bates (2010) and Johnston
and Lee (2011). In the present case, it was operationalized as the number of items bought on
the P2P platform over the last 12 months. The
measure is objective and perfectly fits the objective of testing the influence of antecedent
variables (namely impulse buying and materialism), but is conceptually weak as it does not
encapsulate the notion of “consuming above a
basic level.” To compensate for this weakness,
a subjective measure was developed to assess
users’ self-perception of their tendency to overconsume on P2P platforms. Seven “ad hoc” items
were developed to address the three aspects
of the concept as identified in existing literature. The first three items were directly derived
from Erhlich and Erhlich’s (2004) definition of
“consuming above basic needs” and inspired by
Bardhi and Arnould’s (2005) interviews: “Since
I bought on leboncoin, I wonder less if I really need to buy as much,” “[…], I more often buy
things that I would not have bought otherwise.”
“[…], I wonder less often on the real utility of the
product I buy.” The next two items were derived
from Peugeot and colleagues (2015), Robert
and colleagues (2014), and Bardhi and Arnould
(2005) tapping the idea of replacing products
faster: “Since I bought on leboncoin, I replace
my products faster,” “[…], I feel more comfortable with the idea of replacing products that are
still in good condition.” The last two items comprise the potential regret that shoppers may feel
when overconsuming and were derived from
Chernev (2011) and Bardhi and Arnould (2005):
“Since I bought on leboncoin, I have less regret
associated with the purchase of products that I
do not actually need,” “[…], I feel less guilty buying many products” (see Table 1).
Impulse buying on the P2P platform was
measured using a scale adapted from Bressolles
and colleagues (2007). The three facets of materialism—happiness, success and centrality
(reverse dimension)—were measured using 10
items from Richins’ (2004) scale. Environmental
concern was measured using three items from
Parguel, Benoit-Moreau, and Russell (2015).
Price sensitivity was measured using three items
from Lichtenstein, Bloch, and Black (1988). All
the constructs were measured by seven-point
Likert scales. We conducted unidimensionality
and reliability checks for the multi-item scales
and found satisfactory reliability (see Table 1).
Results
To test H1 and H2 and the notion that consumers’ materialism and environmental consciousness exert a positive effect on impulse buying,
we conducted a linear regression with age, gender, and experience on the platform, and price
sensitivity as covariates. As predicted, results
revealed a positive effect concerning materialism’s dimensions of success (ß=.17, p < .001) and
happiness (ß=.08, p < .10) and a negative effect
for its centrality (ß=-.25, p < .001) on impulse
buying. In addition, they revealed a positive effect for consumers’ environmental consciousness on impulse buying (ß=.28, p < .001). Of note,
young consumers engage in more impulse buying than older consumers (ß=.28, p < .05). The
other covariates had no significant effect on
impulse buying (all p’s > .10). These results thus
support H1 and H2.
Turning to H3 and the predicted moderating
role of consumers’ environmental consciousness
on the relationship between consumers’ materialism and impulse buying, regressions for each
of the dimension of consumers’ materialism
were successively conducted (Process, Model
1). Results revealed significant interactions between the success (ß = .05, p < .05), happiness
(ß= .03, p = .07) and centrality (ß = -.06, p < .01) dimensions of consumers’ materialism (see Figure
2) and consumers’ environmental consciousness
on impulse buying. More specifically, given that
the success and happiness dimensions of consumers’ materialism has a positive effect on impulse buying and that the centrality dimension
of consumers’ materialism has a negative effect,
these interactions indicate that the more consumers score high in environmental consciousness, the more consumers’ materialism has a
positive effect on impulse buying. Overall, these
results support the notion that consumers’ environmental consciousness moderates the effect
of consumers’ materialism on impulse buying,
corroborating H3.
In order to test H4 and the predicted changes
in the strength of the indirect effect of consumers’ materialism on consumption behaviors on
the P2P platform through impulse buying, six
distinct analyses were first conducted to test
the mediating role of impulse buying (Process,
Model 4, with 1000 bootstraps). The three facets
Figure 2. Impulse buying as a function of
consumers” materialism and environmental
consciousness
6
Impulse buying
5
4
3
2
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Happiness dimention of materialism
6
Impulse buying
5
4
3
2
1
Success dimention of materialism
7
6
Impulse buying
5
4
3
2
1
Centrality dimention of materialism
Low environmental consicousness (-1 SD)
High environmental consicousness (+1 SD)
of consumers’ materialism were included one at
a time as the independent variable. Impulse buying was included as the mediator. The number of
products purchased over the last 12 months and
perceived overconsumption were included one
at a time as the dependent variable. For each
analysis, we used the same covariates as before,
namely age, gender, and experience on the P2P
platform, and price sensitivity.
Overall, results confirm the prediction con-
cerning the mediating role of impulse buying,
or, in other words, there is a significant indirect
effect of consumers’ materialism on overconsumption on the P2P platform through impulse
buying (Table 2). Specifically, the confidence intervals of the indirect effects of the aspects of
success (.09; .65) and happiness (.08; .52) concerning the number of products purchased on
the P2P platform excluded 0, indicate that indirect effects were significant and that impulse
buying thus mediates the effects of consumers’
materialism (Zhao, Lynch and Chen, 2010). These
effects of the success (.11; .21) and happiness
(.07; .17) dimensions of consumers’ materialism
were also found with respect to perceived overconsumption. Consistent with previous results,
a negative significant indirect effect of the centrality dimension of consumers’ materialism was
found, regardless of whether overconsumption
on the P2P platform was measured through the
number of products purchased on the P2P platform (-.72; -.04) or through perceived overconsumption (-.22; -.07).
Turning now to testing the notion that consumers’ environmental consciousness moderates the mediating effect of impulse buying, the
six analyses were conducted again, including
consumers’ environmental consciousness as a
moderator. An examination of the confidence
intervals for the six tested indirect effects of the
dimensions of consumers’ materialism on the
number of purchases and perceived overconsumption revealed that two out of six were significant at the 95% level and three were at the
90% level, with confidence intervals excluding
0. Specifically, consumers’ environmental consciousness moderated the indirect effects of the
success dimension through impulse buying on
the number of purchases (CI = .01; .18) and perceived overconsumption (CI = .01; .06). A moderating effect of environmental consciousness
was also observed for the indirect effects of
the centrality dimension (CINumber of purchases = -.24;
-.01 at 90%; CIOverconsumption = -.07; -.01 at 90%).
These results indicate that these indirect effects
are negative and stronger as consumers’ environmental consciousness increases. Finally, the
indirect effect of the happiness dimension on
the number of purchases (CI = .01; .13 at 90%)
was found to be moderated by consumers’ environmental consciousness, but surprisingly not
on perceived overconsumption (CI = -.01; .05).
Overall, these results support H4 and the notion
that consumers’ materialism exerts indirect effects on overconsumption on the P2P platform
through impulse buying, with these indirect ef-
15
Table 2. Overview of the results for the six tested models
Dependent Variables
Number of purchases
Overconsumption
Indirect effects of the dimensions of consumers” materialism
95% CI
Mediation
Success
Happiness
Centrality
Success
Happiness
Centrality
.09 ; .65
.08 ; .52
-.72 ; -.04
.11 ; .21
.07 ; .17
-.22 ; -.07
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Moderated mediation by environmental consciousness
At -1 S.D. of envir.
.17*
.15*
-.28*
.08*
.06*
-.13*
At Mean of envir.
.28*
.23*
-.42*
.13*
.10*
-.20*
At +1 S.D. of envir.
.39*
.31*
-.56*
.18*
.13*
-.26*
95% CI
.01 ; .18
-.01 ; .15
-.24 ; .00
01 ; .06
-.01 ; 05
-.07 ; .00
90% CI
.02 ; .16
.01 ; .13
-.22 ; -.01
01 ; .06
-.01 ; 04
-.07 ; -.01
No
Marg.
Moderated med.
Yes
Marg.
Marg.
Yes
Notes :
- + : p < .10 : * : p < .05 ; ** : p < .01 ; *** : p < .001
- Covariates : Gender, age, price sensitivity, and experience on the platform
- Statistics : CI : Confidence Interval ; S.D. = Standard Deviation ; Marg. = Marginally significant
fects being moderated by consumers’ environmental consciousness.
DISCUSSION
16
The present study corroborates most of the hypotheses proposed in the conceptual framework.
In the context of shopping on a second-hand P2P
platform, materialism has a positive influence on
impulse buying. More interestingly, environmentally conscious consumers exhibit more impulse
buying on second-hand P2P platforms than less
conscious consumers, as these platforms favor
self-licensing behaviors, relaxing the conflict between contradictory goals. Confirming the relevance of self-licensing theory, impulse buying is
the highest when consumers display both strong
materialism and environmental consciousness,
i.e., when they experience a high level of conflict
between these different values and a resulting
high level of dissonance. Furthermore, the three
facets of materialism (centrality, happiness, success) tend to exert an indirect effect on overconsumption (buying more items/more unnecessary items) through impulse buying; this mediation is stronger for environmentally conscious
consumers.
The contributions of the current research
are thus twofold. From a practical point of view,
as far as managers and public policy makers
are concerned with the collaborative economy, the present study provides the first empirical demonstration of the ambivalent effect
of second-hand P2P platforms with regards to
sustainable consumption behaviors. It encourages leaving aside the “naïve” vision of a virtuous consumption pattern through second-hand
P2P shopping. More precisely, second-hand P2P
platforms are a place of “vice” where goal-conflicts between materialism and environmental
consciousness are “solved” and lead to more
impulse buying behaviors, therefore leading to
overconsumption.
From a theoretical point of view, the present research adds to the body of works on the
emerging theory of self-licensing in the marketing domain. If this theory has a longer history in
psychology and moral areas, papers contributing to understanding consumers are still scarce.
They have concentrated on a few contexts including loyalty programs (Kivetz and Simonson
2002), interdependence between two buying
decisions (Mukhopadhyay & Johar, 2009; Khan
& Dhar, 2006), or buying behavior depending
on the origin of the money spent (O’Curry &
Strahilevitz, 2001). The shopping location in itself has never been studied whereas self-licensing is probably a very powerful theory to explain
the trade-offs between distribution channels.
To our knowledge, the present study is the first
to mobilize it to explain sustainable (or rather
non-sustainable) behaviors and it offers fruitful avenues for further study, since being green
leads to goal-conflicts in many situations.
The present research also provides an interesting theoretical contribution to the explanation of online impulse buying. So far, previous
works mainly involved classical professional online retailers, with optimized website environ-
ments (Demangeot & Broderick, 2010), which
claimed to improve decision making quality
(Punj, 2012), apart from a noticeable exception
regarding ebay (Denegri-Knott, 2011). Beyond
personal traits such as impulsiveness (Wells
et al., 2011), various aspects of website quality were supposed to explain impulse buying
(Bressolles et al., 2007; Parboteeah et al., 2009;
Wells et al., 2011) or factors relating to mood and
enjoyment (Wolfinbarger & Gilly, 2011). The present research shows that goal-conflicts between
contradictory values can also explain impulse
buying through self-licensing behaviors. It also
means that non-optimized platforms in terms of
design, product information, and pictures such
as P2P platforms can paradoxically induce impulse buying.
However, since it is the first study of this kind
in the emerging field of collaborative consumption, it suffers from several limitations, and calls
for more research to develop the present findings. First, the field study is limited to the case of
leboncoin (which is operated in several countries
worldwide), but has a unique design (very simple
and traditional, where the company’s role is discrete and the transactions are commissions-free)
and therefore a unique image as a basic and
small-scale marketplace that may trigger self-licensing behaviors. Furthermore, the study was
only performed in France. It would be interesting
to conduct a comparative study between leboncoin-related platforms to understand the influence of the platform’s design or the consumers’
culture on self-licensing behaviors. Furthermore,
it would be interesting to deepen knowledge
about self-licensing processes themselves. They
currently remain largely unknown. As an illustration, some authors postulate that they should be
conscious and active in memory (Mukhopadhyay
& Johar, 2009), whereas others consider them
to be unconscious mechanisms (Khan & Dhar,
2006). Finally, the present study considers all
product categories. It could be interesting to
consider the influence of product categories or
at least dichotomize the effects according to a
product’s hedonic or utilitarian nature.
As regards the general question of the environmental benefits of redistribution markets,
the present paper only focuses on how consumers change their relationship to objects and become more frugal or detached from possessions.
It shows that the channel itself, second-hand
P2P platforms, is not virtuous in itself as it does
not moderate materialism. On the contrary,
even environmentally conscious consumers are
inclined to buy more or with less scrutiny, giving
free rein to their materialism. However, this paper does not address another environmental impact of second-hand P2P platforms, namely the
modalities of the exchange of products between
peers (e.g., means of transportation, distance
covered as an extra trip or on the way to another
place) and its incidence in terms of carbon emissions compared to traditional shopping, where a
new product would have been bought. Further
studies should address this central question.
The present research has important societal
implications which could draw the attention of
policy makers, public authorities, and ecological
associations at large. It shows that second-hand
P2P platforms are not a panacea for sustainability and that, contrary to the EPA slogan, “re-use”
is not necessarily virtuous. It goes against the
general beliefs held by the ambassadors of collaborative consumption (e.g., Botsman & Rogers,
2010) and followed by many public authorities.
The first implication is probably that they need
to moderate this belief and publicly defend a
more nuanced approach to the phenomenon.
They should lead or encourage specific applied
research to better understand the environmental externalities of each initiative, and then
share the results to provide their audiences with
a more discerning view of the limits of sustainability. More precisely, this could lead concretely
to education programs dedicated to consumers
or students. This also means that public authorities should arbitrate in favor of other collaborative economy initiatives such as P2P platforms
that offer to repair, give away, or lend objects,
since it would probably avoid the negative effects identified in the present paper. But again,
more knowledge is probably needed.
For consumers honestly motivated by environmentally friendly behaviors, being aware of
the risk of overconsumption on second-hand
P2P platforms is probably a first step. We can
also imagine developing nudges to help consumers voluntarily maintain control over their consumption behaviors. For example, consumers
could download a widget or application to be
plugged into second-hand P2P platforms with a
thermometer or counter indicating the number
of products bought per category in the last six
months or the presence of a small animated “environmental angel,” asking in a bubble, “Do you
really need this new item?” It is time for the utopian view concerning collaborative consumption
to enter a second phase of relative maturity. ✸
17
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19
Pico
Les PIonniers
du COllaboratif
IDDRI
UNIVERSITÉ PARIS SUD
ESCP EUROPE
UNIVERSITÉ PARIS-DAUPHINE
OUISHARE
CNIID – ZERO WASTE FRANCE