Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers of Some Montreal
Transcription
Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers of Some Montreal
Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers1 of Some Montreal Newspapers2 Sylvie Dion The topic of this article is the representation of the Other in journalistic discourse, particularly the way foreigners are represented in the fait divers of some Montreal newspapers. These representations comprise a discourse based on perceptions of the relation between ethnicity and criminality. Most of the examples in this article refer to the Chinese community and in a wider sense to the Vietnamese, Japanese, Korean and other Asian communities which we have grouped together under the label “Asian” (presuming that generally Quebecers do not, at first glance, make a distinction between these communities). In the course of our research it became evident that the most frequently recurring topics in relation to the Asian community were those implying food intoxication, contamination and poisoning. The official discourse on the Other in Québec has traditionally been positive (the week of interculturalism, the antiracism movement, ________________ fait divers = human interest story. Translated by Mirja Huovelin. This study has been financed by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada 1990-1993 and has been carried out at Université Laval de Québec within the project “Relational stakes in the discourse on the Other; discursive expression of relations between the French Quebekers and the Vietnamese” (“L’enjeu relationnel des discours sur l’autre; l’expression discursive des relations entre Québécois francophone et Vietnamiens”). The main researcher is Lucille Guilbert and the co-researcher Sylvie Dion. This study on the fait divers and its uses is also part of a postdoctoral study carried out jointly at CELAT and at l’Université du Québec à Rimouski. We would also like to thank Alain Bélanger, language and linguistics teacher at Fundação Universidade do Rio Grande, who collaborated in the study and in the writing of this article.The examples used in this article are part of a corpus of 3,500 fait divers collected over a period of one year (from August 1990 to July 1991 inclusively) from two francophone daily newspapers published in Montreal: La Presse and Journal de Montréal. 1 2 Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers of Some Montreal Newspapers 197 the publicity campaign on the positive effects cultural communities have on the development of a country, etc.). It aims at emphasizing the humanitarian need to have good relations with foreigners. However, the official discourse seems to be countered to a great degree by another type of discourse which brings to light, beyond politics, the feelings that the Other has always provoked in One. This Other has many faces. Here we shall concentrate on the immigrant, in other words on the individual who, at odds with his national roots, tries to become integrated into the majority culture. This attempt on the part of the immigrant gives rise to tension between One and the Other. In this article, we would like to highlight the apparent contradiction between the official discourse on foreigners on the one hand, and the negative, even brutal and murderous reactions of citizens towards these foreigners on the other hand. While systematic publicity campaigns are organized in order to give a positive face to the arrival of immigrants, the streets are bursting with prejudice and increasingly close-minded attitudes resulting in mass movements against foreigners. How to explain the inefficiency of the official political discourse on the representation that we as citizens have of the Other? We advance the following argument: of the many discourses on the Other, the most efficient ones are those based on a narrative structure, in other words, those presented in the form of a story. We shall illustrate this argument by studying a particularly ideologically productive discursive genre: the fait divers.3 Our analysis extends, however, just as well to tales, legends and rumors. Rumors and urban legends, discursive practices of our time, mirrors of our collective fears, creep into our everyday conversations all the time. The contemporary legend, “as a folkloric genre of collective communication, does not only mean oral transfer: the media, the written word, images and electronic messages also convey it.”4 In this sense, the fait divers is often only the written version of a legend. Michel Maffesoli ________________ For more information on the fait divers, see: Sylvie Dion (Ed.) “Autopsie du fait divers,” Tangence 37, September 1992: 188. Three articles deal with the fait divers and its uses and the title “readings of a fait divers” (“lectures d’un fait divers”) groups together five articles which analyze and comment a story of a family massacre. 4 Campion-Vincent, V, J.-B. Renard, Légendes urbaines, rumeurs d’aujourdhui, Paris, Payot, p. 8-10. “Genre folklorique de communication collective” la légende contemporaine “n’est pas uniquement de transmission orale: les médias, l’écrit, l’image, les messages électroniques la relayent également.” 3 198 Sylvie Dion speaks of the fait divers as “one of the many forms of social aggregation, one good reason for people to meet, to do something together … the fait divers, having been an event and then an image, becomes the commentary of a small group, an occasion for common discussion.”5 The written account of an event is never fixed and final. Every discourse is part of a re-enactment cycle whose actors and forms of expression are numerous. In fact, the printed version of a fait divers is never more than just one temporary stage of a discourse which is re-enacted in what could be called its re-enactment cycle. An event, transformed into a story, undergoes several re-enactments (legends, rumors, anecdotes, etc.). It is henceforth accessible to us in the form of the story into which it has been built and each of its re-enactments constitutes a different version of the story. The Other in the fait divers of Quebec The fait divers is the prototype of discourse on violence, exclusion and marginalization, and the immigrant is one of its favoured characters. It draws a profile of a law-breaking Other, a transgressor that is often personified by the immigrant, the neo-citizen (not to say the non-citizen). The relation between the transgression described and the ethnic origin of the transgressor contributes to the moulding of the image we build of immigrants and of their country of origin. The versions of a fait divers that we find in daily newspapers must be distinguished from the much longer and more detailed versions that we find in specialized papers. In this article we only deal with fait divers found in daily newspapers in urban Montreal. Some of them figure on the very first pages of the paper (usually local crimes) while others can be found in the mid-sections and some even in the sports pages (usually foreign fait divers). Local fait divers are those which concern directly a given community (the transgressor lives in the community and the event takes place in the immediate environment of the reader). Therefore, several pieces of information can be correctly interpreted only by the people to whom the story is addressed, only by the “initiated” (people who share ________________ Maffesoli, Michel, “Une forme d’agrégation tribale,” Autrement, no 98: 90: “l’une des multiples formes d’agrégation sociale, un des fils qui permettent aux personnes de se rencontrer, de communier. … le fait divers après avoir été événement puis image, il devient commentaire d’un petit groupe, occasion de parole commune.” 5 Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers of Some Montreal Newspapers 199 information on familiar places, common practices, etc.). The literal sense of the story remains, of course, intelligible also to those outside the community in question. In any case, the local fait divers carries also, and in particular, pieces of information of pragmatic nature which cannot be understood by a person who is not directly concerned by that fait divers. A story makes implicit and explicit use of the cultural knowledge of the reader. Stories relating events taking place abroad concern a community insofar as they confirm our prejudices of the Other and intrigue us by their exoticism or strangeness. Local or international, these stories play a part in shaping the image that a community makes of other communities. Thus, certain crimes are associated with certain ethnic groups, and each community becomes associated with criminal characteristics which will feed discourse based on perceptions and racial prejudices. Here are some examples from our corpus, illustrating some of the most common prejudices concerning the immigrants in Quebec: The Italians are associated with the mafia and organized crime: “Microphones in the graves of the mafia” (“Des micros dans les tombes de la mafia”6) “To the Lachine Canal to get rid of his wife” (“Dans le canal Lachine pour en finir avec sa femme”7) The Arabs are associated with barbarian and cruel manners, religious fanaticism: “Thieves got their fingers cut off” (“Voleurs aux doigts coupés”8) “Stoned to death for having raped two little girls” (“Lapidé à mort pour avoir violé deux fillettes”9) Blacks are associated with violence, incidents in the Montreal metro, street fights and gang attacks: ________________ Journal de Montréal, 16th December 1990: 2. Journal de Montréal, 11th June 1991: 3. 8 Journal de Montréal, September 1990: 25. 9 Journal de Montréal, 15th May 1991: 61. 6 7 Sylvie Dion 200 “Incidents in the metro” (“Incidents dans le métro”10) “Brawl in a bar on Papineau Street, two blacks arrested” (“Rixe dans un bar de la rue Papineau, deux noirs arrêtés”11) The Latino-Americans are associated with drugs and poor treatment of children: “Cocaine in the buttons of his trousers” (“La coke dans les boutons de culotte.…”12) “Cocaine in a push chair” (“La coke dans une poussette”13) “Would exchange baby for a tape recorder” (“Échangerait bébé contre magnétophone”14) “They sold their children at an auction” (“Ils vendaient leurs enfants aux enchères”15) Finally, the Asians, many of whom own or work in restaurants or grocery stores, are most often associated with unclean conditions of the establishments and cases of food-poisoning: “On the menu: mice excrement and cockroaches” (“Au menu, excréments de souris et coquerelles”16) “Cockroaches replaced by mice at Mon Nam” (“Des souris délogeuses de coquerelles au Mon Nam” 17) They are also attributed sick humor and perverse sexuality, as illustrated by the following examples: “Baby left on a doorstep at Christmas, a father’s cruel joke” (“Bébé abandonné devant une porte à Noël, une farce cruelle du père”18) ________________ Journal de Montréal, 15th April 1991. Journal de Montréal, 15th October 1990: 3. 12 Journal de Montréal, 27th April 1991: 41. 13 Journal de Montréal, 17th May 1991: 21. 14 Journal de Montréal, 23th December 1990: 15. 15 Journal de Montréal, 4th January 1991: 12. 16 La Presse, 27th October 1990. 17 La Presse, 9th February 1991. 18 Journal de Montréal, 28th December 1990: 11. 10 11 Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers of Some Montreal Newspapers 201 “Ruined because of sex!” (“Ruiné à cause du sexe!”19) “His penis cut off and thrown down the toilet” (“Son pénis coupé et jeté aux toilettes!”20) The Asian in the fait divers Every week, in the Saturday edition of several daily papers in Quebec, notably that of La Presse and Journal de Montréal, a fait divers column is dedicated to the condemnation and the fines given to merchants and restaurant owners who have been found guilty of unclean establishments by the inspectors of the city’s environment section. Among the most obtrusive headings: “Cockroaches and rodent excrement everywhere!” (“Des coquerelles et des excréments de rongeurs partout!”21) “Cockroaches were dancing on the table” (“Les Blattes dansaient sur la table …”22) “Excrement in the window!” (“Des excréments dans la vitrine!”23) These fait divers report all sorts of offences related to food and public hygiene. The great majority of restaurants found in these stories are Asian (Chinese, Vietnamese). To these we can add the occasional international fait divers, also dealing with restaurants or eating habits, such as the one which appeared in the Journal de Montréal on March 24th, 1991: “Sandwiches stuffed with human meat.”24 It is the story of a Pekinese restaurant owner who, over a period of several years, served special sandwiches that made his establishment famous. The stuffing of the sandwiches was made of human flesh, supplied by the restaurant owner’s brother who worked in a crematory! This happened in Peking but ________________ Journal de Montréal, 15th December 1991: 14. Journal de Montréal, 12th March 1991: 7. 21 La Presse, 4th May 1991. 22 Journal de Montréal, 4th May 1991. 23 Journal de Montréal, 11th May 1991. 24 Journal de Montréal 24th, 1991, “Pains farcis à la chair humaine.” 19 20 202 Sylvie Dion it could just as well have happened in Montreal’s Chinatown. The selling of human flesh and involuntary cannibalism is a subject often associated with Asians and with exotic food. The Asian restaurants attract us by the exoticism of their cuisine, very distinctive from the traditional culinary practices of Quebec. In the minds of Quebecers, China has for long represented the antipode, another world, the land of the missionaries, 25 the Chinese children of Sainte Enfance (a charitable organization) that could be “adopted” for just a couple of cents. Eating at an Asian restaurant means breaking away from the ordinary routine. But this adventure is not risk-free: a number of legends and fait divers as well as a great many rumors are there to remind us of the potential dangers. In fact, notwithstanding the appetizing presentation, the consumer does not always recognize what is on his or her plate. There is doubt as to the origin of certain meats: cat meat or chicken meat—who can tell after they have been rendered unrecognizable by the chefs? What goes on in the kitchen while we are tasting the wine and waiting for our meal? It seems that certain spices they use to season (or to conceal) the food cause serious allergies …26 An episode of the famous American cartoon, The Simpsons,27 warns us of the risk that is sometimes involved in Asian exoticism. Under pressure from his wife Marge and their three children Bart, Lisa and Maggie, Homer Simpson agrees to take his family to a Japanese restaurant. Sceptical and consulting the menu with disgust, he says: “What could I possibly choose, everything seems so bad!” Then he tastes the food, lets himself be seduced by its appearance and the aromas, and ends up pigging out on the food. At the end of the meal the waiter tells him that he has very probably eaten the poisoned part of the fish that he had just finished eating. Homer spends the rest of the evening at the emergency ward of the hospital. In the same episode, the depraved sexual manners of the Asians are also evoked. It is because of these manners that Homer got poisoned in the first place. Indeed, during the meal the Simpson family were having, ________________ Several idiomatic expressions in Quebec French show this: “creuser jusqu’en Chine” (“to dig till China”) which means “to dig a very deep hole;” “se croire en Chine” (“as if one was in China”), used when one wants to express a feeling of being disoriented; “se rendre en Chine” (“to go to China”), in other words “to go very far,” etc. 26 Roberge, Martine, La Rumeur, Cahier du CELAT, Quebec, 1989. 27 The Simpsons, Jay Kogen and Wallace Wolodarsky, producers, George Meyer, coproducer. 25 Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers of Some Montreal Newspapers 203 the chef left the restaurant in order to make love to a woman who was waiting for him at the back of the restaurant in her car. The chef left the kitchen at the hands of his young, inexperienced assistant whose job it became to cut up the fish ordered by Homer. In the fait divers which deal with the Asian restaurants of Montreal, it is not so much a question of exotic food but rather of unclean establishments. Without a doubt a touchy subject for Quebecers, unclean conditions are a visible sign of a disturbing reality, marring the reputation of the establishments and their employees. At the heart of everyday worries and the most common of practices, cleanliness is often the first criterion (and the only one if it is negative) in the evaluation of an establishment or a person. The clean represents that which is acceptable, under control, normal. Conversely, the dirty (or the unclean) represents that which is unacceptable, excessive, abnormal. In this sense, it would be interesting to study the anecdotes people tell about the trips they have taken since they usually include information about the cultural practices related to hygiene. Once back at home, the traveller tells about the cleanliness of restaurants, hotels and public toilets, comments in positive or negative terms about the cleanliness, or the apparent cleanliness, of the people. Incidentally, in traditional rural Quebec, the issue of cleanliness entered the collective popular imaginary, identifying the beggar or the vagabond as foreign, dirty and badly-dressed. There are many legends that tell about the damaging things done by these people, also called “guénilloux” (“wearing rags”) and “jeteux de sorts” (“witches”). The dirtiness of these social misfits was often enough to justify their rejection. In this vein, a Quebec version of a type 750A story the ridiculous wishes entitled “The two foresters turned farmers”28 recounts the different destinies of two lumberjacks who had received three wishes each from a magic source. The first lumberjack, married to a tidy woman, makes judicious wishes and becomes rich and prosperous. The second one, married to an untidy woman, makes eccentric wishes and remains poor and unhappy all his life. This rural discourse on cleanliness is still very much alive and has been productively reformulated in the urban setting and displaced from the Quebec poor vagabond to the foreign immigrant, particulalry the Asian. The fait divers on Asian restaurants are in fact stories of a ________________ 28 Lemieux, Les vieux m’ont conté, vol 8, story no 8, “Les deux forestiers devenus fermiers.” Sylvie Dion 204 successful hunt in which Montreal city inspectors discover and expose transgressors and poisoners. The discovery of unclean conditions is the main goal of such a hunt. Every transgression is described in a detailed fashion. The unclean conditions take several different forms. First these stories examine the physical space, in particular the areas where the food is prepared or stored and where it is exposed to insects and vermin: “In fact, that day, the inspectors noticed that the flooring behind the service counter was torn and covered by a black, greasy and sticky layer.”29 “Excrements of mice here and there, dead cockroaches, dust and grease, this is what two MUC inspectors found during their visit to the Parc de Chine Ltée restaurant, situated at … in Montreal.”30 Words such as grease; greasy; mould; fly, mice, vermin excrement; blackened, charred, sticky, gluey kitchen utensils; yellowish, blackened, stained walls, walls soiled with black stains or with dried food left-overs constitute the semantic field of unclean conditions and of disgust. The presence of mice or of traces of mice or cockroaches, dead or living cockroaches are not merely proof of the insalubrity and the strangeness of the place but also evoke the image of a place of witchcraft. From time to time, we can add to this vermin hunt the discovery of non-labelled food items of unidentified origins and of food items kept at inappropriate temperatures. At the Kuy Lim grocery store, … “food not conforming to regulations,” in other words food items “of unidentified origins,” were sold …. Since there were no labels on them and the owner was not able to produce any receipts, the inspectors immediately destroyed the food before it got away.”31 ________________ “Un restaurant chinois sale, graisseux et très croûté!” (“A dirty, greasy and very grubby Chinese restaurant”) Journal de Montréal, 29th September 1990: 4. “En fait, ce jour-là, les inspecteurs ont remarqué que le revêtement du plancher, à l’arrière du comptoir de service, était déchiré et couvert d’une croûte noire, graisseuse et collante.” 30 “Restaurant chinois condamné pour malpropreté” (“A Chinese restaurant closed due to uncleanliness”) Journal de Montréal, 27th October 1990. 31 “Ça ne sent pas bon derrière le Burger King …” (“It doesn’t smell good behind Burger King …”) La Presse, 6th July 1991. “à l’épicerie Kuy Lim, … on vendait des ‘aliments non conformes à la loi,’ c’est-à-dire ‘de provenance inconnue’ …. Les inspecteurs ont immédiatement détruit ces aliments avant qu’ils ne prennent la fuite, car ils ne possédaient aucune inscription, et le propriétaire n’a pu fournir aucune facture.” 29 Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers of Some Montreal Newspapers 205 Thus, these articles denounce at the same time the potentially dangerous exotic food (in the example above, the food seems to have the ability of running away on its own …) and those who prepare, handle, transform and eventually sell this poisonous food “of unidentified origins.” The immigrant, the refugee, is he not often considered to be “not conforming to regulations” and “of unidentified origins?” The dirtiness, the grease and the filth only hide the real nature of things. The dirtiness of the establishments becomes by association the dirtiness of the owners of the establishments and the owners are foreigners. These restaurant owners, at whom we point our finger, are not really part of the group, they are not considered to be full-fledged citizens (or they are no longer considered as such because of the transgression they have committed), we do not know their background, we have doubts about their identity (who are they exactly, where do they come from, why have they left their country?); and finally, the fact that they are dirty and want to poison us, justifies ultimately our rejection of them. The Asian restaurant, depicted as above, gives concrete expression to the fear and to the potential threat the Other represents for us. This fear often manifests itself as disgust. Food judged unfit for consumption becomes poisoned food and the person who produced it becomes a poisoner. The diffusion of these fait divers in conversations reinforces the prejudice towards immigrants’ behavior, judged strange or abnormal. People feed their conversations on these fait divers, which will be remembered in connection to other similar stories echoing prejudice, as these made-up phrases demonstrate: Chinese restaurants apparently serve cats (rats) to their clients. Asian restaurant owners are apparently really dirty, especially in Montreal, there are apparently bugs and vermin everywhere. The Chinese apparently eat dogs and rats. In short, the Chinese and the Vietnamese poison the Quebecois.32 As a conformist discursive practice, as a vehicle of generally accepted ideas, as a story of transgression featuring ordinary people in real-life situations, the fait divers, by its thematic recurrence and its popularity among the people, has an impact on cultural presuppositions and prejudice, and consequently, on intercultural relations. ________________ 32 Roberge, Martine, La Rumeur, Cahier du CELAT, Quebec, 1989. 206 Sylvie Dion Whenever different cultures meet, we are faced with a complex situation which raises problems for both the immigrant and the host society. Even before two people of different cultures start talking to each other, they already have a preconceived image of the other person. When a person is placed in a situation in which he/she has to interact with people from other cultures, he/she does this by the rules of his/her own culture and by the perception he/she has of this other culture. There is a risk of being misunderstood unless the persons involved acquire a certain knowledge of each other’s cultures. The fait divers expresses a xenophobic fear of being contaminated by the Other, the threat represented by the Other becomes real and the transgression related justifies the exclusion of the Other because this Other is dirty, a poisoner, a rapist, a person guilty of fraud, a thief, a murderer. Accompanied by a rumor or a legend, the fait divers relates, re-enacts and feeds prejudices and generally accepted ideas. Whether in its oral or written form, this popular genre feeds our ignorance of the immigrant, ignorance which in turn moulds the fait divers. Their unremitting circulation in our daily lives transforms these stories into particularly powerful tools of discrimination. Poison: Asians in the Fait Divers of Some Montreal Newspapers 207 Works Cited Auclair, Georges. Le mana quotidien: structures et fonctions de la chronique des faits divers. Paris: Anthropos, (Coll. sociologie et connaissance), 1970. Barthes, Roland. “La structure du fait divers,” in Essais critiques. Paris: Seuil, 1966. Baillon, Jean-Claude ed. “Faits-divers annales des passions excessives,” Autrement, Paris: No 98, April 1988. Campion-Vincent, Véronique and Jean-Bruno Renard eds. Rumeurs et légendes contemporaines, communications 52, Paris: Seuil, 1990. Campion-Vincent, Véronique and Jean-Bruno Renard. Légendes urbaines, Rumeurs d’aujourd’hui. Paris: Payot, 1992. Dion, Sylvie. “Le fait divers comme genre narratif.” Imprévue, théorie(s) du texte et du genre. Etudes sociocritiques. Montpellier, 1988, N o 2: 45-55. Dion Sylvie ed. “Autopsie du fait divers.” Tangence. Rimouski, N o 37, 1992. —. “La rupture de la quotidienneté.” Autopsie du fait divers. Tangence, Rimouski, N o 37, 1992. Du Berger, Jean. Pratiques culturelles traditionnelles. Quebec: Rapports et mémoires de recherche du CELAT, No 13, January 1989. Kristeva, Julia. Étrangers à nous-mêmes. Paris: Gallimard, 1988. Musée National des Arts et Traditions populaires (France), Le fait divers [exhibition / edited by Alain Monestier and Jacques Cheyronnaud]. Paris: éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1982. (exhibition held in Paris, at the Musée des arts et traditions populaires, from 19th November 1982 to 18th April 1983, exhibition catalogue.) Roberge, Martine. La rumeur. Cahier du CELAT, Quebec: 1989. Todorov, Tzvetan. Nous et les autres. Paris: Seuil, 1989.