vie oblate life

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Autrefois/Formerly: ÉTUDES OBLATES
DÉCEMBRE / DECEMBER 1975
The Yakima War: The Oblates falsely accused (II)
Souvenirs de Mgr Grandin sur Mgr de Mazenod
Généalogie épiscopale de Mgr de Mazenod
Albert Lacombe, O.M.I.
Émile Petitot, O.M.I.
Ottawa
The Yakima War
An Episode in the History of the Oregon Missions
Refutation of a False Accusation
(continued*)
Some seem to think that the plunder and burning of the
chapel house was something absolutely normal. William Charles
Palmer, in his Journal on date of November 14, writes this single
line: "Fair but cold. Lay in camp. Went to the mission and burned
it. Got turnips and cabbages63".
The Volunteers had, as it were, done their best to destroy as
much as possible, even the dwelling of the innocent missionaries.
We shall see later what importance must be given to the so-called
caches of powder and ammunition.
12. Fr. Chirouse's fate; an evaluation of Fr. Pandosy s behavior.
On November 16, Father Chirouse wrote to Father Ricard. He
had been trying to keep the Cayuses out of the war, but since
many of them were in favor of it, he had decided to leave with the
baptized Indians and spend the winter among the Nez Percés,
where he would wait until spring. If peace was not made by then,
he would go to the Jesuits and await Ricard's orders. He then
added the following, which shows that the situation among the
Cayuses was no better than among the Yakimas:
[...] The bad Indians call us the children of the Americans, the slaves
of the soldiers, and they try to exterminate us. Please pray for us.
If you can, make our position known to the Government and its
officers, so that they may have a true idea of our situation and will not be
prejudiced when they come into the country.
I write while fleeing like a fugitive.
I hope to see you again, if not on earth, at least in heaven. I was
unable to have news from our poor Fathers among the Yakimas — what
has become of them, I do not know: please God they are in good health!
The Indians tell us that war is raging in the Yakima country and that these
Indians are now starting to run away.
I have not been sleeping for the last fifteen days. I cannot
sleep
much tonight.64
Father Mesplié who is sometimes inclined to be a little timid
sent a long letter to Father Ricard and questioned Father Pandosy's
conduct:
[...] Major Rains found a letter written and signed by Father
Pandosy. This letter, dated October 665, was written in English on behalf
of Kamaykan, first Chief of the Yakimas. Since I have not seen the letter,
I can only give you its substance. The letter brought to the attention of the
commanding officer the reasons for the excitement among the Indians and
for Mr Bolon's death, as well as many other things I know but imperfectly;
but your Reverence will be acquainted with them, since I think the papers
will soon release its contents.
By the end of the letter Rev. Father Pandosy said a few words in
French and in his own name. He warned the troops that he had hidden
some precious objects in certain places in the earth and some other words,
but the contents is hidden in mystery. People blame Father Pandosy for
this and will blame him for it a long time, unless he could justify his
mysterious conduct publicly, that is by newspapers. In our times and in
the country we live in, this mystery completely compromises not only his
own person, but also all the missions and missionaries of Oregon.
There are many things in Father Pandosy's conduct which ill-disposed
persons interpret in a very bad sense and can have dangerous
consequences; they can make you aware how the Rev. Father had spoken
or written to Governor Mason in a contradictory way. This, without going
any further, must be elucidated. Your Reverence who, is on the spot, near
Governor Mason, should ask on what subject Father Pandosy told
contradictory stories and, if possible, publish a justification in the papers.
In second place, it would be good for the public to know how it
happened that on the arrival of the troops at the Attanam station, fire was
still burning in the house, the clock running and all the rest of the
housekeeping in good order as if the masters had just left the house.
Fresh footprints seemed to indicate the exact time the priests had left.
How is it, also, that Rev. Father who does not speak English at all and
writes it even less, left a letter written by his own hand in English and in
pure English? How is it also that in his post scriptum in French he did not
state the reason for his departure, say where he was going and how he
was treated by the Indians, instead of a few insignificant words? Having
surrounded his departure in mystery, the public being in general illdisposed toward him, supposes that he is among the fugitive Indians
advising them. Thus, the Volunteers seeing his conduct shrouded in
secrecy, cursed him and have sworn that if they could rejoin him they
would hang him in spite of all divine and human law and, in this kind of
rage, have set fire to the house. It is said that the officers of the regular
army had already put the goods, life supplies, etc., in a safe place as well
as the religious objects of the chapel which are to be given to me at the
Dalles. Blessed be God! If the priests have escaped through Olympia; but
let Father Pandosy clear himself without delay of all the alledged faults
of which he is accused and this for his own honour and the good of all
missionaries and missions of Oregon.
It is said that guns, a barrel of powder and two barrels of shots
belonging to the Fathers were found in the ground and on the table or in
their house an account book showing a receipt for 35 rifles bought for
sale to the Indians and on the daily account a considerable sale of
ammunition to the Indians in return for payment since the beginning of
the mission. This account book will probably be shown shortly in the
newspapers. If this is true, we poor missionaries will be very contemptive
persons and all considered as the lowest kind of men. Moreover our lives
are in great danger. To my mind, Father Pandosy has always been a priest
filled with the spirit of God and full of zeal for the salvation of souls; but
let it be said among us, the Rev. Father often lacked prudence in his
relations with the Indians or with the Whites. Fortunately his intercourse
with the Whites was rare because otherwise his character would be even
more blackened here. I do not pretend to attack his moral conduct. God
forbid, but only his political and civil behavior, which, by what I could
hear and understand has always been that of a man who is too
unpolished..66
It is very easy to see that Father Mesplié is too prone to
believe all the hearsay and that much of his so-called information
is groundless.
13. Fr. Ricard asks the Governor for a public statement.
Mesplié's letter to Ricard certainly prompted the latter to write
another one to "Secretary and Governor" Mason, on December 1:
1...] Mr Governor, I shall not hold you responsible for what has just
happened at the Yakima mission, but it is nonetheless to be regretted that
you have not expressed an opinion which, while instructing the public,
would have dispelled the prejudices and probably prevented the ills that
you deplore as much as I do. Very fortunately the priests were not in their
house, otherwise besides pillage, sacrilege, fire, to all appearances
massacre would have been added, and no doubt that following the
massacre of the priests a bloody combat would have taken place between
the regular troops and the others responsible for an unspeakable
behaviour in the opinion of every civilized nation.
Mr Governor, the time for silence has now passed. The newspapers of
Oregon have already published the facts, and these papers, through
suspicion, prejudice or for any other motive, now leave the most odious
suspicion hang over the priests, one that is most contrary to truth as you
know better than anyone else. It is therefore time for truth to come out
into the open and for your authority to intervene. You cannot now say
that you do not share my fears and fail to act. I do not ask that the
offenders be brought to trial and punished according to the laws of the
United States, but I do ask that, for the honor of the priest, for your honor
and that of the Government, you make the truth known and condemn
what was done at the Yakima mission. As for the damages, the
Government will make it its duty to compensate fully. I hope, Mr
Governor, that this time, you will hasten to give me the satisfaction I
earnestly requested in my letter of October 12. In order that you may
understand why I show so much anxiety and sollicitude, I declare
officially that the priests who are among the Yakimas and the Cayuses
are under my dit ection and that I consider them as my children.67
for Governor Mason, he finally decided to answer Father
Ricard on December 4:
As
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of
December 1st and also of those of October 12th and 15th.
My frequent absences from the seat of Government, and the multiplicity of labour that has developed upon me recently, will I trust be a
sufficient apology for not having replied to the letter.
It is not the business, or the province of the Executive of this
Territory, to publish through newspapers, statements in reference to any
class or sect. As far as my duty [sic], and within my power, your letter
admits, that I did by word of mouth, state that I had received information
from the priests as to the difficulties brewing in the Yakima Country. I
have no hesitation in stating that Father Pandosy gave information to me
attributing, at the time, all the outrages committed up to the period of his
presence here in October last, to Awhi and his particular band.
I will further state, that all the American citizens who have traversed
that country, and have ever stopped at the Atahnem mission, have from
all that I can learn always been treated hospitably and kindly
As to the circumstances of the burning of the mission, I can only say,
that I have received no official information and you are as much in the
possession of the facts as I am at present. — As soon as any official
communication touching this or any other subject alluded to in your
letter, shall be received at this office, it will afford me pleasure further to
communicate with you.
Whatever popular prejudice may exist against your order, your long
experience of the world has certainly made you aware, that this is a
matter liable to any and all persons occupying prominent positions, and is
entirely to be disregarded whenever without foundation.88
The message is polite, but the Governor declines to defend the
missionaries publicly and even to express his reprobation of the
crimes committed.
14. The Mission account book is no evidence.
In the meantime, the famous account book from which all
sorts of interpretations have been drawn was sent to Vicar General
Brouillet for examination and the priest gave his opinion to Major
General John E. Wool, Commander of the Pacific Division, on
December 5. He wrote:
I beg leave respectfully to call your attention upon the following
extracts taken from the Account book found at the Yakima Mission, which
you so kindly granted me the privilege to peruse. Those extracts
constitute all the articles mentioned in that book in the shape of ammunition or arms of any kind, and they are presented in the same order as
found in the book. I rejoice, Sir, that this book has become the property
of the public, as it will, I hope, convince you and any other unprejudiced
persons that the priests in the Indian count ry have nothing in view but the
real welfare of the Indians; that they are there for the Indians alone and
not for themselves; and that whilst there they can be as good citizens as
there is any in any part of this country.
This account book extends from 1852 to the 22nd of October 1854, a
period of nearly three years, and it shows that during that period, the
following amount of ammunition and arms has been purchased by the
Mission and a part of it distributed to the Indians in the following order
.69
The priest shows in the most minute details the amount of
ammunition and guns purchased or traded for supplies furnished
by the Indians; the enumeration covers seven long pages. He then
draws the conclusion:
Sir, if we sum up the above extracts, we find that during the period of
three years, 95 pounds of powder only have been purchased by the
Mission, viz: 10 pounds at one time and 10 pounds at another time during
the first year; and 75 pounds in the second year, besides 1 double
barrelled gun, 5 rifles, and 4 bags of shot.
We find also that all the ammunition and arms of any kind distributed
to the Indians during that time are reduced to the following:
Powder: 31/2 pounds in boxes, and 1668 musket loads averaging at
least 50 to the pound, giving a total amount of 361/2 pounds.
Shot: 718 loads besides 21 pounds.
Caps: 1165
Balls: 442
Arms: 3 rifles, 3 pistols, 1 sword and 1 bowie-knife
Which gives 12 pounds of powder, 239 loads of shot, 338 caps, 147
balls, 1 rifle & 1 pistol for each year.
Is there matter to wonder, Sir, at that amount of ammunition distributed among the Indians during the space of three years, when it is well
known that the priests depend upon it for a part of their living, travelling
expenses, payment of daily services from the Indians and the occasional
presents which they owe to the chiefs, according to the common custom
of the whites who live among them?7U
Had this letter of the Vicar General been published, it would
have surely dispelled many doubts, shown the falsehood of the accusations and brought quiet to good abbé Mesplié. It is hard to
understand that so much fuss had been made of the alleged caches
of arms and of the famous account book. Why would Father
Pandosy note in his post scriptum written in French, on October 7,
that there were various caches in the garden, if he felt guilty? The
simple truth is that he wanted the troops to find these objects. If
the missionaries had armed the Indians, why take the precaution
of burying the powder in the potatoe field instead of distributing it
to the Indians before leaving the mission. They simply wanted to
prevent the hostile Indians using it against the whites.
Father Bischoff writes:
Fair-minded scholars have come to agree with Sheridan and not with
Nesmith, regarding the potatoe patch powder keg. However, the unseen
evidence of the vanished account book has been another matter. Nesmith
claimed that this book left "it a matter of uncertainty whether the Gospel
or gunpowder was [Pandosy's] principle [sic] stock in trade." This charge
has stood through the years for lack of contradictory evidence, or for lack
of the evidence on which it was originally based — the account book.
Re-discovered documents now make possible an analysis of this major
alibi for burning the Mission.71
Among the re-discovered documents is the above quoted
letter of Brouillet. The account book was brought by Rains at the
time of the destruction of the mission. Moreover, the list of
objects left at the mission of which an inventory was made by the
missionaries on November 6, before the arrival of the troops,
shows clearly that the account book was not forgotten by the
missionaries who left in a hurry72. So that this sentence of
Nesmith to Curry, on November 19, 1855, to the effect that "A
quiet examination of the book brings to light no indisputable fact
that he [Pandosy] has furnished the Indians with large quantities
of ammunition" lacks proof. Fortunately, General Wool will be
more intelligent or more honest and admit that the quantity of
ammunition was of no importance.
However, there may be a palliating circumstance in the interpretation of the entries in the account book: the ignorance of the
French language. Father Durieu explains it to his brother on
October 10, 1856, when he describes the sacking of the mission
house and the finding of the incriminating book. He writes, after
stating that the Indians loved the missionaries whom they considered as some of their own people:
I had to dread the Americans more than the Indians. This has been
seen by the facts. They came with an army of one thousand against the
Indians. The Indians let them come, but fled, so that the troops met no
Indians. Furious at not finding what they were looking for, they came to
our house we had left less than 24 hours before. Lo! If we had been there,
more than one hundred gunshots would have been shot at us; but the bird
was gone. Not finding us, they satisfied their rage on the house and its
effects; they burned everything: house, windows, furniture, floors, & &,
killed the animals, tore the linen into pieces and hung it to the trees: wore
the sacred vestments all around the camp to insult and make fun of them,
broke and desecrated the crosses, made them say mass, according to their
own expression, and finished by tearing up the chasuble to make sacks for
their tobacco and pipes. True, not all associated themselves with these
infamies, but no chief had authority enough to stop them. They came back
in triumph as if they had won a remarkable victory.
Accusations then poured down on us from all sides; but truth had
been vindicated, and those who want to see, know very well that the priest
is in no way guilty. In fact, Father Pandosy, my superior and companion,
because my name is not yet known, was accused of having given a great
quantity of powder to the Indians to wage war: saying that he had brought
in entire kegs; but according to our account book, which they made great
fuss over at the beginning when it fell into their hands, they saw the
reality. Since our book was written in French, when 10 shots, 40 shots of
powder was written down, they thought that it meant 10 or 40 pounds of
powder, but when it was translated, when the count was made they were
made to see that in the space of four years we have given on an average
one powder shot per year to every Indian. We were also accused of not
giving information to the Government of what was going on among the
Natives, but there is not one Agent who has given as much information
and so many times.73
But let us go back to the events of 1855. On December 7,
Brouillet sent a letter from Chirouse to General Wool74 and the
next day Wool wrote back:
I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your honored communications of the 5th and 7th instant. The first contains a translation, in
part, of the book found at the Yakima mission, and the other a copy of a
letter from the Revd Father E. Chirouse [...] for all which I tender you
many thanks. I agree with you in the opinion that no importance should
be attached to the fact of the small quantity of powder issued to the
Indians in the course of three years by Father Pandosy.75
Again, on December 7, Brother Blanchet wrote to Governor
Mason to correct some passages of the Governor's letter to Ricard
on December 4:
Rev. Father Ricard having given me communication of a letter that
you sent him on Dec. 5th76 and having read these words: "I have no
hesitation in stating that Father Pandosy gave information to me
attributing at that time, all the outrages committed up to the period of his
presence here in October last, to Awhi and his particular band."
Now, whereas I was interpreter for Father Pandosy who cannot speak
english, for the discharge of my conscience, I beg leave to obse rve that
Father Pandosy did not say that Awhi was the author of the outrages you
allude to. This Father did not give any names, because though he had
reports that some murder had been committed, he had no knowledge of
the author. The aim of the visits of Father Pandosy was to inform your
Excellency that Kam'ia-arkan stirred up the Indians against the
Americans. I will further observe that Father Pandosy arrived here the
22nd of September, and left the 26th of the same month, consequently his
information was not given in October.
You will confer on me the greatest favor in acknowledging receipt of
the present.77
The Brother no doubt asks for an acknowledgment so as to
have a document stating that the corrections have been made and
thus cut short any rumours of false information given by Pandosy.
The year 1855 ends on a comforting note as we can see from a
letter of Ricard to Brouillet, in which he says:
Mr Johnston showed us the Democratic Standard of December 13
where we had the sweet satisfaction to see justice and truth so well
vindicated against the Argus: Please convey our profound feelings of
gratefulness to this brave catholic citizen whom God will not fail to
reward. Concerning the powder he could have mentioned that of the 95
pounds bought in 1852 and spent slowly during several years, the priests
had taken some for their own use, and that 25 pounds were still remaining
in the cache discovered, and finally that if the priest had wanted to give
some to the Indians, no powder, no gun, no shot, nor any gunsmith's
instruments would have been found in the cache at a time when many
needed them; but your noble and generous defender may have thought that
he had no need of going into all these details to assure the triumph of
truth.78
15. A bill directed against the French Oblate Missionaries.
The difficulties were not over yet. At the beginning of 1856 a
bill entitled "An Act to prevent Aliens acting as teachers or
Missionaries, among the Indians of Washington Territory", the
worse act of bigotry, was before the House of Representatives.
The preambule reads as follows:
Whereas the History of Oregon and Washington, shows conclusively
that the influence of aliens as teachers and Missionaries among the
Indians, have been productive of much mischief; and has seriously
affected the interest of American settlers.
Therefore, to secure peace and quiet, to prevent further misunderstanding and difficulty, to impress upon the Indians the superiority of our
government, over all other influences, and for the mutual safety of whites
and Indians, it is provided as follows:
It was a reassuring beginning! The rest of the bill is written in
the same vein. No stranger can be a missionary or a teacher
among the Indians in the Territory; any person violating this
section of the bill, is considered guilty of a misdemeanour and
shall be fined the sum of $100. for each offence. In some
instances the fine can be as high as $500. and the guilty party
fined and emprisoned for one year. As for missionaries, section 6
stipulates:
Upon conviction of any missionary, the church property under his or
her control, charge, superintendence, or care, shall be liable to execution
and sale, all property belonging to the said missionary, none of which
shall be exempt, shall be first exhausted or as much thereof as may be
necessary to pay the fine and costs of prosecution.
Section 7 goes even as far as encouraging spying on them:
All fines collected under and by virtue of this Act, shall be disposed
of in the following manner: one half to the informer, and the other half to
the use of common schools, in the country where the offence was
committed.79
This piece of legislation was debated in the House on January
18, 1856, but was defeated and had to be withdrawn on January
2280. Only three delegates voted in favor of "House Bill No 17"
and twenty-six voted against it81. The rejection of the Bill is a
clear manifestation that all sense of justice was not completely
absent in the Territory and gave confidence to the missionaries,
but the fact that such a measure could be presented to the House,
debated and voted upon frightened them82.
Father Ricard, as can be expected, was most pleased with the
rejection of this iniquitous piece of legislation and even more with
the good feelings of Governor Stevens who had returned to the
country as he explained to Father Brouillet on January 24, 1856:
Our enemies received a public and solemn repudiation and shame on account of
the bill.
On his arrival, Governor Stevens did justice to the priests and declared that he
received from them all the information he could expect to have. So nothing is wanting
in the triumph of the good cause.
In order to let the Governor receive the great number of people who visited him, I
only sent Father d'Herbomez and Brother Blanchet this morning to congratulate his
Excellency on his happy return. But the Governor was absent on a trip in the lower part
of the Bay. [...]
Mr Leclaire and Marcel arriving here, told me that a messenger said Father
Pandosy was at the Kettles and had seen the Governor. As soon as the latter is back we
will visit him again to know all these particulars.83
The situation was therefore improving and it is to be believed
that the article published by "A Catholic Citizen" in the Oregon
Argus and reproduced by the Pioneer and Democrat of Olympia, on
January 4, had some influence. In this letter to the Editor, the
writer showed clearly all that Father Pandosy had done in favor of
peace in the Territory, quoted a part of a letter from Governor
Mason to Father Ricard, and added:
There, sir, think you not that the evidence which I have here adduced, is allsufficient proof of the false "position" which you have taken, relative to the conduct of
father Pandosy. And, mayhap at the very moment when you were concocting your false
charges against him, his life had paid the penalty of his zeal in the cause, which you
say he opposed.
He then quoted from a letter of Chirouse dated November 18,
1855, which we already saw, and put the following question to Mr
Adams:
Does such noble conduct as this, Mr. Adams, look like leaguing with the Indians,
for the purpose of exterminating the whites? Does such conduct merit, in the smallest
degree, the false strictures which you have dared publicly to pass upon them? Let the
public judge. Nay, I had almost said, let your conscience judge, were is not that I have
my scruples as to the fact of your being burthened with that troublesome monitor.
But fearing that even such indisputable proof as the foregoing would
not "bring conviction to your soul", I will give you another extract from a
letter received from a gentleman who was in the Indian country, during
the time the treaties were being made by Gov. Stevens, and who is in no
way attached to the Mission therein. — Speaking of the Indians, he says:
"The Indians, in general, are for peace, but many amongst them would go
with the crowd; the only thing, I am convinced, that keeps them within
bonds, is the presence of the priests, who are doing all they can do, to
beget a spirit of peace, and to show them the folly of resistance. On this
account, some of the young giddy-heads are greatly affected towards the
priests, whom they say are friendly to the whites, and consequently not
the friends of the Indians." From this you may learn the situation in
which a Missionary in the Indian country is placed and the prudence
which he must exercise when giving information, for on one side he risks
his life, and on the other, that which is dearest to him, his character. If,
then, you think that I have not brought forward proof indisputable, of the
falsity of your charge against Catholic priests in general, and father
Pandosy in particular, I can refer you to any of the attachees to Gov.
Stevens, during his official visit to the Indian country, or to the governor
himself, for further testimony as to the conduct of the Catholic
Missionaries in the Indian country, believing that those gentlemen will
trve [sic] an impartial and unprejudiced opinion. [...]
My parting advice to you, Mr. Adams, is, never to attempt to write
upon a subject with which you are not thoroughly conversant. Never
condemn before you are qualified to judge. Never attempt to build up a
character for yourself, upon the ruin which you would make of an-other's,
by calumniation or falsehood. This advice, sir, in all the sincerity, not of
a "Sister", but of a "Brother" of Charity, and still remains...84
This is a beautiful vindication of the work of the priests
among the Yakimas. Another honest defence was made in the
House by the Honorable H.R. Crombie, a non-catholic, in his
speech in opposition to Bill no 17:
The priests did all they could to bring about the treaty, thinking it
would be mutually beneficial to the Indian and the White: to the Indian,
as it conceded to them a sufficient reservation, giving them farms,
blacksmiths shops, mills and school houses. A more liberal treaty has
probably never been made. To the white man it would throw open for
settlement the large and fertile valley of the Walla-Walla.
It has turned out vastly different from the thoughts of all engaged.
Man wills — God ordains. [...]
The war now raging came within an acme of bursting forth two years
ago, and was mainly prevented by the timely information given by the
very priest, Pandosy, against whom there is poured out such a torrent of
indignation. I may not stay the tide of prejudice, but I sincerely hope that
members will at least bear the fact in mind before they, by their action,
express disapprobation or crimination. [...]
I have thus been present at every mission station within this territory.
I am personally acquainted with all the priests. With some of them I have
been thrown in daily contact for some length of time — have heard their
opinions, and have some little knowledge of the objects for which they
came to this country. What I say is, therefore, the result of observations,
not the flimsy, doubtfulness of hearsay reports.
Slander is not exception to the old adage: It is a rolling stone that
gathers moss as it travels.
If there ever was a class that should be spoken of with feelings of
reverence and respect, it is the hard-working, patient, long suffering,
pains-taking priesthood of the catholics. I shall enter into no eulogium of
them — they need none. Far above what tongue can depict, or hand
portray, is the record of their actions, and to that and that alone they point
sublimely. — words are not needed — actions are to speak.
The orator quoted extracts from letters of Fathers Chirouse,
Oblate, and Ravalli, Jesuit, and said:
I submit the facts to the consideration of the house, having an abiding
confidence, that even should members have been influenced by the
existing prejudices, they will suffer not enmity to overcome justice.S 5
Father Ricard who had been without news from his priests
among the Yakimas since the beginning of the war, finally
received word and wrote to Brouillet, on February 1, 1856:
The Governor while traversing the country of the Yakimas met
Fathers Pandosy and Durieu with Brother Surel. Our Fathers were going
to Colville. Father Pandosy was well, but Father Durieu was always
sick."
In the same letter, the Superior added that the Governor
visited several tribes and congratulated them for their fidelity and
their love for peace and order, advising them to pray and listen to
the good counsels the priest had always given them.
16. Fr. Durieu in danger.
This was good news indeed and the words of Governor Stevens showed
a little justice on behalf of the authorities. But what had happened to the
priests during all that time? Durieu relates his perigrinations in a letter to his
parents, writing from "Oregon des Inohomish" on July 1st, 1859. He
described the beginning of the war and then went on:
I was with my flock. The number of Christians was not greater than
four hundred; notwithstanding the excitement and the threats, they never
wanted to join the warriors, knowing that our holy religion does not
approve bloodshed, except in case of absolute necessity. I did not realize
to what danger I was myself exposed because my skin unfortunately was
white and many Indians would have liked to put an end to the reproaches
I made to them from time to time about their cruel hostilities. Moreover,
all the baptized men in my village, were among the most courageous and
fearless in the country, and their help would have given considerable
impetus to the insurrection. But the leaders of the war knew only too
well, that as long as I would be there, my neophytes would not move.
Consequently, they tried to frighten me in order to persuade me to
relinquish my post. They were greatly mistaken: what would be able to
scare an apostle of Jesus Christ? Death! but what tie could attach him to a
land where he has no relatives, no possessions, no enjoyment?
Nevertheless it was more prudent for us to leave our village and take
refuge in the mountains. There, at least, we would not be afraid of being
exposed to cross-fire; there, at least, we would enjoy thq necessary calm
to pray. We left all together, giving a last look of farewell on this
dwelling of the Lord we foresaw soon to become the pray of fire. In fact,
we were hardly on the crest of the neighbouring heights, when we saw
our hamlet on fire. "God has given, God has taken, He does well what he
does"; such were the words of my good Christians.
He was still in the mountains at the end of January. But the rebellious
Indians wanted the Christians on the battle field and...
to attain this objective, I had to disappear, willy-nilly. They summoned me twice to move out and I replied twice: "This is no time to
travel; the snow blocks all the roads and when it melts, I shall still be
stopped by the overflowing rivers." These barbarians decided to use force
and even to put me to death, if violence was not enough. About fifty
scoundrels, taking advantage of a moment when my neophytes were
hunting beaver at half a league from the village, came to the camp at
night. Some entered the kitchen trying to reach my room, while others
shouted outside: "Where is the priest? where is the priest?..." Having no
doubt whatsoever that my last hour had come, I put my cassock on, made
my act of contrition on my knees, then pulling the curtain separating me
from these furious Indians, I shouted with energy: "Here is the priest!" I
lit the fire, and saw only menacing figures, men armed with guns and
knives. Knowing the Indian character, I did not lose countenance: "What!
I told them, you come into my house at this hour of the day! Seeing you,
one would imagine that you are to kill somebody. Get out of my room
with all those guns! This is the house of the priest; if you have forgotten
it, I will remind you. The day lasts for twelve hours, come and see me
then, and bear well in mind that wolves and ferocious beasts alone roam
during the night. Now, tell me why you came here! Speak and withdraw."
My speech was not yet over than all the guns and knives had been given
to two young Indians for keeping, and the men who had come to pinion
me (for I saw in the hands of the chief of the band the strings which were
to tie my feet and hands), these men were there, in an attitude of guilt.
Seeing the good effect of my words, I added on the same tone: "Do you
know where you are and to whom you speak? To the minister of Jesus
Christ, the representative of God among you, to a man who sacrifices
himself for your salvation; and your mind is perverse enough, your heart
ungrateful enough to desire to do him harm! Are you not afraid that the
Master of heaven could put you all to death here and now? If you are
bloodthirsty, I am in your hand (and I uncovered my chest); drive your
knife at this place, if you dare, and everything will be consummated, your
crime and my sacrifice.
A long and gloomy silence reigned in the apartment, then the
priest spoke again:
You desire powder and bullets, I have none; but even if I had, do you
think that I would want to associate myself in your massacres by giving
you the means to commit them. No, no, the Black robe is the man of
peace and charity, ready to give his life to save yours and he hates those
who cause death. Go, the Master of heaven will surely fall upon you one
day and be revenged for what you are doing at present. However I pray to
Him to have pity on you and change your heart, because I cannot refrain
from loving you still.
All these bandits applauded and the leaders among them cried out:
"Yes, the Black robe is still our best friend. Pardon, Black robe, if our
heart has become evil toward you; we came on the order of our Chief.
No, no! the Black robe shall not perish, he shall always be our friend." At
the same time, they all shook my hand and left at once. No doubt they
knew of the approach of our Christian hunters who, warned by a child of
the danger in which I found myself, were coming to my help.87
.
Father Chirouse gave a somewhat different account. According to him some fanatics maintained that the missionaries
among the Yakimas were the instigators of the bloody events
which took place and, in consequence, the Americans took the
unjust decision to mistake the innocent for the guilty in the
revenge.
Fathers Pandosy and Durieu were warned of the danger they were in;
they followed the Indians when the troop drew near and abandoned to the
volunteers all they possessed in the Yakima country and retreated in the
direction of the North East. After eight days of the most painful flight on
the shores of the Columbia, they arrived at Colville, where they were
received with great cordiality by the Rev. Jesuit Fathers. They stayed
there until the first skirmishes were over.88
On December 7, the Governor gave them notice not to enter
the Yakima country and told them the mission was completely
burned down89.
17. Fr. Pandosy as interpreter and peacemaker between Indians and U.S. troops.
During the Summer and Autumn of 1856, it seems that the
priests devoted much of their time and effort working among the
Wetnatchees and the Okanagans90.
Notwithstanding the prohibition to visit the Yakimas, Father
Pandosy thought he had found way to get around the order as he
explains to Bishop de Mazenod on June 24, 1858:
This order from the Governor was like a bolt out of the blue for me,
since I intended to go the following Spring [ 1856] and visit my poor
children in order to reconcile their minds. I read and reread this letter as
if I wanted to persuade me that I was deceiving myself. But, alas! there
was no way of doubting of the barrier americanism had erected between
my flock and its pastor. The Yakima mission had always been a
stumbling-block to protestantism; the Methodists especially vowed an
implacable hatred to it. I knew it, and it was impossible to have any
illusion. Nevertheless the abandoning of my poor children weighed
heavily on my heart. I therefore resolved to visit them without
transgressing the defense made by the Governor. The letter forbade me to
set foot on the Yakima country, so I decided to go to the Winastshapams,
their neighbours; there, the baptized would come and see me and I could
administer the sacraments. This idea appealed to me, I accepted it and
began to count the days and the hours till Spring, when I received a letter
from Olympia. Having heard how we succeeded in escaping the scene of
the war, the Reverend Father Vicar wrote telling me to stay at Colville
until further notice. I am therefore forced to put my project aside.91
But a new opportunity presented itself. The regular troops
arrived in Vancouver and Colonel George Wright received an order
to march into the Yakima country with the help of Colonel Edward
Jenner Steptoe. They were to notify the Indians that the Governor
wanted peace.
On May 6, 1856, the Colonel writes to Captain D. J. Jones, of the
Pacific Q.G. while he is at the "Camp on the a-tah-nem Creek, near
the Yakima Mission, W.T.":
Yesterday I crossed the Simcoe and descended the valley Along this
stream and at the Mission, there are no indication of any number of
Indians having been living, since last year. I am under the impression that
they are most of them, either in the mountain retreats or at the fisheries.92
[...]
This is probably the date around which the event related by
Pandosy to de Mazenod took place:
A Yakima chief came to Colville and informed me of the arrival of
the troops in their country, of the peace proposals made to the Indians
by the Colonel and asked my opinion on this subject. — Are they
sincere or not? I told him: "They are sincere, we have received here the
word of the great Chief of the Americans. If the proposals were offered
by the chiefs of this country, I would not trust them too much; but I saw
the leading papers of country of the Americans; their great Chief is
speaking and the Americans who are here must do what he wants; he has
sent soldiers to make peace, you have nothing to fear. "93
Even without acknowledging it, the Americans were indebted
to Father Pandosy, the so-called "traitor" in their efforts to bring
peace to the country. Father Pandosy goes on in the same letter:
Two days later, he left for his country; I gave him a letter for the
Colonel who was quite angry at the Governor's order which I had made
known to him. What embarrassed him was the fact that in spite of all the
interpreters he had with him, the Indians refused to listen. The Colonel
sent the chief back with a letter entreating me to go down to his camp.
The next day, I left Colville and three days later I was at the first hostile
camp, 40 miles away from the main body of the army. I had gone about
60 or 70 miles a day on horse-back and at full speed. Peace was
concluded and all my children showed transports of delight towards the
tender Mother who had given a father to a cherished family of whom he
was the beloved father.94
Facts related by Father Pandosy are corroborated by official
documents. Colonel Wright wrote to Captain Jones, from the
"Camp on the Na-chess River, W.T.", on June 11:
On the ninth inst. a party of fifteen Indians, with their Chief, from the
neighbourhood of Priest's Rapids, came to see me. The Chief presented
me a letter from Father Pandosy. It appears that these Indians at the
commencement of the war, were living at the A-Tah-nam Mission, and
fled immediately to the North. The Chief has numerous testimonials as to
his attachment to the white people, and his unwavery fidelity in our
cause".
Indians were assembled at Wright's Camp when Pandosy and
his companions returned from their voyage. Wright conquered no
one96. However, he had the honesty to acknowledge the fact that
Father Pandosy helped more. In a letter to Jones, dated from the
"Camp on the Upper Columbia River" on July 9, he wrote:
In all my operations recently, the aid I have received from Father
Pandosy, has essentially contributed to our success. He has great in
fluence with these Indians, and has exerted himself, both night and day, in
bringing matters to the present state.97
Then the priest accompanied the Indians as far as the Columbia river and towards the South in the Kittitas valley98. After
that, twenty men, eight women and some children from Priest's
Rapid, led by Pandosy and Choos-kun, came to Haller's camp on
the Yakima river99.
Father Pandosy was thus of invaluable assistance to the army
and was always received with great hospitality100. In August, he
spent three weeks at Haller's camp, during which time he used
Haller's quarters almost as much as his own'°'
The priest had the painful advantage of seeing the old mission
where he was on July 18102 but even a year after its destruction the
gardens and the wheat fields were still abandoned and trampled
on198
The same day he wrote to Father Ricard:
Contradictions, sufferings, persecutions are the signs which distinguish the works
of God. Triumph must come through the cross. So, in the midst of this dreadful
turmoil, I remained calm. In addition,
I dare say that I rejoiced because I considered as a time of blessing and grace those
days which, to others, would have seemed days of mourning. I kissed with love this
cross that our Immaculate Mother obtained from her divine Son for us, and I was
looking forward to it as a source of favors for these poor souls for the salvation of
which we had come to work. 194
During his stay at Haller's camp, he became military chaplain.
He celebrated daily mass in the camp, taught catechism and gave
an uninterrupted course of instruction. Many received Holy Communion on Sundays. He added in the same letter:
My costume was the same I have always worn; my cassock and my
large Oblate cross on my chest. The colonel and the members of his
headquarters threatened with their wrath those who would have any
notion of taking offence at my dress, my demeanour or sermons. Every
time the soldiers meet me, they give me military honors as an officer of the
army. These are orders and they take care not to transgress them. The
Colonel has full confidence in me; the soldiers compete in affability
towards me, and the army medical officer gives me all the medicine I
want for my Indians.10
Nelson corroborated this fact and said that while continuing
his work among the Yakimas, Father Pandosy offered his services
to whomsoever desired them with the complete approval of the
military authorities, who realized that it was due to his efforts that
many Indians were neutral and not active foesl°s
Times have therefore changed and we are now far from the
day when Stevens forbade his entry into the country and when the
volunteers and others vowed to hang the Oblate. The traitor of
yesterday was now a hero among the soldiers.
18. Governor Stevens' prejudices.
One person, however, is slow to put his prejudices aside as
can be seen by the report Stevens sent to Washington, on October
22, 1856. This was his opinion on the Catholic missionaries:
In time of peace the influence of the Catholic Missionaries is good in
that quarter and their good offices are desirable, till some outrage is
committed or war breaks out.
But since the war has broken out, whilst they have made every
exertion to protect individuals and to prevent other tribes joining in the
war, they have occupied a position which cannot be filled on earth — a
position between the hostiles and the Americans. So great has been their
desire for peace, that they have overlooked all right, propriety, justice,
necessity, siding with the Indians siding with the Americans, but advising
the latter particularly to agree to all the demands of the former; —
murderers to go free — treaties to be abrogated — whites to retire to the
settlements; And the Indians seeing that the Missionaries were on their
side are fortified in their belief, that they were fighting a holy cause. I
state on my official responsibility that the influence of the Catholic
missionaries in the Upper country had latterly been most baneful and
pernicious.101
It is very difficult to understand why the Governor writes such
a report, if not prompted by bigotry or false reports, because it
contradicts everything that has been said and done by the missionaries to reconcile the Americans and the Indians, while maintaining the most basic principles of justice. Stevens seems to have
forgotten the help given by Pandosy to Wright when he speaks of
right, justice, etc., he would do well to recall the criminal burning
of the Yakima mission and the false, pernicious and dishonest
rumours circulated against the missionaries.
It is still more difficult to reconcile this with what the
Governor himself wrote to Father Ricard about the same date. In a
letter to Bishop de Mazenod, on November 21, 1856, Ricard says
that the war is still going on. He then adds concerning the
Governor:
Our Governor sent me a very beautiful letter on the 10th of this
month to acknowledge the good done by our Fathers. Unfortunately in a
speech he delivered in Portland on his return from Walla Walla where he
met with failure, he stated publicly that the priests were not with the
American people and consequently that they were against the people. [...]
Notwithstanding this, he sent me the letter I spoke of and of which I am
pleased to give you a copy. Here it is.
Office Supt. Ind. Affairs
Olympia W.T. Nov. 10, 1856
Reverend Father,
I have just been called on, by Jacques and his Indians with your letter
of this date. The Agents on the sound have all born testimony to the good
effects of the labors of the Missionary Fathers, and in my annual report to
the commissioner of indian affairs, which I transmitted last week, I
deemed it my duty to add my own judgment that their teachings had
exerted the most beneficient influence on the indians.
Present my special acknowledgments and my cordial respect to the
Fathers d'herbomez and Chirouse and say to them, I should be most
happy to see them at Olympia.
I shall come down and see you the first opportunity.
Truly and respectfully
J. Isaac Stevens
gov. & supd.108
19. After many considerations, the Oblates finally close the mission.
The future of the Yakima mission is now very uncertain, and on March
26, 1857, nothing yet has been decided as is seen by a letter of Father
D'herbomez to Father Ricard in which he quotes an extract from Father
Durieu109
A month later, on April 22, D'herbomez wrote to Bishop de Mazenod
and gave him some information on the Yakima mission based on a report
from Durieu:
This mission consists only of Father Pandosy's 160 Christians. and in
this group there are but a small number of adults who behave very well
and are quite promising. But as long as we follow the system we have
adopted up to now, reside in one place and fail to visit the Indians in their
camps, we will do nothing. It is my opinion that we will have a small
number from a camp around us, such as Father Pandosy's camp; we will
spend all our time instructing about 50 adults and this is it. Father
Pandosy has been among the Yakimas for at least six years and how
many baptized Indians are there? 160. Spend six years of sufferings, of
privations of all kind, six years in all sort of dangers for 160 persons; it is
really spending the alms of the Propagation of the Faith in vain. But, if
the missionary left his residence to visit the various camps, first at 9, 12,
20, 50 miles away and even farther, he would send many old people to
heaven. And what are our Fathers doing in the Hudson Bay and Red
River regions, if not visits, missions among the Indians? Let us admit it.
We have been farmers and not missionaries.11°
On August 16, in a letter from D'herbomez to de Mazenod, we learn that
a priest from the diocese of Victoria, Canada, admits that Father Pandosy
was persecuted, but he still thinks that he may not be obliged to leave the
Yakima mission""
D'herbomez repeats what he already said: there is no hope of doing any
good among the Indians as long as there is no peace in the country and
there is every reason to believe that there will be more skirmishes.
The military officers suspect that something is in the wind and
this is why they would like to have a missionary who could serve
as a spy, because without him they can do nothing. Hence, no
doubt, their different views about the missionaries: the kind words
and the promises made to Mr. Brouillet who is a man easily
persuaded. But the past must serve as a lesson and invites to
prudence.
It is possible that the present officers are well disposed
toward the priests. He knows some officers of this sort, but they
are in the minority! One may say generally that these gentlemen
love the missionaries in as much as the latter can render them
service as in the case above mentioned but, besides that, they are
rather against them than for them...
I know positively that they suspected the missionaries of having
some part in the war! They did not hesitate at the military post in
Steilacoom to tell me that they thought Father Pandosy had something to
do with it and there is no doubt that this is the opinion of the majority of
the officers. How then can they say that they deeply regretted the
missionaries' departure. How hypocritical? their past conduct proves on
the contrary that they desired his departure because they believed they
could do even better without him. Why have they always refused to
render the smallest service to the missionaries? Why have they refused
even to pay their fees as interpreters? Why were they always trying to
find contradictions everywhere in the letters the priests wrote to them?
This coolness, not to say more, toward the missionaries does not prove
that they really wanted them to remain in the country. If they have now
changed their minds, it is because a few months' experience has shown
them that they made a mistake, that the presence of the missionary was
indispensable, hence their kind words to convince him to come back. Is it
prudence to fall in with their desire? The past is sufficient reason to
doubt. It is equally true of the present and the future.
For the present, it is sufficient to know how doubtful the
dispositions of the Indians are toward peace. For the future, no
one can foresee what will happen. The Indians understand very
well that the missionaries cannot stay in the country and those
interested in their own salvation have already left and gone to the
Dalles where a priest lives or to Colville with Father Pandosy, and
a few went to Nisqually. It is also certain that the Indians in favor
of war — and they are the majority — do not want the missionary
among them, until a final settlement has been reached with the
Americans, because they do not like to see their plans divulged
and since the priests always preach in favor of peace and forbid
their people to fight. To return among them would only
exasperate them more than in the past and so compromise the
present and the future.
Considering the past, the priests can rely neither on the words
nor on the dispositions of the military or civil officers; what they
must try to do is to keep the trust the Indians had in the
missionary because this confidence is lost, no good can be done
among them. Now to keep the trust of the Indians, they must
remain neutral and as it is impossible to be neutral while in the
country because they would be obliged to inform the authorities
of the intentions of the Indians and would have to preach against
the war. Consequently it is better to stay away and let the soldiers
and the government manage by themselves. This is the policy
followed until now and there is every reason to be satisfied with
it. This is why, Father D'herbomez thinks the kind words of some
officers should not convince the missionaries to depart from this
line of action112.
The Oblates have now left the Yakima country and on March
27, 1857, Father D'herbomez ordered Fathers Pandosy to go to
Colville and Durieu to Olympia113 In a post-scriptum for Father
Pandosy, the Superior told him that if he could not remain at
Colville, he should go to Bishop Demers' diocese, but only as a
matter of urgency. Otherwise he should remain at Colville and
await further orders.
In August, Pandosy is still with the Jesuits among the Cours
d'Alènes114 and Father D'herbomez tells him to be patient: he will
let him know what to do once he has positive news 115.
Chirouse also thought that "he had reasons to believe that
Father Pandosy could not appear safely before the Americans116".
The priest therefore remained at Colville until 1858 when he left
for British Columbia117.
The fate of the Oblate mission among the Yakimas is now
definitely cast. Nevertheless it was still thought in some quarters
that the Oblates might return116
It was all in vain. A firm decision taken by the Superior in
Oregon had already been sanctioned by the general council of the
Oblates in France as early as April 14, 1858119 and communicated
to Father D'herbomez by Father Casimir Aubert, secretary
general, on April 20, 1858, stating that it was evident that neither
prudence nor the good of religion justified the re-establishment of
the missions among the Yakimas and the Cayuses. With the
prospect of the menace of a new war, nothing serious could be
done in the country. Moreover, the number of Indians was very
limited, while a vast field of operation was open to the
Congregation in British Columbia12o
Thus ended almost ten years of hardships and difficulties in
what were then known as the Oregon missions. In spite of all their
efforts, the Oblates were unable to organize any lasting mission.
But as a consequence of the war, the mission had suffered
severe financial losses and the Superiors did their best to
minimize them as much as possible. This also was not done
without difficulty.
20. The financial losses incurred by the Congregation .
On May 2, 1856, Father Ricard is interested in obtaining
compensation for the losses sustained at the mission. He writes to
Father Brouillet:
I come to pray you to help us by your advice to know what proceedings should be followed, and to whom the request should be made, to
obtain indemnity to which the establishment at Attanem is the occasion.
My opinion was to write to the Governor to know what he intends to do.
[...] Now that Congress is assembled and that our delegates are presenting
their requests, it seems that without waiting until the end of the war, it
would be proper, for our part, to make our reclamations in order to obtain
at least partial payment if we cannot yet receive full compensation. 121
An undated document gives an idea of the importance of the
loss. Entitled "List of property lost or destroyed during the Indian
war of 1855-1856, by Rev. Mr Chls Pandosy, director of a
mission in the Yakima country, on the Attanum river, Washington
Territory", it lists the following items and their value. Although
the list is long, it is of interest to have it in its entirety:
1 dwelling house 28 x 16 .............................. $ 600.00
1 small house 20 x 16 ..................................... 250.00
1 small house 16 x 12 ..................................... 250.00
1 chapel 26 x 20 ............................................. 700.00
Materials for one large house 80 x 70 ............. 500.00
1 large stone oven with a shed ........................ 140.00
3 stables and shed ........................................... 450.00
Church ornaments and vestments .................... 360.00
1 altar and many things
used for divine worship ............................ 132.00
2 bulls .............................................................. 20.00
50 horses ....................................................... 3000.00
4 large oxen (two yoke) .................................. 400.00
18 cows .......................................................... 350.00
18 calves ........................................................ 260.00
5 sows ............................................................ 100.00
13 hens ............................................................. 13.00
Complete set of tools for carpenter, joiner, etc 300.00
3 wagons ........................................................ 450.00
1 plow .............................................................. 45.00
7 (oxen) chains ................................................. 35.00
2 horse-harness ................................................. 60.00
3 bridles ........................................................... 15.00 9.530.00
5 saddles ................................................................ 75.00
3 large scythes ....................................................... 15.00
5 hand hoes and 4 axes .......................................... 37.00
1 cross cut saw ...................................................... 18.00
Fences and posts .................................................. 300.00
4 copper kettles ..................................................... 28.00
4 common do ............................................................ 8.00
4 camp ovens ......................................................... 32.00
12 large milk pans ................................................. 24.00
1 doz plates, 1 doz spoons ..................................... 12.00
1 doz forks, 1 doz knives ....................................... 15.00
1 cooking stove ..................................................... 20.00
Different articles for house furniture ................... 200.00
1 spir. glass ............................................................ 20.00
2 music instruments ............................................... 50.00
1 good gun ............................................................. 25.00
3 damaged guns ..................................................... 24.00
1 clock ................................................................... 25.00
60 candlesticks ...................................................... 14.00
70 pds extra flour ................................................ 180.00
200 lbs coffee ........................................................ 80.00
50 lbs sugar ........................................................... 15.00
250 lbs salt ............................................................ 25.00
200 lbs tobacco .................................................... 150.00
50 lbs Adam candles ............................................. 40.00
50 lbs Cast soap ...................................................... 25.00 11.062.00
Medicine ..............................................................100.00
1 keg nails ............................................................. 18.00
10 doz. window glasses ......................................... 25.00
1 grinding stone ..................................................... 15.00
books ....................................................................125.00
4 doz. shirts and 2 shawls .....................................116.00
4 coats and 8 pairs pants .......................................144.00
4 large clocks .......................................................160.00
8 silk handkerch [iefs] ........................................... 16.00
140 yds printed calico ........................................... 42.00
50 bushels potatoes ...............................................100.00
25 id. turnips ......................................................... 50.00
25 id. wheat ...................................................... 75.00
30 id. peas ........................................................ 60.00
10 id. oats ......................................................... 20.00
5 id. onions ....................................................... 25.00
cabbages, carrots and other vegetables .............. 75.00
Large quantity of straw and hay ...................... 100.00
Crop on the ground ......................................... 120.00
12,448.00
Pandosy
Witnesses: P. Durieu [Paul]
J. Surel [Jacques] 122
21. An attempt to receive an indemnity from the U.S. Government.
The document addressed to Mr G. Langford, Washington
City, D.C., shows that, for a poor mission, it was a very severe
loss. It also shows how the mission was equipped. Discussions for
reimbursement lasted for many years and, according to all probability, were never successful.
On October 15, 1857, Father D'herbomez wrote to Bishop de
Mazenod about this problem:
We have made application to insure, as far as possible, indemnity for
the losses we sustained in the Cayuse and Yakima missions. I wrote
recently to our Delegate to the Congress; he is the former governor of
Washington Territory, Isaac Stevens, with whom we have always been
on good terms. We hope that if we do not receive the sum we asked for,
that is 3 to 4 thousand dollars for the Cayuse mission, and about twelve
thousand (12,000) for the Athanem mission; we will at least receive part
of this sum. But the government is not fast in paying; everything must be
voted in the House of Congress, so that we may not be paid before two or
three years.123
The good Father was too optimistic, since it will be two years
before proceedings are really begun. Moreover, as if it was not
difficult enough, the actions of the bishop of Nisqually who has
an eye on the lands of the Oblate missions will further complicate
the solution of the problem.
Brother Blanchet, in charge of the financial affairs of the
Congregation in the district, was not too confident when he wrote
to D'herbomez, on November 25, 1859:
I shall write to Gov. Stevens to pray him to do all in his power to
obtain something from Congress in compensation for our losses at
Attanem. I know very well that it is labour lost and that this request will
bring nothing because these people care very little about what could help
the missions. I do it so as to have nothing to reproach myself.124
On March 17, 1860, the Brother thought that if a sale of the
claim was made to the Bishop, all difficulties would be solved
but, if on the other hand, the Bishop wanted to keep the indemnity
for himself, everything would be lost and "it would be an
injustice" since the mission was established by the sacrifices and
the savings of the Oblates along with the money received from the
Propagation of the Faith125. What has been lost therefore can be
considered as "our private property126".
One month later, the Brother is still waiting for a report from
Mr. Goldsbourg on the destruction of the mission. This gentleman
was on the spot at the time. Mr. Brouillet also advised that Father
D'herbomez asks one from Colonel Shaw, residing at Bellingham
Bay and who was also present at the time of the disaster127.
Father D'herbomez is active in securing testimonies concerning the events of November 1855 as we see in a letter from
Father Mesplié saying that he had not yet been able to obtain...
the document concerning the destruction of the Yakima mission by
fire in the Autumn of 1855; I shall go to Steilacoom next Monday to
continue my mission among the citizens and the soldiers and I hope to
find someone who was an eyewitness to the 1855 vandalism, and if
I can have a sworn statement, it will be my pleasure to send it without
delay. This has been impossible up to the present time since the troops
formerly at the Dalles and Yakima are not in the region anymore. I hope
to find some at Steilacoom.128
The Government finally gave sign of its willingness to compensate for the war losses. Father Léon Fouquet, treasurer of the
Oblates, wrote to Father D'herbomez, on April 10, 1861:
I read in the San Francisco Weekly Bulletin of 25 march 1861
(beginning of 4th column) "the Senate bill for the payment of the Oregon
and Washington Territory war debt also passed the House with an
amendment, ordering the accounts to be paid in accordance with the third
auditor's report which sets down the whole amount at about 400.000 and
pays some claimants only ten cents on the present shape vies [sic] some
$2,650,000 and will be concurred in by the Senate. The representatives of
the claimants now here consider it best to accept what is offered and
come back again in the future for the balance due them."
After quoting from this text in the paper, Father Fouquet asks
if it would not be necessary to make or repeat some steps in
conformity with the desire of the Superior general and if someone
should not go to Olympia to verify if everything is in order. If the
Congregation looses her property, who will be blamed for iti29?
Father D'herbomez replied to show Fouquet's error
concerning the newspaper article on "the Oregon and Washington
war debt"...
I draw your attention [...] that the question here is not the allocation
to be made by the Government to compensate the losses sustained by our
missions during the war, but rather of the debt incurred by the brave
volunteers to bring the war to a successful issue. [...]
It think it useless to imagine who could have said that the papers for
reimbursement claims for the depradations committed among the
Yakimas were not in order. It is true that in this country, as you often say,
funny things happen! that we must be ready for anything, and be
surprised by nothing! Our papers are in perfect order even if some say the
contrary and falsely. I think that we took all the precautions we could
without spending money needlessly. Brother Blanchet wrote again, some
time ago, to Governor MacGill, and once more these last days. I think
that we will have a very useful and unexpensive agent in the person of
the governor. Trying to act by ourselves before using the means which
also can succeed, would be to expose ourselves to spend a good deal of
money without obtaining more profit. I may possibly deceive myself on
this point and if you are of another opin'on, please let me know your
point of view on this subject clearly and on any which deals with the
spiritual or temporal good of our missions.130
In May, the solution is not yet in sight. Brother Blanchet,
from Victoria, sends this note to Father Fouquet:
Mr. McGill will take care of our claims for losses at Attanem and
among the Cayuses. I agreed with him that we would give him a commission on what he may obtain, but nothing more so that if he gains
nothing we will give him nothing. I came to Victoria to get the papers
relative to this affair.131
22. A second unsuccessful endeavor.
McGill was not successful in his efforts and the Oblates had
to wait until 1869 before another serious attempt could be hoped
for. In May of that year, Father Brouillet notified Father Chirouse
that the time had come to ask for payment for the losses sustained
during the 1855-1856 Indian war. An appropriation has been
made to that effect. He would take care of the matter if Father
Chirouse so desired, but it would cost half of the sum obtained
from Washington. If he accepted the offer, Father Chirouse would
have to send the list of the losses and the names of the witnesses,
and Brouillet would send affidavit forms to be signed by Father
Chi-rouse and the witnesses. Father Brouillet was also willing to
do the same for Father Pandosy's claims. He wanted a reply soon
and took this opportunity to tell him that the old lists had been lost
in Washington by Governor Stevens132
Father Chirouse transmitted the offer to Father Durieu133
warning that the claim had to be identical with the one sent
previously and lost. Father Durieu hastened to reply that he
thought it would be good to take the opportunity to obtain something. It would be better to have little than nothing. Father
Chirouse was therefore advised to write to Father Brouillet and
accept his offer of service134 It is also at that time that Father
Brouillet sent the papers to be signed by Fathers Pandosy and
Durieu and Brother Sure1135 Brother Surel was the first to sign his
affidavit before the Honorable Abbot B. Begbie, Chief Justice
of the Colony of British Columbia136, followed by Father Pandosy
on October 13, before C. Haynes, Magistrate of the district of
Okanagan at which time he gave the detail of the losses of the
Yakima mission to the extent of $12,448.00137, and Father Durieu,
on January 3, 1870, before Allen Francis, American consul in
Victoria136
The documents took some time before reaching Father Brouillet, since he complained by the end of the year that he did not
know why Father Durieu had not sent in his papers 139 Once again,
the result was negative. At last, on April 23, 1878, C.M. Carter, of
Washington, sent the following letter to Bishop D'herbomez:
Rev. J. B. A. Brouillet of Providence Hospital in this City has kindly
given me your address and directed me to forward to you the papers
necessary to be signed, to procure the claim for the loss of property &c
lost & taken at the Catholic Mission Ahtanem near Ft Simcoe W.T. in the
war of 1855-1856. You will plese instruct Rev. Father Pandoze [sic] ,
who I am informed was at the mission at the time of the wars, to itemize
all articles lost or taken by the U.S. troops & volunteers and value the
same as near as he can. Please also to have his statement as to all the
facts instructing me what he knows about the facts to establish the claim,
and who knows these facts, with their address, so
I can obtain their evidence.
Please have him state what U.S. Officer was present at the time of his
losses.
This claim should be sworn to before an officer having a seal.
This claim was filed for payment by Gv I. I. Stevens. The papers are
lost. Please state in what name they have been presented, in the first
place. The papers might be found on a further search.
Wishing to present this claim for payment in the next congressional
estimates, I hope you will be so kind as to have the papers forwarded to
me at an early date and much oblige.
P.S. This form I send, can be changed to suit the facts &c.140
One wonders why some papers are lost so often! Once again the
result was negative. The last information concerning this affair is
a letter from Clement Dingman of the General Collection and
Claim Agency of Washington to Father James McGuckin, on
April 11, 1884, in reply to a letter of February 28. No documents
have as yet been found. As for the cost of this kind of claim it
amounted to 50% of what would be obtained and the work was
free in case nothing was achieved and if the Government failed to
pay. The price could seem high, but there was much work to be
done and the claim was very uncertain. All the work could be
done in vain and in that case the Company had nothing in
compensation for its time and work141
And so, twenty years of endeavors and of paper work were
spent for nothing. The Oblates had worked and suffered for the
mission among the Yakimas and as a reward had lost all their
material possessions besides all the hardships suffered.
Such is the sad history of the Yakima war of 1855-1856. A
mission which was promising and had cost so much sufferings
was destroyed both spiritually and materially. And what is more,
the Oblates, as a consequence of the destruction of their missions
among the Yakimas and the Cayuses, left the North West United
States for a new field north of the border in British Columbia.
Gaston CARRIÈRE, O.M.I.
Ottawa, Canada
NOTES:
* See Vie Oblate — Oblate Life, June 1975, p. 147-173.
63 Washington Historical Quarterly, 19 (1928), p. 131, quoted by Denys
Nelson. The Oregon Times, November 17, 1855, published the following:
"The troops proceeded on to the Mission, sweeping the plains with the
cavalry, dispersing, killing and wounding all the enemy that was to be
seen.
"On arriving at the Mission, they found it deserted — evidently having
been left precipitately. [...]
"Lieut.-Col. Kelly, in a letter to Mr. Dennison, states that information had
been received at the post of the Dalles that Major Rains found an open
letter at the Mission, left by the priest, stating that the Indians were about
two thousand strong: that they had determined to fight as long as they had
anything to eat, and that they would eat their wives and children before
they would cease fighting!" Quoted by the Pioneer and Democrat, Friday,
November 23, 1855.
64 Delanoy's copy (foc. cit.)
65 Not on October 6, but on October 7. Delanoy's copy (foc. cit.)
88 November 20 (Ibidem).
67 Ibidem.
68 Delanoy's copy (loc. cit.)
69 Wool papers, box 13 (New York State Archives, Albany).
70 Ibidem.
77 The Yakima War: 1855-1857, p. 122-123.
72 Ibidem, p. 124.
73 Oblate General archives, File Durieu.
74 Wool papers, Box 13 (loc. cit.)
75 Ibidem.
76 The letter is dated December 4.
77 Delanoy's copy (loc. cit.)
78 December 21. Delanoy's copy (loc. cit.)
79 For a copy of the Bill, see Diocesan archives, Seattle, and the Oblate
provincial council of Oregon, p. 16-17 (archives Deschâtelets).
80 Ricard to Brouillet, January 24, 1856 (Delanoy's copy, loc. cit.)
81 Ricard to Brouillet, January 24, February 1, 1856 (ibidem).
82 Ricard to Brouillet, February 1, 1856 (loc. cit.) On January 11, Fathers
Ricard, D'herbomez and Jayol met in council and discussed the bill: "Revd
Father Vicar [Ricard] informed his council of a bill to be presented to the
chambers assembled in Olympia, and asked his advisors what should be
done, i.e. was it expedient to make some representation to the chambers by
themselves of by some of the members? Since the Bishop is away and the
administrator of the diocese, Mr. Brouillet, is at Columbia City, and thus
too far away to be informed in sufficient time of the bill and see what the
religious authority would have to do on such an occasion.
"The opinion of the council was to wait for the arrival of the mail and the
last issue of the paper to know better what to do."
On January 16, this problem came up again for the scrutiny of the council:
"The Revd Vicar asked if some steps should be taken to the chambers?
"Father D'herbomez was of the opinion that nothing should be done since
the bill would very probably not be approved; and because by the papers
and some other means the members are sufficiently informed. Should the
bill be approved, it would not be by ignorance of the truth, but through
sheer malice and desire to persecute our holy religion, under vain pretexts
whose falsehood have been clearly demonstrated by the Democratic
Standard of Portland and the Pioneer of Olympia (11 January). Besides, if
the bill were accepted, far from loosing, religion would gain and shame
would fall on the authors of the bill.
"Father Jayol thought it was better to wait until the bill was debated; if
rejected, we would say nothing, but if we foresee that it will be passed,
then the council should be convened again and some observations
prepared and presented in order to stall the passage of the bill." (Oblate
provincial council of Oregon, p. [15], loc. cit.)
83 Delanoy's copy (loc. cit.)
84 Microfilm copy (Archives Deschâtelets).
85 Pioneer and Democrat, Friday, 7 March 1856. The Hon. W. M. Morrow also
delivered a long speech against the bill and in favor of liberty of
conscience (Pioneer and Democrat, Friday, 21 March 1856 (Archives
Deschâtelets).
86 Delanoy's copy (loc. cit.)
87Annales de la Propagation de la Foi [Lyon], 32 (1860), p. 267-268, 274-277.
88 To Father Hyacinthe Charpeney in Canada, February 15, 1860, in Rapport
sur les missions du Diocèse de Québec, 14 (1861), p. 162-163. See also
Notice historique et statistique sur la Congrégation des Missionnaires
Oblats de Marie Immaculée et Compte-Rendu de l'année 1857-1858,
[Marseille, Imprimerie VVe Marius Olive, 1858] , p. 20-22.
89 Pandosy to de Mazenod, February 1, 1857, in Copies des lettres et des
relations avec les Missions étrangères (Oblate General Archives, Rome).
90 Wilfred SCHOENBERG, S.J., op. cit., p. 39, No 244.
91 Missions de la Congrégation des Missionnaires Oblats de Marie Immaculée,
1 (1862), p. 114-115.
92 Quoted by William BISCHOFF, S.J., The Yakima Campain of 1856, loc. cit.,
p. 174.
93 Missions de la Congrégation des Missionnaires Oblats de Marie Immaculée,
1 (1862), p. 117-118.
94 Ibidem, p. 118.
95 Senate Executive Documents No 5, 34th Congress, 3rd Session. Serial Set No
876, p. 160.
96 William BISCHOFF, S.J., The Yakima War: 1855-1856, p. 201.
97 Senate Executive Document No 5, 34th Congress, 3rd Session, Serial Set No
876.
98 Granville O. HALLER, 3rd Expedition into the Yakima Country, Thursday,
10 July 1856.
99 Ibidem, Friday, 8 August 1856.
109 Ibidem, Friday, 8 August 1856; Sunday, 10 August 1856; Friday, 15 August
1856.
101 Ibidem, Thursday, 28 August 1856.
102 Denys NELSTN, art. cit., p. 181.
108 Archer to his sister, September 12, 1856, quoted by William BISCHOFF,
S.J., The Yakima War: 1855-1856, p. 319.
104 Quoted by Théophile ORTOLAN. O.M I., op. cit., vol. 2, p. 320-321.
Wilfred SCH' NBERG, S.J., op. cit., p. 26, No 166, affirms on date of July
18, 1864, that Pandosy reconstructs his mission of the Immaculate
Conception, near the present site of Ellensburg, Washington.
l05 Théophile ORTOLAN, O.M.I., op. cit., vol. 2, p. 321.
106 Ibidem, p. 182.
107 Pages 71-72, in United States National Archives, Washington, D.C., R.G.
49, M. 234, Roll 907, frames 921-922.
108 Oblate General Archives, File Ricard, Pascal.
109 Ibidem, File D'herbomez, Louis.
110 Ibidem.
111 Ibidem.
112 August 22, 1857 (ibidem). See also Missions de la Congrégation des
Missionnaires Oblats de Marie Immaculée, 1 (1862), p. 119-120.
113 D'herbomez to Pandosy and Durieu, March 27, 1857 (Archives Deschâtelets, R.G. Oregon).
114 Pandosy writes from the "Mission des Coeurs d'alènes" on August 28, 1857
(ibidem).
115 August 28 (ibidem).
116 Chirouse to de Mazenod, December 12, 1857. This quotation is added on
January 10, 1858 (Oblate General Archives, Copies des lettres et des
relations avec les missions étrangères).
117 From a document of Brother G. Blanchet (Archives Deschâtelets, R.G.
Orégon).
118 See Brouillet to Louis Rossi, Washington, May 17, 1859 and Mesplié to
Révérend Père, September 24, 1859 (Archives Deschâtelets, R.C.
Oregon).
119 Conseils généraux de 1845 à 1859, vol. 1, p. 447 (Oblate General
Archives).
120 Oblate General Archives.
121 Delanoy's copy (loc. cit.)
122 Archives Deschâtelets, R.G. Oregon.
123 Oblate General Archives, File D'herbomez, Louis.
124 Archives Deschâtelets, R.G. Oregon.
122 The Bishop had claimed this money and had won his case in Rome
126 Archives Deschâtelets, R.G. Oregon.
127 Blanchet to D'herbomez, April 14, 1860 (ibidem).
128 To D'herbomez, August 24, 1860 (ibidem).
129 Ibidem.
130 April 13, 1861 (ibidem).
131 May 2 (ibidem).
132 May 20 (ibidem).
133 June 2 (ibidem).
134 Durieu to Chirouse, June 10, 1869 (ibidem).
135 May 20, 1869 (ibidem).
136 Ibidem.
137 Ibidem.
138 Ibidem.
139 Ibidem.
140 Ibidem.
141 Ibidem.
Notes sur Mgr de Mazenod
L.J.C.
et
M. I.
Saint-Albert, juillet 1901
Après 47 ans de sacerdoce et de missions et 42 ans d'épiscopat, je ne puis moins faire que de rendre grâce à Dieu des consolations dont il daigna me combler. Je ne puis pas ne point constater, malgré tout ce qu'il reste à faire, que le royaume de Dieu
s'est étendu et solidifié au-delà de ce que j'aurais dû espérer.
Plusieurs fois je me suis dit, sans oser espérer qu'il en serait ainsi:
si avant de mourir je puis voir un bon prêtre indigène et un séminaire quelconque, je chanterai avec joie mon Nunc Dimittis.
Voilà bien que j'ai deux prêtres métis et un embryon de séminaire
et de plus je suis assuré d'un successeur) selon le cœur de Dieu,
qui pourra réparer mes fautes et faire ce que je n'ai pu faire.
Cependant, j'éprouve un certain regret, c'est de constater
que, depuis 40 ans que notre Vénéré Fondateur est mort, on ne
semble pas songer à faire au moins les premières démarches pour
préparer sa béatification et sa canonisation. Je suis le dernier de
ses enfants auxquels il a donné la consécration épiscopale. C'est
de lui aussi que j'ai reçu la tonsure, les ordres mineurs, le sousdiaconat, le diaconat et l'onction sacerdotale. C'est encore lui qui,
délégué par l'Archevêque2 et les autres évêques de la province
ecclésiastique de Québec, pour choisir un coadjuteur à l'Évêque
de Saint-Boniface3, osa me proposer au Pape pour la redoutable
charge de l'épiscopat. Je ne prétends pas donner ces
renseignements comme des preuves de la Sainteté et des titres
pour faire arriver aux honneurs des autels Mgr de Mazenod, loin
de là. Quand j'eus connaissance de mon élection à l'épiscopat et
qu'il en était l'auteur, je me permis bien de lui écrire que lorsqu'il
paraîtrait devant le Bon Dieu il pourrait bien le regretter. Il eut la
bonté de me dire la veille de mon sacre et à deux reprises
différentes: "Je ne regrette pas, va, de t'avoir fait nommer évêque,
je ne le regrette nullement". Je reçus cet encouragement comme
un effet de sa bonté, pour achever de me rassurer.
Le jour même de mon sacre, après le dîner, je fus accosté
par un des convives, qui sans doute avait assisté à la cérémonie
et qui avait pris part au dîner de fête. Ce personnage, que je ne
connaissais nullement, n'était autre que le R.P. Eymard,
Fondateur de la Congrégation du T.S. Sacrement. Il me fit
connaître qu'il avait été des premiers enfants de M gr de
Mazenod, qu'il avait fait partie d'une société de jeunes gens qu'il
dirigeait; que devenu prêtre plus tard, il ne se sentait pas appelé
à être oblat, mais qu'il avait fondé une société de prêtres qui
avait pour fin spéciale le culte du T.S. Sacrement. M gr de
Mazenod l'avait autorisé à fonder une maison à Marseille; peutêtre était-ce la premières. Ce digne prêtre me parut avoir une
haute idée de la sainteté de Mgr de Mazenod. Voilà près de 42
ans que je le vis pour la première et dernière fois. Voilà bien
qu'aujourd'hui il est, je crois, déclaré Vénérable et on dirait
qu'on ne pense même pas à Mgr de Mazenod. Je me trompe, on y
pense, puisque quelqu'un qui l'a eu en vénération m'a écrit à
deux reprises différentes pour me prier de ne pas mourir sans
faire des démarches dans ce but. Tout vieil évêque que je suis,
malgré tout ce que je dois à Mgr de Mazenod, je sens que ce n'est
pas à moi à faire les premières démarches; je ne suis nullement
qualifié pour cela.
Je ne puis dire que j'ai vécu dans l'intimité de Mgr de
Mazenod, si ce n'est peut-être huit ou dix jours après ma
consécration épiscopale. Pendant tout mon scolasticat, je l'ai vu
fréquemment et il m'a toujours fait l'effet d'un saint, et je n'étais
pas le seul à penser ainsi. J'ai entendu un vieux prêtre ordonné
par lui, voilà plus de cinquante ans, qui conservait encore vivace
l'impression produite sur lui pendant la cérémonie de
l'ordination. "On voyait dans sa figure et en toute sa personne,
me disait-il, quelque chose d'angélique et de vraiment divin."
C'est surtout lorsque tout jeune prêtre il me donna ma mission
que je compris et sentis en lui l'homme de Dieu. Au moment de
m'embarquer, je reçus de lui une longue lettre dans laquelle il
me donnait les conseils et directions de l'homme de Dieu par
excellence, du juste qui vit de la foi. J'ai eu l'honneur de recevoir
de lui un certain nombre de lettres qui toutes me faisaient voir le
saint, le juste qui ne veut et ne cherche que la gloire de Dieu. Je
les conservais toutes comme précieuses reliques, mais l'incendie
de l'île à la Crosse' ne les a pas respectées; j'ai bien regretté cette
perte que j'estime sérieuse.
Je restai près de lui quelques jours après mon sacre; il me fit
une foule de questions sur nos missions et me donna une
précieuse direction pour m'acquitter de ma charge. Bien que
simple coadjuteur, j'allais me trouver si loin de mon Titulaire et
dans une telle impossibilité de correspondre avec lui, que je
serais obligé d'agir absolument comme titulaire. Pour faciliter ma
charge, il crut lui-même devoir me donner le titre et l'autorité de
provicaire. J'ai entendu dire plusieurs fois qu'il était très vif et
réprimandait avec violence. Je me souviens avoir lu quelque part
que saint François de Sales, se trouvant en face d'un prêtre
scandaleux de son diocèse, lui demanda s'il avait la foi, et ce
prêtre affirmait l'avoir au plus haut degré. "Tant pis, aurait
répondu le saint, votre conduite n'en est que plus condamnable."
Notre Vénéré Père aimait Dieu de tout son coeur. Sa foi égalait son amour. Je comparerai son amour à celui des mères pour
leurs enfants. Elles trouvent trop souvent que tout est perfection
chez leurs enfants et ne peuvent souffrir qu'on ne partage pas leur
faiblesse. Quand il s'agit de Dieu, il n'y a pas de faiblesse à
redouter. Mgr de Mazenod aimait bien; son grand esprit de foi lui
faisait juger comme sérieuse toute imperfection chez le prêtre et
le religieux. Les manquements volontaires aux rubriques, les infractions aux Règles religieuses l'exaspéraient; il s'indignait et
s'emportait, paraît-il, et surtout ne laissait passer aucun oubli sans
le faire remarquer avec plus ou moins de sévérité. Je lui parlai un
jour d'un de ses fils qui, malgré une grande piété et un zèle admirable, avait la manie de bouder et d'éviter de parler à son confrère et de ne répondre que par monosyllabes. Il en fut surpris et
affligé. "Ne tolérez pas pareille chose, me dit-il, dussiez-vous
avoir recours à l'interdit." Je n'en eus pas la peine, lui ayant fait
connaître comment notre Bien-Aimé père estimait sa conduite, il
changea du tout au tout. Un de ses jeunes prêtres se disant ma-
lade avait quitté son Vicariat et s'était retiré dans sa famille sans
l'en prévenir. Averti par le Curé, il demanda le dit vicaire. Il ne
pouvait pas être bien malade, car il vint à pied d'une certaine distance. Il fut repris vertement en ma présence, pour ne pas même
l'avoir prévenu. Je souffrais d'autant plus de la réprimande que je
connaissais le jeune prêtre et que je venais de le saluer
affectueusement comme mon ancien condisciple. Je ne pouvais
cependant moins faire que d'approuver la réprimande comme
bien méritée.
Lorsque, après mon sacre, j'allais voir mes parents et mes
amis dans les diocèses du Mans et de Laval, j'étais si peu accoutumé à ma dignité, je me sentais si peu fait pour l'épiscopat, que
j'avais honte d'être évêque; j'aurais voulu dissimuler ma dignité le
plus possible. Il me prit bien fantaisie de partir sans ma mitre.
"Quoi, dit-il, partir sans ta mitre; j'aimerais mieux te voir partir
sans chemise. Emporte tout ce qu'il faut pour officier pontificalement. Il ne faut pas refuser aux tiens la consolation de te voir
officier épiscopalement." Je compris en effet combien j'aurais été
embarrassé si je n'avais eu avec moi ce qu'il fallait pour officier,
la mitre surtout, et je trouvai que sa vivacité était justifiée contre
ma trop grande réserve. Ceci me rappelle qu'une fois ordonné
prêtre et devant partir pour mes missions, il m'en coûtait
beaucoup d'aller voir ma famille pour lui faire mes adieux
définitifs, jusqu'au Ciel. Cela me coûtait tellement que j'aurais
voulu m'en exempter. Je ne sais qui lui écrivit, peut-être mon
frère; il appela alors le R.P. Modérateur, et supposant que c'était
par mortification que je ne voulais pas aller voir ma famille: "Je
n'aime pas, dit-il, les mortifications qui mortifient les autres.
Évitons cela autant que possible, et que ce jeune père aille voir sa
famille". Il ne se doutait pas que c'était la lâcheté qui me faisait
agir, et en réalité il m'imposait la plus dure mortification de toute
ma vie de missionnaire.
Pendant que, jeune évêque, je visitais les parents et les amis,
deux de nos pères, les RR. PP. Soullier et Gigoud, donnaient une
mission dans le diocèse de Laval; ils me prièrent d'aller assister à
la clôture de leur mission. Je n'avais jamais vu ces chers Pères,
dont l'un devait être plus tard notre Supérieur Général; je ne pus
refuser l'invitation. Quelque temps après, je partais avec le dit
Père Soullier pour aller faire mes adieux à notre Bien-Aimé Père,
alors à Paris comme Sénateur, et voulant rentrer dans son diocèse
pour le Carême. Chemin faisant, le Père Soullier me dit: "Je suis
bien content d'être accompagné par vous pour aller voir notre
Bien-Aimé Père; j'espère que vous allez un peu amortir la semonce que j'attends. Figurez-vous que j'ai été nommé supérieur
de Nancy; vu ma jeunesse, cette charge me coûtait infiniment; je
suppliai le Père Vincens, mon Provincial, de m'en exempter.
"Adressez-vous, me dit-il, à notre R.P. Général". Je savais bien
qu'en m'adressant à lui je ne pouvais échapper, et je lui écrivis:
"Pourquoi me renvoyer à notre Père Général? Vous avez
l'autorité,
usez-en et exemptez-moi de cette corvée au-dessus de mes
forces." Et il échappa à la charge. "Je sais, ajouta-t-il, que notre
Bien-Aimé Père ne m'a pas approuvé; je ne l'ai pas vu depuis, je
crains d'être assez mal reçu." En effet, à peine nous eut-il
embrassés avec beaucoup d'affection, se retournant vers le cher
Père Soullier: "Pourquoi, dit-il, avoir forcé la main à ton
provincial pour échapper à une charge que l'on voulait t'imposer?
Ce n'est pas de la vertu. Il faut plus de simplicité que cela; vois
donc l'évêque de Satala; il est plus jeune que toi; il a bien été
obligé de se soumettre à une charge plus importante et plus
difficile que celle qu'on voulait te confier. Je n'aime pas cela, ce
n'est pas de la vertu. Ne me mets pas dans la nécessité de te faire
de nouveaux reproches." Ce fut fini; il fut bon et aimable tout le
temps. Il faut dire que le Père Soullier n'essaya pas de se justifier;
il ne répondit mot.
Le dimanche qui suivit mon sacre, je reçus une triste
nouvelle, je la communiquai aussitôt à notre Bien-Aimé Père: le
vaisseau qui transportait les fournitures de tous les missionnaires,
c'est-à-dire, nos vêtements, ornements d'église, et surtout les
marchandises qui nous servaient de monnaie pour acheter
certaines provisions des sauvages, pour les faire travailler en
voyage surtout, avait fait naufrage. Ce n'est pas seulement la
perte que nous déplorions; les conséquences de ce désastre
étaient pénibles pour les missionnaires qui devaient en souffrir.
Mgr de Mazenod était très sensible à nos souffrances; on peut dire
qu'il les ressentait. Cette nouvelle l'affligea beaucoup. Aussitôt
après la lui avoir communiquée, on vint lui dire que la voiture
était prête; je dus y monter avec lui avec un de ses grands
vicaires et un secrétaire. L'un s'appelait Cailhol', je crois. Nous
allions, si je m'en souviens, visiter les confrères de SaintVincent-de-Paul. Nous voyagions en silence, sous le poids de la
triste nouvelle que nous venions d'apprendre. Tout à coup, Sa
Grandeur rompt le silence et dit: "Envoyer de pauvres pères dans
vos missions pour y tant souffrir, y mourir de faim et de froid!
Ne vaut-il pas mieux les envoyer à Ceylan? — Mais Monseigneur, lui dis-je, nos sauvages n'ont pas coûté moins cher à
Notre Seigneur Jésus Christ que les Ceylannais! — C'est vrai, dit-il,
mais qu'y puis-je faire?" Tout ému moi-même, je ne pus que pleurer en
silence. En descendant de voiture, ces messieurs, témoins de mon
émotion, profitèrent de ce que Monseigneur était occupé avec ceux qui
venaient le recevoir, me prirent à part et me dirent: "Monseigneur, vous
ne connaissez pas Mgr de Mazenod; quand il lui arrive de faire de la
peine à quelqu'un, il en éprouve un tel chagrin qu'il ne sait que faire
pour réparer sa vivacité. Vous pouvez être certain qu'il vous donnera
des sujets. Supposé qu'il eût décidé de vous en refuser, il reviendrait
maintenant sur cette décision". En effet, dès le lendemain, il m'en
assurait plusieurs.
Pendant tout le temps que je fus avec lui, il veillait comme une
tendre mère à ce que je ne manquasse de rien à table. J'avais surtout un
appétit prononcé pour le pain, nourriture alors inconnue dans nos
parages; il faisait toujours mettre double ration à ma place, et quand
j'arrivais à la fin, il commandait qu'on m'en apportât aussitôt. "Pauvres
enfants, disait-il parfois, quand je songe à vos privations, je n'ai plus le
courage de manger; la fourchette me tombe des mains". Je
l'accompagnais dans presque toutes ses visites; il voulait, disait-il,
montrer un apôtre. J'en étais fort humilié, mais son esprit de foi se
montrait en toute circonstance. Lorsqu'en 1854 je fus m'embarquer au
Hâvre, j'y trouvai une longue lettre de sa main: "Votre mission, y
disait-il, est une mission vraiment apostolique; comme saint Mathias,
vous arrivez après les autres, mais c'est absolument aux mêmes
conditions".
Un jour il voulut me montrer à tous les enfants du catéchisme de
sa ville épiscopale réunis, je crois, dans l'église Saint-Théodore. Après
leur avoir dit quelques mots sur les Sauvages pour leur faire apprécier
le don de la foi, "maintenant, mes enfants, je veux vous procurer une
récréation bien permise, leur dit-il; ce jeune évêque va vous réciter le
Pater en deux langues sauvages". J'étais excessivement timide, mais il
me fallut bien m'exécuter. A peine eus-je fait le signe de la croix que
ces enfants montent sur leurs bancs pour mieux me voir. Ce
mouvement me troubla un peu; arrivé au milieu du Pater en cris, ne
sachant plus où j'en étais, je fis le signe de la croix comme si j'avais
fini. On se douta d'autant moins de mon stratagème que cette prière est
bien plus longue en cris qu'en français.
Cependant, mes nombreuses visites dans mon pays, les émotions qu'elles occasionnent souvent, me firent tomber
sérieusement malade. Mgr de Mazenod, prévenu de mon état, en
fut désolé; il s'accusait lui-même d'en être la cause. "J'aurais dû
prévoir cela, disait-il, et le rappeler près de moi." J'étais tombé
chez un M. Latouche, avoué au Mans. C'était le cousin germain
de ma mère; lui et toute sa famille m'étaient très affectionnés, et
sa digne dame me soignait avec toute la charité d'une sœur aînée.
Il fallait faire écrire fréquemment à mon bien-aimé. Elle le
pouvait d'autant mieux que mon docteur n'était autre que son
père, le docteur alors le plus en réputation dans le pays. Mgr de
Marseille écrivit lui-même à ma charmante infirmière et lui fit
espérer que, si le mal continuait, il se mettrait en route avant les
fêtes de Pâques pour venir me voir. Je ne saurais dire la joie qui
s'empara de la famille et je dirai du clergé de la ville, du chapitre
surtout.
Le clergé du Mans avait en haute estime Mgr de Mazenod,
qu'on appelait le saint évêque de Marseille. Il avait donné plusieurs fois l'hospitalité à Mgr Bouviers, se rendant à Rome,
surtout quand, bien que très malade, il s'y rendit sur une
invitation spéciale du Saint Père, pour la définition dogmatique
de l'Immaculée Conception. A Rome toujours malade, Mgr de
Mazenod le visitait fréquemment et lui témoignait le plus grand
respect et une vraie vénération. Ce fut lui qui, avec Mgr Bourget,
évêque de Montréal, lui administrèrent l'un l'Extrême Onction,
l'autre le Saint Viatique. Quand le corps de Mgr Bouvier fut
transporté de Rome au Mans, Mgr de Mazenod le reçut à
Marseille avec tous les honneurs possibles, lui chanta un service
probablement dans sa cathédrale. Le clergé du Mans en fut
touché et très reconnaissant. Bon nombre des membres du clergé
de la ville me visitaient fréquemment et ma charitable infirmière
ne manquait pas de leur montrer la lettre du saint évêque de
Marseille. On ne douta pas de sa visite et on se promit de le
recevoir grandement. Le successeurs de Mgr Bouvier s'y serait
prêté avec la meilleure grâce. Mon prompt rétablissement fit tout
manquer; on aurait été tenté de le regretter.
Je reçus de ce bon Père, la veille de mon départ, la lettre la plus
touchante. Je n'ai surtout pu oublier cette phrase: "Au revoir donc
au Paradis, mon fils, mon frère, mon ami". Je lus cette lettre avec
émotion à mes charitables hôtes, qui ne purent faire mieux que de
la partager.
En terminant ces notes, je veux aussi rappeler une réflexion
que j'ai entendue de la part de prêtres de Marseille, pendant mon
scolasticat: "Il n'y a, disait-on, que Jeancard (il n'était pas évêque
alors), qui puisse écrire convenablement la vie de Mgr de
Mazenod, ayant vécu plus qu'aucun autre dans son intimité. Mais
il se trouvera dans une fameuse position; ayant écrit la vie de St.
Liguori, il devra se répéter une bonne partie de l'ouvrage".
+ Vital J.[GRANDIN]
Évêque de St-Albert
O.M.I.
* Texte extrait du vol. 5 des Ecrits de Mgr Grandin (copie faite par les soins de
la Postulation). Mgr Grandin a rédigé ces notes un an avant sa mort; il
avait alors 72 ans. Voir aussi P.-E. BRETON, Le Fondateur des Oblats
d'après les écrits de Monseigneur Grondin, dans Etudes Oblates, 18
(1959), p. 331-362.
NOTES:
1 Mgr Emile Legal, O.M.I. (1849-1920), que Mgr Grandin avait lui-même sacré
à Saint-Albert, le 17 juin 1897. "Le bon Dieu m'a fait une grande grâce en
me donnant Mgr Legal comme Coadjuteur et successeur... Du reste, outre
qu'il a plus de science et de capacité que moi, il me témoigne tout le
respect et tous les égards possibles, le caractère épiscopal est un lien
fraternel de plus, à nous deux nous ne faisons qu'un." Grandin à François
Anger, 23 jan. 1899 (Ecrits, vol. 20).
2 Mgr Pierre-Flavien Turgeon (1787-1867).
3 Mgr Alexandre Taché, O.M.I. (1823-1894).
4 Mercredi, le 30 novembre 1859.
5 Pierre-Julien Eymard (1811-1868) avait connu les Oblats à Notre-Dame du
Laus. Le P. Guibert l'orienta vers le Noviciat de Marseille à la fin d'une
mission qu'il prêchait à LaMure et Pierre-Julien prit l'habit chez les
Oblats le 7 juin 1829. Il devait quitter la Congrégation six mois plus tard,
complètement épuisé et sans avoir prononcé de vœux. Grâce à l'influence
du P. de Mazenod, il put entrer au grand séminaire de Grenoble en 1831.
Le "cénacle" de Marseille était la deuxième fondation des PP. du T. S.
Sacrement. A l'époque du sacre de M gr Grandin, Mgr de Mazenod venait
d'installer la nouvelle congrégation religieuse dans l'ancien couvent des
Minimes (cf. Leflon 3, p. 534, n. 2; Rey 2, p. 720).
6 Le ler mars 1867. "Cet établissement, dont j'étais si heureux et presque fier,
a été réduit en cendres en quelques heures, le 1e1 mars dernier. Ce même
incendie a détruit tout ce que nous possédions. A dix heures du soir, je
me trouvais en plein air, avec un père malade, trois frères convers, trois
serviteurs et dix-neuf petits garçons, dont sept ou huit orphelins. A nous
tous, nous n'avions pas une couverture pour nous envelopper, pas un
vêtement à changer, pas une paire de chaussures à nous mettre aux pieds,
et nous étions mouillés jusqu'à mi-jambe, car le feu avait fait fondre la
neige. Plus de filets à mettre à l'eau pour pêcher dans le lac notre
nourriture quotidienne, plus même de fil pour en confectionner de
nouveaux. J'avais tout perdu: ma croix d'Oblat, mon Bréviaire, les lettres
de notre vénéré fondateur que je conservais avec tant de respect, tout
avait été dévoré par les flammes." Grandin à l'abbé Ricard, 26 juillet
1867 (Ecrits, vol. 21, texte reproduit de la Semaine religieuse de
Marseille, 1867, p. 546).
Le gouverneur d'Assiniboine a déploré lui-même la perte de la mission
dans une lettre au secrétaire de la Compagnie de la Baie d'Hudson: "It is
much to be regretted, as the Mission was doing good service am- mg the
Indians." William McTavish à George Smith, 18 avril 1867, HBC,
Londres, D.9/11, p. 715.
7 L'abbé Jean-Baptiste Cailhol a été dés son diaconat (1825) le secrétaire de
Mgr Fortuné de Mazenod. Il devint plus tard chanoine et vicaire général
de Mgr de Charles-Eugène et partagea ce dernier poste avec Tempier,
Jean-card... durant presque tout l'épiscopat du Fondateur, dont il a été le
secrétaire pour l'administration diocésaine.
8 Mgr Jean-Baptiste Bouvier (1783-1854), évêque du Mans de 1834 it sa mort.
Ses Institutiones theologicœ, 15 éditions, ont été le manuel de base de la
majorité (plus de soixante) des séminaires de France entre 1830 et 1870.
gr
9 M Jean-Jacques Nanquette (1807-1861).
Généalogie épiscopale du bienheureux
Eugène de Mazenod
Il y a presque une trentaine d'années, les Études Oblates ont
publié une généalogie épiscopale de Mgr de Mazenod; le P. Joseph
Reslé, O.M.I., l'avait établie en 1946, en souvenir du 135e anniversaire de l'ordination sacerdotale de l'abbé de Mazenod. Le P.
Reslé avait relevé une centaine de descendants, avec la plus grande
exactitude que les moyens de l'époque lui permettaient, sans prétendre être absolument complets. Une quinzaine d'années plus tard,
le P. Albert Perbal, O.M.I., faisait paraître une nouvelle généalogie
longue de 300 noms, plus schématique, en appendice à l'ouvrage du
P. Roche sur Eugène de Mazenodz.
Quinze autres années ont passé et le moment semble venu de
reprendre les listes anciennes pour les corriger et les compléter.
C'est un bénédictin français, le R.P. dom André Chapeau, O.S.B.,
de l'Abbaye Saint-Paul de Wisques, qui s'est imposé la tâche d'amender et de poursuivre la généalogie épiscopale de Mgr de Mazenod, à l'occasion de sa béatification. Dom Chapeau est bien connu des historiens de l'épiscopat. Depuis de nombreuses années, il a
dépouillé, complété et corrigé les répertoires existants en établissant des milliers de fiches de contrôle. Avec l'aide du P. Combaluzier, C.M., il a préparé un répertoire alphabétique de tous les
évêques français des quatre derniers siècles qui, dès sa parution, est
devenu un instrument de travail indispensable3. L'autorité de dom
Chapeau en la matière rend d'autant plus précieuse sa collaboration
à Vie Oblate. Qu'il en soit vivement remercié!
La liste des descendants d'Eugène de Mazenod est très considérable: elle compte aujourd'hui près de 800 noms, non seulement
en Europe, mais aussi en Afrique, en Amérique du Sud, et
jusqu'en Asie, dans des pays aussi inattendus que le Japon ou le
Vietnam. Une descendance aussi nombreuse, dans toutes les
parties du monde, eût réjoui le cœur apostolique du Fondateur. De
plus, la liste comprend des noms parmi les plus prestigieux de
l'épiscopat actuel. Pour n'en citer que quelques-uns, parmi les
membres du Sacré Collège: le card. Bernard Jan Alfrink (505)
d'Utrecht; le card. Maximilien de Furstenberg (713); le card.
Ermenegildo Florit (600) de Florence; le card. Joseph Frings (396)
de Cologne; le card. Gabriel-Marie Garonne (153); le card. Lorenz
Jaeger (395) de Paderborn; le card. Joseph Malula (785) de
Kinshasa, autrefois Léopold-ville; le card. François Marty (193) de
Paris; le card. Anibal Munoz Duque (625) de Bogota; le card.
Alexandre Renard (265) de Lyon: le card. Antonio Samorè (593); le
card. Vicente Scherer (548) de Pôrto Alegre et le card. Leo Josef
Suenens (709) de Malines.
Notre bienheureux Fondateur tenait à consacrer lui-même
ses enfants, comme il l'écrivait à Mgr Grandin:
Vous savez que c'est un privilège de ma Paternité d'imposer les mains à ceux de
mes enfants choisis par le Seigneur dans notre chère Famille. J'ai écrit en conséquence
à notre cher et bien-aimé Ivêque de Saint-Boniface que je revendiquais ce privilège,
en le priant de vouloir bien faire à ma vieillesse patriarcale le sacrifice de la joie qu'il
aurait sans doute éprouvé lui-même en vous communiquant le Saint Esprit qu'il a reçu
de moi en son temps4.
De même, pour sa part, Mgr Grandin disait à Mgr Legal, le jour
même du sacre de ce dernier:
J'ai tenu à vous consacrer moi-même, cher Monseigneur de Pogla, malgré mes
souffrances, car je suis le dernier évêque consacré par notre vénéré fondateur. Je
tenais à vous donner autant que possible cet esprit d'apostolat que j'ai reçu de ses
mains, car je désire que cet esprit d'apostolat se perpétue dans notre Congrégations.
On comprend aussi, qu'après la mort de Mgr de Mazenod, NN.
SS. Faraud et Bonjean se soient fait sacrer par l'archevêque de
Tours, Mgr Guibert, qui, promu à l'archevêché de Paris, impose
aussi les mains à Mgr Jolivet, dans la chapelle de l'ancienne
Maison Générale de la rue de Saint-Pétersbourg.
La tradition est aujourd'hui interrompue, si bien que parmi la
quarantaine d'évêques oblats encore vivants, il n'en reste qu'un
seul, semble-t-il, qui descende, et de manière bien indirecte, de
Mgr de Mazenod: Mgr René Toussaint. La généalogie épiscopale
du bienheureux de Mazenod serait assez courte et assez simple à
établir sans l'incidence de deux événements précis:
1. La nomination à Paris de l'archevêque de Tours, Mgr
Guibert. Il suffit de rappeler schématiquement les événements
qui conduisent à cette nomination: la guerre franco-allemande de
1870, le gouvernement provisoire de Gambetta à Tours, le
Ministre des Cultes qui loge à l'archevêché, Mgr Darboy
assassiné par la Commune...
2. Le sacre à Paris du futur secrétaire d'État, Pietro Gasparri,
alors professeur de droit canonique à l'Institut catholique.
Le R.P. dom Chapeau nous a présenté son travail sous forme
de tableaux, faciles à consulter, mais difficiles à reproduire par impression. Après entente avec lui, nous utiliserons la méthode ingénieuse dont le P. Perbal s'était servi, en ajoutant toutefois la date
de chacun des sacres. Il demeure ainsi possible d'utiliser le répertoire pour établir la lignée de chacun des évêques et de remonter
Mgr de Mazenod à partir de n'importe quel nom. Par exemple,
M René Toussaint (759) remonte au Fondateur par Mgr Mels
gr
(757), Mgr Calewaert (711), le card. Van Roey (589), le card
Micara (289), le card. P. Gasparri (121), le card. Richard (22) et le
card. Guibert (1). De même, Mgr Roger Etchegaray (200) remontet-il à son bienheureux prédécesseur sur le siège de Marseille par le
card. Marty (193), Mgr Dubois (191), le card. Grente (161), le card.
Dubois (123), Mgr de Bonfils (122), le card. Richard (22) et le card.
Guibert (1) (Philippe Normand).
I. Ascendance épiscopale de Mgr de Mazenod.
1.
Charles-Joseph-Eugène de MAZENOD (1782-1861), év.
tit. d'Icosie et coad. de son oncle Charles-Fortuné à
Marseille, a été sacré à Rome, en l'église St-Sylvestre du
Quirinal, le 14 oct. 1832, par le card. Carlo Odescalchi, év.
de Sabine et préfet de la S.C. des Évêques et Réguliers,
assisté de Mgr C. Falconieri, arch. de Ravenne et de Mgr
L. Frezza, arch, tit. de Chalcédoine et sec. de la S.C. des
Affaires ecclésiastiques.
2.
Carlo ODESCALCHI (1785-1841), card. et arch. de
Ferrare, a été sacré à Rome, dans la basilique des DouzeApôtres, le 25 mai 1823, par le card. Giulia Maria della
Somaglia, év. d'Os-tie et de Velletri, doyen du sacré
Collège.
3.
Giulio Maria della SOMAGLIA (1744-1830), arch. tit.
d'Antioche, a été sacré à Rome, en l'église St-Charles ai
Catinari, le 21 déc. 1788, par le card. Hyacinthe-Sigismond
Gerdil.
4.
Hyacinthe-Sigismond GERDIL (1718-1802), barnabite,
év. tit. de Dibon, a été sacré à Rome, en l'église St-Charles
ai Catinari, le 2 mars 1777, par le card. Marcantonio
Colonna.
5.
Marcantonio COLONNA (1724-1803), card. et arch. tit. de
Corinthe, a été sacré à Rome, dans la chapelle Pauline, le
25 avril 1762, par le pape Clément XIII (Carlo Rezzonico).
6.
Carlo della Torre REZZONICO (1693-1769), card. et év.
de Padoue, a été sacré à Padoue, le 19 mars 1743, par le
pape Benoît XIV (Prospero Lambertini).
7.
Prospero LAMBERTINI (1675-1758), arch. tit. de
Thédose, a été sacré à Rome, dans la chapelle Pauline, le
16 juil. 1724, par le pape Benoît XIII (Vincenzo Maria
Orsini).
8.
Pietro Francesco (en religion: Fra Vincenzo Maria)
ORSINI (1649-1730), dominicain, card. et arch. de
Manfredonia, a été sacré à Rome, en l'église des SS.
Dominique et Sixte, le 3 fév. 1675, par le card. Paluzzo
Paluzzi degli Albertoni, dit Altieri, év. de Montefiascone.
9.
Paluzzo Paluzzi degli ALBERTONI, dit ALTIERI (après son
adoption par Clément X) (1623-1698), card. et év. de
Montefiascone, a été sacré à Rome, en l'église StSylvestre, le 2 mai 1666, par le card. Ulderico Carpegna6.
10.
Ulderico CARPEGNA (c.1596-c.1679), év. de Gubbio, a été
sacré à Rome, dans la chapelle Pauline, le 7 oct. 1730, par
le card. Luigi Caetani.
11.
Luigi CAETANI (1565-1642), card. et patr. d'Antioche, a été
sacré à Rome, en la basilique Ste-Marie-Majeure, le 12
juin 1622, par le card. Ludovico Ludovisi.
12.
Ludovico LUDOVISI (1595-1632), neveu de Grégoire XV,
card. et arch. de Bologne, a été sacré à Rome, dans la
chapelle privée de sa résidence près de St-Pierre, le 2 mai
1621, par Mgr Galeazzo Sanvitale.
13.
Galeazzo SANVITALE (c.1584-1622), arch. de Bari, a été
sacré à Rome, dans la chapelle de la Sacristie apostolique,
le 4 avril 1604, par le card. Girolamo Bernerio.
14.
Girolamo BERNERIO (1540-1611), dominicain, év. d'Ascoli
Piceno, a été sacré à Rome, dans la basilique des DouzeApôtres, le 7 sept. 1586, par le card. Giulio Antonio
Santorio.
15.
Giulio Antonio SANTORIO (1532-1602), arch. de Ste-Sévérine, a
été sacré à Rome, dans la chapelle Pauline, le 12 mars 1566,
par le card. Scipione Rebiba, arch. tit. de Constantinople.
16.
Scipione REgIsA (1504-1577), élu le 16 mars 1541 év. tit.
d'Amyclée et aux. de l'arch. de Chieti (G.P. Carafa, futur
Paul IV), a été sacré nous ignorons où, quand et par qui.
II. Descendance épiscopale de Mgr de Mazenod
Mgr de Mazenod sacre six évêques: 1. Guibert, O.M.I. (Viviers,
Tours, Paris), 11-3-1842; 2. Allard, O.M.I. (Natal), 13-7-1851; 3.
Taché, O.M.I. (St-Boniface), 23-11-1851; 4. Séméria, O.M.I.
(Jaffna), 4-5-1856; 5. Jeancard (aux. Marseille), 28-10-1858;
Grandin, O.M.I. (St-Albert), 30-11-1859.
Mgr Allard (2) sacre: 7. Ricards (Port-Elisabeth), 18-6-1871, qui sacre: 8. Strobini (Port-Elisabeth), 1-11-1891.
Mgr Taché (3) sacre: 9. Grouard, O.M.I. (Athabaska-Mackenzie), 18-1891, qui sacre: 10. Breynat, O.M.I. (Mackenzie), 6-4-1902,
lequel sacre: 11. Fallaize, O.M.I. (son aux.), 13-9-1931 et 12. Trocellier, O.M.I. (son successeur), 8-9-1940.
Mgr Grandin (6) sacre: 13. Legal, O.M.I. (Edmonton), 17-6-1891.
A. Descendance du cardinal Guibert (I).
Il sacre vingt-trois évêques: 14. Dufal (préf. Indes Orient.), 25-111860; 15. Nogret (St-Claude), 30-5-1862; 16. Faraud, O.M.I. (Athabaska-Mackenzie), 30-11-1863 [lequel sacre: 17. Clut, O.M.I. (son
aux.), 15-8-1865] ; 18. Bonjean, O.M.I. (Colombo), 24-8-1868; 19.
Grolleau (Evreux), 8-9-1870; 20. d'Outremont (Agen), 19-3-1871;
21. Bourret (Rodez), 30-11-1871; 22. Richard (Belley, Paris), 11-21872; 23. de Gaffory (Ajaccio), 6-10-1872; 24. Langénieux (Bordeaux), 28-10-1873; 25. Lion, O.P. (Damiette), 12-4-1874; 26. Perraud (Autun), 29-6-1874 [lequel sacre: 27. Lelong (Nevers), 21-111877]; 28. Cluzel, C.M. (Héraclée), 6-9-1874; 29. Jolivet, O.M.I.
(Natal), 30-11-1874; 30. Jourdan (Tarbes), 24-2-1875; 31. Perretti
(aux. Ajaccio), 6-5-1875; 32. Le Hardy (Laval), 24-9-1876; 33.
Coullié (Lyon), 19-11-1876; 34. de La Foata (Ajaccio), 11-11-1877;
35. Balaïn, O.M.I. (Auch), 25-2-1878; 36. Isoard (Annecy), 29-61878 [lequel sacre: 37. Philippe (Lui), 30-11-1886] ; 38. Roche
(Gap), 11-11-1879; 39. Thomas, S.M. (délégué en Perse), 22-111883, lequel sacre: 40. Crouzet, S.M. (Fort-Dauphin), 28-10-1888.
Mgr Bon jean (18) sacre: 41. Mélizan, O.M.I. (Colombo), 24-1-1880,
qui sacre: 42. Joulain, O.M.I. (Jaffna), 24-8-1893 et 43. Coudert,
O.M.I. (Colombo), 30-11-1898. Ce dernier sacre: 44. Robichez, S.J.
(Trincomali), 8-7-1917; 45. Brault, O.M.I. (Jaffna), 15-2-1920 et
46. Guyomard, O.M.I. (Jaffna), 9-3-1924, qui sacre: 47. E. Pillai,
O.M.I. (Jaffna), 25-5-1949, lequel sacre: 48. Antony (coad. Jaffna),
21-111968.
Le cardinal Bourret (21) sacre: 49. Costes (Mende), 3-9-1876 [lequel
sacre: 50. Lavigne, S.J. (Trincomali), 3-11-1887]; 51. Baduel (StFlour), 21-11-1877 [lequel sacre: 52. Pagis (Verdun), 29-111882,
qui sacre: 53. Le Nordez (Dijon), 9-8-1896 et 54. Enard (Cahors), 89-1896] ; 55. Vidal, S.M. (Abydos), 27-12-1877; 56. Lamouroux
(St-Flour), 29-9-1892.
Le cardinal Langénieux (24) sacre: 57. Obré (Zoara), 15-1-1878; 58.
Dennel (Arras), 1-5-1880; 59. Jacquemet (Amiens), 17-7-1881
[lequel sacre: 60. Renouard (Limoges), 25-7-1888, qui sacre: 61.
Gilbert (Le Mans), 15-7-1894] ; 62. Péronne (Beauvais), 14-121884, lequel sacre: 63. Lecot (Bordeaux), 11-7-1886. Ce dernier
sacre: 64. Sonnois (Cambrai), 19-3-1890 [lequel sacre: 65. Dartois,
M.A.L. (Dahomey), 25-7-1901]; 66. Horstein (Bucarest), 18-101896; 67. Le Camus (La Rochelle), 2-7-1901 et 68. Eyssautier (La
Rochelle), 30-111906.
Le cardinal Coullié (33) sacre treize évêques: 69. Bougaud (Laval),
5-2-1888; 70. Baptifolier (Mende), 11-8-1889; 71. Hautin (Chambé-
ry), 8-9-1890; 72. Laroche (Nantes), 4-4-1893; 73. Pellet, C.S.Sp.
(Nigeria), 25-8-1895 [lequel sacre: 74. Duret, M.A.L. (Delta du
Nil), 24-2-1910 et 75. Terrien, M.A.L. (Bénin), 1-7-1912]; 76. Geay
(Laval), 6-9-1896; 77. Broyer, S.M. (Océanie), 25-10-1896; 78.
Albert, M.A.L. (Côte d'Or), 21-7-1901; 79. Clark, M.A.L. (Tingès),
1-61902; 80. Dechelette (aux. Lyon), 25-3-1906 [lequel sacre: 81.
Moury, M.A.L. (Côte d'Ivoire), 6-6-1912] 82. Hummel, M.A.L.
(Côte d'Or), 29-7-1906; 83. Steinmetz, M.A.L. (Dahomey), 28-101906 [lequel sacre: 84. Cessou, M.A.L. (Togo), 15-7-1923 et 85.
Hauger, M.A.L. (Togo), 24-5-1925] ; 86. Châtelus (Nevers), 29-61910, lequel sacre: 87. Garnier (Luçon), 25-7-1916. Ce dernier sacre:
88. Mignen (Rennes), 21-11-1922; 89. Poirier (Lourdes), 11-21926; 90. Masssé (aux. Lyon), 9-9-1938 et 91. Chiron (Langres), 713-1939. Mgr Mignen (88) sacre: 92. Coste (Carcassonne), 12-11926; 93. Lan-gavant, C.S.Sp. (Réunion), 25-4-1935 et 94. Peurois,
O.F.M. (aux. Rabat), 29-8-1936.
Mgr Balaïn (35) sacre: 95. de Carsalade (Perpignan), 22-2-1900, lequel sacre: 96. Izart (Bourges), 11-6-1907. Ce dernier sacre: 97. Girbeau (Nîmes), 16-12-1924; 98. Patau (aux. Perpignan), 2-7-1925;
99. Auvity (Mende), 6-7-1933 et 100. Bernard (Perpignan), 22-21934.
Descendance du cardinal Richard (22)
Il sacre dix-sept évêques': 101. Duboin, C.S.Sp. (Sénégambie), 3071876; 102. Carrie, C.S.Sp. (Congo), 24-10-1886 [lequel sacre: 103.
Adam, C.S.Sp. (Gabon), 6-6-1897, qui sacre: 104. Lang, M.A.L.
(Bénin), 9-11-1902] ; 105. Lamarche (Quimper), 29-1-1888; 106.
Lagrange (Chartres), 19-3-1890 [lequel sacre: 107. Foucault (StDié), 20-3-1893, qui sacre: 108. Curien (LaRochelle), 5-2-1924] ;
109. Kleiner, M.E.P. (Mysore), 21-9-1890; 110. Mutel, M.E.P.
(Corée), 21-9-1890; 111. Montety, C.M. (Beyrouth), 14-6-1891
[lequel sacre: 112. Lasne, C.M. (Fort-Dauphin), 9-7-1911]; 113.
Fabre (Réunion), 24-4-1893; 114. Bonnefoy (Aix, LaRochelle), 123-1893; 115. Pelgé (Poitiers), 15-7-1894 [lequel sacre: 116.
Bouguoin (Périgueux), 2810-1906, qui sacre: 117. Marty
(Montauban), 21-9-1907]; 118. Latty (Avignon), 8-9-1894; 119.
Lesné, C.M. (délégué en Perse), 28-6-1896; 120. Baron (Angers),
24-8-1896; 121. Gasparri (nonce), 6-3-1898; 122. de Bonfils
(LeMans), 29-6-1898 [lequel sacre: 123. Dubois (Verdun, Bourges,
Rouen, Paris), 2-7-1901; 124. Melisson (Blois), 30-11-1907 et 125.
de Durfort (Langres), 3-5-1911]; 126. Hacquard, P.B. (Soudan), 288-1898 et 127. Cantel (Oran), 24-2-1899.
Mgr Mutel (110) sacre: 128. Demange, M.E.P. (Corée), 11-6-1911
[lequel sacre: 129. Blois, M.E.P. (Mandchourie), 28-5-1922]; 130.
Combaz, M.E.P. (Nagasaki), 8-9-1912; 131. Devred, M.E.P.
(Corée), 1-5-1921; 132. Sauer, O.S.B. (Wonsan), 1-5-1921 [lequel
sacre: 133. Hong Takeoka (Heijo), 29-6-1944] ; 134. Gaspais,
M.E.P. (Mandchourie), 29-6-1921; 135. Larribeau, M.E.P. (coad.
Séoul), 15-1927, qui sacre: 136. Ro Okamoto (Séoul), 20-12-1942.
Ce dernier sacre: 137. Choé ou Tchoi (Taiku), 30-1-1949 et 138.
Jin-Suk Cheong (Cheong Ju), 3-10-1970. Mgr Gaspais (134) sacre:
139. Breher, M.E.P. (Mandchourie), 5-9-1937; 140. Lemaire,
M.E.P. (coad. Kirin), 15-11-1939 et 141. Verineux, M.E.P.
(Yingkow), 16-10-1949. Mgr Lemaire (140) sacre: 142. Raballand,
M.E.P. (Phnom-Penh), 1-5-1956, qui sacre: 143. Ramousse, M.E.P.
(Phnom-Penh), 24-21963. Ce dernier sacre: 144. Chmar Salas
(Phnom-Penh), 14-4-1975.
Mgr Bonnefoy (114) sacre: 145. Laferrière (Constantine), 25-7-1894
et 146. Penon (Moulins), 27-6-1911. Ce dernier sacre: 147. Caillot
(Grenoble), 29-5-1917 et 148. De la Celle (Nancy), 11-2-1920. Mgr
Caillot (147) sacre: 149. Champavier (Marseille), 21-12-1921 [lequel
sacre: 150. Tardy, C.S.Sp. (Gabon), 25-1-1926]; 151. Guerry (Cambrai), 25-7-1940 et 152. Vittoz (aux. Grenoble), 27-12-1940. Mgr
Guerry (151) sacre: 153. Garonne (Toulouse), 24-6-1947 [lequel sacre: 154. Brunon, P.S.S. (aux. Toulouse), 27-4-1965, qui sacre: 155.
Rol (coad. Angoulême), 1-5-1973] ; 156. Jenny (aux. Cambrai), 1851959. Ce dernier sacre: 157. Motte, O.F.M. (aux. Cambrai), 19-51968.
Descendance du cardinal Dubois (123)
Il sacre seize évêques: 158. Chollet (Cambrai), 29-6-1910; 159. Julien (Arras), 8-5-1917; 160. Martel (Digne), 2-2-1918; 161. Grente
(LeMans), 17-4-1918; 162. Baudrillart (recteur Inst. Cath. Paris),
28-10-1921 [lequel sacre: 163. Hiral, O.F.M. (Suez), 19-5-1929];
164. Chaptal (aux. Paris), 3-5-1922; 165. Pichot, C.S.Sp. (Madagascar), 30-6-1923; 166. Dreyer, O.F.M. (Indochine), 16-8-1923; 167.
Clément (Monaco), 2-7-1924; 168. Audollent (Blois), 16-7-1925;
169. Rousseau (Le Puy), 8-9-1925 [lequel sacre: 170. Durieux
(Chambéry), 8-12-1931, qui sacre: 171. Duc (St-Jean-deMaurienne), 25-71944]; 172. Crépin (aux. Paris), 25-5-1926; 173.
Courcoux, oratorien (Orléans), 18-1-1927; 174. Petit de Julleville
(Rouen), 29-9-1927, qui sacre: 175. Brunhes (Montpellier), 20-81932; 176. Parisot (Cotonou), 28-10-1935; 177. Blanchet (recteur
Inst. Cath. Paris), 30-111940 et 178. Lemonnier (aux. Rouen), 2810-1947. Le card. Dubois sacre encore: 179. Sévat, C.M.
(Madagascar), 30-11-1928 et 180. Gerlier (Lyon), 2-7-1929.
Mgr Chollet (158) sacre: 181. Quilliet (Lille), 19-3-1914 et 182. Jansoone (Cambrai), 19-3-1927. Mgr Quilliet (181) sacre: 183.
Lecompte (Amiens), 17-5-1921, lequel sacre: 184. Liénart (Lille),
8-12-1928 et 185. Lamy (Sens), 29-9-1932. Ce dernier sacre: 186.
Lebrun (Autun), 3-10-1940 [lequel sacre: 187. Hermil (aux.
Autun), 2-7-1963] et 188. Fourrey (Belley), 9-8-1955, qui sacre:
189: Rousset (St-Étienne), 6-3-1966.
Le cardinal Grente (161) sacre: 190. Foin (aux. au Mans), 8-9-1939;
191. M. Dubois (Besançon), 7-10-1948 et 192. Chevalier (Le
Mans), 11-10-1951. Mgr Dubois (191) sacre: 193. Marty (St-Flour,
Reims, Paris), 1-5-1952; 194. Jacquot (coad. Gap), 30-9-1959 et
195. Pourchet (St-Flour), 31-10-1960. Le cardinal Marty (193) sacre:
196. LaMoureyre, C.S.Sp. (Gabon), 13-9-1959; 197. Maziers (aux.
Lyon), 25-2-1960 [lequel sacre: 198. Bourrat (Rodez), 6-7-1974] ;
199. Daniélou (Taormine), 19-4-1969; 200. Etchegaray (Marseille),
27-5-1969 [lequel sacre: 201. L'Heureux (Perpignan), 27-3-1971];
202. Saudreau (Le Havre), 22-9-1974 et 203. Rémond (Mission de
France), 14-6-1975.
Mgr Dreyer (166) sacre: 204. Tardieu, M.E.P. (Indochine), 1-51930; 205. Chabanon, M.E.P. (Indochine), 28-10-1930; 206.
Fontcubeata, O.P. (Indochine), 2-11-1930; 207. Gomez, O.P.
(Indochine), 19-31933 [lequel sacre: 208. Casado (Thai Binh), 2-81936] ; 209. Jannin, M.E.P. (Indochine), 23-6-1933 et 210. Ho
Ngoc Can (Indochine), 29-6-1935.
Descendance du cardinal Gerlier (180)
Il sacre douze évêques: 211. Pays (Carcassonne), 7-10-1932; 212.
Bornet (aux. Lyon), 24-2-1938; 213. Ancel (aux. Lyon), 24-3-1947;
214. Duperray (Montpellier), 25-2-1948 [lequel sacre: 215. Tourel
(Montpellier), 25-3-1955, qui sacre: 216. Bernard (Nancy), 10-21968] ; 217. Collin (Digne), 2-10-1949; 218. Boucheix, M.A.L.
(Porto Novo), 10-6-1953; 219. Dupuy (aux. Lyon), 27-4-1955
[lequel sacre: 220. Panafieu (aux. Annecy), 9-6-1974] 221.
Yougbaré (Koupela), 8-7-1956; 222. Maury (délégué en Afrique),
3-2-1958; 223. Vial (Nevers), 15-4-1961 [lequel sacre: 224.
Dixneuf (aux. Rennes), 14-11973 et 225. Rabine (Cahors), 24-61973] ; 226. Vincent (Bayonne), 11-2-1964; 227. De la Brousse
(coad. Dijon), 5-5-1962 [lequel sacre; 227 bis, Gaidon (aux.
Besançon), 30-9-1973] ; 228. Vincent (Bayonne), 11-2-1964.
Mgr Maury (222) sacre: 229. Thiandoum (Dakar), 20-5-1962; 230.
Sangaré (Bamako), 26-5-1962 [lequel sacre: 231. Biard, P.A.
(Mopti), 2-2-1965 et 232. Sidibé (Ségou), 7-12-1974] ; 233. Perrot,
P.A. (San), 9-1-1965; 234. Bihonda (Muyinga), 15-8-1965; 235.
Onyembo (Kindu), 11-12-1966; 236. Pirigisha (Kasongo), 5-31967; 237. Mulolwa (Kalemie-Kirungu), 9-4-1967; 238. Kabanga
(Lubumbashi), 13-8-1967; 239. Lesambo (Inongo), 15-10-1967;
240. Kabangu (Luebo), 17-12-1967; 241. Fataki (Kisangani), 28-11968 et 242. Bossuyt (aux. Reims), 18-9-1971. Mgr Thiandoum (229)
sacre: 243. Tchidimbo, C.S.Sp. (Conakry), 31-5-1962; 244. Sagna
(Ziguinchor), 15-11967; 245. Dione (Thiès), 15-5-1969; 246. De
Chevigny, C.S.Sp. (Nouakchott), 23-2-1974 et 247. Sarr (Kaolack),
24-11-1974.
Descendance du cardinal Liénart (184)
Il sacre seize évêques: 248. Dutoit (Arras), 11-2-1931 [lequel
sacre: 249. Evrard (Meaux), 8-4-1937] ; 250. Liagre (La Rochelle),
4-5-1938; 251. Vansteenberghe (Bayonne), 10-12-1939 [lequel
sacre: 252. Théas (Lourdes), 3-10-1940, qui sacre: 253. Fauret,
C.S.Sp. (Gabon), 29-5-1947] ; 254. Blanquet (Irak), 29-6-1939;
255. Pinson (St-Flour), 18-3-1943; 256. Dib (Tarse), 5-7-1946; 257.
Bonneau (Douala), 16-2-1947; 258. Droulers (Amiens), 6-5-1947;
259. Lefebvre, C.S.Sp. (Dakar), 18-9-1947 [lequel sacre: 260.
Guibert (aux. Douala), 19-2-1950; 261. Doods (Ziginchor), 26-101952 et 262. Ndong (aux. Libreville), 2-7-1961]; 263. Dupont (aux.
Lille), 29-91951; 264. Verhille, C.S.Sp. (Fort-Roussel), 21-12-1951;
265. Renard (Versailles), 19-10-1953; 266. Ogez, P.B. (Mbarara),
23-3-1957; 267. Huyghe (Arras), 11-4-1962 [lequel sacre: 268.
Leuliet (Amiens), 95-1963; 269. Wicquart (Coutances), 11-10-1966
et 270. Harlé (aux. Arras), 22-11-1970] ; 271. Sauvage (Annecy),
3-11-1962 [lequel sacre: 272. Coffy (Gap), 23-4-1967 et 273.
Bouchey (aux. Aix), 19-31972] ; 274 Gand (Lille), 2-7-1964, qui
sacre: 275. Decourtray (aux. Dijon), 3-7-1971.
Le cardinal Renard (265) sacre: 276. Michon (Chartres), 25-3-1955;
277. Ménager (Meaux), 8-10-1955 [lequel sacre: 278. Herbulot
(aux. Reims), 8-9-1974] ; 279. Vandewalle (aux. Versailles), 1811-1958; 280. Gufflet (coad. Limoges), 1-4-1960; 281. Malbois
(aux. Versailles), 22-4-1961; 282. Rousset (Pontoise), 31-3-1963;
283. Chagué (aux. Lyon), 20-9-1969; 284. Boffet (aux. Lyon), 209-1970; 285. Mondésert (aux. Grenoble), 25-9-1971; 286. Rozier
(aux. Clermont), 26-9-1971; 286 bis. Bertrand (aux. Lyon), 14-91975.
B. Descendance du cardinal Pietro Gasparri (121).
Il sacre quinze évêques9. 287. Marchetti-Selvaggiani (nonce), 1441918; 288. A.-Masella (nonce), 21-12-1919; 289. Micara (nonce),
8-81920; 290. Marmaggi (nonce), 26-9-1920; 291. Maglione
(nonce), 26-9-1920; 292. Vicentini (nonce), 29-4-1921; 293.
Pellegrinetti (nonce), 18-6-1922 [lequel sacre: 294. Gnidovec
(Skloppe), 23-11-1924; 295. Rodic, O.F.M. (Belgrade), 7-12-1924
et 295 bis. Budanovic (Subotica), 1-5-1921]; 296. Orsenigo
(nonce), 25-6-1922; 297. Rotta (nonce), 1-11-1922 [lequel sacre:
298. Filipucci (Athènes), 25-3-1927 et 299. Kovacs (aux. Vac),
22-9-1940] ; 300. G. Cigognani (nonce), 1-2-1925; 301. Giobbe
(nonce), 26-4-1925; 302. Ciriaci (nonce), 183-1928; 303. Bartolini
(nonce), 27-5-1928; 304. Chiarlo (nonce), 1111-1928; 305.
Borgongini (nonce), 29-6-1929, qui sacre: 306. Malchiodi
(Lorette), 10-2-1935.
Le cardinal Marchetti-Selvaggiani (287) sacre: 307. Godoy (Zulia),
16-5-1920; 308. Baranzini (Syracuse), 5-6-1933 [lequel sacre: 309.
Pennisi (aux. Syracuse), 15-8-1950 et 310. Canzonieri (aux. Messine), 12-5-1957]; 311. Spolverini (curie), 18-6-1933; 312. Philippe
(Luxembourg), 9-6-1935; 313. Budelaci (aux. Frascati), 12-7-1936;
314. Beretti (curie), 19-7-1936; 315. Traglia (curie), 6-1-1937; 316.
Pascucci (curie), 10-1-1937; 317. Felder (vis. Séminaires), 13-61938. Le cardinal Traglia (315) sacre: 318. Maccarf (A.C.
italienne), 296-1961; 319. Canestri (aux. Rome), 30-7-1961; 320.
Pocci (aux. Rome), 30-7-1961; 321. Righi (curie), 8-12-1961; 322.
Federici (coad. Melfi) 28-10-1962; 323. Spallanzani (aux.
Viterbe), 11-10-1964; 324. Rovigatti (aux. Tarquinia), 29-6-1966;
325. Pascoli (aux. Rome), 3010-1966 et 326. Lanave (Andria), 185-1969.
Le cardinal Maglione (291) sacre: 327. Ambulh (Bâle), 27-9-1925;
328. Leprêtre (dél. apost.), 12-5-1936; 329. Beltrami (nonce), 7-41940; 330. Hurley (St-Augustine), 6-10-1940 [lequel sacre: 331.
Vovk (aux. Laybach), 1-12-1946] ; 332. Misuraca (nonce), 20-71941, qui sacre: 333. Navarro (Usula), 25-3-1943 et 334. Turrado
(Machiques), 17-12-1944. Mgr Beltrami (329) sacre: 335. Machado
(San Miguel), 15-11-1942; 336. Barbera (aux. Ste-Anne), 15-111942 [lequel sacre: 337. Graziano (aux. Ste-Anne), 21-9-1961];
338. Martin (aux. Vera Paz), 3-9-1944; 339. Gonzalez (aux.
Guatemala), 3-9-1944; 340. Garcia (aux. Guatemala), 3-9-1944;
341. Perez (aux. Bagota), 6-11946; 342. Crous (Caqueta), 6-71947.
Mgr Vicentini (292) sacre: 343. Rodriguez Andrade (Ibagué), 3-81924; 344. Lopez (Garzon), 3-8-1924 [lequel sacre: 345.
Villagaviria (aux. Carthagène), 10-2-1957] ; 346. Builes (Ste-Rose
de Osos), 3-81944. Ce dernier sacre: 347. Gallego (Baranquilla),
19-3-1953; 348. Posada (Intmina), 24-5-1953 et 349. Valencia
(Buenaventura), 24-51953.
Descendance du cardinal Aloisi-Masella (288)
Il sacre vingt-trois évêques: 350. Contardo (Temuco), 28-101920; 351. Del Canto (S. Felipe de Aconcagua), 27-12-1925; 352.
Leon y Prado (Linarès), 27-12-1925; 353. Lira (Rancagua), 3-11926 [lequel sacre: 354. Larrain (Rancagua), 21-9-1938] ; 355.
Jara Marquez, salésien (Magellan), 29-6-1926; 356. Labbé
Marquez (Iquique), 21-111926; 357. Harrisson, O. de M. (Piaulay),
1-5-1927; 358. Felici (nonce), 30-12-1927; 359. Du Noday
(Portonacional), 1-5-1936; 360. Lunardi (nonce), 12-12-1936; 361.
De Haas (Arassuhay), 25-7-1937; 362. Coroli (Guama), 13-10-
1940; 363. Van de Weyer, O.C.D. (Paracatu), 27-10-1940; 364.
Massa (Rio Negro), 1-5-1941; 365. Vega (Jatai), 1-5-1941; 366.
Conduru (Ilhéus), 6-7-1941; 367. Rey (Guajara-Mirim), 9-9-1945;
Taffi (nonce), 8-6-1947; 369. Prata (aux. La Paz), 9-4-1961; 370.
Portalupi (nonce), 3-12-1961 [lequel sacre: 371. Caranza
(Rosecopans), 25-7-1962 et 372. Barni (Juigalpa), 16-91962] ; 373.
Paschini (sup. Latran), 7-10-1962; 374. Rossi (curie), 214-1963;
375. Sargozini (aux. Camerino), 17-11-1963.
Mgr Felici (358) sacre: 376. Beck, O.F.M.Cap. (Araucania), 5-81928; 377. Eugenin (Valdivia), 31-5-1931; 378. Campillo
(Santiago), 6-9-1931 [lequel sacre: 379. Munita (S. Carlos
d'Ancud), 1-4-1934; 380. Larrain (Chillan), 25-4-1937 et 381.
Berrios (S. Felipe), 17-71938] ; 382. Subercaseaux (Linarès), 28-41935 [lequel sacre: 383. Aquilera (Iquique), 4-1-1941]; 384.
Silvasantiago (Temuco), 28-41935 et 385. O'Shea, O.F.M.Cap.
(Livingstone), 8-9-1950.
Mgr Lunardi (360) sacre: 386. Turcios (Tegucigalpa), 15-8-1943 qui
sacre à son tour: 387. Capdevilla (Pedro Sula), 19-7-1953 et 388.
Santos (Rosecopans), 12-12-1958 [lequel sacre: 389. Brufau
(Pedro Sula), 29-6-1966] .
Descendance de Mgr Orsenigo (296)
Il sacre: 390. Shoy (Szekesfehervar), 1-8-1927 [lequel sacre: 391.
Kisberg (aux. Szekesfehervar), 3-5-1951]; 392. Kaller (Ermland),
28-10-1930 [lequel sacre: 393. Nathan (aux. Homonic), 6-6-1943];
394. Rarkowski (aum. armées allemandes), 20-2-1938; 395. Jaeger
(Paderborn), 19-10-1941; 396. Frings (Cologne), 21-6-1942.
Mgr Jaeger (395) sacre: 397. Weskamm (Berlin), 30-11-1948 [lequel
sacre: 398. Spulbeck (Meissen), 25-7-1955, qui à son tour sacre:
399. Piontek (Barca), 24-6-1959] ; 400. Rintelen (aux. Paderbon),
14-1-1952 [lequel sacre: 401. Braun (aux. Paderborn), 18-41970]; 402. Hengsbach (Essen), 29-9-1953; 403. Janssen
(Hildesheim), 14-51957 [lequel sacre: 404. Pachowiak (aux.
Hildesheim), 15-7-1958 et 405. Kindermann (aux. Hildesheim),
8-9-1966] . Mgr Jaeger sacre aussi: 406. Tuschen (aux.
Paderborn), 29-9-1958; 407. Fürstenberg (Abercorn), 29-6-1959;
408. Nordhues (aux. Paderborn), 24-8-1961; Nierhoff (Floresta),
29-11-1964; 410. Degenhardt (aux. Paderborn), 1-5-1968; 411.
Rettler, O.F.M. (Bacabal), 12-9-1968. Mgr Hengsbach (402) sacre:
412. Angerhausen (aux. Essen), 12-4-1959; 413. Przylenk, M.S.F.
(Januaria), 29-7-1962; 414. Riith, C.S.Sp. (Jura), 2-101966 et 415.
Grosse (aux. Essen), 8-12-1968.
Le cardinal Frings (396) sacre quatorze évêques: 416. Velden (Aixla-Chapelle), 10-10-1943; 417. Diricht (Limburg), 21-10-1947; 418.
Keller (Münster), 28-10-1947; 419. Rauch (Fribourg), 28-10-1948;
420. Kempf (Limburg), 25-7-1949; 421. Kelleter, C.S.Sp.
(Bethléem), 29-6-1950; 422. Cleven (aux. Cologne), 28-1-1951;
423. Westerman, S.V.D. (Sambalpur), 29-7-1951 [lequel sacre:
424. Cheenath (Sambalpur), 18-5-1974] ; 425. Polschneider (Aix-laChapelle), 18-11-1954 [lequel sacre: 426. Backremer (aux. Aix-laChapelle), 21-12-1961 et 427. Dicke (aux. Aix-la-Chapelle), 11-41970] ; 428. Demann (Osnabruck), 27-3-1957; 429. Wittier
(Osnabruck), 2-10-1957 [lequel sacre: 430. Schrader (aux.
Osnabruck), 8-9-1959] ; 431. Schilling, S.V.D. (Goroka), 19-31960; 432. Frotz (aux. Cologne), 7-10-1962; 433. Wustenberg
(nonce), 21-12-1966. Mgr Keller (418) sacre: 434. Gleumes (aux.
Münster), 13-11-1948; 435. Baaken (aux. Münster), 25-3-1952 et
436. Tenhunberg (aux. Münster), 20-7-1958. Ce dernier sacre: 437.
Lettman (aux. Münster), 24-2-1973; 438. Averkamp (aux.
Münster), 24-2-1973 et 439. Twickel (aux. Münster), 24-2 1973.
Mgr Rauch (419) sacre: 440. Leiprecht (aux. Rottenburg), 30111948 [lequel sacre à son tour: 441. Seldmeier (aux. Rottenburg),
25-3-1953; 442. Herre (aux. Rottenburg), 14-11-1970; 443. Moser
(aux. Rottenburg), 14-11-1970] et 444. Seiterich (aux. Fribourg), 39-1952, qui sacre à son tour: 445. Schaufele (aux. Fribourg), 1151955. Ce dernier sacre: 446. Gnadiger (aux. Fribourg), 12-1-1961;
447. Volk (Mayence), 5-5-1962 [lequel sacre: 448. Rolly (aux.
Mayence), 2-7-1972] ; 449. Leitz, O.F.M. (Dourados), 13-2-1971 et
450. Saier (aux. Fribourg). Mgr Wustenberg (433) sacre: 451. Ley
(Ryukyu), 9-6-1968; 452. Soma (Nagoya), 15-9-1969; 453. Itonaga
(Kagoshima), 18-1-1970; 454. Hirayama (Oita), 24-1-1970; 455.
Yasuda (aux. Osaka), 21-3-1970; 456. Hamao (aux. Tokyo), 29-41970 et 457. Ishigami (Naha), 11-2-1973.
Descendance du cardinal Gaetano Cicognani (300)
Il sacre vingt-huit évêques: 458. Luna (Elbeni), 26-9-1926; 459.
Villanueva (Cajamarca), 3-2-1929; 460. Jauregui (San Gabriel), 1681936; 461. Muente (Ayacucho), 16-8-1936; 462. Sanz (Cuttack),
1-11939; 463. Llorente (aux. Burgos), 24-5-1942; 464. Garcia
(Jaen), 7-3-1943; 465. Etcheveria (Ciudad Real), 28-3-1943; 466.
Iglesias (Urgel), 4-4-1943; 467. Merida (Astorga), 12-9-1943; 468.
Delgado (Almeria), 3-10-1943 [lequel sacre: 469. Gurpide
(Siguenza), 23-91951]; 470. Villuendas (Teruel), 16-7-1944; 471.
Alonso (Siguenza), 23-7-1944 [lequel sacre: 472. Hidalgo (Jacca),
4-3-1951]; 473. Font (Zamora), 10-9-1944 [lequel sacre: 474.
Masnou (aux. Vich), 23-111952] ; 475. Lopez (Tuy), 21-9-1944
[lequel sacre: 476. Peral (Iquitos), 6-2-1966 et 477. Echeveria
(Barbastio), 2-11-1974] ; 478. Almarchia (Léon), 24-9-1944; 479.
Blanco (Orense), 12-11-1944; 480. Garcia (Oribuela), 26-11-1944;
481. Souto (aux. Compostelle), 15-4-1945; 482. Rubio (Osma), 65-1945; 483. Alvarez (Urumba), 30-6-1946 [lequel sacre: 484. Roig
(Huamachuco), 25-7-1967] ; 485. Herrera (Malaga), 30-6-1947
[lequel sacre: 486. Anoveros (aux. Malaga), 12-10-1952] ; 487.
Delfino (Lerida), 3-8-1947; 488. Perez (Tenerife), 21-9-1947; 489.
Llopis (Coria), 30-4-1950; 490. Abasolo (Vizayapuram), 11-6-1950;
491. Vega (Mondonedo), 4-2-1951; 492. Baldassari (Ravenne), 296-1956.
Descendance du cardinal Giobbe (301)
Il sacre douze évêques: 493. Diaz (Cali), 16-10-1927; 494.
Monconill (Caqueta), 26-10-1930; 495. Aguledo (Pasto), 6-1-1931;
496. Luque (aux. Tunja), 3-5-1931; 497. Alcaide (Sogira), 1-51932; 498. Gonzalez (Manizales), 29-10-1933; 499. Leiva
(Barranquila), 8-4-1934; 500. Gomez (Pasto), 6-5-1934 [lequel
sacre: 501. Castro (Barranquila), 31-10-1948; 502. Zambrano (aux.
Popayan), 19-3-1957] ; 503. Alegria (Casanare), 3-11-1934; 504.
Huibers (Haarlem), 11-2-1936; 505. Alfrink (Utrecht), 17-7-1951;
506. Calderon (aux. Bogota), 6-1-1959.
Mgr Luque (496) sacre: 507. Medina (aux. Cali), 28-10-1952; 508.
Grau (Quidbo), 31-5-1953; 509. Rubio (aux. Santa Marta), 13-91953; 510. Uribe (aux. Manizales), 3-5-1954; 511. Pimiento (aux.
Pasto), 28-8-1955; 512. Correa (aux. Bogota), 25-2-1957.
Mgr Huibers (504) sacre: 513. Stam (Kisumu), 28-6-1936 [lequel sacre: 514. Vantenaar (Basankusu), 14-4-1948]; 515. Grent (Amboina), 31-8-1947 [lequel sacre: 516. Sol (Amboina), 25-2-1964] ;
517. Schneider (Makassar), 27-9-1948; 518. Vos (Kuching), 12-61952; 519. VanVelsen (Kroonstadt), 25-7-1950; 520. Brontwell
(Tabora), 22-8-1950; 521. Buis (Jesselton), 1-5-1952 [lequel sacre:
522. Chung (Kota Kinabalu), 15-11-1970] ; 523. Vankester
(Bajankusu), 11-101952; 524. Elswijck (Morogoro), 28-10-1954;
525. Romeij (Samarinda), 15-9-1955; 526. Jansen (Rotterdam), 8-51956; 527. Dodewaard (Haarlem), 9-9-1958 [lequel sacre: 528.
Veerman (Cameta), 22-6-1961].
Le cardinal Alfrink (505) sacre: 529. Nierman (Groningue), 11-51956 [lequel sacre: 530. Staverman (Hollandia), 11-9-1956] ; 531.
Moors (Roermond), 17-3-1959 [lequel sacre: 532. Janssen
(Gimma), 31-7-1959; 533. Van Melis (Monte Belos), 2-2-1963 et
534. Beel (aux. Roermond), 29-12-1965] ; 535. Hendriksen (aux.
Utrecht), 7-3-1961; 536. Zwartkruis (Haarlem), 15-10-1956; 537.
Ernst (Breda), 17-12-1967; 538. Moeller (Groningue), 28-6-1969 et
539. Simonis (Rotterdam), 20-3-1971.
Descendance du cardinal Chiarlo (304)
Il sacre dix-neuf évêques: 540. Buhl (Chiquitos), 1-3-1931; 541.
Aspe (Cochabamba), 21-6-1931; 542. Wollgarten (Limon), 1-51935; 543. Odendahl (Limon), 25-4-1938; 544. Sanabria (Alajuela),
25-41938 [lequel sacre: 545. Solis Fernandez (Alajuela), 18-81940, qui sacre à son tour: 546. Bolanos (aux. Alajuela), 25-31963] ; 547. Ribeiro (aux. Goias), 27-10-1946; 548. Scherer (Pôrto
Alegre), 23-21947; 549. Proenca (Jacarèzinho), 1-7-1947; 550.
Pietrulla (Santarem), 8-2-1948 [lequel sacre: 551. Hypolito (aux.
Bahia), 17-21963] ; 552. Talleur, O.F.M. (Magydus), 7-3-1948;
553. Saboia (Palmas), 14-3-1948; 554. Konner (Foz do Iguassu),
19-3-1948; 555. De Castro (Campos), 23-5-1948; 556. Chaves
(Corumba), 24-5-1948; 557. De Almeida (Montes Claros), 12-121948; 558. Dalmonte (Joinville), 26-5-1949 [lequel sacre: 559.
Ferreira (Leopoldino), 24-8-1961]; 560. Domitrovich (Rio Negro),
19-3-1950; 561. Palma (Araguaia), 13-51951; 562. De Almeida
(Sete Lagoas), 2-2-1954 [lequel sacre: 563. Noronha (Itabira), 24-
8-1965] .
Le cardinal Scherer (548) sacre: 564. Colling (aux. S. Maria), 29-11950 [lequel sacre: 565. Gomes (Bagé), 25-6-1961]; 566. Sartori
(Montes Claros), 1-6-1952 [lequel sacre à son tour: 567. Battu
(aux. Santos), 25-5-1958; 568. Cheniche (aux. S. Maria), 29-6-1969
et 569. Dotti, O.F.M. Cap. (Caçador), 25-5-1969] 570. De Nadal
(Uruguaiana), 29-6-1955; 571. Silveira (Diamantino), 21-8-1955;
572. Kunz (aux. Pôrto Alegre), 30-10-1955; 573. Petro (Vacaria),
27-7-1958; 574. Etges (S. Cruz), 25-10-1959; 575. Lorscheider,
O.F.M. (San Angelo), 20-5-1962 [lequel sacre: 576. Kreutz (aux. S.
Angelo), 17-91972] ; 577. Lorscheiter (aux. Pôrto Alegre), 6-31966; 578. Ferrari E. (S. Maria), 26-6-1971; 579. Didonet (Rio
Grande), 12-9-1971; 580. Froelich, S.J. (Diamantino), 20-2-1972 et
581. Moretto (Cruz Alta), 28-1-1973.
C. Descendance du cardinal Miraca (289).
Il sacre seize évêques10: 582. Kmetko (Nitra), 13-2-1921; 583.
Vojtassak (Szepes), 13-2-1921 [lequel sacre: 584. Barnass (aux.
Szepes), 5-11-1949]; 585. Blaha (Neusohl), 13-2-1921 [lequel
sacre: 586. Bubnic (Roseneau), 8-11-1925] ; 587. Stojan (Olmutz),
3-4-1921 [lequel sacre: 588. Schinzel (aux. Olmutz), 7-1-1923] ;
589. Van Roey (Malines), 25-4-1926; 590. Arrigoni (nonce), 28-71946 [lequel sacre: 591. Ramirez (Cajamarca), 9-11-1947] ; 592.
Aldegunde (Tanger), 2-3-1947; 593. Samorè (nonce), 16-4-1950;
594. Lombardi (nonce), 16-4-1950; 595. Verolino (nonce), 7-101951; 596. Cunial (aux. Rome), 17-5-1953; 597. Gasbarri (aux.
Velletri), 20-9-1953 [lequel sacre: 598. Tacconi (aux. Grosseto),
21-6-1970] ; 599. Siino (nonce), 29-11-1953; 600. Florit
(Florence), 12-9-1954 [lequel sacre: 601. Bianchi (aux. Florence),
8-9-1964; 602. Casalini (Manzini), 12-2-1966 et 603. Bartoletti
(aux. Lucques), 8-9-1958] ; 604. Punzozo (nonce), 16-1-1955;
605. D'Amato (abbé de St-Paul), 27-11-1955.
Mgr Kmetko (582) sacre: 606. Jantausch (Tirnovo), 14-6-1925; 607.
Carsky (Kosice), 14-6-1925 et 608. Necsey (aux. Nitra), 16-51943.
Mgr Verolino (595) sacre: 609. Manresa (Quezaltenango), 6-1-1956
[lequel sacre: 610. Flores (aux. Quezaltenango), 7-10-1966]; 611.
Fernandez (S. Marco), 6-1-1956; 612. Iuna (Zacapa), 6-1-1956;
613. Hofer (Limon), 11-4-1958; 614. Rodriguez (Costa Rica), 265-1960; 615. Arieta (Tilaran), 21-9-1961.
Mgr Siino (599) sacre: 616. Polanco (Santiago), 31-1-1954; 617.
Reilly (Maguana), 30-11-1956; 618. Panal (La Vega), 8-12-1956;
619. Arcilla (Sorsogon), 12-12-1959; 620. Olwell (Maebel), 25-41961; 621. Regan (Tagum), 24-4-1962; 622. Urgek (Calbayog), 126-1962; 623. De Witt (Antigua), 19-6-1962 et 624. Gaviola
(Cabanatuan), 4-61963.
Descendance du cardinal Samorè (593)
Il sacre douze évêques: 625. Munoz Duque (Socorro), 27-5-1951;
626. Forero (Nueva Pamplona), 9-11-1951; 627. Jauregui (aux.
Medellin), 2-2-1952; 628. Tarasso (Florencia), 20-4-1952; Escobar
(aux. Antioquia), 27-4-1952; 630. Martini (nonce), 29-10-1961
[lequel sacre: 631. Suarez (Tepic), 15-8-1971]; 632. Ligondé
(Port-au-Prince), 28-10-1966; 633. Angenor (Les Cayes), 28-101966; 634. Constant (Gonaives), 28-10-1966; 635. Peters (aux. Les
Cayes), 28-10-1966; 636. Decoste (aux. Port-au-Prince), 28-101966; 637. Laigueglia (nonce), 22-9-1973.
Le cardinal Munoz Duque (625) sacre: 638. Sarmiento (Ocana), 6-11963; 639. Garcia (coad. Osos), 30-8-1969; 640. Lopez (aux.
Bogota), 25-3-1971; 641. Buitrago (aux. Bogota), 25-3-1971; 642.
Correa (Buenaventura), 27-3-1973; 643. Revollo (aux. Bogota), 212-1973; 644. Escobar (aux. Bogota), 29-7-1974; 645. Giralda
(aux. Popayan), 159-1974.
Descendance de Ma, Armando Lombardi (594)
Il sacre quarante évêques: 646. Rincon (aux. Zulia), 22-4-1951;
647. Fernandez (S. Cristobal), 24-8-1952; 648. Garcia (Ayacucho),
20-91953 [lequel sacre: 649. Cecarelli (Ayacucho), 12-12-1974] ;
650. Ferreira (aux. Sâo Paulo), 26-6-1955; 651. Marchetti (aux.
Sâo Paulo), 29-6-1955 [lequel sacre: 652. Gazza (Tocantins), 8-121962] ; 653. Fernandes (Londrina), 13-1-1957; 654. Coelho
(Maringa), 20-11957; 655. De Aguir (Pesqueira), 31-3-1957
[lequel sacre: 656. Carvalho (Caruaru), 25-10-1959] ; 657.
Malzone (Governador), 5-5-1957; 658. Mazaretto (aux. Curityba),
21-7-1957; 659. Marques (aux. Sorocaba), 5-8-1957; 660. Costa
(Caetité), 15-9-1957; 661. Barbosa (Campo gr.) 1-5-1958; 662.
Thurler (Chapeco), 5-4-1959; 663. Portela (Divinopolis), 17-51959; 664. Parodi (Balsas), 21-6-1959; 665. Dalvit (S. Mateus), 296-1959; 666. Dinkelborg (Oeiras), 11-10-1959; 667. De Araujo
(Rui Barbosa), 27-3-1960; 668. D'Angelo (Pôrto Alegre), 26-51960 [lequel sacre: 669. Grossi (Lapa), 25-1-1963] ; 670.
Hormuis (Jales), 29-6-1960; 671. Melilo (Piracicaba), 29-6-1960;
672. Isnard (N. Friburgo), 25-7-1960; 673. Picâo (Bôa Vista), 31-71960; 674. Cirio (Toledo), 28-8-1960; 675. Brandâo (Propria), 219-1960; 676. Diniz (Mossoro), 21-9-1960; 677. Pellanda (Ponta
Grossa), 11-21961; 678. Costa (Valenta), 24-2-1961; 679. Tielbeck
(Formosa), 9-41961; 680. Schmitz (Teofilo), 25-4-1961 [lequel
sacre: 681. Broers (Caravellas), 25-7-1963] ; 682. Cerqua
(Parintins), 14-5-1961; 683. Marzi (Solimôes), 9-7-1961; 684.
Ferofino (nonce), 26-11-1961 [lequel sacre: 685. Ruiz (Latacunga),
12-1-1969] ; 686. Filipak (Jacarezinho), 13-5-1962; 687. Hoffman
(Frederico), 10-6-1962; 688. Ghizzino (Tocantins), 29-6-1962; 689.
Lui (Paracatu), 29-7-1962; 690. D'Aversa (Humaitâ), 5-8-1926;
691. Gonzales (Raymond Nonnat), 19-5-1963.
Descendance du cardinal Joseph Ernest Van Roey (589)
Il sacre vingt-cinq évêques: 692. Coppieters (Gand), 15-5-1927;
693. Van Hee (Kwango), 9-9-1928; 694. Ladeuze (Université de
Louvain), 2-2-1929; 695. Cauwenberg (aux. Malines), 11-2-1931
[lequel sacre: 696. Delcuve (Oubangui), 10-8-1948] ; 697. Verwimp
(Kisantu), 2810-1931 [lequel sacre: 698. Van Schingen (Kwango),
2-5-1937, qui sacre: 699. Guffens (Kwango), 21-8-1949; Verwimp
sacre aussi: 700. Kimbondo (Kisantu), 18-11-1956] ; 701.
Matthysen (Bunia), 25-21934; 702. Verfaillie (Stanleyville), 27-51934; 703. Carton (aux. Malines), 29-7-1934; 704. Haezaert
(Katanga), 30-1-1935; 705. Van den Bosch (Matadi), 1-8-1938
[lequel sacre: 706. Nzita (Matadi), 12-2-1961]; 707. Delmotte
(Tournai), 7-3-1940; 708. Charue (Namur), 11-2-1942; 709.
Suenens (Malines), 16-12-1945; 710. Demets (Roseau), 24-8-1946;
711. Calewaert (Gand), 8-3-1948; 712. Himmer (Tournai), 24-21949; 713. Furstenberg (nonce), 25-4-1949; 714. Wittebols
(Wamba), 16-6-1949; 715. Desmets (aux. Malines), 29-6-1950
[lequel sacre: 716. De Keyser (aux. Bruges), 11-6-1962] ; 717.
Bouve (Kongolo), 24-8-1950 [lequel sacre: 718. Fryns (Kindu), 7-7-
1957] ; 719. Keuppens (Kamina), 21-9-1950; 720. Geeraerts
(Bukawu), 253-1952 [lequel sacre: 721. Van Steene (Bukawu), 8-11956, qui, à son tour, sacre: 722. Catarzi (Uvira), 15-7-1962] ; 723.
Schoemacher (aux. Malines), 26-10-1952; 724. Scalais (Kinshasa),
21-9-1953 et 725. Cauwelaert (Iningo), 25-3-1954.
Mgr Coppieters (692) sacre: 726. Van Goethem (Coquilhatville), 244-1933, qui à son tour sacre: 727. Vermeiren (Coquilhatville), 27-71947. Ce dernier sacre: 728. Vandekerkove (Bikoro), 20-4-1958;
729. Weigl (Ikelu), 12-11-1961; 730. Watershot (Lolo), 2-9-1962;
731. Wijnanis (Mbandaka), 29-6-1964, lequel sacre: 733. Kesenge
(Mo-. legbe), 25-1-1969.
Mgr Charue (708) sacre: 734. Martin (Ngozi), 30-11-1949; 735.
Jacques (Boma), 11-4-1951; 736. Kettel (Kabinda), 4-6-1953; 737.
Musty (aux. Namur), 30-11-1957; 738. Leroy (Kilwa), 21-121962; 739. Ma-then (Namur), 3-5-1974. Mgr Martin (734) sacre:
740. Makarazika (Ngozi), 8-12-1961. Ce dernier sacre: 741.
Ruhuna (Ruyigi), 21-91973; 742. Kaburungu (Ngozi), 25-1-1969 et
743. Bududira (Bururi), 30-11-1973.
Le cardinal Suenens (709) sacre: 744. Creemers (Bondo), 11-41955; 745. Daem (Anvers), 17-5-1962 [lequel sacre: 746. Jansen
(Isangi), 9-9-1962 et 747. Van Beurden (Kole), 11-2-1968] ; 748.
Peteghem (Gand), 29-6-1964 [lequel sacre: 749. Van Elsen
(Doruma), 25-11968]; 750. Cardijn (JOC), 20-2-1965; 751. Ukec
(Bunia), 6-6-1965; 752. Jadot (nonce), 1-5-1968 [lequel sacre:
753. Sanchez (Santa Fe), 25-7-1974] ; 754. Lemaître (nonce), 207-1969, lequel sacre: 755. Nguyen Sou Lam (Dalat), 17-3-1975.
Mgr Calewaert (711) sacre: 756. Joliet (aux. Gand), 29-6-1948;
757. Mels, C.I.C.M. (Luluabourg), 17-5-1949; 758. De Kesel (aux.
Gand), 24-2-1961. Mgr Mels (757) sacre: 759. Toussaint, O.M.I.
(Ipamu), 11-5-1958; 760. Nkongole (Luebo), 1-7-1959; 761.
Bakolé (Luluabourg), 18-9-1966, lequel sacre: 762. Yungu
(Tshumbé), 15-9-1968.
Mgr Himmer (712) sacre: 763. Lecouvet (aux. Tournai), 8-9-1949;
764. Daubechies (Benguela), 11-7-1950; 765. Descamps (aux.
Tournai), 27-11-1960 et 766. Samain (aux. Tournai), 25-2-1967.
Le cardinal M. de Furstenberg (713) sacre: 767. Furuya (Kyoto),
219-1951; 768. Arai (Yokohama), 25-2-1952; 769. Tomizawa
(Sapporo), 19-3-1953; 770. Kobayashi (Sendai), 3-5-1954; 771.
Satowaki (Kagoshima), 3-5-1955; 772. Quinlan (Chun Cheon), 2711-1955; 773. Nagae (Urawa), 13-4-1958; 774. Lemay, S.M.
(Bougainville), 21-91960; 775. Rush (Rockhampton), 8-2-1961
[lequel sacre: 776. Wallace (Rockhampton), 23-4-1974] ; 777.
Esteves (Luso), 8-9-1963; 778. Ferreira (aux. Braga), 25-5-1965;
779. Henriques (aux. Lamego), 11-10-1966 [lequel sacre: 780.
Kamuenho (aux. Luanda), 23-11-1974] ; 781. Pinho Brandâo (aux.
Leiria), 29-1-1967; 782. Moreira (Carmona), 30-4-1967; 783.
Viera (Nampula), 21-6-1967 et 784. Kunnachery (Kottayam), 242-1968.
Mgr Scalais (724) sacre: 785. Malula (Kinshasa), 29-9-1959. Ce
dernier sacre: 786. Malunga (Kamina), 29-11-1959; 787. Biletsi
(Idiofa), 13-9-1970; 788. Moke (aux. Kinshasa), 6-12-1970; 789.
Tschibangu (aux. Kinshasa), 6-12-1970; 790. Lubaki (Matadi), 4-71971; 791. Kabwe (Manono), 24-9-1972 et 792. Songa (Kolwezi),
25-8-1974.
Dom André CHAPEAU, O.S.B.
Abbaye Saint-Paul-de-Wisques
NOTES:
1 Etudes Oblates, 7 (1948), p. 67-75.
2 Aimé ROCHE, Eugène de Mazenod, Lyon, Ed. du Chalet, 1960 (coll.
Biographie par l'image), p. 133-135.
3 L'Episcopat français de Clément VIII à Paul VI dans Dictionnaire d'Histoire
et de Géographie ecclésiastiques, Letouzey et Ané, t. 18, col. 157544.
4 Lettre d'E. de Mazenod à Vital Grandin, 8 jan. 1858. Le même jour, Mgr de
Mazenod écrivait à Mgr Taché: "Vous ne serez pas surpris, cher ami, que
je tienne beaucoup à ce que vous me cédiez la consolation de sacrer le
nouvel Evêque, c'est un privilège de mon Patriarcat que je revendique
avec confiance. Vous me procurerez cette joie n'est-ce pas?".
5 Les Cloches de St-Boniface, 19 (1920), p. 86.
6 Le consécrateur du card. Paluzzi Altieri demeura longtemps inconnu. Dans
l'édition 1930 de l'Annuaire Pontifical Catholique ("le Battandier"), dom
Gabriel Tissot écrivait: "Le card. Paluzzi Alberoni [sic] , dit Altieri, créé
card. le 25 fév. 1666, a été sacré, le 2 mai 1666, év. de Montefiascone,
nous ignorons par qui; peut-être par le Pape Alexandre VII?", APC, 33
(1930), p. 498. Trois ans plus tard, on abrégeait comme suit: "Le card.
Paluzzi Albertoni, dit Altieri, a été sacré à Rome comme év. de
Montéfiascone, le 2 mai 1666, sans doute par Alexandre VII?", APC, 36
(1933), p. 519. En 1935, l'abbé Fernand Nennen, curé de Wanlin, se crût
autorisé d'affirmer sans autre preuve que cette possibilité signalée: "Mgr
Paluzzo Albertoni, card. et év. de Montefiascone, appelé Altieri après que
Clément X (Altieri) l'eut adopté comme neveu et lui eut donné son nom le
29 avr. 1670, a été sacré à Rome, le 2 mai 1666, par Alexandre VII". De
plus, l'abbé Nennen avait mis péremptoirement à ses notes sur l'épiscopat
de Belgique le sous-titre: "Descendance d'Alexandre VII", APC, 37
(1935), p. 518. Ce qui, à l'origine, était une simple hypothèse raisonnable
prenait la forme d'une affirmation incontrôlée qui devait fourvoyer les
historiens de l'épiscopat pendant une trentaine d'années. En 1963, le P.
Combaluzier trouva par hasard dans la Gazette de France de 1666, p. 593,
que Paluzzo avait été sacré par le card. Uld. Carpegna; le pape Alexandre
VII était malade et suivait une cure d'eau. Les erreurs des PP. Reslé et
Perbal sont donc excusables, à une époque où tout le monde pensait
comme eux.
7 Par distraction, le P. Perbal fait sacrer en 1920 Maglione (291) par le card.
Richard, décédé en 1908. De même, Richard, malade, n'a pas été capable
de sacrer Delamaire.
8 Il y a ici une autre erreur dans la liste du P. Perbal: Liénart n'a pas sacré
Desmazières.
9 Pietro Gasparri devait consacrer son neveu Enrico, Francesco Cherubini et
Tito Trocchi, le 12 déc. 1915. Tombé malade durant la nuit, il dut se faire
remplacer à la dernière minute par Vittorio Ranuzzi di Bianchi.
L'annonce du sacre avait été faite et on prit un certain temps à la corriger.
10 Autres erreurs de la liste Perbal: Aldegunde et Florit n'ont pas été sacrés
par Van Roey, mais bien par Micara.
Notes & Documents
ALBERT LACOMBE, O.M.I.
Speech delivered by Mr. Ralph C. Steinhauer, Lieutenant Governor of Alberta, on
the occasion of the unveiling of a plaque in honour of Father Albert Lacombe, O.M.I., at
Brosseau [formerly Saint-Paul des Cris], Alberta, on August 31, 1975.
Today, the people of Canada are commemorating Father Albert Lacombe
and the work that he did while the Canadian west was in its infancy. Indians,
explorers, pioneers and missionaries were the Westerners of Canada when
Father Lacombe travelled in this territory.
But before his death, Lacombe saw the beginning of a new Canadian west.
The changes that he helped create have continued, affecting both the land and
the people, and virtually nothing remains the same as it was at the time of his
death nearly 60 years ago.
If it weren't for change, there would be no history at all. Today would be
the same as yesterday, and no day, year, or century would be significantly
different from another. Change creates history and men such as Father Lacombe create change.
But, while history owes its very existence to change, it is an unfortunate
paradox that change also threatens history's survival. Through preoccupation
with changes that are happening in the present, and all the things that we know
will change in the future, history can be blotted out, lost, and forgotten.
The changes that we as a people have lived through have shaped the
destiny of our lives and the life of our nation. It is important that we investigate
and preserve our history as a whole and as it is represented in the life and
works of persons such as Father Albert Lacombe.
In an effort to preserve, interpret and protect our history we commemorate
people, places and events that have added significantly to our history. Our
identity as Canadians lies in our history and the changes that our forefathers
experienced and helped bring about. Through a knowledge of our history we
will become aware of our personal identities and the identity of the Canadian
nation.
The people of Canada, through the Department of Indian and Northern
Affairs, Parks Canada, have already commemorated people, places and events
of national historical importance at many sites in the province of Alberta. With
the help of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada and
concerned citizens such as yourselves, we hope to preserve and interpret the
history of our nation and to strengthen our identity as Canadians through an
on-going program of historical commemorations.
Father Albert Lacombe is an important part of our history and has had an
effect on this district, the province and the nation. We commemorate him here
today for the man that he was, the great works that he did, and the contribution
that he made to the fabric of Canadian history.
I would now like to read you the inscription of the plaque erected here to
commemorate him: "A native of Saint-Sulpice, Lower Canada, Father
Lacombe ministered for 64 years (1852-1916) to the native peoples and settlers
of the Canadian West. He founded the settlement of St. Albert and several
missions, among them St. Paul des Cris, but his great work was as roving
missionary to the Cree and Blackfoot of the plains. He influenced the
Blackfoot to accept the building of the railway and remain neutral during the
1885 rebellion. In 1889 he was appointed advisor for Treaty No. 8. An
accomplished linguist, Father Lacombe wrote a Cree dictionary and grammar,
and translated the Scriptures. He died at Calgary."
On behalf of the Honourable Judd Buchanan, Minister of Indian Affairs
and Northern Development, I take great pleasure in unveiling this plaque
commemorating a great Canadian.
Texte de la plaque
ALBERT LACOMBE, O.M.I.
1827-1916
A native of Saint-Sulpice, Lower Canada, Father Lacombe ministered for 64
years (1852-1916) to the native peoples and settlers of the Canadian West. He
founded the settlement of St. Albert and several missions, among them St. Paul
des Cris, but his great work was as roving missionary to the Cree and Blackfoot
of the plains. He influenced the Blackfoot to accept the building of the railway
and remain neutral during the 1885 rebellion. In 1899 he was appointed
advisor for Treaty No. 8. An accomplished linguist, Father Lacombe wrote a
Cree dictionary and grammar, and translated the Scriptures. He died at Calgary.
Né à Saint-Sulpice (B.-C.) et mort à Calgary, le Père Lacombe passa 64 ans auprès
des Indiens, des Métis et des colons de l'Ouest. Il fonda la colonie de Saint-Albert et
plusieurs autres missions dont celle de SaintPaul-des-Cris, mais il fut surtout
l'évangélisateur des Plaines. Grâce à son influence, les Pieds-Noirs acceptèrent la
construction du chemin de fer et restèrent neutres pendant la Rébellion de 1885. En
1899, il servit de conseiller pour le traité no. 8. Il écrivit plusieurs ouvrages dont le
Dictionnaire et Grammaire de la langue des Cris et une traduction du Nouveau Testament.
1975
ÉMILE PETITOT, O.M.I.
Allocution prononcée par l'honorable Judd Buchanan, Ministre des affaires indiennes et du
nord canadien, lors de la cérémonie commémorant la mémoire du R.P. Émile Petitot, O.M.I.,
Mareuil-les-Meaux, France, le 22 septembre 1975.
Il me fait grand plaisir d'être ici aujourd'hui à Mareuil-lès-Meaux afin de
rendre hommage au révérend Père Emile Petitot.
Cet homme a vécu dans le Grand Nord canadien durant plus de 20 ans,
menant le même genre de vie que les premiers habitants de ces régions désertiques, les Indiens et les Esquimaux. Il entra dans la communauté des Oblats de
Marie-Immaculée et à l'âge de 24 ans, soit en 1862, il quitta Marseille et
s'embarqua pour l'Amérique. Il devait se rendre dans le Grand Nord pour y
remplacer un missionnaire malade. Lors de ce voyage, il rencontra des Indiens
et commença le même jour à travailler à la rédaction d'un dictionnaire en 10
dialectes qu'il continuera à enrichir par la suite. Il rencontra également des
Français mariés à des femmes indiennes dont il fait l'éloge, et je cite:
"C'est dans ces combats pour la vie que s'illustrèrent ces anciens coureurs de
bois français. Ce sont eux qui endurcissent et façonnent nombre de
missionnaires que la France n'a cessé d'envoyer dans ces régions lointaines.
Le peuple français a donc intérêt à connaître le pays qui fut le théâtre des
exploits, des aventures et du labeur de tant d'enfants de la France".
Il visita sans relâche tous les groupes indiens des régions nordiques,
apprenant leur langue, observant scrupuleusement leurs coutumes, les notant
avec précision dans son carnet de voyage et parfois, il faisait des croquis de ses
observations.
En 1865, soit trois ans après son arrivée dans le Nord, il partit seul visiter
les Esquimaux qui vivaient sur les côtes de l'océan Arctique. Le chef de ces
Inuit, Noulloumallok, avait un grand respect pour le Père Petitot qu'il avait
d'ailleurs surnommé "le fils du Soleil".
Le Père Petitot manifesta toujours un grand respect et une vive sympathie
pour les habitants de ce pays. Les Indiens le surnommèrent "le Père Bon" et le
considéraient comme un grand médecin.
C'est à la Mission de Notre-Dame-de-Bonne-Espérance, près de Fort
Good Hope, qu'il passa la majeure partie de sa vie de missionnaire. Il y résida
de 1864 à 1878. Lors de son séjour, il commença, en compagnie de deux autres
missionnaires, la construction d'une chapelle dont il avait d'ailleurs dressé les
plans. Il construisit un autel et une balustrade gothique et s'adonna à la
décoration de la voûte et des murs. Cette église existe encore aujourd'hui et est
entretenue et utilisée par les Indiens de Bonne-Espérance. On peut y
voir ses fameuses peintures toujours en bon état, qu'il exécutait d'ailleurs à
l'aide de pinceaux faits de poils de caribou ou renne du Canada, et il diluait ses
encres sèches avec de l'huile de poisson.
La participation scientifique de cet homme au Nord canadien est unique
en son genre, immense et de grande valeur. Il apporta une précieuse contribution à la géographie, à l'ethnographie, à la géologie ainsi qu'à d'autres
sciences.
Sa contribution géographique est certainement l'une des plus importantes.
Il dressa une carte du Nord qui fut publiée en 1875 par la société de géographie
de Paris. Il traça dans cette contrée de nombreux itinéraires et rectifia,
compléta sur bien des points, les cartes de ses devanciers. C'est à pied, n'ayant
comme instruments qu'une montre et une boussole, qu'il parvint à réaliser ses
cartes géographiques. Il avait d'ailleurs découvert une rivière en 1868 à
laquelle il donna le nom de LaRoncière-LeNoury du nom du président de la
Société de Géographie de Paris. Les explorateurs qui vinrent après le Père
Petitot, ne pouvant trouver cette fameuse rivière, crurent qu'il s'était trompé. Ce
n'est que 75 ans plus tard, avec la venue de la photographie aérienne, que l'on
redécouvrit ce cours d'eau. Il laissa en outre son nom à plusieurs lacs et rivières
des Territoires du Nord-Ouest.
Épuisé à la suite de douze années passées dans des conditions difficiles,
l'érudit religieux quitta temporairement ses missions et partit pour la France
dans le but de se reposer et de faire imprimer ses nombreux dictionnaires et
autres travaux. Son séjour en France fut surtout marqué par son intervention
lors du Congrès international des Américanistes tenu à Nancy en 1875. Le
Journal Le Figaro, dans la première page de son édition du 21 janvier 1875,
faisait l'éloge de l'illustre savant qu'était le Père Petitot. Après avoir fait publier
de nombreux travaux, il se rembarqua pour l'Amérique, mais sa santé était
complètement ruinée et il dut quitter ses missions. En 1883, il s'embarqua pour
Marseille.
La même année, la Société de Géographie de Londres lui décernait le prix
Back en reconnaissance de sa contribution scientifique. Le 1 e octobre 1886, il
devint curé de Mareuil-lès-Meaux. C'est de son presbytère qu'il publia
plusieurs autres de ses travaux. Il ne quitta jamais sa commune de Mareuil.
Certains qualifient l'Arctique de terre promise créant ainsi l'impression
que cette région n'a jamais eu d'histoire. Les travaux du Père Petitot sont
uniques car il a écrit une partie de cette histoire. C'est la voix du temps jadis,
celle des grands-pères et arrière-grands-pères de ceux qui vivent dans le Nord
canadien.
Tout en lisant ses travaux, nous entendons aussi une autre voix, celle de
quelqu'un qui aima ces peuples nordiques et fut aimé par eux. Il était un géant.
Rendons hommage à ce savant, à ce travailleur infatigable, à cet homme
profondément humain.
Monsieur le Maire, en tant que ministre des Affaires indiennes et du Nord
canadien et au nom du Gouvernement du Canada, il me fait plaisir de vous
présenter, ainsi qu'à la population de Mareuil-lès-Meaux, cette plaque afin de
commémorer la mémoire d'Émile Petitot. Puissent les gens de Mareuil garder
un fidèle souvenir de cet homme éminent.
En terminant, Monsieur le Maire, en mon nom personnel, il me fait plaisir
de vous remettre cet ensemble de photos de croquis et de dessins exécutés par
le Père Petitot lorsqu'il vivait dans notre Nord canadien.
Nous reproduisons ci-dessous le texte de la plaque:
EMILE PETITOT
1838-1916
"Petitot", le Fils du Soleil": c'est ainsi que l'esquimau
Noulloumallok-Innonarna parlait d'Emile Petitot.
Né à Grancey-le-Château, appartenant à la communauté religieuse
des Oblats, Emile Petitot fut, pendant près de vingt ans, missionnaire
chez les Indiens et les Esquimaux des Territoires
du Nord-Ouest du Canada.
Ethnologue, géographe et linguiste, membre de nombreuses sociétés
savantes européennes, il fut curé de Mareuil-lès-Meaux pendant
les trente dernières années de sa vie. Son œuvre écrite
représente un apport de grande valeur à la science et témoigne de
l'attachement qu'il portait aux populations du Grand Nord.
Le Gouvernement du Canada est heureux d'offrir à la France cette
plaque qui commémore la contribution scientifique d'Emile
Petitot au Nord canadien et souligne les relations historiques
existant entre les deux pays.
SOMMAIRE
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Gaston Carrière
The Yakima War: An Episode in the History of the
Oregon Missions — Refutation of a False Accusation .... 261
Mgr Vital-J. Grandin
Souvenirs sur Mer de Mazenod .......................................................... 295
Dom André Chapeau, O.S.B.
Généalogie épiscopale de Mgr de Mazenod ........................................ 305
***
Notes & Documents
Mr. Ralph C. Steinhauer's speech in honour of Fr. Lacombe ............. 327
Discours de l'hon. Judd Buchanan en l'honneur du P..................
Émile Petitot .................................................................................. 329
13098