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Stefano Camporeale
Hélène Dessales
Antonio Pizzo
(eds.)
ARQUEOLOGÍA DE LA CONSTRUCCIÓN
III
Los
procesos constructivos en el mundo romano:
la economía de las obras
(École Normale Supérieure, París, 10-11 de diciembre de 2009)
CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTÍFICAS JUNTA DE
EXTREMADURA - CONSORCIO DE MÉRIDA
Instituto de Arqueología de Mérida
UNIVERSITÀ DI SIENA
Dipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle Arti
ÉCOLE NORMALE SUPÉRIEURE
Département des Sciences de l’Antiquité
MADRID-MÉRIDA, 2012
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Esta publicación se ha visto beneficiada a través de distintas acciones y proyectos:
Acción integrada con la Università di Siena HI2007-0236. Ministerio de Ciencia
e Innovación.
Acción complementaria HUM2007-29214. Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación.
Proyecto de Investigación Excavaciones en el Arco cuadrifronte del foro Boario
(Roma) HAR 2009-14314-C03-02. Ministerio de Cultura.
Imagen de cubierta: representación con escena de obra, tumba de Trebius Justus, via
Latina, Roma (autorización: Museo Nazionale Romano, Servizio di fotoriproduzione).
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Catálogo general de publicaciones oficiales:
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© CSIC
© Stefano Camporeale, Hélène Dessales, Antonio Pizzo (eds.) y de los distintos autores
© De la traducción, Sebastian Stride
NIPO: 723-12-117-8
e-NIPO: 723-12-118-3
ISBN: 978-84-00-09500-0
e-ISBN: 978-84-00-09501-7
Depósito Legal: M-26357-2012
Impreso en España, Printed in Spain
En esta edición se ha utilizado papel ecológico sometido a un proceso de blanqueado ECF,
cuya fibra procede de bosques gestionados de forma sostenible.
ASH MORTAR AND VAULTING TUBES:
AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND THE BUILDING
INDUSTRY IN NORTH AFRICA*
LYNNE C. LANCASTER
Ohio University
ABSTRACT
In this paper I examine two building materials that
illustrate the way in which agricultural practices affected
choices in the building industry in North Africa. The first
is the use of ash from cereals and herbivore manure as a
pozzolanic additive for creating a hydraulic mortar. Recent
experimental studies have shown that ash from wheat
straw and herbivore manure, which are high in silica,
produce a pozzolanic reaction when mixed with lime
mortar. The mortar of linings in cisterns in North Africa
often contains ash, and I suggest that wheat and manure
are the likely sources of this ash. The second technique
is the use of terracotta vaulting tubes, the proliferation
of which began in the area of modern Tunisia during
the 3rd century A.D. I suggest that this phenomenon
can be related to imperial agricultural policy during
the 2nd century A.D., which promoted more intensive
and widespread cultivation in Africa Proconsularis
and with it a certain amount of deforestation. Increased
exportation of agricultural products led to improved land
transport networks in the interior and to the necessity for
production of large numbers of terracotta amphoras for
*All illustrations are by the author unless otherwise
indicated. Numerous people have contributed to the research
presented here. I am indebted to Andrew Wilson at Oxford
University for bringing the use of ash mortar in North Africa to
my attention a few years ago and for providing me with a copy
of his dissertation as I was preparing this manuscript. Many of
the examples cited in this article are ones that he has provided.
I also thank colleagues at Ohio University for their help with
the ash mortar experiment: Steve Hays in the Department of
Classics and World Religions and his wife Barbara for helping
acquire the horse and sheep manure from their farm, Brian
Dieterle in the Department of Ceramics for firing the ashes,
and Jeff Rack from the Department of Chemistry who provided
me with vials. I am grateful to Stefano Camporeale for sharing
his comments on an early draft of my ideas about the vaulting
tubes and to an anonymous reviewer for extremely useful
comments on the ceramic industry in North Africa.
shipping liquid foodstuffs. With the concomitant growth
of the ceramics industry, the vaulting tubes became an
economically viable alternative to the more traditional
wooden centering, which the tubes replaced. Thus the
proliferation of the vaulting tubes is simply one of the
many phenomena resulting from North Africa’s rise as
one of the major agricultural producers during the 2nd
century.
RÉSUMÉ
Dans cet article sont examinés deux matériaux
de construction qui illustrent comment les pratiques
agricoles ont pu influer sur les choix opérés dans
l’industrie de la construction en Afrique du nord. Le
premier est l’usage de cendre issue de céréales et de fumier
d’herbivores comme additif « pouzzolanique » pour
créer un mortier hydraulique. Des études expérimentales
récentes ont montré que la cendre produite à partir de
paille de blé et de crotin d’herbivores, à la forte tenue
en silice, produit une réaction pouzzolanique lorsqu’elle
se trouve mêlée au mortier de chaux. Le mortier de
revêtement des citernes en Afrique du Nord contient
souvient de la cendre et l’hypothèse peut être faite que
le blé ou le crottin en soient probablement à l’origine.
La seconde technique est l’utilisation des tubes de voûte
en terre cuite, dont la diffusion massive a lieu au cours
du IIIe siècle ap. J.-C., dans la zone correspondant à la
Tunisie moderne. Nous proposons l’hypothèse que ce
phénomène soit lié à la politique agricole impériale du
IIe siècle ap. J.-C., avec la promotion d’une culture du
blé plus intensive dans l’Africa Proconsularis, à l’origine
d’un certain nombre de déforestations. L’exportation
croissante de produits agricoles a entrainé l’amélioration
des réseaux de transport à l’intérieur et la nécessité de
produire de grande qualité d’amphores de terre cuite pour
le transport maritime des liquides alimentaires. Avec la
croissance concomitante de l’industrie céramique, les
146
Lynne C. Lancaster
tubes de voûte sont devenus une alternative économique
valable, face aux techniques plus traditionnelles de
cintres en bois, que les tubes sont venus remplacer. Ainsi,
laprolifération des tubes de voûtes est simplement un des
multiples phénomènes qui résultent de l’émergence de
l’Afrique du Nord comme une des premières régions de
production agricole au IIe siècle ap. J.-C.
KEYWORDS: Agriculture, amphora, ash, cistern, horse
manure, hydraulic mortar, North Africa, olive oil, vault,
vaulting tube
MOTS-CLÉS : Agriculture, amphore, cendres, citerne,
crottin de cheval, mortier hydraulique, Afrique du Nord,
huile d’olive, voûte, tubes de voûte
In this paper I examine two building materials
that illustrate the way in which agricultural
practices affected choices in the building industry
in North Africa. The first is the use of ash as a
pozzolanic additive for creating a waterproof
mortar for lining liquid containment structures,
such as cisterns, aqueduct channels, and fish
salting vats. The second is the use of vaulting tubes
(tubi fittili) and their connection to agricultural
production in North Africa.
ASH MORTAR
The use of ash as an additive in mortar is not a
well known phenomenon, but numerous examples
occur in North Africa, most in the context of
waterproof linings.1 The most common way
of creating waterproof mortar in the ancient
Mediterranean was to add crushed terracotta to
lime mortar to form cocciopesto. The clay used
to make terracotta objects contains high levels of
silica, which when fired between temperatures of
600° C and ca. 950° C becomes amorphous so that
it is soluble and can combine with lime and water
in a chemical reaction.2 The resulting substance,
calcium silicate hydrate (C-S-H), is insoluble
and thus imparts the hydraulic (waterproof)
properties to the mortar. Any substance that can
combine with lime to create C-S-H is referred to
as a “pozzolan”, which is distinct from the term
“pozzolana”, which refers to volcanic ash that can
1
Wilson 1997, 53.
Baronio – Binda 1997; Chakchouk et al. 2006; He et al.
1995.
2
Anejos de AEspA LXIV
be used to create hydraulic mortar.3 Regarding
the properties of mortar, “pozzolanic activity”
comprises two factors: the ability of a substance
to combine with lime to create C-S-H and the rate
at which it reacts,4 so a substance that combines
with lime very quickly is highly pozzolanic
whereas one that combines with lime more slowly
is less pozzolanic. Likewise, a substance that
combines more lime is more pozzolanic than one
that combines less lime. Terracotta is just one of a
number of substances that can act as a pozzolan.
Another one commonly used in modern times is
the waste product of burning coal, fly ash, which
contains a large amount of amorphous silica.
Like fly ash, the ash of some plants,
particularly fast growing annual plants such as
grasses and cereals like wheat and rye, contains
a high level of soluble silica. Ashes from trees
and bushes, on the other hand, contain very little
silica and thus have limited potential for use as a
pozzolan (fig. 1).5 Recently, researchers in Turkey
have even investigated the possibility of using
wheat straw ash as an economical substitute for
Portland cement.6
Africa Proconsularis was a major grain
producing province in antiquity, so the use of burnt
remains from the threshing floor or even field
stubble is possible. The practice of field burning
between crops in order to kill weeds is not often
discussed in ancient texts, but it is mentioned by
Vergil7, who in turn is cited by Pliny the Elder.8
It is also attested in two agricultural calendars;9
however, is not directly attested in North Africa.
A second possible source is the ash from the
manure of herbivores, which eat various types of
grasses and cereals with high levels of silica. Pliny10
recommended that manure be used as a fertilizer to
control the acidity of the soil. He notes that farmers
north of the Po valley were particularly fond of
using the ash of light weight manure of draft
animals, fimus iumentorum, which implies equines
3
The term “pozzolana” is not a geological term but rather
a builder’s term to refer to any of a number of volcanic ashes
that can be used to make hydraulic mortar.
4
Massazza 2002, 328.
5
Biricik et al. 1999; Rogers 1991, 26.
6
Biricik et al. 1999.
7
Verg. georg. 1.84.
8
Plin. nat. 18.300.
9
White 1970, 194-5.
10
Plin. nat. 17.49.
ASH MORTAR AND VAULTING TUBES
147
Fig. 1. Chart showing the percentages of some of the major components in the ashes of various cereals and tree woods
(after Rogers 1991, 26).
such as horses, mules, and donkeys.11 In fact, recent
studies have revealed the potential for the use of
cow manure ash made from feedlot waste as a
substitute for Portland cement.12
As a means of determining the most likely
sources of ash used by the ancient builders in North
Africa, I employed a simple test for determining
the pozzolanicity of a substance that is described
by A.D. Cowper in his 1927 book, Lime and Lime
Mortar. He instructs the reader to add 0.5 gm of
the powdered pozzolan to be tested to 0.3 gm of
slaked lime in a small vial, to cover it with a few
centimeters of water, and then to shake the vial
every 12 hours for a week. He explains that if
the reaction creating C-S-H is occurring then the
substance in the vial will grow as more lime is
converted into C-S-H because the hydrates created
in this colloidal condition are much bulkier than
the lime or the pozzolan.13 For the tests, I chose
the ashes of grass, wheat, horse manure, and
sheep manure. As a control, I included the ashes
of hardwood branches with bark attached (which
contains some silica) as well as the ashes of a pine
board. I continued the experiment for much longer
than the week recommended by Cowper in order
to determine when each substance reached its
11
Horse manure is much less dense that the manure of
ruminants such as cows, sheep and goats.
12
Bellizia et al. 2002; Şahin et al. 2006.
13
Cowper 1927, 48-9.
maximum height within the vial.14
The results, shown in figures 2 & 3, indicate
that the grass and wheat ash reacted quickly, but
they did not convert as much lime into C-S-H as
did the manure ashes, which reacted more slowly
but ultimately created much more C-S-H. The
horse manure ash was somewhat quicker to react
than the sheep manure ash, but after 38 days both
had converted similar amounts of lime into C-S-H.
The wood ash did not display much reactivity at
all and created very little C-S-H. At 80 days the
wheat ash had increased by 20% beyond the 38day mark, the horse manure ash by 24%, and the
sheep manure ash by 40%. At 200 days the wheat
ash had remained the same, the horse manure
ash had grown an additional 39%, and the sheep
manure ash an additional 34%. Thus the manure
ashes produced over 2.5 times more material than
the wheat ash. The sheep ash ultimately produced
slightly more than the horse ash.
Why the manure ashes converted so much
more lime than the wheat ash is not clear. Initially
I thought the burn temperature could be the major
factor. The Turkish scholars discovered that the
optimum burn temperature for the wheat ash was
670° C in order to attain the greatest compressive
strength for the mortar.15 I was not able to measure
14
I used a lime: pozzolan mix of 1 part powdered slaked
lime to 2 parts ash (volume) in 150 ml vials. The ashes had to
be washed first to lower the alkalinity; otherwise they floated
to the top and would not mix with the lime.
15
Biricik et al. 1999, 639.
148
Lynne C. Lancaster
Fig. 2. Series of photographs showing the growth of C-S-H in the vials at various intervals.
the precise the burn temperature of the ashes
I used, but the lighter color of manure ashes
indicates that they burned much hotter than the
grass and wheat. The manures burned for a long
time creating embers that produced a gray ash
(horse-10R 5/1, sheep-7.5YR 5/1) whereas the grass
and wheat ash both burned very quickly producing
bluish black ashes (grass-10B 2.5/1, wheat-5PB
2.5/1). As a further test, I had the wheat and grass
ash fired a second time in a pottery kiln at 670°
C.16 The wheat ash turned a reddish gray color
16
Both the firing temperature and the duration of the firing
(2.5YR 6/1) similar to the manure ashes, and the
grass ash turned a light brown color (7.5YR 6/4).
The manure clearly burned closer to the optimal
temperature for wheat established by the Turkish
researchers. However, the fired wheat ash (not
illustrated) converted the same amount of lime
as the unfired wheat ash, whereas the manure
ashes continued to react long after the both wheat
ashes had ceased, so the burn temperature cannot
completely explain the difference. Thus this
experiment raises questions that I cannot answer,
were factors in the Turkish experiments.
149
Fig. 3. Chart of growth of C-S-H in vials in figure 2.
but perhaps future studies will be able to provide
clarification.
Ultimately, this simple experiment demonstrates
that any combination of grasses, straw, wheat chaff,
and herbivore manure would have made good
pozzolanic ash for mixing with mortar. The grass
and straw could be used as tender for starting the
fire and dried herbivore manure for attaining a more
efficient burn. In Tripolitania, D. Mattingly and G.
Barker found evidence for collections of dung of
sheep and goats indicating that they were stabled
at least part of the year. They suggest that this
may have been a means of collecting manure for
fertilization;17 however, as shown above, it would
also have been useful for creating ash for mortar.18
Most of the examples of ash mortar shown on
the distribution plan in figure 4 cannot be dated
with accuracy, but at least some of them appear to
be Punic. For example, samples of mortar from the
cisterns of the Punic houses at Byrsa in Carthage
have been shown to contain small amounts of
organic ash.19 Moreover, at least two examples have
multiple layers of waterproof mortar where the
earliest layer of ash mortar has been covered with
later layers of cocciopesto. One occurs at Carthage
in a cistern in the excavations of the University of
Michigan at the House of the Charioteer, where the
original lining consisted of a gray ash mortar with
subsequent layers of cocciopesto added.20 The other
occurs at El Maklouba in a cistern likely dating
to Punic times where the original mortar lining
was the gray ash type and was later covered by
cocciopesto.21 The use of ash in mortar appears to
have been a pre-Roman phenomenon, but datable
examples from aqueducts and cisterns from the
2nd and 3rd centuries A.D. at Meninx show that
it continued to be used alongside cocciopesto well
into the Roman period.22
Cowper’s test can determine if one substance
produces more or less C-S-H than another, but it
does not provide an absolute index of the ultimate
efficacy of the waterproofing capabilities of the final
Mattingly – Barker 2005, 190.
In Tripolitania, Wilson notes the use of ash mortar at
Leptis Magna (1997, 53) and a “grayish brown mortar with
gravel inclusions” in the fish-salting vats at Sabratha (2007,
173).
Davis – Humphrey 1981, 43-4.
Davis – Humphrey 1981, 47-9.
21
Wilson 1997, 53.
22
Rabinowitz 2009, 215; Wilson 2009a, 177-97; 2009b,
234-5.
17
18
19
20
150
Lynne C. Lancaster
Fig. 4. Distribution map of documented examples of ash mortar.
mortar.23 In order to test the hydraulic properties of
various types of mortar, I created four different
mortar mixtures: lime and illitic Red Art clay
fired at 720° C, lime and pozzolana from Rome,
lime and horse manure ash, and lime and sand. I
let these harden for a month and then put them in
water for three weeks. The pozzolana mortar and
the fired clay mortar produced a very minor amount
of disintegration. The horse manure ash produced
about three times more disintegrated material than
the pozzolana and fired clay, and the lime-sand
mixture produced about six times more than the
pozzolana and fired clay. The results indicate that the
addition of horse manure ash imparted hydraulicity
to the lime mortar but that it was not as effective as
the addition of the fired clay or pozzolana. Perhaps
23
Massazza (1998, 496-7, fig. 10.12) has shown that there
is not a linear relationship between the amount of C-S-H
produced and the amount of strength gain, which is affected
by more complex factors that are not completely understood,
and this also appears to be the case with hydraulic properties.
this explains why it was replaced by cocciopesto in
the examples discussed above.
We do not yet know what was burned to produce
the ash in the mortars that have been found, but the
fact that all have been used specifically as linings
for cisterns, tanks, and aqueducts suggests that the
ash was added intentionally to produce waterproof
properties. The experiments presented here were
intended to narrow the possibilities of the types of
ashes that could have been used. Wood does not
typically have enough silica to produce ash that can
react with lime whereas the grasses, cereals and
herbivore manure would have been good potential
ash sources. Further analysis of such ash mortar
is necessary to determine the amount and nature
of ash used in the mix, but whatever the organic
source of the ash, the parent material was most
likely agricultural waste of some sort, which was
adapted for use as a pozzolan specifically for liquid
containment structures.
151
9). Because of their large size and the necessity
to be slightly curved to fit the arc of the vaults,
the tubes had to be formed by hand (as opposed
to wheel-made). Some of the tubes appear to
have been connected with iron pins. Two types of
tubes have been found at this site; the second type
seems to have been a lighter improved version of
Fig. 5. Diagram of barrel vault construction using nozzle tubes.
VAULTING TUBES
The second building technique I examine
in relation to agriculture is the use of terracotta
vaulting tubes in North Africa beginning in the
second half of the 2nd century A.D. The tubes
are usually ca. 6 cm in diameter, and they have
a nozzle at one end that is inserted into the open
end of the next tube (fig. 5). The nozzle provides
enough play between the tubes so that they can be
adjusted to the appropriate curvature of the vault.
The tubes are set into quick drying mortar of
gypsum, which was abundantly available in North
Africa. However, gypsum mortar is water soluble,
so with water infiltration many tubes have fallen
away leaving only the lime mortar concrete (figs.
6-7).24 The great advantage offered by this system
is that the vaults could be built without the use of
wooden centering by “gluing” the tubes together
to create a shell on which the concrete could be
laid.
This technique of building vaults using
interlocking terracotta vessels is first found
centuries earlier at a 3rd-century B.C. bath
building at Morgantina on Sicily (fig. 8).25 The
tubes were used in two barrel vaults (5.0 and 5.5
m span) and a dome (5.75 m span). These tubes
are much larger (60-70 cm) than the North African
ones and are bullet shaped without a nozzle (fig.
24
The experiments presented in the previous section show
that simple lime mortar also deteriorates in contact with
water, which raises the possibility that builders were adding
some type of pozzolan to their building mortar, as recently
demonstrated for the mortar in Turkey in the Serapeum
at Pergamum (Özkayaa – Böke 2009) and structures at
Sagalassos (Degryse et al. 2002).
25
Allen 1974.
Fig. 6. Vault from baths at Thelepte showing detail where tubes
have fallen away.
Fig. 7. Detail of vault in figure 6 showing remaining tubes.
152
Lynne C. Lancaster
Fig. 8. Distribution map of bullet tubes, nozzle tubes, and kiln pots.
the first type. So there was clearly a process of
experimentation occurring.26 S. Lucore, the most
recent excavator of the structure, has suggested
that the inspiration for the tubes may have been
taken from water pipes, and the use of water pipes
to create a similar type vault at Pompeii (fig. 9)
adds credibility to this suggestion.27 In any case,
the tubes were made specifically for this context
and were not mass produced like the later North
African nozzle tubes.
The next documented example of vaulting
tubes comes from a mid 2nd-century B.C. bath at
Cabrera del Mar near Barcelona in a barrel vault
(5 m span) and a dome (3 m span). These are much
smaller (ca. 22 cm long) than the Morgantina ones,
and they are wheel-made, but they take a similar
bullet shape so that each rounded end could be
inserted into the open end of the adjacent one
(fig. 9). They also were put together with iron
pins, but in this case the tubes meant to carry the
pins were specially fashioned with a transverse
interior tube into which the pin was inserted.28
26
27
28
Lucore 2009, 46-9.
Storz 1994, 35-6.
Lucore 2009, 54; Martín 2000.
As at Morgantina, they were clearly made for a
particular context and not mass produced. Both
of these early examples occur in bath buildings
at a time before concrete vaulting was developed
in these areas. As suggested by R. Wilson, the
impetus to develop such a vault may have come
from a desire to have a safer and longer lasting
structure than a wooden one, which would have
been susceptible to fire and rot.29 After these two
early examples of bullet-shaped tubes, there are no
other securely datable examples of the technique
in buildings until the one mentioned above at
Pompeii that employed water pipes.30
Both R. Wilson and S. Storz have suggested
that the inspiration for the vaulting tubes could
have come from the pottery industry because the
roofs of kilns were sometimes made of interlocking
29
Wilson 1992, 108.
Examples of nozzle tubes have been found at Mozia,
Sicily and were originally published as being from a 1st
century B.C. context (Tusa 1970, 10-1), but a later publication
explained that the context had been disturbed (Tusa 2000,
1401), thus leaving no certain date. Tomasello (2005, 152 n.
6) notes that the form of these tubes suggests a later imperial
date. R. Wilson (1992, 110-3) discusses in detail the vexed
question of other potential early examples from Sicily, but
in each case the dating evidence is inconclusive. See also
Tomasello 2005, 152-4.
30
153
Fig. 9. Chart of forms of various vaulting tubes and kiln pots mentioned in the text. (Chiusi: after Mascione – Aprosio 2003, Tav. 68;
Ordona: after Deru – Paicheler 2000, fig. 404; Sallèles d’Aude: after Laubenheimer 1990, figs. 40-41; Mainz: after Heising
2007, Abb. 46; Morgantina, Pompeii, Utica, Leptis Magna, Bulla Regia: after Tomasello 2005, figs. 2-3; Carthage: after Storz
1994, Taf.3.4; Fiumana: after Arslan 1965, fig. 79; Rimini: after Stoppioni 1993, 108.
terracotta pots.31 The earliest example known thus
far has been excavated recently near Chiusi in Italy
and can be dated slightly later than the Cabrera del
Mar baths to the second half of the 2nd century
B.C.32 Another early example of the kiln vaulting
pots has been found in Italy at Ordona from the
late 2nd/1st century B.C. (fig. 9).33 Examples of
32
33
31
Storz 1994, 4-5, 10; Wilson 1992, 107-8.
62.
Mascione 2003, 51; Mascione – Aprosio 2003, 263-70.
Deru – Paicheler 2000, 438, figs. 404.1-2; Mertens 1988,
154
Lynne C. Lancaster
kiln roofs made in this way became common from
the Augustan period through the 2nd century A.D.
and have been found in southern France, in the
Po valley, in Pompeii, and in Germany especially
along the Rhine (fig. 8).34 Newly excavated evidence
demonstrates that potters were not simply using
wasters (as once thought) but rather were turning
specially made pots to create the roofs of their
kilns. Given the chronological evidence available
thus far, I would suggest that the handmade tubes
from Morgantina were an experimental endeavor
that was not inspired by the use of vaulting pots
in kilns but rather that the idea was later further
developed and spread via the pottery industry.
An examination of the forms in figure 9 reveals
that the vaulting pots for kilns are close in shape to
the earlier bullet-shaped tubes in the bath buildings
whereas the nozzle tubes from North Africa are
distinctly different from these predecessors; there
is a developmental change at some point. The
nozzle was critical in the development because it
provided greater purchase between the elements
as well as greater play between them to create
a wide range of curvatures. The tubes could be
made in different lengths, but for the most part the
diameter remained constant around 5-6 cm. This
was a form and size designed for mass production,
which was necessary if they were to be used for
large-scale vaults. Isolating the change is not easy
given the dating difficulties, but a non-standard
nozzle tube from a necropolis at Utica (fig. 9) that
may date as early as the early 2nd century A.D.
could represent a transitional phase.35 A mid-2nd
century example at Leptis Magna also employed
long non-standardized tubes similar to the water
pipes used at Pompeii. These were unusual in
being placed parallel to the axis of the barrel vault
and did not form arches of interlocking tubes.36
The standardized form of the tubes appear to
have been fully developed by around 170 A.D.
when they were used for cross vaults (5 m span)
at the fabrica at Simitthus.37 The next securely
34
France: Laubenheimer 1990. Pompeii: Cerulli Irelli 1977.
Po valley: Stoppioni 1993. Germany: Dušek 1992; Heising
2007.
35
Lézine (1954, 180, fig. 1.1) notes that this necropolis does
not continue past the early 2nd century A.D., but the context is
not explained. Wilson (1992, 104) questions whether it can be
considered so early.
36
Tomasello 2005, 146-7, fig. 63, 199-200.
37
Rakob 1994, Abb. 65, Taf. 81b-c, 83b-c; Mackensen
2005, 100-1, 122.
dated examples appear in a series of Severan
bath structures that are directly related to the
military: at Aqua Flavianae in Algeria, Bu Ngem
in Libya, Dura Europos in Syria, and Chester and
Caerleon in Britain, which may suggest a role for
the military in the initial dissemination of the new
form of nozzle tube outside of North Africa.38 The
example at Aquae Flavianae was not on a military
base as were the others, but it is located ca. 70 km
east of the legionary base at Lambaesis along the
main road to Carthage, and Septimius Severus had
it rebuilt by a detachment of soldiers in A.D. 208.39
There the tubes were used to construct a very large
dome (12 m dia.), which suggests that the builders
had full confidence in the technique by this time.
Nevertheless, the true proliferation began in the
area of modern Tunisia during the 3rd century and
remained rare outside of North Africa until the 4th
century (fig. 8).
If the idea of interlocking terracotta vessels
was employed in one form or another more or less
continuously from the 3rd/2nd century B.C., one
must wonder what caused the new standardized
nozzle tubes suddenly to become ubiquitous in
Africa Proconsularis during the 3rd century
A.D.? Forty years ago, A. Carandini proposed
the idea of a connection between the growth
of ceramic production and olive cultivation in
Africa Proconsularis.40 I would like to modify
his proposal in light of more recent evidence
relating to the ceramic industry and North African
agricultural exports and to put the development of
the vaulting tubes within this revised context.
North Africa’s increased importance for the
annona during the 2nd century is well recognized.
The imperial effort to increase agricultural
production is documented in various types of
inscriptions, the most famous of which are those
found on the imperial properties near Thugga in
the Medjerda river valley. A Trajanic inscription
found at Henchir-Mettich (A.D. 116-117) authorizes
sharecroppers working on imperial estates to take
over subseciva, or unused lands (usually poorer
38
Aqua Flavianae: Gsell 1893, 510 pl. 8; 1901, 238. Bu
Ngem: Goodchild 1954, 60; Rebuffat 1976-77, 44-7, pl. 167. Baths F3 at Dura Europos: Brown 1936, 50, 61, pl. 14.1;
Downey 2000, 169 (for later dating). Baths in elliptical
building at Chester: Mason 2000, 136. Legionary baths at
Caerleon: Zienkiewicz 1986, 107-12, 334-6, fig. 111, nos.
18-21.
39
CIL VIII 17727-8.
40
Carandini 1970, 97-119.
quality) and details the regulations that govern
their tenancy set forth in the lex Manciana. The
inscription notes the amount of each crop that the
shareholder was obliged to pay in rent each season,
and it ensured that the heirs of the sharecropper
could continue to use the land after his death.
The crops specified include wheat, barley, beans,
wine, figs, fruit trees, olive oil, and honey. Of
particular interest is the clause that released the
sharecropper from the obligation of rent in kind
for five years after planting vines or fig trees and
ten years after planting olive trees.41 Unlike grain,
which produces the year it is planted, these crops
require time to mature, so the law provided both
an incentive to invest and the security to make a
long term investment for these types of crops.
Two later inscriptions found in the same
area at Aïn-el Djemala (A.D. 117-138) and Aïn
Wassel (A.D. 198-209) refer to the lex Hadriana
de rudibus agris, a law under Hadrian that set
forth regulations for taking over neglected lands.
The petitioners in the Aïn-el Djemala inscription
ask for the right to reclaim lands in marshes
and forests in order to set up olive orchards and
vineyards, and the lex Hadriana granted them the
right to take over not only unused lands but also
those that had been leased out and neglected for 10
years. It guaranteed the sharecroppers the rights
set forth in the lex Manciana and specified a 10year tax remittance for planting olives. The lex
Hadriana was meant to encourage sharecroppers
not only to reclaim forests and marshlands but
any unused lands.42 These inscriptions record an
important move towards promoting the cultivation
of the more marginal lands, which may not have
supported grain production but could support
hardier vines and olive trees. The measures
documented in these inscriptions thus provided the
legal protection and the security for sharecroppers
on imperial properties to invest in the clearing of
land and the investment in its upkeep.
F. De Romanis has recently pointed to a
heightened imperial interest in exploiting the grain
supply from North Africa, particularly as indicated
by road building that connected the growing areas
in the hinterlands to ports.43 Hadrianic milestone
inscriptions suggest that this was a period of major
41
42
43
Kehoe 1988, 29-48.
Kehoe 1988, 55-63.
De Romanis 2003, 704-7.
155
development in the road network with links built
between Sitifis and Rusicade (A.D. 124), Cirta
(A.D. 124/126) and Saldae (?), and Simitthus and
Thabraca (A.D. 129).44 Later under Commodus,
the creation of the new harbor at Carthage and
the honoring of the city as “Alexandria togata”
suggests an increased importance of North
African grain for the annona,45 and the 3rd-century
inscription of the Harvester of Mactar indicates
that grain could provide a route to great wealth and
social advancement by this time.46 The internal
road system was critical in connecting the rapidly
developing interior lands to the shipping routes
(fig. 10).
The arid areas of the inland steppes around
Cillium, between Thelepte and Sufetula, also
began to be developed during the 2nd century. A
mausoleum sitting along the major road through
Cillium celebrates the accomplishments of the
Flavius family with long poems inscribed on its
walls. One of them notes that T. Flavius Secundus,
who died in the second half of the 2nd century,
had introduced irrigation and vineyards to the area
and with them the pleasures of Bacchus.47 Surveys
recording villas, irrigation, and oil presses also
indicate that by the 3rd century the area was
extensively developed for olive cultivation.48 These
drier areas (<400 mm annual rainfall) further south
in the inland steppe region and the Sahel further
east were not suited for cereal production, but with
proper irrigation olive and vine cultivation was
possible so that lands previously unexploited were
made productive. Even in the grain producing
areas in the north around Thugga, where the land
tenure inscriptions were found, mixed cultivation
that included olive trees is evident from recent
surveys.49 The agrarian legislation during the 2nd
century was apparently effective in increasing the
agricultural production in both the fertile northern
44
Sitifis: CIL VIII 10363; Cirta: ILS 5872-3 (per
possessores territori Cirtensium); Simitthu to Thabraca: CIL
VIII 10960=22199.
45
Hist. Aug. Comm. 17.8.
46
CIL VIII 11824=ILS 7457.
47
CIL VIII 212; Groupe de recherches sur l’Afrique antique
1993, 251-6.
48
Hitchner 1995b, 143-57. Whether the lex Manciana
applied to non-imperial lands is unclear, but Hitchner
(1995a; 1995b, 141) has suggested that it may have also been
applicable to marginal lands outside the imperial holdings in
the north.
49
De Vos 2000, 22-4; 2008.
156
Lynne C. Lancaster
Fig. 10. Map showing location of vaulting tubes, ceramic workshops, and roads (primary roads shown with double lines; secondary roads shown with single lines; solid line indicates that evidence exists for road; dashed line indicates reconstruction
(after Talbert 2000).
areas and the more marginal dry areas to the south.
The appearance of the widely distributed
amphoras, Africana 1A and Africana 2A, during
the second half of the 2nd century is an indication
that export of olive oil and fish products (and
possibly wine) also increased during this period.
Along the east coast, production of amphoras
has been identified at Neapolis, Hadrumetum,
Leptiminus, Sullecthum and Thaenae through
excavations of production sites and stamps on the
amphoras (fig. 10).50 With increased exportation
of liquid food stuffs came an increased demand
for amphoras in which to ship them. During the
Hadrianic period grain was main annona product,
50
Sites in Byzacena: Mattingly 1988, 45-8; Peacock et al.
1989. Leptiminus: Stirling – Ben Lazreg 2001, 229; Stone
2009. Nabeul: Slim et al. 2004. For the contents of various
amphora types: Bonifay 2004, 463-75.
but an inscription from Seville suggests that by
the 160s olive oil had been added to the system.51
The oil from the interior was transported in skins
and then decanted into the transport amphoras at
the point of embarkation.52 The appearance of the
Africana 1A (oil) in the second half of the 2nd
century is presumably a reflection of the increased
level of African oil exportation at this time.53
A change in the level of fine ware production
can also be seen, with African Sigillata A, which
had been manufactured since Flavian times,
beginning to dominate the Mediterranean market
around A.D. 160-180.54 Though the workshops
51
CIL II 1180=ILS 1403. Oil may have been added as early
as the 140s. See Peña 1999, 20-1.
52
Peña 1998, 171.
53
Amphoras: Panella 1983, 225-61.
54
Bonifay 2003, 115.
where it was produced have not been located,
archaeometric analysis indicates that they were
in the north likely somewhere around Carthage.55
Likewise, the early uses of the vaulting tubes also
occurred in the north along the Medjerda river
valley at Simitthus, Bulla Regia, and Thugga
(fig. 10).56 By the beginning of the 3rd century
new workshops producing African Sigillata C
appeared in central Tunisia, the largest of which
was at Sidi Marzouk Tounsi, thus indicating an
expansion of the industry towards the south.57
The construction of the major arteries between
Thelepte and Sufetula and eastwards to coastal
ports undoubtedly aided in this development. A
milestone in this area mentioning a repair to the
road from Sufetula to Hadrumetum from A.D. 237
implies that this road system servicing the interior
existed earlier,58 which is also implied by the
roadside location of the 2nd-century Mausoleum
of the Flavii mentioned above. The proliferation
of the vaulting tubes appears to be part of this
trend in ceramic production. They were used
in 3rd-century bath buildings at Thelepte and
Sufetula, but their greatest appearance at these
two sites occurs in early Christian buildings when
the workshops around Sidi Marzouk Tounsi were
producing much high quality ware.59
The connection between the appearance of the
vaulting tubes and agriculture should be seen in
relation to the market forces created by increased
agricultural production ever further inland,
which in turn led to an increased infrastructure
for producing terracotta items on a much larger
scale. This infrastructure would have included
the road network as well as production equipment
like turning wheels, drying areas, skilled labor for
producing different types of vessels, and also kilns
for firing. The vaulting tubes were likely made
reasonably close to the site where they were to be
used because great quantities were required for
even a small vault. For example, a vault (1.75 m x
1.85 m) reconstructed at Bulla Regia required 944
tubes.60 The largest surviving dome of vaulting
tubes at San Vitale in Ravenna (17 m dia) employs
around 77,000 tubes. The fortress bath at Chester
in England has been estimated to have required
more than 219,000 vaulting tubes.61 The bath
building at Thelepte (fig. 6) is similar in size to
the one at Chester, so one can imagine that the
number of tubes required for it would have been a
similar order of magnitude. The finger grooves on
the tubes show that they were thrown on a wheel,
which would have allowed them to be created very
quickly. One experimental study has shown that a
single tube can be thrown in less than one minute.62
The known ceramic production sites all were
involved in some type of production involving
turning, whether it was for amphoras, coarse
ware, or fine ware,63 so the tubes could be made
with the available man power and equipment at
most facilities. Unfortunately vaulting tubes can
rarely be associated with particular workshops.
But two documented examples are known: one at
Meninx in an area of kilns that were producing
coarse wares and Keay 25 amphoras (wine or
olives?),64 and another at Uthina associated with
5th-7th century kilns producing fine ware, lamps,
and coarse ware.65
Given the numbers needed, the vaulting tubes
would have required a great deal of kiln space.
As noted above, the inland workshops tended
to specialize in fine ware, and one aspect of the
African Sigillata production, which differs from
that in Italy and Gaul, is the firing of the vessels
in saggars as opposed to the specially made
kilns with terracotta pipes to contain the gases.
The use of saggars to protect the ware during
firing means that the same kiln can be used for
both fine ware and coarse ware, which in turn
would have allowed for the flexibility to produce
the vaulting tubes in the same workshops as the
fine ware.66 Mackensen’s analysis of the graffiti
on saggars, which indicate different workshop
owners, suggests that communal kilns were used,
presumably operated by specially trained firing
masters.67 This organizational model would have
61
Mason 2005, 52.
Storz 1994, 33.
For turning of African sigillata, see Peña 2009.
64
Fentress 2009, 173, fig. 10.48; for contents Bonifay 2004,
473-4.
65
Mackensen – Schneider 2002, 150.
66
For firing of different types of wares in the same kiln, see
Barraud et al. 1998, 165.
67
Mackensen 2009, 38.
62
For examples see lists in Wilson 1992, 125-9 and Storz
1994, 72-91.
57
58
Barbery – Delhoume 1982, 31.
59
Bonifay 2003, 122; Mackensen 2009, 27.
60
Olivier – Storz 1983, 125.
55
56
157
63
158
Lynne C. Lancaster
Fig. 11. Reconstruction showing tube placement in a vault of
double curvature occurring at Kobbat Bent El Rey in figure 12.
also leant itself to the firing of special commissions
for large batches of vaulting tubes. The only kilns
that have been excavated are those of the 6th-7th
century at Uthina.68 Taking one of these as a model,
we can calculate the number of tubes that could
have been fired in an average sized kiln. A round
kiln (1.7 m diameter) with an assumed height of
1.7 m could hold 4000-5000 vaulting tubes (length
12-15 cm), which would result in 44-55 firings for
a project the size of the Thelepte Baths.
A major factor in the choice to employ the tubes
was that they eliminated the necessity of sturdy
wooden centering to support the wet concrete of
the vault. So, why would the vaulting tubes have
been chosen over the timbers so often in Tunisia,
especially when the tubes themselves had to be
manufactured by hand and then fired? One issue
affecting the choice may have been the availability
or cost of timbers for the wooden centering.
Tertullian, a Christian from Carthage who was
writing in the early 3rd century A.D., provides
some idea of the effect of the incentives to take
over unused land. He notes that: “Wildernesses
have been replaced by most charming estates,
68
Barraud et al. 1998.
forests have given way to plowed fields, herds have
made the wild beasts retreat, desert sands have
been reclaimed, stones have been planted, and
marshes drained”69. The desire to take over forested
lands was what prompted the petition recorded
in the Aïn-el Djemala inscription, mentioned
above, and Tertullian’s description suggests that
a certain amount of deforestation had occurred in
order to create more cultivatable land. If so, the
reduction in forested areas would have affected
the availability in some areas of the long straight
timbers necessary for the centering of traditional
concrete vaults.70 The kilns for firing the tubes, on
the other hand, did not need the forests for fuel as
they were supplied by olive branches, olive pits,
and cakes made from the refuse from olive oil
processing.71
The choice to use the tubes was probably not
simply due to a lack of wood but rather to changing
economic dynamics. There were surely wooden
boards used on building sites for scaffoldings and
other purposes, but if the large timbers had to
come from further afield as forests were reclaimed,
transportation costs could have become a factor.
The tubes themselves had to be manufactured at a
cost, but using them in place of wooden centering
also eliminated the necessity for skilled carpentry
work. Scaffolds, which would still be necessary
for building both the walls and vaults were
lightweight temporary structures made of short
boards that could be lashed together, whereas
centerings for large concrete vaults had to be solid
enough to support the weight of the concrete. They
then had to be dismantled and lowered. The shell
of tubes eliminated this procedure and allowed for
the construction to continue without interruption.
Taking all the economic factors together
(materials, transport, labor, and scheduling), the
tubes could have offered a viable alternative to
timbers if they were produced within a system
that was already highly developed for large scale
production of other ceramic items. Some large
projects such as the Baths of Memmia (A.D. 220240) at Bulla Regia, employed wooden centering
for some vaults and tubes for others.72 The precise
69
De Anima 30.3.
For discussions of deforestation in North Africa: Ballais
2000; Shaw 1981, 391-3.
71
Barraud et al. 1998, 145; Peacock 1982, 25; Stirling –
Ben Lazreg 2001, 228.
72
Broise – Thébert 1993, 310-6.
70
159
Fig. 12. Reconstruction of vault forms covering the structure at Kobbat Bent El Rey in Carthage (320-340 A.D.).
governing factors for such choices we may never
know.
The ubiquitous adoption of the vaulting
tubes in Africa Proconsularis eventually led to
the creation of a new vaulting form that resulted
from the process of setting the tubes into place.
They were particularly adapted for creating
vaults of double curvature because their small
size allowed for easy creation of arches that
could be combined into more complex forms (fig.
11). One of the most elaborate examples occurs
in Carthage at a structure known as Kobbat
Bent El Rey (A.D. 320-340).73 The underground
space was originally decorated with mosaics
and fountains and may have been some type
of meeting place, perhaps for the sodales that
organized the animal fights in the amphitheater.74
The main room (3.75 m span) was covered by
a sail vault while the ends were covered by a
combination of spherical sections to create an
unusually complex form (fig. 12). Building a
73
74
Storz 1994, 50-2.
Storz 1991, 41-60.
wooden centering to approximate these curves
would have been much more difficult and time
consuming. Thus, the use of the tubes resulted
in a creative new vault form that is not found in
vaults made with wooden centering.75
Finally, returning to the theme of the
relationship between agriculture and the building
industry, I have attempted to show how changes
in imperial policy to increase agricultural
production eventually led to an economic
situation in which the production of thousands
of these tubes became a reasonable option for
building vaults. This situation was created by
the rapid increase in cultivatable land during
the 2nd century A.D., which in turn affected the
ceramic industry by creating inland transport
routes for goods to reach coastal ports, by
increasing the necessity for amphoras in which
to ship the olive oil, wine, and fish sauce and by
creating broader markets with greater shipping
75
Earlier examples of this type of vault, which Storz calls a
“trompengewölbe” (trumpet vault), are known from Simitthus
and Thugga (Storz 1994, 48-9, 68-9), but Kobbat Bent El Rey
is the most advanced form of it.
160
Lynne C. Lancaster
potential generated by agricultural exportation.
The expansion of the cultivatable land into
previously forested areas may have affected the
availability and cost of large timbers, at least in
some areas. All of these factors taken together
created a situation in which the use of the tubes
became an economically viable substitute for
the traditional wooden centering. Regardless of
where the nozzle tubes originated, their rampant
proliferation during the 3rd century in the area
of modern Tunisia was likely a byproduct of the
agricultural expansion that occurred during the
2nd century A.D. The adoption of the vaulting
tubes as a means of building vaults then led to a
creative new vault form, as seen most clearly at
Kobbat Bent El Rey.
The idea of a connection between agriculture
and the building industry is not new. Many of
the materials used on a building site often
came from farm settings: wood, rope, baskets,
and brick (as seen by the frequent impressions
of the hooves of farm animals impressed in
the wet clay). Quarries for building stone and
lime were another way of exploiting one’s
landholdings. Nevertheless, the connection
between agriculture and the building industry
extends beyond simply the supply of materials
to a building site, and with these two examples
of ash in mortar and terracotta vaulting tubes
from North Africa, I hope to have highlighted
some less obvious links between these two
sectors of the ancient economy.
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Latinarum including complete indices to the Roman brick-stamps, Roma (reed.
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FIRA Fontes Iuris Romani Anteiustiniani, 1941-43, 3 vol., Firenze.
GIBM
The Collection of Ancient Greek inscriptions in the British Museum, Oxford.
IG
Inscriptiones Graecae.
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Mihailov, G. 1956-97. Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria Repertae, 4 vol.,
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IGR
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IGUR
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