Culture Tradition - Memorial University`s Digital Archives Initiative
Transcription
Culture Tradition - Memorial University`s Digital Archives Initiative
Culture & Tradition Vol. 13 1989 Culture & Tradition 1989 Volume XIII Editorial NoteslEditorial Editorial (Universitt Laval) EdilOrial (Memorial University of Nnd.)... . ..... Anne-Marie Poulin .... .5 John A. Harries ..... 7 Articles Iconographic actuelle du Sacr~ .. Anne Marie Poulin 9 L'icOne de Marie, M~re de Dieu, Porte du Cie!: Esquisse d'uR cheminement spirilUei .. . La Vierge Marie dans ('imaginaire des croyants: analyse des pri~res d~pos~s Al'icOne de Marie, M~re de Dieu, Porte du Cicl................ . Women and Supernatural Dreams: A Case-Study Denis Croteau Marcelle Cinq-Mars 34 42 .. Valentina Bold 54 The Cross in the Window: An Examination of a -Miraclein Folk Catholicism Keli 10 Healey 66 The Black. Heart in Newfoundland: The Magic of the Book Barbara Rieti 80 . . Is This Space Yours or Mine? A Study of Personal Space in Narratives of Haunlings.......... . Lise Saug~res 94 Reviews Review of Patrick O'Flaheny. Priest of God ........................................... Eileen Condon 110 A Note of Thanks The editors would like to express their sincere gratitude Arts. Memorial University of Newfoundland, and 10 10 Dr. Michael Staveley. Dean of Dr. Gerald Thomas. Head. Dept. of FolkJore. for their generous suppon of Culture & Tradition. Special thanks also go to the staff of the Depanment of Computing and Communications at Memorial University of Newfoundland for their invaluable assistance during the production of Ihis volume. COVERICOUVERTURE: Contemporary domestic shrine. Quebec / Oraloire domeslique du Quebee. Photo by/par Paul Lalibert~. I.S.S.N. - 0701-0184 Legal DeposiliDep6. Ltgal: National Library of CanadaIBiblioth~queNationale du Canada Biblioth~que Nationale du Qu~bec iii Editorial BoardiComite de Redaction Anita Best (Memorial University of Newfoundland) Marie-Annick Desplanques (Memorial University of Newfoundland) Mark Ferguson (co-editor in chief - Memorial University of Newfoundland) Ga~tane Gauthier (Universitt Laval) John Harries (co-editor in chic:f - Memorial University of ewfoundland) Melissa Ladenheim (Memorial University of Newfoundland) James Moreira (co-editor in chief - Memorial University of ewfoundland) Anne-Marie Poulin (rtdactrice en chef - Universitt Laval) Manine Roberge (Universitt Laval) Marie-France St. Laurent (Universitt Laval) Lise Saugtres (Memorial University of Newfoundland) Culture & Tradition is published annually with the cooperation of the FolkJore Graduate Students Association of Memorial University of ewfoundland and Etudiants en Arts et Tradition Populaires de l'Universitt Laval de Qutbec. Subscriptions are $6.00 per annum. The editors welcome article submissions on any folklore-related topics. These should be scholarly papers of ten to twenty double-spaced typed pages, and may be accompanied by photographs or drawings. Our range of topics includes the traditional arts, music, foadways, architecture. legend. belief, cultural psychology and sociological structure of regional ethnic, religious, and industrial groups in Canada. Studies based on original fieldwork in Eastern Canada are especially welcome. The editorial board also accepts for consideration book. record and film reviews as well as brief notes appropriate to the journal's focus. Papers, subscription requests or general correspondence may be forwarded to either Culture & Tradition, P.O. Box 115, Arts and Administration Bid., Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John's, Newfoundland, Canada, AIC 5S7, or Culture & Tradition. CELAT, Pavilion de Konninck, universit~ Laval, Qutbec, P.Q., Canada. G IK 7P4. La revue Culture & Tradition est pub lite une fois par I'an par des ~tudiants en Arts et Traditions populaires de I"universitt Laval de Qu~bec et The Folklore Graduate Students Association of Memorial University of Newfoundland. L'abonnement est de $6.00. Le comit~ de rtdaction acceptera les articles ayant un inten~t ethnographique. Ces articles seront de dix a vingt pages dactylographites l\ double interligne, d'un bon niveau scientifique, et peuvent etre illustr~s de dessins ou de photographies. La revue est ouverte a un grand nombre de subjets: ran populaire, la musique, I'alimentation, I'architecture, les coutumes et la strucrure sociale de groupes regionaux, ethniques et religieux du Canada. Les comptes rendu de livres, disques et films d'un inter!t ethnographique seront tgalement bien accueillis. Adresser toute correspondance ACulture & Tradition, CELAT, Pavilion de Konninck, universitt Laval, Qu~bec, P.Q., Canada. G IK 7P4. ou l\ Culrure & Tradition, P.O. Box I~. Arts and Administration Bid., Memorial University of Newfoundland, SI. John '5, Newfoundland, Canada, A IC 5S7. Editorial Anne-Marie Poulin, RMactrice en Chef Uoiversit~ Laval Dans la poursuite d'une tMmatique conjointe, ponam sur la religion populaire. Ie comit~ de r6daction de I'universit~ Laval en Ans et lraditions populaires prt5ente la intitul~ synth~se d 'un Iconographic actuelle du ~minaiJe de sacr~. Ce 2e cycle s~minaire pluridisciplinaire. tenu au trimestre d'hiver 1989 par Ie professeur Jean Simard', visait ll. tlablir un premier bilan du probltme A travers "ttude d'une icOnel miraculeuse qui s'est manifestte A Montrtal en 1981 et dont la diffusion s'cst efrec(~e ll. L'approche qualitative priviltgite par I'ethnologic a ~It panic de 1984. maintenue durant ccUe recherche grtce aux sources cth.nographiques . tam orales qu'tcrites - auxquelles ont eu recours les chercheurs de diverses disciplines. C'est done Atravers ce prisme qu'ont ~tt mis en relief des pratiques. croyances et coutumes d'un phtnomtne saisi sur Ie vif. L'article de dtpan comprend deux volets : une prtsentation gentrale de la recherche sur I'iconographie actuelle du sacre ainsi qu'une analyse des lieuK de culle domestiques de la region de Qutbec en rapport direct avec 18 nouvelle imagerie. Anne·Marie Poulin suggtre que I'tmergence et Ie contenu de ces nouveaUK lCcoins de pri~re)) comblent un vide eSlhttique et spirituel engendre par ((l'iconoclasme qutbtcois.' observt Ala suile de Vatican II, dans les annees soiKante. Denis Croteau eumine quam A lui Ie cheminement spirituel des inforrnateurs Apartir des tlements de croyances relev~s de leur discours. II s'interroge Asavoir si cette I Le comite de r~aclion est redevable AJean Simard d'avoir relu les Ie lues qui suivent ec Ie remercie pour ses commenlaires el ses consells. 2lcOne en grec veut dire image. Hisloriqueme", l'icOne s'associe AI'imagerie sacree de I'~glise indivtse. Depuis Ie Schtsme au Xle sitcle edte imagerie renvoit A n!glise chrtJienne orie,.ale qui a so mainlenir la tradition. Relevant de la theologie, l'icOne repond A des canons striclS d'inlerpretAlion. EUe se realise dans Ie jeQne ella pritre et participe Ala lilurgie onhodoxe. Depassaot Ie simple objd d'art.!'W:One a pour but premier de refleler l'au-delA, l'Absolu. (;DITORIAL d~marche signale un rapprochement avec r ~glise ou si elle ne favorise pas p)utOt un certain isolement par rapport Acelie-d. Marcelle Cinq-Mars se livre Aune analyse de contenu de 500 intentions de rtdig~es ~ r~glise de par des croyants et d~posUs Saint-Michel de Sillery. d~montrer I'~can pri~res. au pied d'une reproduction miraculeuse de l'icOne pr~s de Qu~bec. Par Ie biais de cene coutume. die tente existant entre la conception que se font les croyants du rOle et du pouvoir de 1a Vierge el celie de la position officieJle et dogmatique de rl:gJise. Editorial John A. Harries Memorial University "13" Unlucky number thineen: there are said to be hOlcls with no thineenth floor and athletes who are loath to wear the number on their backs. and if the thineenlh day of the month should be a Friday, then lhere are still many who will speak of it with nervous humor, not quite admining apprehension, yet sufficiently aware of the day's rumored effect on human fortune that they cannot let it pass without comment Unlike hockey players or hoteliers, the editors of Culture & Tradition have decided nOl 10 omit our thirteenth issue; however. like those who still rremble slightly. we recognize its significance in the western lexicon of folk-symbols, and have decided Memorial contributions to this year's volume 10 (0 devote the folk-belief. The significance of the number thirteen is in its popular interpretation, an act which connects symbols drawn from a text to events in our everyday world. So it is that a number may mean misfortune, a four leaf clover may mean fortune, an albatross hanging over the mast of a tall ship becomes the soul of a dead sailor, and a bird in the house indicates the approach of death. Folk belief is in many ways a whole scheme of interpretation by which we order our lives, a language of symbols in which we can express our hopes, fears and aspirations. All four of the English language essays explore this interpretive framework as it deciphers extraordinary experience: Bold discusses how women conceive of dreams as repositories of symbols that represent future events~ Healey argues that her informants drew upon their religious beliefs to interpret a cross on their kitchen window as a miracle that had panicular significance during a period of personal crisis; Rieti analyzes the tradition of the Black Heart book as being contiguous with altitudes towards books and reading in rural Newfoundland; and Saug~res shows that stories of hauntings are vehicles for expressing the narrators' concerns for belonging. What is panicularly significant in EDITORIAL these essays is lIlat they all convincingly show that the extraordinary events, though decidedly outside the realm of normal experience. are intimately connected to our everyday lives through folk-belief systems. Indeed they go a step funher and show that extraordinary experience in many ways works to illuminate the ordinary human existence, to give form 10 fears ever present, to answer questions ever asked. Iconographie actuelle du sacr~ Anne-Marie Poulin l Universit~ Laval Partie A de la recherche Pr~sentation g~n~rale La loll. d. fond Le sacrt n'est pas mort, pas plus que son iconographic. Le qU'OD emprun(~s Ala tradition, ~me au religieux si~c1e cr~es 1a plus ancienne. TeJle est l'icOne de Marie, Die". Pone du Cicl, dont on dit qu'clle a ~t~ cr~u en 1920 d'apr~s un Xe relOUT observe de plus en plus s'accompagne d'images nouvellement de Constantinople au Mont Athos, puis lransftr~ l mod~le Monlr~al ou M~re de impont au par des voies myst6rieuses. Jost, un jeune ermite catholique d'origine espagnoJe raconlc que "icOne lui a tt~ I~gu&: 1 I'tlt 1981 par son ancien professeur d'iconographie, Wl moine russe nomm~ Nicolas. L'Eglise orthodoxe russe hars frontitresl de Montrtal prU~re dire que ricOne est un cadeau des moines du Mont Athas en Gr~ce et qu 'clle aura it tit rapponte par Ie jeune ermile. Quai qu'il en soit, l'icOne se manifeste de facon miraculeuse chez ce dernier en exsudant une huile orthodoxes fUSseS l'icOne par cette parfum~e r~c1ament ~glise, et abondante en novembre de la aussitOt l'icOne par tradition. dtpo~ m~me ann~e. pourtant form~ Les AI'art de laisse entendre qu'il lient A1a garder avec lui. Les deux parties viennent alors i\ l'entente suivante: lorsque Ie I'image est Jo~, propri~taire de l'icOne est dans la m~tropole, Ala Cathtdrale Saint-Nicolas, rue Saint-Joseph AMontrtal; cependant, d~s que son travail d'iconographe Ie retient ailleurs, l'icOne J'accompagne dans ses d~placements. IEthnologue et ttudianle Ala maltrise en Arts et traditions populaires. 2l:g1ise en ex.il depuis la rtvolution bolchtvique de 1905. I:glise de droile militant en faveur d'un retour de la monarchie en Russie. En rupture tOlale avec les autres branches de I'orthodoxie ceue I:glise demeure vivement opposte Aloute forme d'unitt entre chrttiens. 10 ANNE-MARJE POULIN Figure 1: leOne de Marie, M~re de Dieu, Porte du Cie!. Un suintement en forme de 4(chapelet» apparatt 1 partir de la main droite de 1a Vierge. eAil~e et diffu~e par 1a Socittt de 1a Marie, Mtre de Dieu de MonlTtal [1984J (Photo: Paul Lalibertt). II ICONOGRAPHIE ACTUELLE DU SACR(; Plus que la situation ambigui! des origines ou Ie mode de partage de "image, c'est la poursuite du phtnom~ne miraculeux: qui relient iei lOuie nOire anemian. De fail. parmi les ceRtaines de milliers de reproductions photographiques de "icOne prodigieuse ayan! tIt distributes. des centaines se sont manifesttes ;i leur tour Atravers la province. voire meme A rravers Ie monde! C'eSl ce phtnom~ne. pour Ie mains inusilt chez les catholiques romains qui conslitue la toile de fond d'une recherche sur !'iconographie actuelle du sacrtdans la rtgion de Qutbec. L'tv~nement s'accompagne d'une ~rie d'incidenls qui ont profondtmem marqut son tvolution. Pour en saisir louie I'ampleur et rimpaci. un bref rappel des faits s'impose. Le 21 novembre 1981, l'icOne Marie, M~re de Oieu, Porte du Ciel (Porta'ilissa grec) se manifesle de la fac;on suivante: ((une huile soudaine et fort ~n parfum~e s'~coulait lentemenl de I'tloile, symbolisant I'Esprit-Saint, sur rtpaule droile de Marie, ainsi que des deux mains de la Vierge et de la main droite de l'Enfant JtSUSHJ . Signalons que les manifestalions sur les reproductions variem et que trois types onl tit relevts: Ie parfum, I'huile parfumte ou non et la poussi~re d'or ou d'argent qui se greffe A la surface de I'image sacre pour un temps indttermin~. Pend ani deux ans, seul un petit groupe de pri~re y a acc~s. Des rumeurs circulent cependant quanl aux manifeslations et bienfails de la Vierge et plusieurs image4 . A r~tt r~c1amenl une 1984, une reproduction photographique est r61lis6;~ montranl un suinlemenl en forme de chapelet A partir de la main droile de la Vierge. Entre 1984 et 1986, des ceRtaines de milliers de reproductions de l'lcOne miraculeuse sont distTibu~es A partir de Monlrtal, Trois-Rivitres et Qutbec. Enlrevues, reportages el Itmoignages se sucddent quant au phtnom~ne en gtn~ral et ses bl!ntfices en particulier: conversions, rfconciliations, gutrisons, faveurs obtenues, appel A j'inltriorisation, elc. J-rirt d'un reuillc:t &lite par la Societe de Marie. Mb"c: de Dic:u de MoRtrtaJ. ~1of\(real. Quebec. aot1t 1986. 4Les enqu~les demonlrc:nt que cenc: iconc: rtpond ! dix noms dlfferents. Les plus connus soRt Marie, Mere de Dieu, Por1c: du Ciel el Notre-Dame de la Porte. ANNE-MARJE POULIN 12 de Le 9 ftvriee 1986, un autre tvtnement (cmiraculeuxn est signalt alors qu 'un journal ~tropole d6clare qu 'une statue de la Vierge (epicure du sang» la i Sainte-Marthe-sur-le·Lac, situte environ A30 kID au nord-ouest de rile de MontrtaL Le (miracle•• attire pas moins de 10.000 personnes en huil jours. Une semaine plus tard, la fumisterie tclale et trois individus sont am!:lts pour avair rtpandu de I'huile vtgttale el du sang humain sur la statue de la Vierge. Parmi les 90 objets de pittt entourant ceUe statue, figure une grande reproduction de ('icOne de Marie. effort pour dissocier les manifestations d~ M~re de Dieu, Pone du Ciel. Tout "leOne de la supercherie tchoue. el Apartir de ce moment, la mtmoire collective associera ('image sacrte au scandale de Sainle-Manhe- sur-Ie-Lac. Aupres du grand public, la demande pour l'icOne miraculeuse diminue sensiblement. Les croyants Quant .a. eu)( se rHugient dans Ie silence et leurs reseau)( de pri~re. Trois ans apres les faits, on observe au moment d'entreprendre I'ttude du pMnom~ne que la dtvOlion se maintient et que la distribution s'est stabilisu. Peut-on parlerd'un engouement passager? Probllmatique En guise de prologue au stminaire de Jean Simard, une enquele exploratoire sur Ie phtnom~ne de l'icOne est rtaliste .a. l'automne 1988. Un dossier a. quatre volets (historique, edmologique, esthttique et theologique) en rtsulte et est dtpose aux Archives de folklore de I'universitt Lavai S. L'exercice confirme la ntccssiltde poursuivre la recherche en vue d 'obtenir une vision plus sptcifique el, partanl, plus significalive de la silualion iconographique actuelle. Le prtsent dossier est une synth~se des Iravaux realis6s dans Ie cadre de cc stminaire multidisciplinaire. C'est ainsi que Irois ethnologues, une historienne et un IMologien ont form66quipe pour tenter d'etablir un premier bilan du phenom~ne Quant aux pratiques. croyances et coutumes enlourant l'icOne en question. La recherche vise d'abord ces centaines de milliers de reproduclions de I'icOne qui semblem annoocer une renaissance de l'imagerie sacree au Quebec. DtjA, I'enqul!te exploracoire avait dtmonu~ que d'autres images issues de la tradition chrttienne orientale .see buan partiel a tit pctpart par Anne-Marie Poulin. 14 ICONOGRAPIiIE ACfUELLE DU SACR(; avaient ~galement la faveur du public. Cene rtsurgence est d'autanl plus significative qu'ellc anive Apeine un quart de siecle apr~s un balayage de I'an sacr~auquel s'es! ardemmenc livrt Ie c1erg6 de la province.a. la suite de Valican U. En outre, la production et la distribution de celte imagerie s'effectuent. contrairemem au passt, A panir du Qu6bec. Depuis 1984. la Socittt de Marie, M~re de Dieu. organisrne montr~alais mis sur pied pour promouvoir la d6votion A l'icOne miraculeuse. &lite ct assure la diffusion universelle des reproductions. Comment expliquer qu'une icOne orientale s'implante avec autant de vigueur en terre qutbtcoise, et ceo rnalgrt les efforts entrepris pour circonscrire dtvolion et imagerie des saints de puis Ie concile de Vatican U? QueUe est la signification rteJle de celie rtsurgence? Qui en est responsable? Oil se situe I'imagerie traditionnelle dans ce mouvement? Le: discOtJrs (oral et tcrit) du croyant s'est-il mooifit face Acene nouvelle imagerie? De queUe fa~on? Par quel(s) moyen{s)? Face Ace questionnement el profitant d'une situation en pleine acrualitt, Ie groupe de recherche s 'est appuyt sur ses observations et ses intuitions pour tnoncer rhypoth~se voulant que Ie cuhe de (,icOne (ou 1l'icOne) serait une rtaction a. la crise iconoclaste engendrte par Vatican II Ala fm des anntes 1960, A !'inttrieur de ce param~rre, iI s'agissait de dtcouvrir si (,icOne rtpond a. un renversement d'une conjoncture, signe que les chrttiens recherchent une religion plus sensible, Ce type d'hypolhtse fait appel a. une approche qualitative qui assure la poursuite des objectifs vists: relever les pratiques, croyances et coulumes actuelles des la'ics sensibilists Al'icOne miraculeuse, inventorier (,iconographie associte Ala dtvotion Adomicile et cibler Ie ou les groupes ccpromoteurs)) de l'icOne en question, Les moyens priviltgits pour rendre compte du vtcu relatifa.l'iconograph.ie actuelle du sacrt SOnt les enqu~tes orales et rtlUde des intentions de d'une reproduction miraculeuse de l'icOne de Marie, M~re pri~res dtpostes au pied de Dieu. Porte du Ciel, M~lhodologl. Chaque ttudiant s'est d'abord familiari~ avec les dimensions mstoriques, etMologiques. esthttiques et lhtologiques de l'icOne tlabortes dans Ie dossier partiel aux Arch.ives de folkJore pour ensuite tlablir une mtthode rtpondanl aux objectifs de dtpart. 15 ANNE-MARIE POULIN Deux types de mtthodologie ont ttt considtrts, I'une pour les enqu!tes orales, ('autre pour la classification el l'analyse des rt~re mtthodologie tlaborte ici pri~res personnelles sur papier. La exclusivement au;lt enqu!tes orates qui ont d'ailleurs monopoli~ quatre des cinq chercheurs. ~laine Julien et Gatrane Gauthier, ethnologues, forment la premi~re ~uipe; Denis Croteau, thtologien, el AMe·Marie Poulin, cthnologue, la seconde. L'hislorienne Marcelle Cinq·Mar$, dont Ie travail repose uniquement sur une documentation tcrite, dresse sa propre nrethode dans Ie troisi~me Dans un cas comme dans ('autre cependant. ('anonymat a article de ce dossier. ttt maiorenu autanl pour les sources orales qu'tcrites. US dix-sept enqu!tes orates rtalistes en ~ujpe de deux chercheurs durant les mois de ftvrier et mars 1989 ont ~l~ enr~gistr~es, cod~es, transcrites et et les ~I~ments pertinents .1 la probl~matique report~s sur des grilles d'analyse appropri~s6. Effectu~es .1 partir d'uo questionnaire enqu!tes semi-dirig~es pr~~tabli, chaque oratoire ou (ecoin de pri~re» a ~t~ inveotori~ r~gion M~re de Dieu. Porte du Ciel, se de Qutbec eC inclut des participants des milieux rural et urbain. Saint-Anselme de Dorchester, sitlJt.1 Qtrebec et sur Ie mode des et les plus signiticatifs, photographits. Turain G60graphiquement, )'enqu!te sur PicOne de Marie, situe dans la grande ~t~ ruLi~es les entrevues oot arm de donner une plus grande latitude aux informateurs. Entin, Saint-Marc-des-Carrj~res, pr~s de soixante-dix k.ilo~tres au sud-est de dans Ie comt~ de Portneuf, Aenviron cent ;\ I'ouest de la capitale, ont fourni trois informateurs chacun. kilom~tres Les ooze informateurs urbains se rtpartissen. ainsi: Qutbec (4), Charlesbourg (3j, Sainte-Foy (2), Sillery (I) er Duberger (I). Contexte Malgr~ un ~cart plane toujours et la Rassur~s du de trois aDs, Ie souvenir du scandale de Sainte-Marthe-sur-Ie-Lac majorit~ caract~re des infonnateW'S s'inqui~te des r~percussions de la recherche. sCientifique et non joumalistique de I'~lude, rassur~s ~galement du 6-rous les e:nregtstre:mel\lS sont deposes aux Archives de: folklore: de: I"Unive:rsitt Laval sous un code: numaKiue: cOfTespondant au numero de I"informate:ur. ICONOGRAPHIE ACTUELLE DU SACRE 16 respect de ('anonymat. tous acceptent la visite des chercheurs et se pliem meme Aune entrevue enregistrte. La qualitt de ('accueil et la sinc~ritt des rtmoins ne se sont jamais dtmenlis. ~s la premiere rencontre. une con fiance rtciproque s'est installte entre enqueteurs «:1 informaleurs, confiance qui s'est par ail leurs maintenue toul au long de ('tlude. Inromlstcurs Une lisle prtliminaire de Ja"ics engagts a tit gracieusemem roumie par Its responsables des deux principaux centres de dtvotion Al"icOne miraculeuse. situts ;\ SillefY. en banlieue de la ville de Qutbec. Ces la1c5, sensibilists;} la fois a "hisforique des prodiges de l'icOne-mere de MOniTtal et aux manifestations analogues dans leur rtgion. figurent en quelque sorte comme hisloriens-participants du ph~nom~ne dans leur milieu respeclif. De par leur engagement, ils connaissenl en plus la posilion prudente de I'Eglise face 1 ces tvenements. Ala fois porteurs du discours populaire el conscients du discours officiel, ces laIcs engages representem. pour rms d 'analyse, des informaleurs-clts. Suivam ces cril~res, quinze des dix.-sepl adultes interviewts ont ele retenus. Quant aux. personnes non retenues (une religieuse el une la·rque non engagee), elles ont ete inscrites parmi les informaleurs secondaires. Le groupe stleclionnt a une moyenne Compost de onze femmes el de quatre hommes, it comporte neuf d'4ge de 52 ans. personnes mari~es (5 femmesl4 hommes), deux veuves, une divorcee et deux. c~libataires. Neuf des onze femmes oeuvrent A domicile, une eSI secreta ire de bureau et la plus jeune (22 ans) ~Iudie en pharmacie A l'Universile laval. Chez les hommes, on retrouve un directeur d '~cole prima ire, un ingenieur civil et deux rentiers. Entin, dix des informaleurs habilent la ville el cinq, Ie milieu rural (Ioutes des femmes). Comme Iype d'engagement en t:glise, sept informaleurs sur quinze privil~giem Ie mouvemem du Renouveau Charismalique. O'autres participent lla Fondation de Marie Immacul~ de Sillery voute lla promolion de l'icOne rniraculeuse. lla calech~se aux. adultes, aUl( Dames chreliennes, au Groupe Myriam Belhltern et enfm 1 Marie·Jeunesse pour les 15·25 ans. Fait 1 souligner, six des huit btntvoles de ces organismes sonl d'anciens charismatiques ayant 10UI simplemem 0Plt pour de nouvelles formes ANNE-MARIE POULIN 17 d 'engagement depuis environ quatre ou cinq ans. moment au !'autre de leur vie, d~but des adMr~ Ainsi, treize personnes ont, Aun au mouvement charismalique qui a pris son eSOOT au anntes 1970 peu aprts Ie concile de Vatican II. Quant 11a jeune fille de 22 ans, sa pr&Jisposition pour ('engagement chretien remonte Adouze ans ec s'explique par I'assistance rtgulitre aux soirees de pri~res familiales dans sa paroisse. Pour compltler Ie profil des informatcurs. iI est A remarquer que doule d'entre eux sont ttmoins d'une ou de plusieurs manifestations sur des reproductions d'icOnes, soit Ie parfum,le suimement (parfumt ou non) ou la poussi!re d'or ou d'argenl. Mis Apan les informaleurs-clts, dix-neuf aulTes personnes ont partici¢ plus ou moins acrivement ault enqu!tes, soit a. titre de conjoints. de parents ou d'amis. La pertinence de leurs propos, surtout au chapitre des croyances, ainsi que leur nombre, justifient qu'ils aiem articles pr~sem~s ~t~ consK1~res dans I'analyse globale. Cependanl, dans Ie cadre des ici, rappon de ces informateurs secondaires n'apparaltra qu'en filigrane 7. Questionnaire Le questionnaire d 'enqu~te se compose de quatre panics. La les questions d'ordre personnel visant a. 6tablir premi~re Ie profil de I'informateur. comprend Les deux suivantes forment Ie noyau de 1'6tude et portent sur les pratiques et croyances relatives au ph~nom~ne de j'icOne miraculeuse, alors que la demi~re nom(s) d'autres personnes poss&1ant l'icOne de Marie, M~rc a pour but de recueillir le(s) de Dieu. Porte du Cicl. Questionnaire d'enqu~te I - Identification de !'enque:te . nom, pr~nom - sexe - groupe d'4ge (tranche decennale) - adresse personnelle - num6ro de ttl~phone 7Le detlul des temoignages de ces 19 informlUeun se trouve dans I'enscmble du dossaer depose aux AFUL (Archives de folklore de rUniversite Laval). ICONOGRAPHIE ACfUELLE DU SACRE 18 - date et lieu de I'enquele - type d 'engagement en I:glise II - Praliques A) Lieu de culle domestique I) Am~nagemenl physique du lieu -situation (d~crire du g6n~ral au paniculier) - dimensions - mobilier - luminaire - objelS de pi~.~ - impri~s ou mattriel audio-visuel - icOne(s) - type (5) [Iamintes, encadrtes, tpinglette, elc.] -forma.(s) - iconographic: compltmenlaire -localisation (5) autre (5) [aulO. sac Amain. vttemC:nl, etc.] - en tchange-t-on 2) Gen~e de ('amtnagement - qui a donnt I'idc!e - date de ('amtnagement - qui a dtcidt de la forme d 'amtnagemenl el pourquoi - provenance des artefacts B) Gestes et paroles des priants - qui frtquente Ie lieu et 1 quel rythme - jour, soiT. dun~e - pri~res individuelles ou collectives - genre de pri~res - position des prianls - conlexte audio-visuel [musique. encens. enregistrements continus. elc.] III - Croyances A) L'icOne de Marie, M~re de Dieu, Porte du Ciel - l'icOne suinle-I-elle ou a-t-dle suint6 - description du suinlement [huile, parfum, poussi~re d'or localisation, etc.] - r6cits des manifestations - r~aclions observ~es [conversions, faveurs oblenues. gu6risons, elc.] B) Etat actuel de la religion calholique - innuence de l'icOne • importance des images et des signes sensibles - impact du Condie de Vatican II sur la pratique; les images - o~ va la religion IV - Connaissez-vous d'autres personnes qui ont une icOne de Marie, Ciel A la maison? M~re Dieu, Pone du 19 ANNE-MARIE POULIN Partie B Pratiques relatives :l. l'icoDograpbie actueUe du sacre Le p~no~ne miraculeux de Marie, Mtre de Dieu. Porte du Ciel. qui se poursuit mtme 1 travers ses reproductions. en incite plusieurs ;\ ~riger des lieux de culle domesliques. Ces oratoires ressemblent peu cependant au «coin de pritre» traditionnel oil ron s'agenouillait en fm de joumte pour r~citer Ie chapelet en familieS. r~actualisation s'accompagne Cene de pro fonds changements tant au niveau de la fonne et du comeDU de I'oratoire ;\ domicile que dans les gestes et paroles des ulilisateurs. La pre mitre panie de eel anicle 11'iconographie aeNelle du sacr~. pr~sente Ie bilan facrnel des pratiques relatives L 'a~nagement physique et la ge~se du lieu de culte domeslique dans la rtgion de QUfbec secont d 'abord considtrts pour trailer e"suite des prariques plus intimes relevant des gesles et des paroles. Cel effon vise 1 ~tablir les liens entre les pratiques et 1 mettre en relief les tendances qui se dessinenl sur Ie plan fonnel. d~gager une La secondc panie lente de signification des pratiqucs par Ie biais de I'analyse el de l'inlerpr~tation9. A - Lieu de culte domestique 1· Amlnagemenl ph)'slqut du lieu de culle Le lieu de cuhe domeslique, com.mW1~ment g~n~ralement moins complexes selon les informateues, bibliot1l~que appel~ Ie ucoin de pri~re~~, se situe au salon/salle de stjour ou dans la chambre 1 coucher. Ces lieux, plus ou murale. s'~laborent, pour six. d'entre eux, au lour d'une O'autres placent leur reproduction de I'icOne miraculeuse sur un chevalel ou une table d'appoint du salon, sur la commode d'une chambre ou la fix.e tout simplement au mue d 'une de ces deux. pi~ces. IJusqu'aux an~es 1960, Ie «coin de pri~re" s'org.msait generalement autour d'un crucifix flanque des images du Sacre C<t:ur de ~brie et: du Sacre·C<t:lU de Jesus ou d'une statue «lairte d'un lampton, 4 9L'Etude cons~re ('ensemble des entrevues rtaJisecs par les deux tquipes de chen:hcws. Gaetane Gaurh~r so~nt ici remen:iees pour nous .vOlr pcnnis d'utiliser Ies resalws de leurs quatre enqultes pour les fms de cet: artICle. Qu'~I.inc Julien et: 20 ICONOGRAPHlE ACfUELLE DU SACRE Flgurt 2: Oratoire domestique de I'informatrice no 8 de la rtgion de Paul Qu~bec (PhOIO: Lalibert~). Huit oratoires occupenl une superficie assez imposanle variant de Im hauteur et d'autant en largeur. vari~l~d'objels a. 2,5m en Mise a part d'aulres reproductions d'icOnes. une et de livres de pitlt se greffem aux Iieux de culle domestiques leis que chapelet. crucifix, cau btnite. une Duate imbibte d'huile de l'icOne miraculeuse, Ie saint chreme. des ((paroles de Dieu,. (penstes imprimtes sur papier en forme de pain). des vitamines C (penstes de charltt sur papier en forme de capsules), brtviaire et Bible. et ;\ un moindre degrt, du mattriel audio-visuel de conferences religieuses et de musique sacr6e. La moititdes infonnateurs tclaire leur oratoire l\ I'aide d'une bougie ou d'une lampe ~Ieclrique el I'embellisse de Oeurs fraiches ou rechtes en tout temps. ANNE-MARJE POULIN 21 Figure 3: Dtlail de I'oratoire domestique de I'informatrice no 8 de la rtgion de Qul!bec (Photo: Paul LaUbent). La reproduction de Marie. M~re de Dieu, Porte du Ciel occupe 13 des 15 Iieux de culte domestiques recen~s alars que celles de Notre-Dame du Pe~tuel-SecourslO et de la Vierge de Vladimir retiennent "attention de deux informalrices du milieu rural. L'image d~s lamin~ demeure sans contredit Ie type de montage Ie plus populaire. Toutefois. que Ie format de I'image d~passe encadrement uaditionnel et plus 20 x 25,5cm, iI y a une (endance vcrs un ~Iabor~. Deux: formats de reproductions lamintes daminent: Ie fonnat moyen mesurant 13 x 18cm et la mini-icOne (4 x Scm) facilement transportable dans Ie sac 4 main, par eKemple. IOCette icOnc: de la Vierge est la pt"emitre du genre Aavoir ele inlroduite au Quebec. Sa promotion est due ault ¢res rtdemptor-istes d remonte Aleur arrivte au Quebec en 1876. Dans la tradition ortbodoxc. cdle ic6nc rtpond au nom de 1a Vic:rge de 1a Passion en rtftrence aux anges montrant les instruments du supplice de son Fils. 22 ICONOGRAPHlE ACfUELLE DU SACRE Outre l'icOne principale. Ie lieu de culte dOOlcstique comprend une iconographic assez importante el diversifite. Plus de 60 images. modemes. traditionnelles et de type orienlal, repr~senlant 20 figurations ant tIt rtpenorites. Plactes en ordce dtcroissanl d'importance. on relrouve la Vierge de la Paix. Ie Christ Pantocrator, la Triniltde Roublev, la Sainte Face, Notre-Dame du Per¢tuel-Secours. la Vierge de Czeslochowa. la Vierge de Vladimir. la Sainte Famille. Ie Pape Jean-Paul II, NOire-Dame du Bon-Conseil. la Prtsenlalion de la Vierge. la Vierge de Korsun. les Trois proph~les. les images sainles de rAnnonciation et du Christ Glorieux et cnfm saint Joseph ci saint Antoine avec l'Enfant Jtsus ainsi que sainte reprtsent~ deux Thtr~se de rEnfant Jtsus. Le Saert-Creur est fois en image et une fois en statue alors que Notre-Dame de Lourdes figure en staruene contenant I'eau btnite. Ainsi, en incluant l'icOne miraculeuse, onze des vingt repr~senlations des lieux de culle domestiques renvoient aux icOnes li~s Arf:glise chr~tienne orientale (voir tableau ci-<lessous). Sujels de I' Iconographle actuelle du sacrl relevfs dans qulnze lieu x de culte domestlques Le chiffre entre parenth~ses indique Ie nombre de fois 01) I'image fut rtpenorite. L 'asttrisque identifie les icOnes, c'esl-A-dire I'imagerie issue de la tradition chrttienne orientale. Marie, Mhe de Dieu Pone du Ciel (Portanissa. en grec) (16x) Notre-Dame de 1a Paix ou Vierge de Medjugorge (7x) Le Christ Pantocrator (5x) La Trinit~ de Roublev (icOne de l'hospitalitt) (4x) La Sainte Face ( 4x) Notre-Dame du Per¢tuel-Secours (4x) La Vierge de Czeslochowa (4x) La Vierge de Vladimir (4<) La Sainte Farnille (crtation rtcente) (3x) Le Pape Jean-Paul II (2<) Notre-Dame du Bon--Conseil (2<) Le Sacrt--Creur (2<) La Prtsentation de 1a Vierge (1 x) La Viergede Korsun (Ix) Les Trois Proph~tes (I x) l'Annonciation de la Vierge de Fra Angelico (Ix) Le Christ Glorieux (Ix) ANNE-MARIE POULIN 23 Saint Joseph et l'Enfant J~sus (Ix) Sain'e Thtrese de I'Enfant J~sus (Ix) Saim Amoine c:t I'Enfant Jtsus (Ix) O'autres reproductions de Marie, Mtre de Dieu, Pone du Ciel ant tit localistes A "&:an de ('oratoire domeslique. Les endroits les plus populaires sont. symboliquement, Aproximilt des pones est plac~ d'entr~ des diverses pi~es de la maison. Lorsque I'image sacru au salon, on lui accorde assez souvent une place d 'hoMeur AcOtt de la Bible ouvene. Quant A la rnini-icOne. die se relrouve tout aussi bien dans Ie sac 1 main et Ie pone-moonaie que dans Ie por1e~OCUmenlS du professionnel ou de ('ttudiant. Certains informaleurs portent une tpinglene de ricOne stu" leurs V~lements cellant dans leur voilure. II est Anoter qu'au moment de ou affichent un auto- I'enqu~te les informatrices du milieu rural, au nombre de cinq, ne connaissaient ni I'un n1 I'autre de ces objets de facture ,teen,e (1987). L' iconographie compll!mentaire emprunte sensiblement Ie m!me trac6que l'icOne principale m~me si elle est 610ign6e du lieu de culte domestique. En proportion beaucoup plus faible, cene imagerie se limite en plus Adeux formats: la tT~S grande reproduction fix&: au mur ou la mini-icOne (ic6ne ¢Ierine) transport&: avec soi. Les repondants donnent beaucoup plus de reproductions de ricOne miraculeuse qu'ils n'en re~oivent. Alors que la plupart limitent leurs dons Ala famille imm6diate, certains en ont distribu6 cinq Asix douzaines Ades amis et des visiteurs. Une informatrice de Saint·Marc-des-Carritres a fait connaitre l'icOne Marie, M~re de Dieu, Pone du Ciel, en distribuant gratuitement plus de 300 reproductions dans sa paroisse. Tautes les reproductions offertes par les croyants sont consacr&:s et plusieurs d'entre elles se sont manifest6es au(x) recipiendaire(s) - Ala grande joie des uns et a. la srupHaction des autres! 2 • Genbe de I'amlnagement Parmi les quinze lieux de culte domestiques recens6s, trois 6taient am6nag6s avant I'amv&: de l'ic6ne miraculeuse et remontaient A 197~· 76, pendant I'essor du mouvement charismatique. Une informatrice remarque toutefois avoir un ((coin de a. une da:1i~ rann~c 198~ ~cant la plus prolifique. Le plus ancien de ces lieux de cuhe fut ic6ne paniculi~re pri~re)l depuis enfance. Les lieux son ont 6t6 am6nag6s cnree 1979 et L986, ~rig6 en ICONOGRAPHIE ACTUELLE DU SACRE 24 1979 A Saint-Anselme et honare l'icOne de la Vierge de Vladimir. Les deux premiers Iieux de culte AMarie, premi~res M~re de Dieu, Porte du Ciel s'organisent d~s la diffusion des reproductions de l'icOne miraculeuse AI'tt~ 1984; ils sont suivis de six aulres en 1985. Entin, la demi~re a~e signalte (1986) voit la mise en place d'uR lieu honorant ceUe mtme icOne et un autre ;\ Notre-Dame du Perpt!:tuel-SecouJ!i. Ainsi. IIdze lieux de culte domestiques sur quinze sont d&Jits;\ Marie, La conception esthttique du lieu de culle M~re rel~ve de Dieu, Pone du Cie!. de chacun des infom18leurs. Deux rtpondants ont mtme prevu son emplacement lars de la construction de leur maison. Deux aulres avouem avair ttt inspirts par l'amtnagement des centres de Montmartre canadien ASillery, o~ comme Ie po* sur prot~gent leur icOne un chevalet d'artiste, et les Services du Renouveau charismatique qui prodigieuse derri~re un cadre pri~re une reprcxtuction de l'icOne miraculeuse est vitr~. Dans ncuf cas, l'icOne principale du lieu de culte domestique proviem d 'un achat personnel Marie, effectu~ M~re suite A des conf~rences ou des soir~es de pritre ponant sur l'icOne de de Dieu, Pone du CieL Pour les six autres informateurs, la reprcxtuction se voulait un cadeau d'amis pr~tres ou religieuses ou de membres de leur farnilJe. La provenance de l'icOne principale des lieux de culte domestiques se panage comme suit neuf originent de la Fondation de Marie Immacul~e si(U~e AI'tglise Saint- Michel de Sillery, trois des Services du Renouveau charismatique ~galement ASillery, une des Soeurs du Per¢tuel Secours ASaint-Damien-de-Bellechasse et une demi~re, la Vierge de Vladimir, de source inconnue. La majoritt des artefacts meublant Ie lieu de culle domestique est acquise lors de ptlerinages locaux, r~gionaux et intemationaux. ou par !'intermtdiaire d'amis laIcs ou religieux. La famille et les voyages de plaisirs sam rarement AI'origine de I'obtention d'objelS de pit.t. ANNE-MARJE POULIN 25 B - Gestes et paroles des priants Le lieu de culLe domestique est informateurs. seuls ou fr~quentent accompagn~. quotidieMcment par tous les fr~quen(~ seiaD une fr~uence Atitre individuel et six en couple. Une plus ou moins grande. Neuf Ie r~pondante relocalise la reproduction de son icOne de la cuisine au salon pour la rcoconue hebdomadaire de son groupe de priere. Le temps reserv~ A ('oeaisen vaTie selon les occupations des informateurs. Ainsi, trois des panicipants, deux rent ices et une que la majorit~ retrait~e. prient rtgulierement mat in et soi! alars se reserve plutOt un moment dans la soirte pour la priere et Ie recueillement. Le temps consacrt Aeel exercice varie considtrablement et peut aller de quatre Acinq minutes (un cas seulement) jusqu'Adeux ou trois heures par jour. Ces varianlcs s'expliquent par les moments d'arrer que les informateurs s'accordenr durant leur travail a. domicile ou au bureau er qui s'ajourent a. leur rencontre rtguli~re du soir. En gtntral,la moyenne esr d'environ une heure. Au cours de cene recherche ttois types de prltres ont rtcittes et sponra~es. ttt relevts: les prltres lues, Les lectures prUtrtes sonr Ia Bible et Ie brtviaire. La premitre esr lue par treize informateurs et Ie second par ttois r~pondants. Les Laudes, Ie petit livre du Careme du laIcat franciscain et la Vie des Saints reriennent chacun I'attention d'un informateur. Ce demier sujet inttresse davantage la plus jeune des participants a.I'~tude. Pour 1a pri~re rtcitte, on fait appel au chapelet au au rosaire. De fait, quatorze des quinze informateurs y ant recours quotidiennement, et ce a. part leur lieu de culte domestique. Une seule informalrice (cAves)~ ~gale depuis la mise en place de r~sume ses pritres r~cittes a trois er a I'Acte de contrition en compagnie de son marl al'heure du coucher. t(Ce sont nos demiers bons mots de la joum~e entre conjoints)~ la forme d 'un dialogue, que neuf des quinze repr6entte en icOne. s'~merveillent des dit-elle. La prltre sponlante prend ~pondants entretiennent avec la Vierge C'est 1 ce moment qu'i!s abandonnent leurs soucis quolidiens, manifestations ou remercient la Vierge pour les bienfails re~us. Nonobstant Ie genre de pri~re, taus les croyants prt~rent prier seuls. Lorsqu'ils se trouvent en compagnie de parents ou d'amis, un moment est toujours rtservt pour 26 ICONOGRAPHlE ACfUELLE DU SACRE "oraison personnelle. Un tr~s petit nombre, quatre seulemenl, compl~te occasionnellement leur d~volion.1 ('aide de musique sacrte ou de conftrences ou pri~res a elle devant l'icOne enregistrtes. La plus jeune informalrice (22 ans) se recueille quant miraculeuse avec une bougie, comme seule source de Une demiare observation qui mtrite lumi~re. d'~tre signal~ est la position qu'cmprunlem acruellemenl les informateurs pour la pritre quolidienne. Mis.1 pan I'informatrice qui rtcilc ses pritres au lit. el une ROUS "a dit~). 10US deux.i~me qui prie IOUjours les informateurs s'assoient pour lire. a genoux rtciler ou uparce que Ie Pape dialoguer avec ricOne du lieu de culte domestique. Sur Ie plan gestuel, les reproductions de l'icOne miraculeuse font paniculitrement I'objet d'une manipulation assez importante de la part des personnes rencontrtes. Cc:s images sacr~es soot cr~s souvent toumtes dans 10US les sens pour examiner ou moncrer les traces de manifestations ou sont dtmtnagtes d 'une pi~ce A I'autre dans la maison: par exemple, du salon ;1 la cuisine lors de la prtparation des repas, de la cuisine au salon pour recevoir des groupes de pri~re ou encore, du salon ;1 la chambre A coucher uquand ~a va mah•. Celie image de la Vierge est tgalement transportte dans les hOpitaux pour visiter les malades, aux soirtes de pri~re;1 I'tglise paroissiale (Iorsque Ie curt n'en veut pas dans son tglise) et pour s'assurer de la protection lors des dtplacements quotidiens. Certains s'endorment en lenant l'icOne, d'autres la portent en tpingleue et n'htsitent pas A\'offrir a. quiconque veut la connaitre. Enfin, une rtpondante de Saint- Anselme dit meme avoir toumt son icOne Hla face un peu au mup~ en rtaction a. de mauvaises nouvelles. Plus pieusement, on la salue d'un signe de tt~te en passam devam et on y a dtjA recueilli I'huile pour oindre des malades ou des membres de la famille. Certains touchenl la main droile de l'Enfant Jtsus pour aller chercher sa sa main gauche pour y dtposer leurs de pri~res et probl~mes. ~ntdiction quotidienne el D'autres enfin tcrivent leurs inlentions les placent en loute con fiance dans Ie lieu de culte domestique;1 proximitt de !'image vtntrte. ANNE-MARIE POULIN 27 BHan de I. recherche Le bilan des pratiques relatives Al'iconograpbie actuelle du bonne panic par Ie CieL Mis 1 part pMnom~ne I'~rection miraculeux qu'cst l'icOne Marie. de Iieux de cuhe domestiques que cctte I'un des traits les plus significatifs de ce bilan est leur saCT~e M~re s'cxplique en de Dieu, Pone du pr~sencc ~Jaboration a su inspirer, complexe. Cene observation est d'autant plus peninente. qu'en milieu rural par exemple, otl.aucune manifestation n'a tIt contre, 1'~loignement signal~, les I(COinS de pri~re)l soot d'une grande sobrittt. Par des centres de dhotion et d 'approvisionnement peue !tre tgalemenl un [aeteur si "on consid~re que les informatrices dans ces milieux dtplorent ne pouvoir se procurer des images et des objets de pittt aussi souvent qu'clles Ie souhailent. Aucune par ailleurs ne cOMaissait I'~pinglette au l'auto.o(;oll8Ot pour la voiture disponibles depuis 1987. L'aspect Ie plus significatif d~coulant de la nature complexe du lieu de culte actuel est cenainement son contenu iconographique. Les trois principales tendances qui s'en d~gagent sam I'ouverture orientale, la ¢nurie marqu~e ~videnle sur I'imagerie proven8Ot de la tradition chr~tienne de I'hagiographie traditionneUe occidentale et I'absence quasi lotale de la statuaire. Rappelons que II des 20 figurations se trouvant dans les lieux de culte renvoient aux iCOnes byzantines. Ces reproduclions qui apparaissent 47 fois sur un nombre total de 65 images comptent pour n.3% de I'ensemble. Les saints de la d~votion traditionnelle des Qu~becois: saint Joseph, sainte Th~r~se et saint Antoine, ainsi que la statuaire, font certainement figure de parem pauvre avec une repr~sentation de 4,6% chacun. Fait assez surprenant, c'est sans b~sitation que les informateurs troquent d~votions et imageries traditionnelles to I'amvu de l'icOne miraculeuse. C'est ainsi que la Vierge SOllS divers vocables (4x),le Sacr~-eC%W" (2x), sainte Anne (Ix) et un crucifix cMent leur place to I'immigrante de 1'000ent. Comrne Coul immigrant qui se respecte, la nouvelle arrivte ouvre la voie aux autres membres de sa famiUe icooique comme Ie Christ Pantocrator, les Vierges de Vladimir, de Korsun, de Czescochowa., elc. II esc to remarquer que des reproductions d'icOnes, du moins dans la rtgion de Qutbec, circulent depuis environ dix ans. Une infonnatrice possMe une reproduction de la Vierge de Czestochowa depuis 1979 et les &1itions Anne Sigier de Sainte-Foy offrem ce type d'imagerie depuis la 28 ICONOGRAPHlE ACfUELLE DU SACRIO m!me ann~e - sans pour autant avoir rang~ les images lradilionnelles. Les prodiges de Marie, Mtre de Dieu, Porte, du Ciel ont eu pour effet d'acctltrer la sensibilisalion aux icOnes qui demeuraient jusque·IA pell coonues. Ce demier point invite a considtrer les facteurs agissant sur Ie mode et les mOlifs actuels d'acquisilion de !'imagerie. Tout d'abord la l'icOne miraculeuse correspond majoril~des informateurs dtclare que a. une dtmarche spirituelle personnel Ie vtcue a. ('inltrieur des groupes de pritre el que leur premitre reproduction est un cadeau d 'amis issus de ces petits groupes d'appartenance sans lien de parentt. Ceci conlraste vivement avec la pratique traditionnelle valliant que proches parents ou amis tchangent petites images dtvotes pour sQuligner I'hentail d'~vtnementsde la vie sociale, familiale et religieuse. du berceau 1la lombell. L'acquisition actuelle d'une image ne rel~ve plus d'une pratique coutumi~re. conftrme Tout en se voulant Ie resultat d 'Wle ~anmoins la L 'icOne d~marche renechie et personnelle, elle lendance individualiste qui caracttrise la religion d'aujourd·hui. possMe cependant quelques rapprochemenls avec ("utilisation Iraditionnelle des images devotes du Quebec en tant qu'oulil ¢dagogique et symbole de prolection. Elle se distingue toutefois par cet allribut paniculier Al'iconographic orientale qu'esl la .~ presence~. qui transcende ("image, presence qualifiee de spirituelle. Toute la distinction et Ie symbolisme de l'icOne se situent Ace nivcau. Rappelons que l'icOne, qui se realise dans Ie jeQne et la caracleristique premi~re pri~re er repond Ades canons stoCts d 'inlerpretalion, a pour de refitter l"au-deIA,I'invisible,I'Absolu, Considtranl I'accueil fait 1 cene icOne au Quebec et I'ampleur de sa diffusion, il faul aussi lenir compte de ('impact qu 'a eu Ie depouillemenl syslemalique des des institulions sur ce terriloire. ~glises et II appert que ce balayage, s'apparentanl Aune crise iconoclasle, ne semble pas avoir ete tT~S apprecie. Le temoignage Ie plus marquant souligne que I'absence du sacre n'a pas encore ete comble. Serait·ce par une imagerie plus significalive et par des lieux de culte domestiques que les la'lcs tentent de combler ce vide? Ala lumitre des donnees recueillies. ('art semble jouer un rOle tr~s important dans lip. Lessard. Les (Xlites images devoces. ~ur utiliSalion traditionnelle au Quebtt, Quebec. Lcs Presses de l'Universite Laval, 1981. p. 25. 29 ANNE-MARJE POULIN Ie recueillement et la pi~t~. fI Y a plus de cent ans, ~m.ile Vaillancourt signalait l'importance de ce fait dans l'armnagement religieux en avenissant que ~(du moment otll'Eglise se d~int~resse de I'art ou que ('art se retire d'clle, cUe perd son meilleur mode de propagandc))12. Tout comme I'am~nagement du lieu de culte domestique, la prtsence sacr« de l'icOne miraculeuse influe sur les gestes et les paroles des priants. D'une part ceUe 4tprtsencc)) personnelle des maria Ie suscite. entrerient et approfoodit I'oraison inforrnateurs. lnttgrte au quoridien. elle conduit to une relation d'amitit. voire d'intimilt. Cene familiaritt va m~me jusqu'l modifier les tcrmes de la renconcre quoridienne qui se fait dortnavant en face 1 face, bien assis dans un fauleuil confortable, tout comme si on renouail avec quelqu 'un agenouill~ et t~te apr~s une longue absence et non plus en position de soumission, baisste. InterprEtation Vouloir interpreter les sacre uniquement A travers Ie pratiques relatives A I'iconographie actuelle du pMno~ne merveilleux expose l prendre la partie pour Ie tout Evidemment son impact est indtniable. Cependant, l'accueH fait 1ll'icOne s'inscrit tgalement, selon les donnees recueillies, dans une dtmarche amorcte au dtbut des anntes 1970. II convient alors d'interprtter les pratiques dans une double perspective: historique et mariophanique 13 . Rappelons d'abord que la majorittdes informaleurs (13/lS) s'engage dans Ie Renouveau charismalique qui prend son envolte au dtbut des anntes 1970. dtveloppe,ll'inttrieur de ce mouvement ax~ sur des gestes et des paroles ainsi qu'une l'Esprit~Sainl, int~riorit~ par II se une spontantitt au niveau la meditation et la contemplation. Ces attitudes apparaissent tout au long de I'ttude. L'unique imagerie pouvant rejoindre cette demarche est celie des icOnes, ces images imprtgntes de la les croyants ayant chemin~ ccpr~sence» spirituelle. Ainsi, dans la qu~te de I'Esprit, qui demeure somme toule une forme 12W. Corbeil. c.s.v. Trts<n des Fabrigues du Dioche de Jolictte, MontrtaI, Le Muste d'Art. 1978. p. 103. 13Mariophanique: tame dtsignant !'ttude des apparitions et des manifeslatJons marla1es. ICONOGRAPHlE ACTUELLE DU SACRE abstraite de pi~t~, 30 font-ils bon accueil Aune image qui s'inscrit dans leur recherche de rAbsolu. L'accueil fait lUX icOnes compl~te en quelque sorte un cheminement vcrs la pi~t~. Le ptee Lucien Roy s.j.• auteur d'un opu5Cule sur l'icOne miraculeuse, souligne que pittt a loujours VQuJu s'incamer dans des formes oil clle peut se renforcer en pri~res [ ... ]. formes gesruelles par s'cxprimant. Formes lintraires au vocales en belles les anirudes et toules mani~res ~41a concr~les d 'expression corpore lie [ ... ]. formes visuelles par les images et la multiplicittde reprtsentations.114. Ayant dtjA apprivoist les deu" prem.i~res formes, les (ervents accueillent la dernitre avec d'autant plus d'enthousiame que !'icOne qui leur est destinte se manifesle Le caract~re merveilleux de I'icOne invite d'aul1"e part 1 replacer Ie phtnomtne dans Ie cadre de la mariophanie mooeme. Au Qw!bec. les ((petiles dtlicatesses de la Vierge •• se distinguent paniculitrement par leur approche dtmocratique et dtcentraliste. Alors qu'1 Fatima et 1 Medjugorje les apparitions ne s'adressent qu'1quelques priviltgits, les manifestations au Qutbec rejoignent des individus de tout age, sexe et statut. De plus, gtntralement 11 ~Ierinage. oa) la Vierge apparait. s'trigent de grands centres de dtvotion et de Au Qutbec. les dtplacements de la Vierge suggtrent plutOI, selon Gtrard Marier, pretre de Nicolet, ((que la famille devient un centre intense de pritres))IS. Ailleurs, la Vierge se manifeste sunout 1 des jeunes et prend la parole; au Qutbec, elle se manifeste davantage aux adulces par des signes qui incilent et invitent les croyants au dialogue inttrieur. Le Qut~cois fervenl a toujours accueilli les reprtsenlalions provenanl des centres de dtvolion intemalionaux. Quoi de plus Itgitime que de vouloir chez soi une photo, une image du personnage ((relesle•• ayant choisi de se manifesler et de se fixer sur son propre terri loire. 14L. Roy. Une icdne de la M~re de Dieu. Notre-Dame de la Porte. 31: edit.. bfitK)I\S Inla-Renouveau. SiUcry, Quebec. 1987, p. 7. HC. Macier. «Notre lerre: Ie point final de I"aventure de Usus» dans: r1nformaleur catholigue, vol. V. nos 4 et 5. 16 fevrier au Ia" mars, 1986, p. 7 (Dossier exploraloire AFUL). ANNE-MARIE POULIN 31 II faut ~galement interpr~ter Ie rote des groupes de pri~re dans cette renaissance de I'imagerie. nOlammeDt les charismatiques. lis sont d 'abord les premiers A ttmoigner du phtnom~ne miraculeux et Afaire ttat des prodiges et de leurs bien faits. De plus, ils ont su concrtliser leur dtvotion 1 J'icOne par la diffusion de reproductions et par I'trection de Iieux de culte domestiques, ce qui a favori~ unc ouverture sur I'iconographie orientale chrtlienne. Cette dtmarche s'cffeclue tgalement ;\ travers d'autres formes d'adhtsion comme la Fondation de Marie Immaculte J. Sillery, qui rejoint l\ elle seule 90 000 membres et qui doit sa formation originate;1 un groupe de lales de la rtgion l6. Entin et surtout, 1a signification de la nouveUe imagerie s'interpr~te l\ travers Ie miroir de la sensibilitt, un miroir Atriple dimension: traditionnel, merveilleux et symbolique. II appert que Ie franco.-qu~~cois toujours sensible Ala tradition de I'image deult d~cennies. de confession catholique romaine demeure d~vote De plus, il ne demeure pas dont iI a indiff~rent ~t~ distanc~depuis au miracle et a. la plus de surprise ineltpliqu~e. Ace niveau,la sensibilit~ se vitA travers des signes constatables in siru et se manifeste par des bienfaits corporels et spirituels aussi bien que par des transformations de creurs et de foyers. On retrouve enfin une sensibilit6 face au symbole de la l'icOne. Cette ~cpr~sence~. est par ailleurs de I' Absolu et de I'invisible tant cOTTobor~ comme de la catholicit~11. priams Am!me leur par ~rudits, iconographes et quotidien~ (,iconographie actuelle du s'6rige en Vatican II. qu'inspire par les informateurs eccl~siastiques de I'orthodoltie Une c(pr~sence.) v6cue principalement eC intens~ment par des une c(pr~sence). combl~e iconographique reproduit en des milliers de copies. sacr~e, (~pr~sence» signal~ r~action sacr~, par un simple support Suivant ces interpretations, en comblant Ie bc:soin de s'identifier au vide esth~rique que connait Ie Qu~bec a. une (cpr6sence). depuis Ie Concile de En corolla ire Aces observations, cene forme d'art spirituel rejoint plus particuli~rement les lalcS engag~s ayant connu ou cheminant encore dans Ie mouvement 160rganisme fondt en lOOt 1984. I1Rappelons que l'ic6ne rel~ve de la thtologie de I'image mis au point par l'orthodoxie et qu'elle rtpond Ades canons stricls d'interprttation. 32 ICONOGRAPIiJE ACfUELLE DU SACRE charismatique. Cheminement qui se veut un retour aux sources orienlales du ctuislianisme et auquell'icOne . dont Marie. M~re de Dieu. Pone du Ciel - s'associe des plus intimemenc. Conclusion ~tude L'intention premic!:re de cette fut d'~tablir un bUan ethnologique de I'iconographic aCluelle du sacrt ~ travers !'icOne prodigieuse Marie, M~re du Ciel. Voulant dtpasser Ie simple aspect formel du probli!:me. Ie appuy~ sur "observation du vtcu el Ie ttmoignage des croyaRls. pour lenter de saisir la signification de r6gion de Qu6bec. I'~mergence d'une de Dieu, Porte pr~senl article s'est propri~tairc:s d'icOnes. nouvelle iconographic dans la Bien que modeste. celie recherche contribue a. tlucider. du mains qualitalivement, Ie sens de ceUe renaissance d'une imagerie pieuse ainsi qu'Adonner quelques orienlalions pour des recherches fulures. II serait souhaitable que ce phtnom~ne premi~r bilan incile A ('exploralion du meme dans d'autres rtgions du Qutbec, d'une pan pour mesurer la port~e du dynamisme ct d'autre part. pour 6tablir des corrtlations et des comparaisons avec ce dossier. Ce faisant. Ie vtrilabJe portrait de la situation au Qutbec pourrait alors ~tre esquis~. Le probl~me de I'iconographie actuelle du sacrt ouvre par ailleurs un vaSle champ encore inexplort rouchant une varittt d'acteurs 1i6s Ala prtsence de !'icOne. Pensons Ala nouvelle gtntralion d'iconographes qut~cois oeuvrant dans Ie domaine depuis ;\ peine dix ans. au;( producteurs, mOOleurs et crtaleurs d'une nouvelle imagerie sacrte, aux diffuseurs en milieu scolaire par exemple ou dans divers ceOlres hospitaliers au d'accueil. Conlrairement AtOUles prtvisions, I'imagerie d~vote. si longlemps inltgrte ;\ la culrure tradilionnelle el que d 'aucuns croyaient disparue. prend ici un nouveau viragc qui mtrile d 'etre observt et consignt dans louIe son ampleur et son actuaJitt pour en relirer sa pJeine signification. L'ic(\ne de Marie, Mere de Dieu, Porte du Ciel: Esquisse d'un cheminement spirituel Denis Croteau l Universite Laval Introduction De nos jours. parler de la «Bonne Sainte Vierge» semble personnes y compris pour une fone proportion cours inlitul~ c~Marie dans l'histoire du salut>~ d'~tudianlS d~pa~ pour th~ologie. en plusieurs si bien que Ie (THL-1364 I) DC s'esl donnt que trois fois Ala Facullt de thtologie de I'Universitt Laval depuis 1980. m~me s'il avail tIt inscrit une dizaioe de fois A ('boraire. Pounant I'l:glise universelle vir prtsenlcment un renouveau mariat important et cc depuis Pie XIII. Si officiellement I'l:glise de Rome refuse ce constat, iI en va tout aulrement dans Its faits: ROUS vivons A )'heure mariale! Pour s'cn convaincrc, it suffit d 'examiner la popularitt de l'iCOne de Marie, M~re de Dicu.- Pone du Cicl distribute a. plus d'uR million d 'cxemplaires. Ce qui surprend Ie plus, outre celie distribution incroyable, ce SOnt les propos lenus par les croyants sur leur icOne de Marie, Mhe de Dieu, Porte du Ciel. r~ceprion de I' icOne, les gens parlent souvent d'une et dans leur quotidien: uc'est la pr~sence pr~senee de de la Sainte Vierge~., Apr~s l'aehat ou la Marie dans leur demeure (Cune pr~sence du ciel, de J~sus et de Marie~., (Cune pr~sence agissantc constammenH.J . It:tudiAnt AIa Facull~ de thtologie de I'univcrsitt Laval, I'auteur termine p~scntemcnt unc mAitrise sur La rClrontrc des religions dans l'a:uvre de Paul TiJHch. 2Pie XII fut pape de 1939 A1958; c'est lui qui promulgua Ie let novembre 1950 la Bulle sur r Assomption de Marie (Munificentissimus Deus). On lui doit aussi quaere autrcs encycliques majeurs sur Marie. )Oans l"ordre,les infonnatrices nos 05. 06 et 09. DENlS CROTEAU Cene pn!sence de Marie au cC%ur du quotidien signa Ie. en quelque sone, Ie cheminement spirituel des sept infonnatriccs retenues pour les fms de cene analyse4 . L'article qui suit propose d'interprtter leur dtmarche l panir du moment de la rtception d'une reprtXlucrion de l'icOne miraculeuse en passant par Ie dialogue et rabandon .ila Vierge jusqu '.1 I'ttape de "inttriorisation. Esquisse d'un cheminement spirituel A· Rtceptlon de L'lcOne C'cst souvent lars d 'un tvtnement imponant dans la vie des informatrices - dtpart d'u" enfant, f~te anniversaire, dtbut d'une ¢riode de chOmage. maladie grave du conjoint ou divorce - que celles-ei ant re~u en cadeau leur premi~re icOne de Marie, M~re de Dieu, Pone du Ciel 5. Quel que soil Ie format re~u. ces personnes ne s'anendaient aucunement l un tel cadeau. Certaines d'cntre elles ne savaient que faire de eeUe ieOne, d'autres trouvaient rimage de Marie beaucoup trop aust~re et l(se sentaient un peu mal». II y en a m~me une qui ne s 'attendait pas 1 garder une ieOne 11a maison: (tee n'est pas une ~glise ici»6. II faut dire que cene infonnatrice s'est rerrouvte avec une icOne de grand format mesurant 40 em x SO em, ieOne pour un centre de mari d~ident apr~s pri~re avoir ~t~ mandalte par des amis pour acheter une grande de la r~gion de Qutbec. La joumte de rachat, elle et son d'entrer l'icOne dans la maison A cause du froid. Une fois A rint~rieur, reproduction de l'icOne se manifeste en d~gageant un parfum ressemblanl:\ un rose el de myrrhe. Depuis celie joum~ la m~lange de M~re de de printemps 198.5, !'icOne de Marie, Dieu, Porte du Ciel trOne sur un chevalet dans leur salon au milieu de cinq nouvelles ieOnes difftrentes. 4Les infoonatrices stlectionntes pour eet article son( lirees de rensemble des enquttes orales ~alistes en compagnie d'Anne·Marie Poulin. Leur Age varie de 27 165 ans; trois sont veuves (1984,1985,l986) soilles nos 01, 02 eI 05, deux soot mariees (nos 03 et 06), une est divon:~e (no 09) et Ia demitte est ctlibataire (no 10). Notons que les cin:onstances onl voulu que les ttmoins disponibles au moment de l'enqu!Ce soienl tous de sexe feminin. 'Les informatrices se soni toutes prOCUR: une ou plusieurs autres reproduclions de 13. mtme icOne pour la maison. 61nfonnatrice 03. L'ICONE DE MARJE Apr~s la r~ception 36 de ('icOne. la plupart des gens ne savent au ranger ce cadeau pour Ie mains particulier. Plus lard, comme par instinct. plusieurs placen! une autre copie de "icOne prts ou au-dessus d'une porte car son vocable n'est-il pas Marie. Mtre de Dieu. Pone du Cie!. Ainsi de fa~on parfois lets discrete7 ou de fa~on plus ~vidente. la Vierge veille sur leur demeure au lieu du traditionnd Sacr~..creur8. B - L. Dlalogu. Pour plusieurs, I'adaplation AI'icOne se fera sans trop de peine car 4(plus on la regarde plus on l'aime»9. I'endroit ou est pla~e us informatrices accordent une trts grande importance ;l ('icOne dans leur maison. Que eel endroit soh petit ou grand. it devient lenlement Ie centre de leur vie spirituelle et ce, pour six d'enlre clles plus paniculitremenl. Un dialogue s'engage alors progressivement entre ces personnes et l'icOne, dialogue qui devient dtvolion maria Ie et qui s'exprime par une rencontre rtguli~re avec Marie. Celte renconlre se rtalise en face Aface avec l'icOne, Ie plus souvent assis ou, pour rune, ~ genoux. Ces tchanges avec Marie onl lieu au moins une fois par jour, leur durte variant de quelques minutes ~ une heure lO . Face Al'icOne les gens passent facilement du chapelel au rosaire: ((avant je trouvais que c'ttait bien long [un chapelet), maintenant j'essaie de dire mon rosaire tous les joursnll. Une autre l2 nous dira que grAce Aric6ne 7Tel que vu chez la plus jeune informatrice (10). BC'etait une pnuique courante dans les foyers quebecois catholiques de placer une image du Sacre-Cceur llu-dessus d'une porte d'entree de la rnaison avec "inscription suivante: ,de benirai les maisons olll'image de mon cceur sera exposee et honoree)'. 91nformatrice 02. IOOlacunc des infonnatrices priviJegie son propre slyle de rencontrc. Pour certaines ce seront de brtves rcncootres aJeatoites de quelques minules mais plusieurs fois par jour, aJon que d'autres prHereront un khange plus long el plus methodique, par exemple, Ie temps d'un chapelet ou d'un rosaire Araison d'une fois par jour. III nfonnatrice 05 12 Informalrice 02, AI~ que I'informatrice 01 s'cndort souvent avt:C son icc)ne. DENIS CROTEAU 37 elle connait un retour au chapelct. Elle Ie r~cite d'une falfon plus intense et actualise les paroles de "Ave. Les informatrices font des lectures pieuses du brhiaire. du Nouveau Testament ou des tents spiriruels des grands saints et saintes de I'~glise sui vies d'une mtditation sur les mysttres de I'ttriture. La pri~re devient spontante et s'cltprime par un dialogue familier avec Marie. au cours duquel les gens offrent leur humble jou~e de travail en sacrifice quotidien. Elles font preuve d'une connaissance souvent approfondie des enseignements de la Vierge donnts 1 MedjugorjelJ. Enfm. clles dtsirent faire Censacrer leur icOne l4 . En principe cela o'cst pas permis par I'Eglise. et pounant ('ensemble de nos infonnarrices poss«lent toutes des icOnes consacrfes! Les informatriccs parlcm m!me d 'une prtsence physique de Marie, prtsence qui suscite un dtsir de toucher I'kllne ou d'!tre avec J'icOne. Pour I'une d'elles. cene prtsence de Marie ~ travers I'icllne s'exprime au coucher. par Ie contaci avec l'icOne lors de la r6citation du chapelcl. II lui arrive assez rtguli~rement de s'endormir avec son icOne dans les mains avant d'avoir termint son chapelel l.5. C - L'Abandon A Marie Une fois Ie dialogue ~tabli, les mols ne manquent pas pour dtcrire ces moments paniculiers: ((Elle prouve qu'elle eSI lA, qu'elle s'occupe de nous», ((qu'elle nous aide, nous prol~ge)., C(nous ~oute et nous inonde de graces)). C(on peUI tout lui confier, lout lui remettre.'. Les anecdotes aussi ne manquent pas: deux de nos informatrices nous ant avout ne plus avoir peur des voleurs depuis J'arrivte de leur icOnel (cUne icOne dans une IJII est int&essant de remarquer 'ci les liens etroits qui existent entre les differcnts phenom~nes maria.ls. POW" la plupart des informatrices. ces phenom~nes constiluent un lout; pour eUes, les apparitions de Medjugorje ne sont qu'une des nombfeuses facates de la vie marlate. De plus. six d'enlte eUes esper-ent se rendrc ou retoumer AMedjugorje; trois d'entre clles y sont dejA allees . 14La consb:ration de l'icOne est un geste infiniment plus impoltant quc 1& simple bened'ction. l...ors de l'eucharistic,l'officiant placc sur I'alltclles 'cOnes Aconsacrer sur lesqlleUes il dtp05era les S&inles csp«cs durant I'offc:rtoire. L'ICONE DE MARIE 38 maison, c'est une protection [c~les(el)116. eel abandon a. Marie n'est pas uniquement passif car it emretiem m!me la poursuite du dialogue. Marie est une campagne, une amie; mais aussi une (cM~re qui DOUS ~coute. DOUS exauce et qui veille sur nous)~171 qui on peut tout dire ~t sunoul, tout confier. Ainsi plusieurs de nos infonnatrices poussent ('audace jusqu'ldemander AMarie divers signes tangibles ou des manifestations arm d'tclairer les ~v~nements de leur qUOIidien. Ces signes ne ,dennent pas seulement de l'icOne. mais parfois de tQutes sooes de la vie quolidienne; pour les informalrices. ce seront aulant d' ((accu~s de d'~v~nemenIS rtceplion» de la part de la Vierge. Pour toutes les informalrices, cene ~tape du cheminement s· accompagne d' une diffusion de !'icOne selon leurs moyens fmanciers propres l8 , De plus, six des inforrnatrices font panie de groupes de pritre au de mouvements d'l:glise; elles annoncenl la bonne nouvelle, donnenl des ttmoignages de vie, au invilent les gens Avenit prier Aleur domicile, Elles participent aussi et bien sauvent de fa~on active Ala vie de leur communautt paroissiale, Tout cela afin de ttrnoigner des miracles accomplis par Marie dans leur vie: elle leur a donne (cia force d'accepter les choseS),19 et les evtnements difficiles qu'elles vivaient au moment de la reception de l'icOne, o - L'lnt~riorlsalion Aprts une ¢riode souvent Irts intense de diffusion de l'icOne, qui dUTe de quelques mois Aquelques anntes. les gens cessent subilement de distribuer Ataus vents les icOnes parce que c'est quelque chose de prtcieux et d'important. Bien souvent,les reproductions sonl ~nites ou meme consacrtes, alors l(On ne donne pas ~a An'importe qui)) de dire plusieurs informatrices, 16) nfonnarrice 06, 111nfonnauice 02, tSL'informatrice OS estime Apres de 300 reproductions Ie nombre d'ic()nes qu'elle a distribuees; a10rs qu'une aulre n'en n'a donne que quelques-unes, faule de moyens financiers, 191nfonnarrice 02, DENIS CROTEAU 39 Puis, avec Ie temps, les gens abandonnent presque tOllS les mouvementS auxquels Us appaniennent. d'abord ccux du genre tcsocialn puis ceux d'l!glise2°. Tout cela pour rester Ie plus possible ila Maison avec Marie qui y est Cene ~tape communicadon marque Ie s~ciale et d~but paniculi~re pr~sente. es~ce d'~ta[ d'une d'oraisoD r~gulier, d'une avec Marie mais aussi avec son fils Jtsus. Ie Christ et ce A travers "icOne. C'CSI Marie qui offre son Fils, Ie fruit de ses entrailles. Elle l'offre car. tC ••• la Vierge Marie est fone. Tu I'as men~. [pour notre salul] et tu continues la mission de dit une informarrice, jusqu'lla croix DOUS Ie donner. Dans nos anntes troubles, tu prends encore Ie risque de DOUS Ie donner et de Ie fa ire maltraiter. Tu donnes encore, car tu sais que son nom est Victoire~~21. DOUS sa Ie Les personnes fmissent par parler moins des manifestations de leur icOne puisque c'est quelque chose de personnel. Elles restent plus souvent Ala maison, abandonnent presque toute relation avec Ia soci~t~. sauf celie avec leur ~glise. Elles coupent les liens avec Ie monde ext~rieur. ne regardent plus la t~l~vision, n'feoutent plus la radio et ne lisent plus les jownaux. Elles contemplent longuement )'icOoe, en vivant un abandon ADieu avec des cctouches» de Dieu, puisque c'est Lui qui prend l'initiative. Elles vivent une relation particuli~re, une namrne les habite. Marie devient alor'S un Aaneindre. AI'exemple de sa vie I'adoption d' un discours effac~ int~rieur: mod~le de vie l\ Nazareth durant Ie minist~re de son Fils. par (eet sa rrere gardait fid~lement toutes ces choses en son coour»22. De plus, ces personnes cherchent Aimiter les exemples de la vie des mystiques et des sainrs. Cene recherche se traduit par un mode de vie d~pouillt; elles menent une vie de recluses, prennent des repas frugals, s 'habillenr simplement et ouvrent leur porte l\ tous et l\ toutes. Elles s'abandonnent finalement tout enti~res l\ la Providence divine et ne se soucient plus du lendemain. 20Sau f parfois un petit groupe: intime de p~re. 211nfonnatrice 09. 22Bible de JCrusalem. nouvc:UeMition. 1975. I!vangiJe de Luc 2, 5l. L'ICONE DE MARIE 40 Conclusion De la r~ception de l'icOne miraculeuse Ason traduisant par une relation int~riorisation. la dtmarche spirituelle Elle ttmoigne d'un accomplissement personnel se des informatrices est progressive. d\~troite intimitt avec la Vierge Marie. Ces personn~s qui dtlaissent leur activittd'£glise au profit d'une vie spirituelle plus intense mais aussi plus rCliete. \liven I en relrait de la communautt et de !'Eglise-communault. Au (efme de celie enquetc, une question demeure: ce cheminernent spirituel constitue·l-il une menace pour )'Eglise? Dans un premier temps, on pourrait penser qu'il y a effectivement un risque pour ('Eglise. la nature de ce demier reposanl principalement sur I'opposition communaut6'individualitt. La solurion la plus simple et la plus radicale pour menre fin Ace type de cheminement spirituel individuel serait sans aucun doute Ie rerrait syst~matique de certains signes sensibles comme les icOnes. N'oublions pas que c'est l'icOnc de Marie, M~re de Dieu, Porte du Ciel qui est ici I'instigatrice de ce dtsir d'isolement. Ce faisant, J'histoire se nouvelle vague icOnol~tre rt~tera-t-elle ? Verrons-nous alors emerger une pour Ie salut de la communaute? Toutefois, AI'examen plus approfondi des temoignages, la menace paralt moins tvidenle. Ces femmes sont consciemes de ce qu'dles vivem et de risoleOlenl dans lequel dies se sont placte's de plein grt. Pour elles, it est certain d 'une pan que Marie veilJe el qu'elle ne laissera pas WOlber l'reuvre de son Fils. D'aulre pan, ces femmes pour la plupart ont realist leur engagement d'E:gJise: elles ont fait c(leur tempsll el c'est mainlenanl Ad'autres de prendre la reJ~ve. Par ailleurs, pour plusieurs des informatrices, I'important dortnavant c'est cette vie d'amour avec Marie, ce dialogue et surtout celie relalion d'intimitt particuli~re par et avec leur icOne de Marie, M~re de Dieu, Porte-du· Cicio Or, malgrt I'isolement apparent dans lequeJ vivent ces femmes, eUes demeurem en communion avec I'Eglise (cune el universelle.' par la pri~re, Membres discr~tes d'un liers-ordre anonyme, elles aspirent Attre lout comme Marie les humbles servanles du Seigneur, pour que ccsa volont~ soit faile sur la terre comme au cieh•. La Vierge Marie dans l'imaginaire des croyants: Analyse des pri~res d~pos~es a l'ic6ne de Marie, M~re de Dieu, Porte du Ciel Marcelle Cinq-Mars I Universit~ Laval Introduction Depuis que M~re de r~glise Saint·Michel de SiJlery a Dieu. Pone du Cicl, les ftd~les ~(abli un oratoire i\ l'icOne de Marie, qui lui rendent visite ont leurs intentions de pritre. Ces iOienrions soot recueillies et I'opponuni~d'y d~poser conserv~es par Ie (>tre Jean- Paul Trottier s.m. qui a consenri i\ ce qu 'une analyse en soit faite. Ces intentions de pri~re sont g~n~ralemenl b:rites sur des coupures de feuilJes de papier que les fidtles se procurent sur place. II s'agit de feuilles coJortes (rose, bleu, jaune et blanc) au verso desquelles apparaissent parfois des texles religieux. L'utilisation d'une grille d'analyse a permis de rclever les informations qui ferment la base d'une rtnexion sur la conception que se font les croyants du rOle et du pouvoir de la Vierge Marie. La grille d'l.alyse Cette grille se divise en trois parties. La partie A renferme les informations sur rtcrivant et la pr~sentation mat~rielle de la renseignements sur Ie contenu de I'intention de I'~rivant. pri~re. pri~re La partie B contient les lorsqu'il s'agit de demandes pour La partie C fait de meme en ce qui conceme les demandes pour une personne autre que Ie demandeur. Partie A: us ~crivants ont ete ~par~s en deux: groupes d 'Age, les jeWles et les adultes. Cene division, qui peut sembler arbitraire, est cependant dict~ par Ie contenu mtme des pri~res. l~lUdiante au Departement d'histOlre de J'univc:rsitt Laval, ('auteure vient de terminer une malbise portant sur ('analyse d'un journal personnel. MARCELLE CINQ-MARS 43 d6:1i~ Figure 1: Oratoire SilU~ dans AncOne miraculeuse de Marie, I'~glise M~re de Dieu, Pone du Ciel Saint·Michel de Sillery, Qu~bec. Au centre, A('avant plan on remarque Ie panier servant a. recueillir les intentions des fidtJes (Photo: Paul Lalibent). En effet, une personne qui demande de I'aide pour ses examens scolaires ou qui prie pour son arri~re-grand-m~re peut facilement ttee (jusqu'Ala vingtaine d·ann~es). son conjoint se VOil c1ass~ Inversement, Ie dans la cal~gorie clas~e fjd~le dans Ie groupe des jeunes qui prie pour ses enfants ou pour des adulles. Bien entendu, ces donn6es ne sont retenues qu'4 titre purement indic3lif. De plus, un cenain nombre des intentions de pri~re fie foumissent pas de dftails permeuant de situer ('auteur dans "un ou "autre des groupes d ·age. Entin. cene panie renferme les informations sur la langue dans laquelle est r~digte la pri~re. VIERGE MARJE DANS L'IMAGINAJRE DES CROYANTS 44 Parlles Bel C : Divi~es spirituelles. en deux sections. ces panics analysent les demandes Le contenu I'am~lioration de la sant~. mat~riel mat~rielles et comprend les demandes pour la conservation ou les demandes visant A amtliorer la situation financi~re (Imuver c1as~es dans la un ernploi. gagner Ala lorerie). Les autres demandes mattrielles sont caltgorie divers. Le contenu spiricuel contient les demarxtes d'aKJe el de soutien moral. les ~n~iction remerciemenls, les demandes de pardon, les demandes de ou de protection, les demandes pour l'oblention d'une venu (courage. justice, prudence. rem¢rance. charitt, esptrance et foil et les demandes pour obtenir une conversion ou un relour Ala roi. Cene grille d'analyse a tIt appliqute A.500 intentions de pri~res prtlevtes au hasard parmi les milliers qui existent. Analyse des Resultats L'Ecrlvant Les r~sultals monlrent que 85,6% des et 3,4% non proponion utilis~e, identifi~s. ~gale fid~les sonl des adultes contre II % de jeunes Seulemenl 24,2% d'entre eux. ant signe leur chez les adultes et les jeunes (21.8%). pri~re, dans une Pour ce qui est de la langue 97,2% des ~crivanlS s'expriment en fran~ais conlre 2,4% en anglais et 0,4% en espagnol. Les del118ndes Au total, on retrouve 485 demandes pour pri~re I'~crivant contre 493 pour aUlrui. une pouvanl conlenir plus d 'une requele. On demande done autant pour soi-mtme que pour d 'autres. Au niveau des demandes mat~rielles, I'inqui~tude pour la sant~ des prcx:hes reropone sur celie du demandeur (70 contre 49 demandes). Par contre, on demande plus souvent ('aide mal~rielle financitre pour soi (42) que pour auttui (33). Les aUlres MARCELLE CINQ-MARS dernandes sont quatre fois plus nombreuses pour soi que pour autrui (43 conlre II): iI semble que I'on connall mieux ses propres besoins maltriels que ccux de ses praches. En ce qui a trait aux demandes d 'ordre spirituel, les pri~res de protection, d 'amour et de btntdiction I'emponenl largement (314) sur "aide morale (228), les remerciements (84),105 demarxles de vertu (37) el de partlon (26). On demande la protection pour aulrui (187) plus souvent que pour soi·m!me (97). Par contre. la difftrence R'est pas aussi marqute entre "aide morale pour soi (139) el pour autrui (119). On remercie aussi plus pour $Oi que pour $es proches (67 conlre 17). Sur les 500 intentions de r~c1a~ Ie pri~re. 21 ant pardon pour l'tcrivam et.5 seulement pour quelqu'un d'aulre. On rcttouve 27 demandes pour I'obtention d'une venu pour Ie demandeur contre seulement 10 pour auuui. Entin, la conversion, jamais demand~ pour soi-mtme, revientA41 reprises. Tous ces chiffres rtRrentA l'ensemble des 500 intentions de comparaison sur la nature des pri~res pri~re. II impone d'effectuer une adresstes AMarie entre celles des jeunes et des adultes. Prl~res des Dans repr~nte jcunes ct des adultes l'~hantillon pr~lev~ se lTouvent 55 I 1% du total. exprirn~s par les jeunes (55 individus identifi~s) tableau nous apprend que les jeunes se niveau des demandes mat~rielles demandes correspondent aux scolaires, succ~s pri~res d~pos~s et celles des d~marquent par des jeunes, ce qui diff~rences Le tableau I montre les a1n~s entre les demandes (428 idencifi~s). principalement de leurs ain~s Ce au diverses (15,7% contre 3,2% poW' les aduhes). Ces probl~mes quotidiens que vivenc les jeunes: examens amoureux au sponifs, etc. De m~me, les jeunes r&lamenc plus d 'aide morale (25,7% concre 12,4%) el de prolection (14,2% conlre 8,9%) que leurs alnts. Qui peut nous alder? Pour les fid~les, la Vierge Marie joue soil Ie rOle de bienfailTice soit celui d'interm&:liaire. Le plus souvent, on requiert son intercession aupr~s de Dieu ou de J~us. En effet, les gens distinguenc les deux personnes et on ne demande pas la meme chose i\ I'une et AI'aucre. eet aspect mEricerait d'ailleurs une recherche plus approfondie. Quoi qu'il en soit, Marie a Ie pouvoir de toucher leur creur: c'est une cenirude pour ceux qui la prient. VIERGE MARIE DANS L'IMAGINAIRE DES CROYANTS Comparaison des Prl~res Tableau I des Adultes Avec Celles drs leunes Pour Autrul Adulles Jeunes Pour Sol Jeunes-' Demandes Adultes' I. Mattrielles - Sant~ - Finances -Autre 2._SA~:~I::le - Remerciement - Pardon - Protection - Venu - Conversion 46 % % % % 4.9 4.3 3,2 1,4 0.0 15.7 6.8 3.4 1.1 5.0 0.0 0,0 12,4 6,5 1,9 8,9 2,4 0,0 25.7 4.2 2,8 14,2 4,2 0.0 11,8 1.6 0,5 18.1 6.8 4,2 5.7 1.4 0,0 15.7 2.8 0,0 En plus de Dieu et de J~sus (sous louces ses appellations). les fid~les ont fail appel 8 fois l saint Joseph pour la protection des travailleurs ~t des ~res de famille. Seulement deux autres sainls soot pr~sen(s: saiOle Anne (4 (ois) et saini COme (I fois). c\ Marie. elle occupe une place La Vierge Marie c'esl aussi Marie. majoril~ Quant priviltgi~e. M~re de Dieu, Pone du Cie:!. La grande des fid~les s'adresse A ((rna m~re Marie~. ou i\ ((Marie. mtre de Dieu.). Qualre autres appellations ont tie trouv6es: Notre-Dame du Rosaire (2 fois), Notre-Dame du Perp6ruel-Secours (l fois), Notre-Dame de I'Esperance (I fois) el Notre-Dame du GrandPouvoir (I fois). Pour qui prle...·on? Les 500 pri~res analystes contiennent 978 demandes dont 485 pour rtcrivant et 493 pour les autres. Dans cette partie, nous verrons pour qui les tcrivams prient, outre eux-memes. Nolons d'abord que la majoriltdes pri~res eSI deslinte Aune ou des personnes en particulier que ron dtsigne par son nom sans memionner Ie lien avec 2Pourcentagc: de celie demande sur les 908 failcs par des adultcs. JPOllrCentage de cc:lte demande sur Ics 70 faites pat les jeuncs. MARCELLE CINQ-MARS 47 l'~crivant. Tr~s peu de pas voutes Aetre mentionn~s dans fid~les analy~s. trouvent utile de noter ce lien puisque leurs pri~res ne sont Le tableau II rend compte des destinataires explicitement les intentions de pri~re. Tableau n Pour Qui Prle-I-On? enfants de r~crivant famille d'autrui grands-parents 18 fr~re 10 9 tpouse m~re 7 ¢re fils Marie-Jeunesse mari 6 3 3 cousine lante oncle II semble tr~s difficile de conclure quoi que ce soit Apartir de nombreuses, sinon que les unissent aux personnes fid~les 3 3 2 2 2 2 I sceur donn~es aussi peu ne ressentent pas Ie besoin d'identifier les liens qui les mentionn~es. Types de prl~res Dans son livre Pri~res secr~tes des Fran5ais d'aujourd'hui, Serge Bonnet4 a class~ les types de pri~res des Fran~ais en 25 cat~gories. ne figurem pas dans les intentions analyrees dans la indiquees par la leure ((X») pri~res Celles-ci soot dans Ie tableau III ci-dessous. Quelques exemples tires du corpus des intentions de Parmi elles, huit (8) seulement pr~sente ~tude. les ev~nements marquants de la vie du analy~s illustrent les ((communiqu~)) selon la classification de S. Bonnet. Le cat~gories annonce par exemple fid~le: - 12-03-87, Naissance de C.R. Bonne saot~. Merci; - Sommes revenus de notre voyage de Rome. 4Serge Bonnet, Pri~res secr~tes des Francais d'aujourdh'hui, Paris.l:.d. du Cerf, 1976, p. 281. VIERGE MARIE DANS L'IMAGINAIRE DES CROYANTS 48 Tabl.au III CBt~gorles de prl~res l{ .It selon 18 c1assiflcatlon de Serge Bonnet • bouquet - cane de visite - chaix - communiqu~ x - comptabilit~ - colis - ex voto - graffiti • Icltre - litanies - n~gocialions - ~tiles annonces x - confession - constat - courrier du creuc x - curriculum vita:: - dtcJaration - demandes ;'it - question - rtclamation - rendez-vollS - syndical de 1a Terre - syndical du Ciel - ttl~gramme - uhimatum La caltgorie l(colis~ consiste gtntralemenl Aremellre ses proches ou ses probl~mes encre les mains de la Vierge. sous son emitre responsibilitt: - Marie, je Ie laisse J.P. Prends soins de lui. La ((r~lamatiom) provient d'uR fidtle qui s'allend Arecevoir ce qu'il estime eIre son dO: - Je prie depuis deux ans pour rna saUlt. J'auends encore la gutrison. Le tlsyndical de la Terre et celui du lesquelles Ie tid~le Cid~~ sont repr~senl~s par des pri~res dans attire ('attention de la Vierge sur les problemes des vivants el des morts: • Pourrais-tu aider rna soeur, son mariage va mal. Merci. - Mon ¢re est d~cM~. Je prie pour lui. Pouvez-vous I'aider. Merci J-C D. Entin. il arrive que les fid~les lancent de vrais ((ultimatumS~1 A I'image de I'exemple suivant: - EG. ment toujours Asa e.S. Si cu ne fais rien. je devrai lui dire la vtrit~. MARCELLE CINQ-MARS 49 Cette partie Deus a dre~ Ie bilan de ('analyse de cantenu des 500 pri~res adresstes i\ Marie. M~re de Dieu, Porte du Cie!. soulev~ une question paniculitre (I La lecture et ('analyse de ces pritres ant appen effectivement que les fid~les con~oivent deux rOles i\ la Vierge: intermtdiaire et bienfaitrice. Dans la seconde panie de article, eel DOUS verrons la position officielle et dogmatique de rtiglise i\ I'~gard du rOle de la Vierge et ce qui ressort de la conception que s'cn font les croyants. i\ panic de ('analyse de leurs pri~res. Interpr~tation des R~sultats Une premiere analyse du contenu des pritres dt!X>s6es i\ Marie, Mtre de Dieu, Porte du Ciel a soulevt plusieurs interrogations. Par la nature des demandes et la clles prtsenttes, on peut obtenir un SOOI I'imaginaire des analy~es fid~les. Les.'500 pri~res aper~u fa~on dont de 1a conceplion du rOle de Marie dans utilistes dans la premitre panie furent done r~· dans eene perspective. Cene fois-ci, Ie deslinataire, son rOle (bienfaiteur ou intercesseur), la nature de la demande et la faeron dont on s'adressc au destinataire ont ~t~not~. RfsuUats Les .'500 pri~res sc r~partissent ainsi: 348 pri~res a. la Vierge (69,6%), 80 i\ J~sus (16,0%),30 a. Dieu (6.0%), 27 ne mentionnent aueun destinataire (.'5,4%) et 1.'5 s'adressent a. d'autres (3,0%). C'est done n'~tonne 7 priMes sur 10 qui sont adressUs i\ Marie. Ce chiffre nuHement puisque la devotion particuli~re de I'eglise de Sillery est centree sur la Vierge. R61e du destinatalre Seule Marie poss!de deux rOles aux yeux des fid~les: intenn~diaire aupr~s de son Fils el de Dieu et bienfaitrice direete des grtces. Sur les 348 pritres AMarie, Il,8% des fid~les oot recours a. son intercession eontre 88,2% qui lui demandent de leur procurer personneHement les grtces, sans Ie secours de Dieu. VIERGE MARIE DANS L'IMAGINAJRE DES CROY ANTS Nature des demandes Les demandes sont divistes selon la grille d'analyse utiliste dans la de eel article. Seules nuent analysUs les 348 pritres pas mains de 770 demandes: 202 demandes mattrielles adre~es;\ COOffe premi~re 50 partie Marie. qui onl foumi 568 demandes spiriruelles. Les demandes de protection (260) et d'aide (138) sont les plus nombreuses alors que les demandes de conversion (14) et de pardon (9) sont les plus rares. Le tableau IV donne Ie total des demandes pour chaque rOle de la Vierge. Tableau IV Nature des demandes adressees a\ Marie Demandes Nombre Blen(aitrlce Inlermedlalre Sant~ Conversion 78 57 67 138 60 9 260 87 14 63 50 62 127 55 8 242 82 14 15 7 5 II 5 I 18 5 0 Total 770 703 §2 Finances Autres Aide morale Remerciement Pardon PrOlection Vertu La r8~on dont on s'adresse a\ Marie Sur 105 348 pritres. 223 (64%) personnes tutoien' I. Vierge e' 81 (23%) I. vouvoient. Dans 44 pri~res. on ne retrouve aucune indication. L'tgllse, la Vlerge elles Fldeles - Pourquoi prioRs-oeus devant Ie crucifix, devant les images el les reliques des sainls? - Nous prioRs devan! Ie crucifix, devant les images et les reliques des saints. parce que la vue de ces Objets excite notre d~votion. en nollS rappelao! Ji!sus-Christ el les saints. et en RCUS les proposant pour mod~les l\ imiter. - Pourquoi prians-ocus si souven! la sainte Vierge? - Nous prioRs si sou vent la sainte Vierge parce qu'elle est la plus puissante protectrice que ocus puissions avoir au Cie!. MARCELLE CINQ-MARS 51 Ces ex.traits du Petit Cal~hisme5 pr~sentent les rOles recaonus de la Vierge: mod~le el proteclrice. Meme si Ie Petit Cat6chisme a lais~ la place aux d~rets du Condie Vatican II, les dogmes, eux, R'ont pas subi de modifications. Le 21 novembre 1964. Ie pape Paul VI promulguait la constitution dogmatique De Ecclesia (Lumen Gentium). Le chapitre VIII de ce document est enti~rement consacr61la Vierge Marie. L'ankle ~4 pr6seme les intentions des autorit6s conciliaires: En constquence. Ie saint Concile ( ... I entend mettre en lumi~re la fonction de la bienheureuse Vierge dans Ie myst~ du Verbc incarnl: et du Corps mystique. et d'autre part. les devoirs des hommes rachetb CRVCrs la Vic:rge, MOl: du Otrist et mo-e des hommes. sp6c:ialement cellc des fldeles6. Le rOle de la Vierge est c1airemem pr6cire dans I'article , 62: ( ... ) cUe s'occupc: I ... I des frtres de son Fils qui sont encore des ~Ierins et qui soot en butte aux dangers et aux mis~. I ... I Tout cela doit pourtant ,'entendre de m&n~re qu'on n'enltve ni n'ajoute rien lladignit~et 11'aetion du Christ.. sad M6diateur'. S'il est done permis de recourir Ala sainte Vierge. ceci ne doit alt~rer en rien I'unique m&:liation du Christ. L'Egiise reconnait alors rutiJit~du culle de la Vierge: c(~jA, depuis les temps les plus recul~s, [ . , . ] les fidtles, en leurs pritres, se rUugient sous sa prmcction au milieu de tous les ¢rils et des difficul~s qu'i1s rencontreno.8. Les textes de Vatican II mnovent en pr~sentant «une synthtse si vaste de la doctrine catholique sur la place que Marie tres sainte occupe dans Ie mysttre du Christ et de l'Eglise••9. Mais cene synth~se doctrinale demeure assez aride. 'Petit Cat6chisme: fdition officielle, Qu~bec, 1944 (1976) p. 117. 6p.A. Martin, Vatican II, Its seize documents conciliaires. Montrtal, Fides. 1967, p. 671. 'Idem., p. 88-89. 'ldem.. p.91. VIERGE MARJE DANS L'IMAGINAIRE DES CROYANTS Plus de quinze ans apr~s Vatican II, Ie pape p~lerin 52 lean·Paul II s'adressait aux Mexicains AZapopan lO au 5ujet de la pi~t~ populaire covers 1a saime Vierge. Pour ce pape, la pitlt populaire n'est pas Hune forme inftrieure de manifestation religieuse))II. Bien encadrte par les autoritts religieuses. tda pittt populaire est vraiment la pittt des pauvres el des simples,.I2. Mais cette pittt populaire n'existe pas seulement au Mexique. comme en font foi ItS pri~res d~postes i Sillery. Les paroles prononctes par Jean-Paul II meltent en exergue Ie Ion dogmalique. voice sec, des lCltles conciliaires. Plus de vingt ans aprts la c10rure des sessions de Vatican II, it semble que la roi et la dtvotion des eltigeRt plus de chaleur, de sensibilitt. Le fid~le fJd~les a besoin de se sentir prts de son Dieu. Ce rapprochement peut!lrC plus facile avec la Vierge. la m~re des hommes (voir tableau IV). Le rapprochement se serait-il effectu~ au d~trimenl de la connaissance des rOles reconnus 1 Marie par I'Eglise? En lant que prOlectrice. la Vierge interctde auprts de son Fils pour obtenir la protection et I'aide demandte. En tant que mod~le et type de I"Eglise. Marie donne I'exemple des venus que Ie croyant do it s'efforcer d·imiter. II n"est jamais mentionnt que la Vierge possMe la possibilil~ de procurerdirectemenl el personnellement les grAces demandtes l3 . Cependant. cene position dogmatique ne semble pas pr~sente AI'esprit des fid~les. La grande Seulement 8,7% d'entre eux demandent I'intercession de la Vierge. IreS majorilt (91.3%) des demandes prtsenttes 1 Marie la prie d'intervenir direclement el personnellemem dans Ie processus d'obtention des grAces: c'est effectivement la Vierge qui, pour les croyants. procure les bienfaits. Le tableau IV pr~senle Ie nombre de pri~res adresstes exclusivement a Marie. IOMoincs de Solesmes, La devotion a Marie dans I'enseignement des papes. Solc:smes, 1987. p. 91. Illdem.• p. 211. 12ldem.. p. 212. UArticle '62 des documents conciliail"cs. MARCELLE CINQ-MARS 53 Les demandes d'aide morale (127) et de protection (242) correspondent aux rOles de Marie reconnus par I'Eglise. On pent aussi mettrc de cOtt les remerciements. Par contre les demandes de g~rison. de conversion. de succ~s financiers, amoureux el sponifs ne correspondent pas aux dogmes. Et que dire des demandes de pardon adress~s Ala Vierge alors que Dieu seul poss&le Ie pouvoir d'accorder ce pardon? Evidemmenl, les fid~les peuvent ne pas trouver essenliel de s¢cifier que leur demande en est une d'intercession. Dans ce cas, seulement 8,7% des fid~les ressentent Ie besoin de sp&:ifier la nature de leur demande. Par contre. les 91,3% qui forment la majori(tont explique la nature de leur demande. peul~tre une autre raison qui II est possible qu'ils n'aient pas lu les lextes conciliaires ou les constitutions dogmatiques portant sur Ie rOle de la Vierge aupr~ des hommes et de Dieu. Mais ee ne sont pas 11 les seules ressources disponibles: les pasteurs sont prtci~ment dogmes de fa~on IA pour rem&1ier 1 eeUe situation en prtsentant l'enseignement des 1 ce que les fKJ~les les connaissent. L'anicle #67 de la constitution Lumen Gentium s'adresse direetement aux prttres qui doivent l(expliquer correctement Ie rOle et les privil~ges de la bienheureuse Vierge ... ~.14. Conclusion L'analyse du eontenu des pri~res dtpostes 1 \'ieOne Marie, Mere de Dieu, Pone du Ciel nous revele d'abord la nature des demandes adresstes A1a Vierge Marie. Mais elle DOUS dtvoile sunouc une autre facette de la reprtsentation de la Vierge dans )'imaginaire des fid~les. Les rOles qu'i1s accordent 1 leur m~re ctlesce ne eO'mcident pas exactement avec les dogmes eels qu'tnoncts par les documents conciliaires. Charg~s de leurs douleurs ec de eelles des etres qui leur sont chers, les humblement une mere d~bordante d'amour, de chaleur eC de rtconfon. HMoines de Solesmes. op. cit. p. 92. de leurs peines, fid~les irnplorent Women and Supernatural Dreams: A Case-Study Valentina Bold University of Glasgow Introduction I'd like to stan this paper with a proposition: women, are more able to let their feelings go. And they're more open, and through the yc:~ women have had 10 be more accommodating. As wives. mothcl'1. secretaries. store clerks. librarians. all of those things. women have had 10 be more accommodAfing. and have had [0 leave themselves open 10 more chance. As when men are more controUed. and more io control. they are the controUCf'S. and. I mean. leI's face it. men have cI"eated the Dew m)'tb 01 sOfOce. of which women ace constantly gening coaxed 10 become involved in ... (Bold T89-12. Laurie),' These points will be developed below. This study focuses on three young women from ewfoundland and their beliefs about supernatural dreams. Jane is married with two children and runs a small business in a Newfoundland outport. Isabella lives in St. John's with her parents and three brothers and works as a waitress. Laurie is a teacher who came to Newfoundland with her husband about six months ago. None of the women is involved with the established church, but Jane and Isabella are members of the Rosicrucian order, or AMORe. The women discuss a variety of supernatural activities, distinguishing spontaneous "experiences" such as dreams, trances, and seeing presences from induced "experiments" such as telepathy. psychometry, and using the ouija board. ILaurie's rtference to the -new myth- of science was echoed in a later interview by Jane. The women are hostile to the cull of rationalism which has engulfed modem society (Bold T89-15). (The citations hert are 10 specifIC lapes in Valentina Bold's restricted coUection of interviews on supernarural dreams etc., condocted in the fall of 1989 in ewfoundlllnd. The names of her informants. Laurie. Jane and lsabc:lla. are pseudonyms·- Eds.1 V ALENTINA BOLD 55 Style and Structure Descriptive Dreams [n the first part of this discussion I will explore the narrative techniques used by the women in discussing their supernatural dreams. The dreams may be broadly split into two categories: those which are primarily descriptive, and those which are primarily symbolic. Examples of the first class include the following. from Isabella, which she told in response to one of Lauric's dreams: @: What was the thing you thought of. thai: wasn't the same1 (Isabella): Actually it's nothing (laughs I (Laurie): Thafs OK. (Isabella): No. it triggered a memory about a dream that I had had. ard. about a girl I went to school with. I dKin'( even know, eh. her yay weU. and I went up and I said "I had a dream about you.· (Laurie); ·Ych, what did you dream about?" -. you know, this is silly nonsense. (Isabella): ·Wdl. actually I had a dream that I was al your home. and your home was connected 10 lhe hospilA.!. and you were getting your leg amptuated." And she goes. ·You·re kidding." [all laugh I (Laurie): "Yeh. You know. it's only a dream." lalilaugh) (Isabella): And 1 started 10 describe her bedroom. and. eh. the curtains. and eh. eh, her bedroom was the cutesy type. and she had a lot of knick-knacks. and that's basically what I can remember. and just described the different knick-knacks 10 her, and things like that. you know. And all of a sudden this girt was like. at the end of the dream. (Laurie): "Did I uh. get my legs amputated?" ~: Cause everything else was so accurate. (Isabella): Cause everything else was so right. you know? And I went. "Well, actually. you didD't. But I. you know. I can't remember you gelling your leg amputated." Aid sure enough. at Ihe end of the year. she had two operations. One. al differenttimcs. on her knees. She gets fluid that builds up in her knees, ~: Ob). You know. this is why she was worried. Apparently she already knew she had an existing problem ~ : Wow; Jane: problem) and she thought the possibilit)' was there. and she feared that. maybe. from my dream. because everything was so accurate. that maybe. eh. you know? (Bold 1'89-1) The memorate. then. begins wilh a link to a previous narrative. followed by an orientatioo. establishing Isabella's relationship with her friend. The complicating action -- WOMEN AND SUPERNATURAL DREAMS 56 the prediction - is described concisely. and at this paim. the me morale moves from a lighthearted to a serious mood. Jane offered an evaluation of the friend's reaction: ~Cause everything c:lse was so accurate- and Ihis is accepted by Isabella and Laurie. A coda reveals thai Isabella's medical prediction was nO( quite as -accurate" as the resl of the dream. 2 The narrative is presented by Isabella as a series of dramatic scenes. The linear form of the narrative _. progressing chronologically through the inlial report of the dream (0 its outcome •• is typical of the treatment the women give 10 descriptive dreams. Symbolic Dreams However. the women also experience ·symbolic dreams: which they treat rather differently. Many of these are -disaster dreams," predicting internationally significant events,) One of Jane's most extraordinary disaster dreams was, she believes, a symbolic prefiguration of the ell.plosion of the American space shull Ie "Challenger," As she told this, Jane referred to a notebook she keeps of her disaster dreams, as "proof" against sceptics: @: I remember you mentioning that )ou'd had a dream about (~): ~ChaUenger,· Yes. the space shunle, (Y!V: Can. could you tell me about that again? (Jane): eh. eh. (nip through notesl that was probably one of the most accurate, I'll just, s~of, get the details right. one of the most accurate dreams in the sense that aU the details were there, And at the time I didn't understand. I couldn't say, aw, yeh. weU. "I just dreamt that the ChaJlenger went down: but (fit'd dream in notebookl. 2The near-accuracy of many dreams was rationalised by Jane, immediately after IsabeUa's memorate: I really lhink thai you have the dream. and the: dr(:~m is probably accurate, and in Ihe proce:ss of waking up, yuu Iry 10 make il logical, and I think yOIl do interprel il when you wake up, as yuu do. I think whllt yUIl do is yOll mould ii, fa make: il m'lfe sense. J.rhe significance of dream symbolism has proved a rich area of invesligalion for psychoanaJysts. Some argue for a coherent code of symbolism. To Freud, for example, long hard objects represent: penises, round. empty objects vaginas, Most dreams. Freud argues. express sexuaJ desires. and repressed ill wishes (Freud aOO Oppenheim). Freud argues that dream symbolism ope:nues in a number of predictable ways: through condensing various quaJities and individuals into one symbol; by displacing the main symbol into a minor role; and by means of a censor. which hides the latent. or true, hidden meaning of the dream, behind manifest imagery (Freud), 57 VALENTINA BOLD OK. eh. let's see. OK. the dream was. it was. eh. about two weeks befou it ACrually occurred .- you're aU familiar with the space shuttle disaster~: Yeh). You remember tha( lhe teacher, me eh. OK. So. in the dream, there was. an explosion. [checks off decails on her fingers I lots of fire:. [check) kind of out in the middle of • big empcy field or something [check) There was a yeUow school bus. OK. fdled with a class of Grade three studenls. very specifically Grade three. and somedting 10 do with a teacher. An:t I had a sense, firse was what 1 thought of the school bus. my kids go to school, on the yellow school bus. But I knew. cause like I really knew for sure it had nothing to do with my kids. OK. weD my kids were, say it wasn't my kids. And at the time. eh. my boy was eight. and my girl was six. and this is all. sort of relevant for later on. Eh. there was nOlhing left of this explosion. except sort of charred remains. OK. so I, I was sort of feeling all the pante, urn, in me dream. I was back at the school where this school bus had come from. the teachers. the students. the parents. were all sort of going arourd in shock, ard really really traumatised. And. eh, that was sort of the firnt part of the dream. Then. later on. there was a second part of it. where I was in another place. viewing the charred remains of whatever it was that had exploded. And it was like all these pieces laid out. in a, a restricted area. kind of on a grid. like they were trying to piece everything back together again. Ard everything was black. except for these little rourd [makes round shape with thumb and forefingerl white plastic discs. OK1 Now f mean. I woke up from this dream. and I fclt, "this is tocally bizarre. this doesn't make an,' sense at all." OK? OK. so t-beo. this stuff comes on the news: "Space ShunJe explodes, uh. kiUing the crew and. and this one (ueber: OK. so this is the teacher connexion. Am then they started with the story. OK. her nine-yeM old son had led adclegaaion ofschool<hildren from his grade J class. who had gone to the launch to watch it. in this yellow school bus. OK? Now it's really unfortunate that he had to watch it happen. but that's not part of this story. Am when they went back. they all went back to the schooL am the whole school was traumatised because it had been the teacher. you know. this whole scene happening. it was like I was at the school when all the this was going on, and saw it all happening. Ard as it turned out. you know. her two children, she had a boy, nine, and a girl. six. which was almost the eltact age of my kids at the time. which is probably why I tuned in to it. (YID: Do you think. do you think that's right, it has to be a situation that you're, you know. you have to have some sort of personal involvement? ~): I think there might be some sort of a thread there. that pulls certain people into certain issues. ~: Mmm.) OK. so that was the first story. that. sort of. I knew. as soon as I saw it. As a matter of fact I was watching it on TV, you know. I walched the thing explode. and it just came all over me. right aI that moment. That is what the dream was about. OK, now. later on. like a couple of days lala they had it on the news that they had laid out all the charred remains in this grid pattern. trying to p~e it back together. trying to find out what had gone wrong. And what was the cause of the disaster'? ~: the whi(e discs.) The little white. th. whaf do you call them. the ring seals. between the rocket boosters. and that was what was the cause of the crash. right? You know. so I mean. the WOMEN AND SUPERNATURAL DREAMS 58 whole thing just son of ch. ch. ch. ch. ch. Imake cin:les with her hard) aU the details. all of a sudden made sense. So. I mean. there's no way I could have figured it out. You know. But when it all happened. then. sort of. ·Oh. boy!- lbat was it. You know. Well, I mean. that was. WeU. I mean. I cried. (Laurie: Mmm.) You know. when it aU sort of hit me that Ihis is what happenm. J was there. I was in the school. I felt what lhey were feeling. you know. the whole thing just sort of. Eh. it was a nry emotional. very. ch. (Laurie: Mmm) heartbreaking SOf1 of an experience. BUI at lhe same time. it was kind of neal, you know. because I bad predicted it. so that's thai ooe. (Bold T89-7) There are clear stylistic differences between this accounI and Isabella's descriptive prediction dream. First. Jane's is much longer. Jane's memorate is not linear. but flashes back and forth from event to outcome. emphases, making ~checks~ She highlights important points by verbal on her hands and reiterating ~OK.~ The dream symbolism, the description, commentary and interpretation are intermingled. This partly mirrors the dream experience .- Isabella explained symbolic dreams come in ~bits and pieces~ (Bold T89·8) _. and is partly due to the nature of the dream: the symbolism is not selfexplanatory as in a descriptive dream.~ However, there was a definite progression in the narrative through the first part, the description of the dream itself, to the images and their significance, and concluding with an explanation of the process of interpretation. Jane deftly handles my interruption to wrap up her narration. The interpretation of the dream does not draw on traditional symbolic imagery to predict, but rather Jane's images represent real elements in the events they prefigure. Disaster dreams, as with Jane's, are usually corroborated for the women by television footage, an aspect which brings traditional belief into the modem technological context, "T. C. L...cthbridge thinks that many supernaturaJ dreams come as "flashes· with scenes appearing as single images, or linked togetha as in a mov'e (Lethbridge 125-16). The fact that symbolic dreams cannot ~ immediately interpreted was used by Freud to demonstrate that dreams canOO( predict the future:, but instead re:present wish·fulfiUments. He argues this in The Interpretation of Dreams from a case·study. Frau 8's "precognitive dream' IS explaintd by her deSlre for a lover (F",ud 623-625). VALENTINA BOLD 59 In the past. dreams were confirmed by letter, telegram. or newspaper repon (Bennett Traditions of Belief; Lelhbridge).S Memorate and Fabulate The women cold a number of fabulates. or third party experiences, in a different style to the memorares. These can be compared in two consecutive narratives told by Laurie about "shared dreams; where a friend of the dreamer appears and experiences the same dream: I've had dreams where. and again, they're been very rut. Ard. I remember one in particular. again when I was living in Toronto, was. I dreamllhal I went to. uh. Florida. or somewhere. with a friend of mine. and we were walking to the waler. and it was nice. and we were having Ihis conve~ation. and all this stuff. So in the morning (we didn't live in the same place. we lived a couple of miles apan. or whatever) so I saw him sometime the ne~ day, and he said, ~You know, I had a dream about you last nighl.~ "Jeez. I had a dream about you too!~ And, d'you. It was like he gave a line. and J gave a line. and it was the exact same thing. (Isabella): Yeh. I had an experience. eh. no. well. no. it's not the same thing. I had a dream about someone once. ard it just triggered my memory. Go ahead. I'm sony. Ilaughsi OK. And then I was going to say that my father and my nephew are very. very close. and this was. I guess this was about a year ago. and Johan. He's four now. so I guess he was about three years old. and having a nightmare. And his dad went in to get him. And he's going, ~What's "'Tong. Johann?" "OH! Glllmpy in the blue car!~ And he was really upset. So then. my father woke up in the moming and said to my mum. ~OH! I had a dream that I was in an accident with -Johann in a blue car. ~ (Laurie); ~: Whew. (Iaugnl Laurie: Yeh, it was as if. [Iaughj you know, both at the exact same time. Yeh. (Bold T89-1) The memorates and fabulates told by the women are similar in structure: they are concise (although it is possible that Laurie might have extended the memorate. without 'In the early decades of the twe~ieth cenlury. the British Society for Psychical Research based experiments on telepathy on the principle that the media often reveal dreams. Subjects attempted to envisaon the headlines of the next day's paper (Carrington). WOMEN AND SUPERNATURAL DREAMS 60 (sabella's interjection), and each describes a dream through passages of direct speech. The memorate has a longer contextual statement at the beginning~ it also offers a direct description of me events in the dream. The fabulafe, as might be expected. lacks lhe personal details, and instead describes the main events as they occurred: the child's nightmare and explanation; Jane's rather's comments the next morning which -explainthe dream and establish that it was descriptive. There were also differences in delivery: the memorate was lold in a ralher deadpan style. whereas the fabulatc was lold in a much more dramatic fashion. Laurie's cnlenaining performance in the second inslance compensates for her lack of personal involvement. The Interviews During the interviews !.here was a thematic shifl from [he particular [0 [he general. In the early stages the women told memorales and fabulates. Towards [he end of the sessions [hey moved to general. philosophical statements.6 The women enjoyed explaining the significance of [heir experiences. There were ·complexes· of memorates offered by each woman. Just as Gillian Bennett finds that many narratives are open-ended, or employ overlays. I noticed that the women's memo£atcs came in "chains,· linked by the type of experience or by lhe [heme rNarrative as Expository Discourse" 421). The lelling of memorates was a dynamic process. There was a great deal of interaction between [he women; questions and interjections were frequent. and often a second speaker would offer lhe evalualion and interpretation of the experience. As several of the women's experiences were related more [han once. it occame apparent that they were skilled at expanding or contracting a basic narrative framework with more or less detail. as required. My findings bore out Dell Hymes's recent identification of lhe ways in which narrators can vary their performances. These includoo. "rank shift.," where cenain episodes are given fuller treatment. "fading explicitness· in 6FOf" instance. the firsl session began with a series of memorates relaling 10 dreams and precognition. moved 10 talk of the ouija board and witchcraft. lhen to the discUSSion of good and evil. and ended wilh stalemenlS about psychics. including a discussion of AtJanlis. (Bold T89·7 and T89-Sl VALENTINA BOLD 61 cenain scenes, and "amplification" of details in certain places. As Hymes suggests. the women's narratives showed stability in the order of incidents related (Hymes 411-417). The women used a great many metaphors and similes in their dream narratives. particularly to explain complex premonitory processes. For instance Jane commented on why some people have supernatural dreams and others do not: It's like if you've gOl the TV turnm off. there's nothing bting pkked up in your house. You push on a button and it's tbere. It's always tbere. it's just that )Ol1're not receiving it (Bold T89-l6).' They also made frequent reference to the vividness and "reality" of their experiences. Their accounts include a great deal of circumstantial detail, referring 10 the sounds. smells, and atmosphere of the experiences. Gillian Bennett has drawn attenlion to me -almost courtroom atmosphere- of memorate, noting the quamilies of detailed information, and internal checks for consistency (-Narrative as Expository Discourse- 430). Corroborative sources were often cited; the women qualified assertions with expressions such as -rve heard .... and -I've been told . ... or stated that they had seen similar experiences documented on television (passim). However, for the women, the most important point of reference was memory. As Jane stated: -Experience is proor (Bold 1'89-13). Passages of direct speech often appeared for dramatic effect, as in Laurie's account of the dream shared by her father and nephew, quoted above. Contrary to Labov's suggestions, the women rarely used direct speech to evaluate their experiences (370). 'lnc: image oflhe psychic as a TV or radio receivCf is a common one: in popular literature on the supernar.uraJ. For example: ~Wireless waves are passing through your room althe present momen!. buc if you have no receiver properly tuned to receive them. Ihey will pass unnoticed and unknown. BUI adjusc your instrument and in comes the message. It is precisely the same in the case of psychic messages· (CArrington 22). 62 WOMEN AND SUPERNATURAL DREAMS Meaning and Function The women believe that nothing in the universe is without a purpose. As Laurie stated "nothing is haphazard" (Bold T89-1~). They agree that the mundane world is merely one level of experience. S Given their world-view. it is nOI surprising they should discern specific purposes behind their dreams. Jane believes thai family tragedies can be averted through personal prediction dreams. However. the accidenl will affect someone else instead. For example. ifher husband avoids a panicular road. because she has dreamt his car would crash. she will later hear that there was a crash on that road. and someone else was injured. In the case of major evenls. however. the women are powerless 10 avert them (1'89-9). Precognition is explained by the women in an number of ways. In the case of the Challenger disaster, for instance, Jane had an empathic link with the people involved (Bold T89·7).9 When people appear in dreams, the women believe that they may be sending messages telepathically (T89-16, Jane).10 Complememing this, Isabella aoo Laurie believe that precognitive dreams occur during times of access to the - Akashic Records: These are -books- which contain information from past lives aoo from what is to come. The information is metaphysically stored in ethereal volumes (T89·16; T89·17). The women panicipate in their dreams, often helping others. The individuals' roles in these dreams may be panially anributed to gender. Carl O'Neil fmds that women are usually receivers and helpers in dreams, while men are more active (O'Neil, 1976). Jane 8TIte idea of levels of realilY, or of a "ladder of selves- is common among mystical theorists (Wilson 434). Isabella believes there are levels of consciousness: the conscious, unconscious and omniscience (T89·18). Omnlscience is the stage of "colUlccting- wilh the Cosmos. and its Akashic records. 9Freud would argue that the dreams mirror the women's subconscious concerns. On the other han'l. T. C. Lethbridge has argued that we have many prttognitive dreams, only remembering those which interesl us. Colin Wilson draws attention to the case of John Godley,laler Lord Kdbl-acken. who dreamt of a series of winning hOf"SeS. followed the dreams' suggestions and won a fair amount of money. At the time. Godley was interested in horses and in need of hard cash. (Wilson 147·49.) lOpsychicai researchers have claimed to be successful in Ihe Ielepathic transmission of dream narratives under controlled conditions (Ullman and Krippner). VALENTINA BOLD 63 recalled one instance, for example, in which she tended the survivors of a train crash, which woukllater occur near Edmonton: In thai particular case I was actually tending the survivors. I mean, there were people lying down with their gulS blown open. And I was tr) iog the best I could to comfort them. and screaming and )'cUing at ambulance drivers to gee: docters over here. and this kind of thing. So I mean I was right in the mKtdle of it. You know. actually tending to the wounded. you know? 50.1 mean. it was vee)' VERY real (Bold T89·9). Jane has a theory about her function in disaster dreams: it's kind of like a mind transference. it's like where I actually become a part of. and see through the eyes of somebody that's actually going through it. So it's like. ii's like the minds actually become one.(T89-12) She has heard that people involved in disasters have been comforted by a "spirit guide" and she wonde~ if they are feeling the presences of dreamers (1"89-12). The women have clearly considered Freud's theory of wish fulfillment through dreams, that is, thai they might want their predictions to be accurate. Jane emphatically denies the possibility. Although it was "neat" to predict the "Challenger- disaster, she does nOI take other people's tragedies lightly. She explains that, even after the events. she is terribly distressed: I can slill see il (Laurie: sure) as clear as if it was right in front of me. I can slill feel everything Ihllt went on. I can slill get upset about ii, you know? So I mean. it's nol just like somelhing you see on the news and you think ·wouldn't it be neat now, to fit this togelher, SO I can boost my ego: You know, there's just too much emotional involvement in it (Bold T89- 7). Conclusion: Women and Supernatural Dreams. Jane and Isabella have all shared their eltperiences with women: their mothers, siste~. grandmothers and friends. Although they have discussed their cltperiences with close male friends. it seems that the intimate atmosphere of an all-female group is panicularly conducive to discussing belief. The interview sessions contributed to the formation of a group identity and. indeed, were integrated into the women's belief system as educational sessions. The women's supernatural beliefs are dynamic: they suppolt WOMEN AND SUPERNATURAL DREAMS 64 each other with parallel experiences, and provide new interpretations which influence each other's perceptions. I I The supernatural performs an essential role in the women's lives; it takes them beyond their mundane experiences. Yel their relationship 10 the supernatural is anchored in the cultural and social spheres of family and friends. 12 It is clear thai a significant factor in the formation of supernatural belief is the tendency to imerpret experiences as extraordinary. Thus symbolic dreams are believed to reveal the future. Psychologically. the women's eltperiences help them maintain a firm grip on reality; by perceiving order and reason in the universe they can understand the mundane world. The secularisation of the modem world has otten been used 10 explain modem belief in the supernatural (Singer and Bennassi; Berger). Without formal r<:ligion, it is argued. people seek alternative fonns of ecstasy (Berger 94). The women reject what they call Wthe new myth- of science and seek. instead. to achieve spiritual enlightenment. 1J The supernatural offers reassurance and comfort. and furthermore it provides excitement As Jane put it, supernatural dreams put Wthe fun in Iife w (Bold T89~7). liThe women have acquired supplementary knowledge From a variety of sources: television programmes. such as W5 (Laurie). and films like Witchboard and Shirley Maclaine's Out on a Limb (Isabella and Jane). Jane and Isabella are av~n the supernatural. but Laurie has a ·superstition· about books on ps)'chic topics. She believes that if she understood her gifts she might lose them (Bold T89-12). The women accept some traditional beliefs conceming dreams. for example. the general prirw:iple that dreams predict the future. However. they reject others. including the idea that dreams go by opposites (T89~1. IsabeUa). 12As Rudolf Otto stresses in Ideas of the Holy. the numinous is complementary world. 10 the normal Uln Ihis they are typical of the ·New Age' movement "Broadly conceived it is a protest movemen!. expressing a distrust of science. and seeking to develop new levels of ·spirilual awareness" (Kurtz 365). VALENTINA BOLD 65 Works Cited Bennell, Gillian. "Narralive as Expository Discourse." JAF 99 (1986): 415-34. _ _ _ _ ' Traditions of Belief: Women and lhe Supernatural. London: Penguin; New York: Viking, 1987. Berger, Peter L. A Rumor of Angels: Modem Society and the Rediscovery of the Supernatural. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1969. Bold, Valentina. Interviews on Supernatural Dreams etc. Audiotapes. Rec. Oct.-Nov. 1989. Memorial University of Newfoundland, 51. John's, NF. Memorial University of Newfoundland Folklore and Language Archive. 90-012 (Restricted). II casselles, 1'89-7 to 1'89-18. Carrington, Hereward. A Primer of Psychical Research. London: Rider, t 932. Freud, Sigmund. The Interpremtion of Dreams. 1900. Trans. and ed. James Strachey. New York: Basic, 1958. Freud, Sigmund and D. E. Oppenheim. Dreams in Folklore. Trans. A. M. O. Richards. Ed. James Strachey. New York: International UP, 1958. Hymes, Dell. "Language, Memory, and Selective Performance: Cuhee's 'Salmon's Myth' as Twice Told to Boas." JAF98 (1985): 391-434. Kunz, Paul. ~The New Age in Perspective.~ The Skeptical Inquirer 13 (1989): 365-67. Labov, William. Language in the [noer City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1972. Lethbridge, T. C. The Power of the Pendulum. London: Routledge, 1976. O'Neil, Carl W. Dreams. Culture and the Individual. San Francisco: Chandler & Sharp. 1976. Ono, Rudolf. The Idea of the Holy: An Inquiry into the non-rational factor in the idea of the divine and its relation to the rational. 1917. Trans. John W. Harvey. 1923. O.ford: OUP\ 1958. Singer, Barry and Victor A. Bennassi. 49-55. ~Occult Beliefs.~ American Scientist 69 (1981): Ullman, Montague and Stanley Krippner. Dream Studies and Telepathy: An E)(perimental Approach. New York: Parapsychology Foundation, 1970. Wilson, Colin. Mysteries: An investigation into the occult, the paranormal and the supernatural. London: Hodder and Stoughton. 1978. Witchboard. Dir. Kevin S. Tenney. MCA Home Video, 1987. The Cross in the Window: An Examination ora "Miracle" in Folk Catholicism. Keli Jo Healey Memorial University of Newfoundland Introduction The event described and discussed in this paper occurred in a small, rural community in Newfoundland. l A short drive east of St. John's, lhe village borders the Atlantic Ocean and has over one hundred inhabitants. The dominant religion is Roman Catholic. although a small number of Protestants also Jive there. Although the community extends to me icy waters of the Atlantic. no residents presently fish for a living. The people who live there commute daily 10 their jobs in St. John '5. As is usually characteristic of small communities, almost every person knows everyone else, and many of the people are related. The couple most closely involved in the event, Stan and Margaret Clancy, are both in their eighties aoo have been married for over fifty years. They are devout Roman Catholics aid are childless. Stan was born and raised in the community; his wife lived in a nearby fishing village before their marriage, and both of them have lived in small communities all their lives. Stan's house stands just across a field from the site of his father's house. In June 1989, Stan suffered a stroke and has experienced declining hea1lh since then. Prior to the stroke, in the years following his retirement, Stan spent much of his time outdoors, growing vegetables, picking berries, gardening, walking, and working IResearch and interviews for this paper- were conducted during lhe fall of 1987. I am grateful to Diane GoLdstein for providing helpful sources and recommendations during the rewriting of the paper. I would also like to thank Noel White for his advice and comments. I have changed the: real names of my infonnanlS to preserve their anonymity and privacy. For the same: reason, the community in which the events occurred remains unnamed. In qUOLlliom from informants. an effort has been made to approximate the pronunciation and grammatical structure of the local dialect. 67 KELI 10 HEALEY at his house. Margaret has diabetes coupled with poor eyesight. III health now prevents both from attending Mass. but the community pastoral minister brings Communion to them at home. The rest of my informants also live in this area~ almost all of them have lived there all their lives. They comprise various age groups, from approximately forty years of age to over eighty. Each of them is related to SIan and Margaret, either by blood or through marriage. During the weekend discussed in Ihis paper, twelve people •• relatives and friends -- also saw the unmistakable shape of a cross which appeared on the Clancy's kitchen window. 2 This paper is essentially descriptive. I begin by recounting the event as my informants described it to me, then I will discuss this episode within the context of their life history and religious beliefs in an attempt to interpret the meaning of the cross in the window. One of the main questions underlying the discussion pertains to Rmiracles R -what constitutes a miracle in the eyes of the Roman Catholic Church and its people? Funhermore, how did the people involved in this incident (and how might Catholics generally) interpret this as a miracle? In Catholic doctrine. Rmiracle R refers to a wonder or wonders performed by supernatural power as signs of some special gift and ex.plicitly ascribed to God. Such events are signs of the supernatural world and our connection to it (The Catholic Encyclopedia 338-39). In his book, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture. Victor Turner points out that the Catholic Church considers itself a living body, perpetuated from biblical times on. and if one accepts the revelations and miracles of the biblical era, then the possibility remains that similar phenomena may occur today. Thus, there ex.ists a potential for miracles. Miracles did not end with the lasl apostle. Turner writes: The doctrine of the communion of saincs posits that Jesus, who became man and had a human soul, his mother Mary, the apostles. and all the saincs. whether canonized or not. are still, in some sense and at certain times. quasi-materiaUy -prcseru", and can manifest 20f the twelve people who saw the cross. I interviewed four. The remaining witnesses could not be reached for a variety of reasons; one is deceased. one was ill at the time the paper was wrinen., and the others either could not be reached or an interview could not be arranged. THE CROSS IN THE WINDOW 68 themselves to men and women like: oun:elves and mediate: in various way between the spiritual and material orders (205-06). Given the official position of the Church, then. Catholics are likely to incorporate a belief in the possibility of miracles in their daily lives. A miracle is not an isolated occurrence. It is tied to a person and 10 a religious instihJtion. Yel to recognize it, one need only be well-disposed to religious maners and be willing 10 welcome the beginnings of supernatural grace (The Catholic Encyclopedia for School and Home 200). From a folk perspective, onc can recognize or interpret an act as miraculous if he or she is willing to believe the act can be the result of a Divine Power. For my informants. who have been educated according 10 Catholic doctrine. there is no other explanation for what happened during Easler. 1978. For them. the appearance of the cross on Stan and Margaret's window constitutes a miraculous sign from God. The Miracle The events occurred at a difficult point in Margaret Clancy's life. During Easter of 1978, she underwent surgery on her eyes -- her vision was deteriorating and even today, she sees very little. At the time, she feared she would be blind after her operation. At approx..imately 1:05 p.m. on Good Friday. she was sining in her kitchen --"I was genin' ready to go to town ... " •• when she noticed a peculiar sight on her kitchen window. She called her husband, who. thinking the window was simply dirty. wiped it with a cloth. Whatever was there remained and over the next few minutes assumed the unmistakable form of a cross. The window, a square one. was divided into four panes of glass. Thick steam covered the top two and lower left panes. but the founh remained completely clear, except for a white cross in the centre. During my fieldwork. my informants repeatedly stressed that the cross. though it seemed to be com~sed of steam, was not ~ the glass. Instead. it seemed to re 1!! lhe glass. Annie Clancy. Stan's sister· in-law. who saw the cross on Holy Saturday. saKi: Jim Iher husband I came down an' he told me ... he said a cross was on Margaret's window. An' I went out an' ITom my front yard I couJd see it right up de road .• white KELI JO HEALEY 69 sleam on de window. Cam in' up de road. you could see de cross. An' I went into Margaret's to see it. It was in de gJass •• it stayed even when you wiped de glass. It wasn't fanned by de steam or frost. You know how steam or frost takes on fonns sometimes·· well. it wasn't like dat. You could run your hand down over de glass an' wipe it an' it was still in de glass. She also noted how much clearer the cross appeared outdoors than from inside the house. Margaret remembered how the steam on the window darkened the kitchen: ·Oh. my, ev'ryt'ing gOI so black. I couldn't see OUI o· de window: Stan said he -, .. couldn't see de car parked out in de yard.· Both of my informants maintained that the steam was thick and -black- -- that is, it completely blocked any light. When the cross disappeared, so did the steam. As neighbours -- family and close friends -- came to see the window, several tried to wash the cross from the glass. Mrs. Clancy now regrets having allowed mis. During our interview in November 1987, she said: Dan la relative) came out, .. and went at it wit' a scrubbin' brush! Oh sacred heart, if I only realized den bul I was sick and didn't know what it was. Make a wonder his arm didn'l fall off, ain't it, for tryin' to take it off. It wouldn't go. Stan, added: An' Mary la neighbour) came down an' tried 10 scrape it off but it wouldn't go away. An' I knew den an' dey were all here [all of the witnesses) an' I said 'Look, leave il alone. It is meAnt to stay. It'll go when its time comes for illo go. An' it did.' Stan'$ now deceased brother lim also felt they should do nothing 10 disturb the cross. Margaret recalled: Poor Jim, Lord ha' mercy 00 him, Jim came up an' louched it an' dey were all here tryio' 10 wipe it off, an' Jim said, 'Don't you do <fal. Don't turn dat away. Oat's our 1...on:I: Few people were tokl about lhe window al the time - just a few family members and bUsted friends. Margaret went to see her sister on Good Friday and told her about it; she would not believe what she heard. Margaret phoned her other sister in Nova Scotia who also found the story hard to believe. THE CROSS IN TIlE WINDOW 70 Mrs. Clancy had been scheduled to enter a local hospital on Easter Monday for an eye operation. Not knowing whether this could be interpreted as a positive or negative foreshadowing of what might happen to her, she and Stan asked the local parish priest to look at lhe window and, perhaps. 10 bless the house. He refused 10 visit. Stan recalled that the priest asked who had seen the window but would not come himself. SIan now believes that it was cae ... probably just as wdl we dKSn'( get de priest down. becwse)'oo would've had de: here. cameras ev·rywhere. an' I couldn't have dar. camaas lookin' ('rough de house an' at de cross. An' people be camin' here like mad. tryin' 10 sec it. I couldn't have it. wit' Margaret sick. And so the event was shrouded in secrecy - they were, after all, afraid, and didn't understand why this had happened to them. They still do not. Margaret recalled during our interview: I t'ought it meant I was gonna lose me eyes, 'cause dey were bad den. I couldn't sec: a t'ing, I was drove so crazy wit' me operation an' de window, I didn't even t"ink why it was dere until after me operation. Mr. and Mrs. Clancy wiblessed the fading of the cross on Easter Sunday, at 1:05 p.m. They were eating their Easter dinner when they noticed what was happening. Margaret saw "... a body. an' it leaned back ag'in de cross, de head did." Stan added: An' we see de shadow of. man. I see de body of our Lord, on dat cross. An' de hands an' fed wit' nails in 'em. An' His cross leaniR' over to de side an' big drops o' sweat·- oil, my. de sweat rolled down off His body an' ran down de wiooow ... sweat rollin' down His face an' body an' comin' down de window. I see de body of our Lord. same as de pictures. An dat's what it was. An' den it just went. In discussing the events. my informants also mentioned the appearance of a white bird that landed on a neighbouring house -- the house in which Stan was born and lived until his marriage. The bird came on Good Friday and remained until Easter Sunday. No one has been able to determine the type: of the bird. but when Stan first spoke of it. following that weekend, he called it a dove, No one was sure if the cross would appear the following Easter. Stan told me he thought it might happen again. For three years after 1978, several members of the clergy KELt JO HEALEY 71 telephoned him. wanting to know whether the cross had reappeared. because ifit had, they wanted to see it. The cross has not reappeared. Stan has since replaced the window with a new one, and the okt one was thrown away. He explained to me: When I put de new window in. I was gonna keep dat one ... but wit· all de snow an' ice an' ev'ryt"ing off de watel'". itlthe glass I split an' now it's gone. The only pictures of the window that exist today are those raken on Easter Sunday, 1978, by Stan's nephew. This was the first time David Clancy saw the cross. Interestingly, he did not realize until I began my fieldwork that the cross had been on the window all weekend; he believed it had appeared on Easter Sunday, shortly before Stan phoned and asked him to come to his house. David says he cannot really explain why he look the pictures. He insists: "Dere was a cross on de window, no doubt about it. I touched de glass. But if I hadn't seen it wit' my own eyes, I probably wouldn't believe it." The appearance of lhe cross has had a definite effect upon Stan and his wife. Margaret claims she was "frightened to de't'" and couldn't sleep during that weekend. Even now, she doesn't ... know why it happened to us. I don't know if it was me eyes 01" what. But I know it's hard to believe. I never in me life would've t'ought it ondis house. Or me," She added, laughing, "I'm not a real good person" Ultimately. however, to the Clancys, the cross constitutes a sign from God, and it appeared for a reason. even though they do not know what that reason could be. It has strengthened their belief in God, and during our interview, Margaret often uttered such phrases as "You never know, do you?" and "De Lord is around somewhere, ain't he?" Stan said: People don't believe it but iI's true. I mean people didn't believe de Blessed Virgin appeared to de liule children but dey see her an' it happened. People went dere de next day to see if dey could see her but dey couldn't. But she was dere - de childTen see her.] For them, this was not merely a strange incident, it was a miracle. J.rhe Blessed Virgin is said to have appeared 6 times to three peasart: children between May 13 and October 1917, at Fatima. north of Lisbon in PortUgal. During these appearances, she recommended among other things frequent recitation of the rosary, devotion to Mary under the designation of Her Immaculate Heart, and the consecration of the Russian people to her under this title. In 1930, the apparitions at Fatima were pronounced worthy of belief. Reportedly, a secret was conveyed during these visits. but the secret was never reveaJed (The Catholic Fact Book 23(}'04.) n. 72 THE CROSS IN THE WINDOW Commentary Deciphering the meaning of this event, why it happened. who or what caused it. or whether any connection ex iSIs between Mrs. Clancy's operation and the cross, is an impossible task. Instead, we must approach the event from a different perspective: the folk interpretation. What do the people involved think it is? What do mey think it means? Who or what caused it? How has it affected them? Those who witnessed the cross - and. indc:ed, many of those who saw only the photographs -. expressed (either implicitly or explicitly) their belief thaI it was an acl of God. Slan Clancy, describing the last few moments the cross occupied the glass, said he saw .. de body our Lord: His brother. Jim. told people trying 10 clean the glass. -Don', you tum dat away. Oat's our Lord: Margaret accepted it as proof that" ... de Lord is around somewhere." JUSt why do these people see this as a manifestation of God on eanh? Surely, it relies much more on their own beliefs, experiences, and interpretation of their religion than the fact that they are Roman Catholics. However, not only do Sian and Margaret attend Church regularly (or have the Eucharist brought to them), they also incorporate Ihe Church's leaching into their daily Jives in a variety of ways. Their home is filled wilh religious anicles: pictures, wall plaques, and statues. They sometimes carry religious objects, for example, holy medals and rosary beads. They pepper their speech with many religious phrases though this is probably more the result of social innuence than the direct teachings of the church. Such commonplace phrases as "Sacred ~Iean: "The Lord have mercy on him," and "Please God" demonstrate their belief in God as a supreme being, more powerful than humans. "Sacred Hean" refers to the concept of the Sacred Hean of Jesus. "The Lord have mercy on him" is, interestingly, very similar to the response in the Catholic mass: during the Penitential Rite, the priest often says, "You were sent to heal the contrite, Lord have Mercy." The congregation responds, "Lord have mercy." The colloquial phrase occurs, almost without thought. after the name of a deceased person. During our interview, Margaret recalled, "Poor Jim, de Lord ha' mercy on him. People utter "Please God" when they refer to the future, as in "I'll see you next Christmas, please God." It exemplifies the belief in God's power over human beings: if He wants 73 KELI JO HEALEY something 10 happen, it will happen. Such phrases constirute a standard part of speech for some people and indicate -- although the user may not ever realize it -- the folk interpretation of Goers presence aId power. Stan said that when the cross began to fade, the window looked the·... same as de picture: By ·pictures· Stan meant paintings of the Crucifixion. adapted from what has been wrillen in the Bible. Often depicted in books and paintings, the image is a familiar one. Stan's interpretation of the cross on the window, then, is based upon his own experiences of viewing pictures of the Crucifixion. He did not specify a particular picture; he called it Rde picture.· He obviously assumed that others would know what he meant He thus interpreted what he saw on the window to reinforce what he had heard and seen in the teaChings of the Church and in books. There also exists the nmion of "turning" God away in the attempt to clean the window, apparent in Jim Clancy's adamant statement: "Don't you do that. Don't tum dat away. Oat's our Lord: Margaret also demonstrated this in her fear of what could. have happened to her relative who "... went at it wit' a scrubbin' brush ... Make a wonder his arm didn't fall off ... : Once again. we have an ernie recognition of God's omnipotence and even his wrath, here expressed in the fear that someone's arm could fall off because he tried to erase God's work. There appears to be a consensus that God should be appeased. This may stem from the Church's teachings and such Biblical stories as The Flood and Christ's expelling the money lenders from the lemple. They are responding, then. to the idea that God may cause hardship and sorrow if people do not abide by His will. What happened during Easter 1978 seems to have slrengthened my informants' belief in God. To them there is no other explanation for the event olher Ihan that it was a sign from God. Margaret now takes comfon in her belief Ihat Ihe cross foreshadowed the success of her operation. During our interview, however, she also claimed 10 have been loa upset about her operation and the image on her window to make a clear connection between the two during thai Easter weekend. When I first questioned Annie Clancy about the cross. she responded, "De cross? Oh. dat was somel'ing dat happened because Margaret was havin' her operation dat time." It eased both Stan and Margaret when a THE CROSS IN THE WINDOW 74 priest, upon hearing about the window, said 10 one of their relatives. ~Tell her (Margaret) not to worry. That's a sign from God that she'll be alright: Word of the image on the window spread among family and friends, but much of the community remained unaware of it Wltil after it had disappeared. When people spoke of ii, they whispered. Even when I conducted my fieldwork. Annie Clancy spoke of it hesitatingly. "Margaret told me she see more dan de cross: she informed me during one of our conversations. She leaned forward in her chair and spoke in a hushed voice. as if confKling a secret. "Il was all dere -- de hands. de feel. de body. She seen it all." This behavior may result from a tendency of people to fear what they cannot understand or explain. Stan and Margaret wanted their parish priest to bless their house on Easter Sunday. Such a desire on their pan seems 10 indicate a fear of the apparition and what it might mean. We may question the request for the priest to bless the house •• if they believed it was a sign from God, why bless the house? Once again, the request stems perhaps more from a fear of the "unknown" rather than a real fear of God. In The Idea of the Holy, Rudolph Ouo refers to such a feeling as "the Wholly Other.~ He describes it as~ ... that which is quite beyond the sphere of the usual, the intelligible. and the familiar, which therefore falls quite outside lite limits of the 'canny,' and is contrasted with it, filling the mind with blank wonder and astonishment" (26). One sees, then. a reaction of fear, but a fear arising from how little people understand God. rather than a fear of God Himself. The Church, being part of the human world, offers some security against the divine world. Neither Stan nor Margaret felt able to explain adequately why this happened to them. However. their readiness to interpret it as an act of God stems not only from their religious upbringing but from their beliefs in general. For several years. Stan suffered from arthritis. During that time, he carried a potato in his pocket because of an old superstition that this would cure him. Margaret believes very strongly in ~tokens," that is. signs warning of death. Annie Clancy described one of Margaret's tokens to me. One night. several years ago. Margaret heard a knock at her door at 11:00 p.m. She opened the door but no one was there. The next moming her siSler Jean called from ova Scotia •• Jean's baby had died at 11:00 p.m. the previous night. Margaret believed that the knock she had heard had been a token of death. KELl 10 HEALEY 75 While I was conducting my fieldwork in the autumn of 1987, I collected two additional accounts of events similar to the one described in this paper. A classmate in my folk religion class at Memorial University informed me of a cross that appeared in a window at St. John's College. in Minnesota, in the early 1980s. The image appeared on a second-floor window; thus the glass could nor be touched as it could at Stan's house. The cross, however. could be secn from ground level. I collected the second account from Stan Clancy, who heard it from his br()(her. Kevin. now deceased. Sian recalled: An' it happened, too. up in Burin. De time Kevin worked wit' de tdephone company. An' dcre was a tidal wave up decc an' he had to go up - all the phones were out. An' one house up due had had a cross on de window before an' all de houses around it were damaged ... except dat one house. I asked Slan and Margaret if they believed this house had been saved because a cross appeared on the window. Both replied that, yes, they did. Kevin Clancy had been dead when the cross appeared in Stan's window. Kevin however. had told Stan about the incident in Burin. Thus. their belief that this was a sign from God may stem from their knowledge of the occurrence in Burin. It may also be pan of the reason they now see it as a sign of the success of Margaret's operation -- if a house could be spared, so could someone's health or vision. To summarize, then, a cross, complete with a body, appeared on a window during Easter 1978. At that time, one person directly involved in the incident was about to undergo surgery. During the appearance. a tiny white bird perched on a neighbouring house. There may be liule or no connection between the events. However, for those who witnessed the cross on the window, all three combine to produce a demonstration of God's presence. THE CROSS IN THE WINDOW 76 Conclusion This paper examines the folk interpretation of an event believed by those who witnessed it to possess a religious significance. In doing so. it discusses the source of the cross, or, more precisely. who the people involved bdieve the source 10 be, as well as the possible meaning of the event for them. My informants expressed their belief in Ihis as a miracle, caused by God. which foreshadowed the success of Margarec's operation. Undoubtedly. in combination. the cross, Holy Week. the impending operation, and the appearance of a white bird all contributed significantly to the interpretation. As well, we must remember that several of the panicipants had prior knowledge about a similar. earlier event in Burin. Both Stan and Margaret described and then discussed with me a first·hand. personal account of a supernatural experience they had. Influenced by the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church, which states that miracles did not cease with the last apostle and could very well happen today, Stan and Margaret consider their ¢xperience to have been an example of the work of God. Indeed, Catholic doctrine makes the initial assumption that God exists and can intervene in the operation of ·scientific laws· to produce effects or events entirely beyond the power of natural causes. Essential to the Christian faith is the belief that God has intervened in the past and that He may intervene again (Turner 173). Thus, the folk belief in an event as a miracle can be substantiated and supported, to a degree, by Catholic doctrine. Although witnesses accept the appearance of the cross in the window as a work of God, at the time there also existed a great deal of fear -- an understandable reaction to something so eerie, so different, and so inexplicable. I propose, then, that the people feared the consequences of the sign, whether it indicated the success of Margaret's operation and appeared in order to give her strength and courage, or ahernatively, whether it foreshadowed any possible sorrow and still offered strength in light of this. An event such as this could be interpreted in a variety of ways. My informants' interpretation extends from their ~rsonal panicular circumstances at the time. faith, received church doctrine, and their On the surface one has a series of localised KELl 10 HEALEY 77 happenings that are readily given religious significance: the shape of the cross on the window is equated with Christ's Crucifixion, as is the season at which the event took place, EaSIer, a while bird is presented as a dove, the kind of bird Noah dispatched from the Ark. Based upon their religious education and their own personal beliefs. my informants have made lhese connections 10 form an explanation of the event. Specific factors within lheir own lives and community provide crucial validation for the supernatural interpretation. This in tum reinforces the concept of folk religion because it demonstrates within my informants a union of the beliefs taught by the church and those adapted from society to explain a panicular phenomenon. Even beyond official Roman Catholic doctrine, miracles have an important role to play in folk catholicism. Events similar to the one discussed here or supernatural in any way can be interpreted as miracles, given what people have been taught about the possibility for a miracle in modem society. Often, that which the folk interpret as a miracle is an event which in some way reinforces what the church has taught. In doing this. the ordinary person -- or any Christian -- has an opportunity to e}{perience either an indirect or direct communication with GcxI. An event such as that discussed in this paper is declared religious and miraculous because it transcends the world with which we are familiar and at the same time demonstrates the presence of a Divine Power -- a Divine Power which is seen not only in the Bible but in real life, among real people. THE CROSS IN THE WINDOW 78 Works Cited Anwater. David, ed. A Catholic Dictionary. 3rd ed. New New York: MacMillan, n.d. Bradford. Barbara Taylor. ed. Children's Stories of the Bible from the Old and New Testaments. New York: OR Book Co., 1968. The Calholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Apple.on, 1981. The Catholic Encyclopedia for School and Home. Toronto: McGraw·Hili. 1965. Deedy. John. The Catholic Fact Book. Chicago: The Thomas More Press, 1986. Ouo. Rudolph. The Idea of the Holy. An Inquiry into the non-rational factor in the idea of the divine and its relalion to the rational. 1917. Trans. John W. Harvey. 1923. New York: OUP, 1972. Turner, Victor and Turner Edith. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture. New York: Columbia UP, 1978. The Black Heart in Newfoundland: The Magic of the Book Barbara Rieti Memorial University of Newfoundland The Black Heart. or Black Art. book in Newfoundland tradition gives its possessor magical abilities, from chewing glass without cutting his mouth to visiting wasting illness on her enemies. "'n it is information or knowledge of how 10 do things which ordinary men cannot do: as one collector put it (FSC68-16I64). For this paper I draw on about twenty accounts from the Memorial University of ewfoundland FolkJore and Language Archive (MUNFLA) to give an outline of the narrative and belief complex. and 10 focus particularly on the significance of the "book" as a source of arcane power and the act of reading as a magical and polcOIially dangerous activity. I I did not learn much about the black heart book myself in two weeks of field research on witchcraft in August 1990. except that people are often vague and evasive about it, even those who talk readily enough about witchcraft. response; the emphasis on Ml've heard of it but I've never seen one: is a common ~ the book is also found in the archival material. which stresses the danger of even casual visual contact. Student collectors. who made most of these reIX>ns. render the term variously A-RT, H-A-R-T. and H-E-A-R-T. The last spelling may in some instances reflect a collector's onhographic retention of the Mh Mthat some Newfoundland dialects add to the front of some vowels -- Mhice M for Mice: for example (conversely, a written Mh M is 11 would like to thank the Archive foc pennission to use this material. The fint number in the accession or refererv:e number shows the year in which the item was recorded; the prefix 'FSC' before an accession number indicates the materials came from a folklore survey card; all other malerials came from manuscripts except for numben prefixed by the leiter C; these accounts have come from tape recordings. All names in the accounts have been changed. but otherwise they are reproduced eltacl1y (including spelling). My own work mentioned here is in MUNFLA under 90-421 (it is restrkted). I would like to acknowledge the generous nssistance of the Institute for Social and Economic Research, which is making my research on witchcraft possible. I must also thank Martin Lovelt\ce for his help, especially with fieldwork. This paper was read in slightly different fonn at the meeting of the American Folklore Society in Oakland, 1990. 81 BARBARA RIETI sometimes not pronounced. as in "an an attack") - but most collecto~ were working in their home communities, and so really did mean H·E-A-R-T. A remarkable recording made by Mark Ferguson in Labrador in December 1990 confU111s the lauer usage, for it concerns "the Book of Black Heans," each page of which bore a single black hean with tiny shapes of animals inside. The informant (age thiny·six) told how some luckless seal hunters once came to the owner of the book for help. She opened the book and began to "tell them a story about seals" (she was not exactly reading. for the book had only small scratches at the bottom of each page by way of text); within a few minutes the baying of seals was heard, and water splashed up througb the floorboards although the house was nowhere near the sea. Afterwards the hunters gOI plenty of seals.2 The creation of illusion is a specialty of black art (heart) practitioners, whose words seem to have a hypnolic effect on their receptive audience. Vince Carew, for example. could make it seem to snow in the house or set a stove dancing (FSC68-16l120~ FSC7Q-3/133). One day his falher-in-Iaw, visiting his still-empty new house, commented. "l suppose you'll be getting some furniture soon": ~Fumiture: Vince rcpl~. ~I've got plenty of furnicure. Come in the front room and I'U show you.· When he went in, the room was furnished with the most expensive funtirure. The 000£ was covered with a beautiful rug. Only momeoo before there was nolhing there. When they went back to the kitchen one of Vince's children was there dressed in the ordinary overalls ele. ofan outport child. His father said. ~You might as weU gd some new clothes fur him while you're aI it.- -Why he hasn't any need for new clothes: says Vince, -he has the best. - Looking at the child. the father-in-law saw that he ..cally did have the best, when only moments before he had only overalls. (FSC68-16I120) In conb'ast to this humorous one-upmanship are two accounts given four years apart -- in 1983 and 1987 -- by cousins I will call John and Joan (83-73 and 87-120). Both described Ihe magical feats of Marion Bane (a pseudonym). a well-known witch who was supposed to have passed her Black Hean Book on to her daughter. Sa~ an "old lady" in 2Mark Ferguson. personal coUection. My thanks to him for allowing me to use Ihis material. Anyone interested in the black heaJt (art) should see Ihe whole account. which contains the most complete description of the book to date. The infonnant put the events in the early 19205. 82 THE BLACK HEART IN NEWFOUNDLAND 1983. Mother and daughter were both suspected of using the book 10 cast s~lls.J Only that summer, Joan had refused to do some painting for Sarah, pleading lack of lime; her aunt (John's mOlher) was appalled. saying, ·You should have done the painting, my dear, even if it meant missing university.· ·Since thai day: wrote Joan, -I sure as hell had bad luck. Subconsciously I relate it 10 Ihis book: John's family lived next door 10 Sarah. and were embroiled in a boundary dispute with her. John, a young lawyer with his own firm:~ describes an occasion on which two of his brothers were painting the house from a scaffold which suddenly collapsed. "We firmly believe it was the raulr of Sarah~ she had placed a spell on us. and that was our way of explaining why a supposedly solid scaffold should fall down for no reason,· he says, and it is hard to say whether there is irony in his tone. Joan relates the same incident. except that as she tells it three brothers fell (was one John?); she also records one brother's remark to the others: "The witch's heart is bumin' .oday." The heart as the seat of evil wishing probably explains the use of the hean's image in counter·wilchcraft magic, as when a bewitched person cuts a heart shape from wood or paper and shoots it, thus disabling the witch. S There is nOI, however, the direct connection between witchcraft and the black heart book that one might expect. Most black book owners are not said to be witches, and most witches do not have a book. An informant of John Widdowson who felt himself much persecuted by a neighbor said, ·she can put a spell on you cause I believe she got a black hean book; she's not a witch, but she's possessed by the devW (66-25:C314123). The overwhelming majority of witches JJoan writes about Ihe Black Heart Book. and also caUs it a Witeh's Book. John was the informant for his brother Howard. who dKt not transcribe his tape; John's is a fine example of the dialect that adds an "h" to cenain initial vowels (he pronounces "obvious" as -hobvious") and strips i( from others, so when he says "a"N" he likely means "h·e-a+l." ~Bocn In 1961, he obtained a law degree: from Dalhousie in 1987. The firm is not communily but in another area of Newfoundland. In his home 'In August 1990. I recorded an account of two men who believed thelr unsuccessful fishery on the Labrador 10 be the resull of wilchcraft. One CllTVed a heart from wood. and (he other cut his finger and let the blood run on it; they wrole the suspect's name on the device and shot it, whereupon it exploded. Their luck improved, and when they returned home in the fall they found the witch had fallen and broken her leg during the summer. 83 BARBARA RlEll are women, and most black book owners. men. The powers of the ordinary village witch seem 10 be innate. narural rather than acquired. and she depends on neither ritual nor diabolical aid -- it is the bewitched who must resort to magical acts and objects to counter her. An ordinary person might also reson 10 magical malefic practices without being branded a witch. such as the man who killed an enemy's cows by means of a cat's heart stuck full of pins (66-24:C270149). When a witch does have a book, it appears that she uses it maliciously. as did Marion and Sarah. or Julia Blair, who "had what was called the Black Hean Book for witchin" (FSC73-7.S19). In contrast. despite men routinely having sold their soul to the devil. I found only a single account of one using the book to injure olhers. This man was supposed to have caused the illness and death of the children of a man who offended him in his home community. The informanl's father. however, worked with him in a lumber camp, where his doings were decidedly less sinister, albeit more dramatic. According to the collector, Virginia Dillon: One: night as they were playing cards the man with the book got the queen of hearts. Before the eyes of everyone he turned the queen into a reaJ woman who walked across the floor. She was dressed like the figure on the cards. mostly in red. She wore high heels. One fellow who was about twellly·two fainted. The men never wanted to let this magtcian in on their games for he knew all the hands around the table and would win all the money. They were afraid to n:fuse him after they saw the woman, for they thought he had the power to change them into an)thing he wished .... One night in the lumbel'" camp (he( put up a thousand doUar bet that no man in the camp would meet him between the two camps af cleven o'clock at night. All the men were afraid ...when (theYI talked about it aftel'" they said they wae afraid he might have appeared in some other form, for example, a snake. For all this, ~lhe thing that most fascinated the men was the book,~ wrOte Dillon, "there was no way to destroy it. No one ever saw him bum the book but there was a belief that if he burned it, it would still be in his pocket. ~ The only unusual physical characteristic of Ihis man, besides long hair and a beard, was that "he was never cold like the other men and would go out to chop wood with his shin open and with no mitts on~ (64·1/16-17). His internal heat and the non-<ombustible book clearly indicate their infernal origin, although the men were afraid to ask the delails of the man's deal with the devil. There are historical and geographical reasons for men having Ihe book more commonly Ihan women. Roger E. Mitchell's study of George Knox, the Maine THE BLACK HEART IN NEWFOUNDLAND 84 woodsman, trickster, and black book owner, shows its place in northeast maritime lumberwoods lore; the lumbercarnp connection would explain ils prominence in western and central Newfoundland in comparison to the older communities of the Avalon peninsula. which were less oriented to the lumber woods for work.6 It may also explain male ownership. as men would most commonly figure in male narration. Men would also be more likely than women 10 cultivate sleight-of-hand tricks with cards and money. ventriloquism, and the like. especially in settings like lumber or hunting camps where their entertainment value would be high. Such skills really are •• or were -- found in "black art" books. small volumes of instruction in juggling and legerdemain which have circulated since the mid-sixteenth century. The best-known prototype, widely copied into the 1800s, is Reginald Scot's Discoverie of Witchcraft of 1584, in which Scot illustrates the mechanics of various illusions as part of his effort to discredit belief in witchcraft. Early on, some "magic" books sought to distance their contents from the supernatural, as in the motto on the cover of the 1676 Sports and Pastimes: "There's no Hobgoblins here for to affright yeo / But innocence & mirth that will delight ye" (Hall 128, 204). But the association with witchcraft and things diabolical remained in compendiums of innocuous and grayish "arts" such as The New Conjuror's Museum and Magical Magazine of 1803, with its sections on legerdemain, astrology, dream interpretation, apparitions and witchcraft, or The Art of Conjuring; or, Legerdemain made Easy. Exhibiting the Manner of Performing all the Ingenious and Remarkable Tricks of the Most Celebrated Masters in the Black Art _"_"_"_. (c. 1815; cited in Hall 206, 196). Even when intended as exposts, like Scot's Discoverie or Pinchbeck's Witchcraft: or the Art of Fortune-telling Unveiled . . . . of 1805, such works probably promoted more than they debunked; in any case, the the image &rhe predominantly southwest English background of these areas is also a possible factor, and direct parallels [0 antecedent tradition are easily drawn. "The power of many evilly-disposed persons, who work harm to others: wrote RosaJinde Northcote of Devon in 1900, "is supposed to lie. partly. in their 'books' -- mysterious books, often to be heard of. in the possession of someone else _. and never to be seen!- (215). Of course, Ireland has magic books as well; 6 hEochaidh gives an account of a man who had one ("if he read a bit from it there WI\S nothing he was not able to do") (283-85). In Newfoundland. it is often difficult to draw distinctions between -English" and "Irish" when there has been so much movement and mixture since the earliest European settlement. BARBARA RIETI 85 of such volumes inevitably merged with that of the books of spells proper. or -grimoires," that continued to be published.1 801h are heirs to the magical manuscripts regularly confiscated from medieval sorcerers,S and converge in the Newfoundland black book's ambiguous reputation. The summoning of spirits, an imponant use of occult lomes from earliest limes. is found in two Newfoundland texts from lhe South Coast. Old Kelly usually hid his black book when he left the house, but went out one day and forgol to lock the chest where he kept it: The girt he had working for him wanted 10 find out what was in the book so she took it and began 10 read it and the house fiUed fuU of little black imps. KeUy felt thcre was something wrong so he hwried up and scrabbled home. When he got back the imps nearly had the girl kiUcd but he read something else and they went away. The girl never told nobody what she read in that book from lhat day to this. (68·3154) In the second text., a woman takes a book from a man's hand and reads until -little black pups· appear and the owner takes the book back (65-21:CI47120j9 Apparently ·men make bener masters of hellish conjurations, for a South coaSt man, unable to get help with his fishing operations one summer, swore, -I'U have somebody next year spose tis the devil and 'is hirnps" (sic). When they showed up, he set them to work: "One of the himps 'Trevor Hall has compiled a catalogue and bibliographic essay on old con~ring books, which are now prized collector's items. Montague Summers gives a bibliographic history of the grimoire (77-98). continually emphasizing its foul and dangerous nature, There is no published inforrrwion of which I am aware on the circulation of either type in Newfoundland. IKittredge 38. 58, 65, 80. 83, 189,207.209,228, Newfourdland fortune-tellers somelimes have a book: one made -a nervous wreck- of a client with the accuracy of his palm-reading (FSC68101121); another. a self-proclaimed witch of SI. John's, eighteen years old, uses a black cloth, candles, ard book in his fortune-telling sessions (Exam submitted to Martin Lovelace at Memorial, Fall 1990). The clairvoyant powers of ordinary witches, like their maleflCium, usually comes naturally. --~is is Migralory LcgervJ 3020, "inexperienced use of the black book" (Christiansen 28) or Baughman's motif 0297, "the sorcerer's apprentice- (281). MacCuUoch cites a Devon version about a female servant who reads a vicar's black book, whereupon a black hen and chicks enter and grow CO monstrous size, until the vicar rushes home from church and reverses the spell (266). Foc an Irish version see G1assie ("Cromwell's Bible" 214-15). THE BLACK HEART IN NEWFOUNDLAND 86 would cut the fish open and cut around the head. one would clean the gUls out and take the head orr. one would draw up the water and clean the fish. and anOlher would carry it into the stage, lay them in the 'pin (pen}. and anolher would salt them." In the fall they disappeared in a ball of fire (FSC68-7J/149). Just as the devil appears in folk narrative as a fearsome power or biddable buffoon. the black hean book takes on more and less serious aspects according to genre and belief. In 1970. a Bonavista informant attributed family troubles [0 someone using a "black magic" or "black an" book circulating in her community (FSC70·21/104). Another informant said that in the 19305 a Black Han book on Bell Island "was used mostly for evil purposes. and infants born deformed or with bizarre physical characteristics...were often cited as the work of people who practised the Black Han. ~ But the story of the man who was most closely associated with it has a distinctly humorous tone. at leasl as conveyed by the collector: He was sifting idly on the wharf one day. whittling a stick and wishing that he could cross over to England. Throwing the chips in the water he expressed his wish. whk:h immediately materialized in the form of a huge vessel there before his eyes. He arrived in England and spent some time there. but when he wanted to come back again. the Black Hart failed him. and he was never seen on this side after. (7Q-ZQl44) Like the quc:en of hearts in the lumber camp. there is a highly visual quality to this story -- both are like big colour-plate illustrations in a storybook. But most black art feats were less spectacular and the demands of outport Fausts surprisingly modest. Dave Gaze did once calm a storm at sea by ~rhyming off the curses,~ but the suspicion that he had a black art book came more from his general prosperity: Tve heard ... that Dave always gets away from having to pay fmes (e.g., for killing a moose without a Iicense).~ wrote the collector......It is only thought that Dave has a Black Art Book. no one has ever seen it lI's just that he seems to get everything he give up work ~as another. who got wants~ (FSC68-IQlI22). One man was able to the devil supplied him with all the money he ~the needed~ (FSC73-17/19); black stick" instead of a book from the devil. used it to immobilize a bulldozer until he was given the construction job he wanted (FSC69-19/42).1O One man tOOlive Knoet mentions a Dorsd witch thought to have had "the black slick" (40). 87 BARBARA RlETI went for small beer indeed: ~went finding himself and a buddy short of drinking money, he into his house and looked into this Black Heart's Book, and by doing so changed the change (quarters and dimes) into several dollars, enough for several beers each." Despite Ihis great boon. Ihis book was saKi 10 be "cursed" and brought bad luck to its owne" evemually (FSC71-31l138). A final illustration of the two strains -- the diabolical and the jocular - thaI characterize the ewfoundland black. art can be found in two essays wrinen around the same time on two black book owners in different communities. One. Philmon Wade. was forty years old and bore a highly dubious character, although he didn', do anything especially bad with his "black heart book"; once he used it to break a spellihat Margaret Hiscock put on him, and another time, refused a boat trip into SI. John's, he caused the captain's clothes to fall off on the deck. His unsavoury reputation seemed to rest on more mundane factors: he didn't work but always had plenty of money; he spent some of his time seeing married women and some of it in jail. 0 one ever saw his book; they would die iflhey did (70-12J'/8-103). In contrast to Philmon Wade is Quinton Gosse, who ran a snack·bar which was also the stage for his performance of tricks such as dancing stoves, removal of clothing, transformations of objects, and transferral of money from one place to another. "He is about sixty years old and one of the most humorous characters I have ever met." wrote the collector, "...continually doing or saying something funny just to get a laugh." But a whiff of brimstone clung to even the jovial Mr. Gosse, at least according to those who told the collector that he had "a black· book"; AU he !lad to do was read cenain pages and he got some kind of magical power. They had not scen the book since Mr. Gosse kept it home in the house and wouldn't dare let anyone see it, not even his wife, They also saKi he tried to burn i[ once.. .however, the next morning when his wife made up the bed she found the black-book under hel' husband's pillow, He has tried to burn it several times since, but it always turr~ up some unexpecled place in the house. II (68-17/120-25) II According 10 Monlague Summern. "the old wives say that once a man has owned the Grand Alben (a famous grimoir-el he cannot rid himself of it. do what he will. The book invariably its place on the shelf. even if it be casl into the fwe. thrown away at sea, [om 10 pieces and scattered 10 the Wlnd- (79). renm;s 10 THE BLACK HEART IN NEWFOUNDLAND 88 The awfulness of the book is sometimes enhanced by a foreign origin. Mark Ferguson's Labrador informant said it came from Scotland. where onc clan siole it from a rival clan; "John" said that Marion Bane's husband. a freight captain. brought her book from India. and "Joan" thinks it came from the West Indies; Philmon Wade. being "the kind of person who was always wandering from place 10 place: gOI his book from someone on the mainland in exchange for his soul plus one penny. Marie-Annick Desplanques, in her fieldwork with French speakers on the Port au Pon Peninsula. heard of a native Frenchman who owned a "black book" or ftwitch's book" (the informants, when walking near his house. would see strange visions such as horses with flaming nostrils which were produced by the man reading backward from his book).12 An exotic provenance and aura of secrecy help to paint the black heart book as a rare and sinister artifact. However, I think that its mystique is also grounded in prosaic reality much closer to home, namely, in the scarcity of books in general and the resulting ambivalence toward reading. Until quite recently. formal education was revered by some and scorned by others, but either way it was beyond the reach of most when all hands were needed [0 pilch in for economic survival. Families were large and incomes small, and books low on the list of household priorities in all bUI Ihe weahhiest homes. Books thus remained largely in the domain of the powerful classes, and in contemplating the contract wilh the devil, it is worth remembering his customary guise as a well-dressed gentleman. (In December 1990 -- International Literacy Year -. another gentleman. the Minister of Finance for Newfoundland and Labrador. suggested extending the 12% retail sales tax (0 books and children's clothing, assening that poor ~ople would nOI be affected since "books are bought mostly by the wealthy. ")13 12The man's daughter- inher-itcd his powers and is consider-cd to be a witch. Thanks to MarieAnnick Dcsplanqucs foe this infonnation; Ihe fuU ver.oion may be fourd In her Ph.D. thesis, "Women, Folklore and Communication: Informal SociaJ Gatherings in a Franco- ewfourdland Context," submined at Memorial in 1991. lJJohn Gushue, "No 'SociAl' Objection 10 RST on Books. Children's Clothes: Kitchen: The Sunday E.q>ress 1St. John's, Newfoundlandl, 16 Dec. 1990, I. BARBARA RIEll 89 In ordinary OUlport homes. the Bible was often the only book, and it was pressed into service for many uses beyond formal religion. When I was perusing some old photograph albums with Rhoda Maud Piercey, she pointed oUllhat in old studio portraits. people customarily held a book; often it was the Bible, she said, not for religious reasons but because that was usually the only book around. 14 Dressed in their finest. people added to their image a further note of refinement and prosperity (in a fashion nOI unlike the present television custom of placing professors or other -experts· in from of their bookshelves or computer during interviews). More magically but still pragmatically. the Bible could be used as a laJisman, as when placed under the pillow 10 ward off the old hag. or in a baby's cot 10 keep the fairies away. Clerical exorcists used it to clear houses of supernatural presences, and there were divination practices involving the Bible and a key. Many charms, still in widespread use, are verses from the Bible, or believed to be from the Bible, and just as one has to "believe· in certain charms for them to work. ·you had to be a believer of the devil before you could carry out the magic in the book,· according to Philmon Wade (70-12198-103). Reversal and mirror imagery typify many magic acts, such as reciting the Lord's prayer backwards to give someone the old hag, or calling his name backwards to bring him out of it. The twelve (holy) days of Christmas are mirrored in one method of procuring the black hean book which involves going to the same place every night for twelve nights in a row at midnight (FSC68-16I64). The black book itself is in opposition to the Bible, as the devil is to God. One te"t makes the equation e"plicit: IThe black art bookl was. in fact. the Devil's Bible which was carried by his disciples. These disciples were people who had sold their souls to the Devil. and whom he hOO placed here on e~ to recruit more. The legend goes on that the "disciples- would wail for an opportunity in which a person wouJd be in a position to bargain with them. When Ihey thought they had a prospect here. they would present him with "the Black An. - The person would ~ safe until he agreed 10 accept the Black Art. thus signifying that he had sold his soul (0 the devil for some favour in rerurn. The person could retW'1\ the Black Art when he was presented with it. bul if he decided to keep it. it would be too late. (FSC7Q-17/111) '''Personal communicatK>n. Spring 1989. Winterton. Trinity Bay. fOl" over fifty years. Mrs. Piercey was the unofficial phot:ographer of .....-----------------------------ruE BLACK IfEART IN NEWFOUNDLAND 90 If books can be powerful objects. it follows that reading can be a powerful act. One reputed witch threatened offended her (68·17/112). 10 "read the black psalm" from the Bible "on" anyone who Reading might even be vaguely prelemalural~ one man's literacy was considered cx1d. since he had come by it outside the official channels: There: is a story which has been circulating for )'eMS about a famIly from Bryanfs Cove. of which all members are said (0 be in the fairies. One of the sons died at about sixty-five }e~ of age aOO he was never seen by anyone. He supposedly had a big whisker and he wrote 11 book and songs even though he had never gone to school in his life... (FSC7I-211.l8) Allhough this hermit seems to be an extreme case, reading and writing ~ essentially private pursuilS in which one eulS off one's fellows. engaging instead with an unseen consciousness (hence, even in academic circles. the Emily Postian taboo on reading at the table). In an intensely interactive culture. solitary pursuits are apt to be suspect For example. one student said that if his mother caught him playing cards alone. she would take the cards away because ·when you play alone the devil is automatically on your side" (FSC67-10/116). The devil is a ubiquitous figure in Newfoundland oral tradition, but the attitudes that helped forge black heart folklore are not limited to folk culture. Religion is still a powerful official force, and public schools are run on denominational lines. The idea that books may contain dangerous stuff is alive and well: in 1989. the provincial minister of education removed from the high schools textbooks containing such blasphemous expressions as "hell" and "damn." and the Pentecostal faction succeeded in having expunged a picture showing people dancing. These "ooucators" fear ocular contagion like the men who saw the queen of heans in the lumber camp. who thought "that if they once saw what was in it [the book], they would become just as bad as the man who owned it." Yet these are the bodies charged with educating the young in a population with an BARBARA RlEll 91 illiteracy rate estimated at lhirty-eight to sixty-one percent. 1S There is no estimate of the number who can read but don'l, for whom books are not a pan of everyday life. llka Dickman. a Czechoslovakian physician. kept a diary of her work as district nurse on the South Coast in 1939 and 1940 in which she mentions the paucity of print and hunger for books. "llte people make an effort to make the best of everything." she writes, "thereby much of the actual poverty remains hidden." Old Christmas catalogues were "appreciated by young and old alike as picture books"; Dickman's own box of old magazines became a kind of lending library which was "digested voraciously· and "devoured with devotion and tremendous zeal" by its patrons (32). Great poverty and isolation have been alleviated over the fifty years since Dickman wrote, but such a heritage is not lost overnight and books are still not exactly thick on the ground, if I may use a personal experience to illustrate and to close. A few years ago I was visiting Keels, a community of about two hundred people, a three hour drive from St. John's. TIle teenage couple at whose house I was staying were going to a dance, and I was going to babysit their one-and-a-half-year-Q)d along with my own. Since their house contained only a few Reader's Digests from the 1960s, I thought I would get a few magazines for the evening but was told that to do Ihis I would have to drive to Bonavista, fony miles away. Reviewing the baby's nighttime routine, I asked if ( should read him a story. "No; said the father proudly, "he don'l have that habit." The habit-forming pleasure of reading will probably elude this child his whole life, as it has his parents and even those college srudents who must struggle to wrest meaning from their texts and to prcxJuce readable sentences (in exchange for a very thin promise of a job). It is hardly surprising that in folkJore "the book" had become the devil's own device, inscrutable, seductive and scary at the same time. 'SThe criteria and definition for such figures vary. The Southam Literacy Survey of 1987 estimated a rate of forty-four percent; the 1990 Statisttes Canada of Literacy SkiUs found only thirty-nine pc:rcent of its ewfoondland sample at ·the level at which an individual can mttt most everyday ~ading demands- (both surveys are qUOIed in -Literacy in an Achieving Society: A Policy Statement: on Adult Literacy. - produced by the Government: of Newfoondlard and Labradoc). The Coalitjon foc Literacy's lowest estimate is thirty-eight percent (!he Evening Telegram, St. John's. 21 Dec. 1990). There is little information on regional and demographic variation, but a survey of orthem Peninsula fishennen conducted jointly by the Marine Institute and Western Community College foord seventy-three pc:runt to be -functionally iUiterate- (The Evening: Telegn.m 4 Apr. 1990). THE BLACK HEART IN NEWFOUNDLAND 92 Works Cited Baughman, Ernest W. Type and MOlif-Index of 'he Folktales of England and Nonh America. Indiana U Folklore Series No.20. The Hague: Moulon, 1966. Christiansen, Reidar Th. The Migratory Legends: A ProPOsed List of Types with a Systematic Catalogue of the Norwegian Variants. FF Communications No. 17.5. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia Academia Scientiarum Fenniea. 19.58. Dickman, 1l1ea. Appointment 10 ewfoundland. Manhattan, KA: Sunnower UP. 1981. Glassie, Henry,ed. Irish Folktales. ew York: Pantheon. 198.5. Hall, Trevor. Old Conjuring Books: A Bibliographical and Historical Srudy with a SUPPlementary Check·List. London: Duckwonh. 1972. Kiltredge, George Lyman. Witchcraft in Old and Russell, 1929. ew England. New York: Russell and Knott, Olive. Witches of Dorset. Milbourne Port. Dorset: Dorset Publishing Co., 1974. MacCulioch. Sir Edgar. Guernsey Folk Lore. Ed. Edith Carey. 1903. Norwood, Pa.: Norwood, 1973. Mitchell. Roger E. George Knox: from Man to Legend. Northeast FolkJore II (1969). Orono. Maine: University Press. 1970. Northcote. Lady Rosalinde. "Devonshire FolkJore. Collected among the People near Exeter within the Last Five or Six Years." Folk-Lore 11 (1900): 212·17. () hEochaidh. SeAn. Fairy Legends from Donegal. Trans. Maire Mac Neill. Dublin: Comhairle Bhealoideas Eireann. 1977. Scot, Reginald. The Discoverie of Witchcraft. Summers. London: J. Rooker, 1930. 1584. With an Intro. by Montague Summers. Montague. A Popular History of Witchcraft. (1937). New York: Causeway Books. 1973. Thompson. Stith. Motif-Index of Folk·literature. 6 vols. Rev. ed. Bloomington: Indiana P, [l955J. Is This Space Yours or Mine? A Study of Personal Space in Narratives of Hauntings. Lise Saug~res Memorial University of Newfoundland Introduction This paper examines the significance of personal space in relation to the experience of the supernatural as reflected in five memorates of haunted houses. The importance of personal space in our culture is demonstrated by Edward T. Hall who points Qut that every individual develops a sense of territoriality which is -the act of laying claim to and defending a territory" (187). Douglas Porteous writes about the home as a territory which has to be defended: "... exclusive control of territory confers three substantial benefits on its occupants. These essential territorial satisfactions are identiry, security and stimulation" (383). According to Porteous these satisfactions derive from the control of physical space. This control is achieved in two ways: by the personalization of space, which is -an assertion of identity and a means of ensuring stimulation,- and by the defense of space. -the means by which stimulation is achieved and security assured. - He adds that as a result people spend more time penionalizing and defending the home more than any other physical space. -The concept of security includes both psychic security and physical security or protection. Both forms of security are obtained in the home and also its individual cores, usually bedrooms, boudoirs or studies. This paper will show that the concepts of identity and security are reflected in the narration of experiences of haunting. and that supernatural beliefs can be understood within ideas of space. As we will see, in the case of the hauntings described below. the geography of the house becomes ordered by the presence of the supernatural, and the significance of the house as personal space also gives meaning to the supernatural experience. In my analysis. I will interpret the five narratives as accounts shaped by the idea of home as personal space and the concern of belonging. It will be argued that ghost encounters are in part struggles for the control of personal space between the narrators. 95 LISE SAUGtRES who, as we will see, lack connection with the houses' pasts, and the ghosts, who can be appreciated as embodiments of the history of their places. Summary of the Narratives The five narratives that are the foundation of my analysis were all recorded in 51. John's, Newfoundland during the fall of 1989. In order to preserve the anonymity of my informants I will use pseudonyms to refer to them: Sarah, Carol, Brenda, Bob and Peter. All other names used are also pseudonyms. Though all of my informants considered these to be stories of hauntings, there are significant differences in the nature of the events described. Three of the stories, those of Sarah. Carol and Bob, concern encounters with dead persons who return to haunt their place of prior residence. Peter's story is about a vision he had during a ~ance, rather than an actual encounter with a ghost. However, this vision did concern the experiences of a dead man who had lived in the house Peter was occupying. Brenda also encountered an apparition; however, she did not believe it to be the ghost of someone already deceased, but rather an omen of her child, yet unborn. Sarah was sharing a house with her landlady. a widow. A few months after she had moved there, while the landlady was away on vacation, she began to hear "something like a heavy breathing" at night in her bedroom. Now and then an object would fall from the top of her dresser for no apparent reason. One evening in panicular, Sarah, who was in her bedroom, heard this heavy breathing more clearly than usual. At first she thought it to be her boyfriend "trying to scare her: but when she called out and no one answered she became terrified and ran out of the bedroom, falling down the stairs to the living room. When the landlady came back Sarah asked her how her husband had died and the elderly women told her he had emphysema. A few weeks later she found a vase in the living room and was told by her landlady that it contained the ashes of her husband. After that. Sarah believed that the sound of breathing in her bedroom was coming from the ghost of the landlady's husband. who was still physically in the house. IS THIS SPACE YOURS OR MINE? % Despite lhe reoccurrence of the haunting every lime the landlady was away. Sarah stayed on at the house, moving out a few years laler. After she had moved OUI. she gave the address to one of her friends who needed a place 10 stay. bUI she did nOllell her about the past haunting experiences. Her friend moved into the house. Shortly afterwanis. again when the landlady was away, the same thing happened 10 her. and she called Sarah in the middle of the night because she was so frightened. The next day, after Sarah had told her about the supemarural presence in the house. her friend moved 001. Neither Sarah nor her friend ever told the landlady about what happened bt:cause as Sarah saKi, wan I 10 offend her. ~I didn't _ She might think I'm weird. you know: n Carol had jusl moved to a small Newfoundland village. She wenl which had been boughl by friends of hers from a woman who used 10 10 live in a hou~ live Ihere with her mother unlil the latter died. The people in the communily lold her that Ihey used 10 see lights at night coming from the empty house. but Carol did not believe Ihis. After a while a dog lhat Carol was taking care of began barking up Ihe stairs. Carol would look but could see nothing. One day Ihe dog barked. and Ihis lime Carol saw a woman wearing a white dress going up the slairs and into one of the bedrooms. She wenl upslairs and Ihrough Ihe whole house but found nobody. Feeling uneasy, she look the dog with her into her bedroom that night. Later on in the night she was awakened by the growling of Ihe dog. She opened the door and saw Ihe same woman, who was in her Ihirties and dressed in a I920s fashion. walking across the landing and entering into one of the bedrooms. Again Carol ran after her bUI she had disappeared. phenomena started 10 lake place. Many Ihings that had belonged 10 After that, other Ihe previous owners were still in Ihe house, including furnilure, cutlery. adornmenls and linens. Carol had rearranged Ihese objects moved back 10 10 her own liking. bUI soon bt:gan to find that they were being Iheir original location. One day Carol asked aloud if Ihe woman minded her being Ihere. The answer was the falling of a cup from a cupboard onlo Ihe sink. Nevenheless. Carol continued 10 In the spring she decided live there. 10 clean the house and ~get rid of all kinds of old stuff' with Ihe help of some children from the community. While she was upslairs. Ihe stove LISE SAUGERES 97 that she had put on low heat was mysteriously turned up to high, becoming red hot and creating an explosion. The fLrc was put out quickly, but Carol moved out shortly after this incident. She believed that the ghost was the deceased mother of the woman who had sold the house. III In Bob's account he and his family had just moved to a Newfoundland outpon, where they rented the light·house. Just after they had moved into this house, they were visited by an old man who told them that he had been a policeman in the community. The man sat in their kitchen and they conversed for a couple of hours. He lold them various stones about people who had lived in the light·house and mentioned names of people who were living in the village. He also told them about his daughter who now lived somewhere else and that he had spent a lot of lime in the light-house because he was a good friend of the light-house keeper. Finally he left, seeming to "disappear" into the fog. After the old man left, Bob went to see somebody he knew in the community, who had been mentioned by the visitor, to find out who this old man was. There he learned that the man corresponding to the description had died twenty years before. A few years later be met a woman who was visiting the community, and he recognized her as the dead man's daughter by the description the man had given of her. He told her the slory and she also felt that the visitor was indeed her falher. Bob asked her to send him pictures of her father but she never did. IV Peter was a member of a student theatre group that had been given a house to use as a theatre. One night they decided to have a s~ance. They had "a pentangle on the floor and [a] chalk circle drawn around a cup of the elements that had a candle. earth. and water in it." He and his friends joined hands and closed their eyes. During the stance, Peter began to see images of streets, people. cars, snow, woods. a cabin. and a train. All these visions seemed to be from the earlier pan of the century. As Ihe vision progressed Peter began feeling colder and colder. Finally the cold became so e:<treme that he began to fear for his life, and he told the others that he wanted to stop the stance. When nobody did 98 IS THIS SPACE YOURS OR MINE? anything he tried 10 remove his hands from the olher people'5 hands but he could nol. Finally he managed to kick "the cup of the elemenls." AI the same time his hands were suddenly released and he and the others were driven back against the wall. The orhers then told him that they had not been able to understand what he was saying during the s~ance; they only heard him munering a lot of things. Peter and a friend decided to find oul what had happened. He had the feding that 1927 was the dale they were looking faT. Indeed, they discovered in a newspaper of 1927 thac the man who had originally lived in the house had died of exposure during a hunting trip that winter. Having taken the train to go to his cabin in the woods. the man was left stranded when the train failed succumbed 10 10 return as expected. He tried 10 go back 10 his cabin bUI cold on the way and died. Peter believed Ihat he had contacled Ihe dead man's spirit. v When Brenda was around ten years old. she used to wake up at night and see from her bedroom a small white figure at the bottom of a flight of stairs. This figure kept jumping back and forth between the last step and the floor. She would go towards it. but as she approached. it would disappear. She then would take an object and wave it where the creature had been. but nothing was there. She would go back to bed and then see it again. This lasted for a couple of years. Brenda's narrative is very different from the others in that she does nOI think that the ghost is a dead person. but rather that it might have been the ghost of her child yet unborn, more an omen than an actual person. She now has a daughter and the Mghost Mshe saw when she was ten seemed to be a little girl because Mit had a dress on M: Sometimes when I look at Jacqueline I think il was some kind of omen, an indication that. you know. llaughsl she was going to be born and ... I guess when you·re older you try and explain things. LISE SAUGERES 99 Analysis The five narratives all differ in respect 10 the experiences and the elements of belief drawn upon to interpret the experiences. However. they all share an emphasis on space and, in particular, [he idea of home as personal space. In four of the narratives the concerns of belonging to a new place, either house or community, are increased by the presence of a ghost which symbolizes the history of the plael:. To analyze lhe theme of space in the narratives, I will begin with the house itself and the placement of the narrative episodes within it The houses where the hauntings occurred are described as ·old houses· in all but Brenda's narrative. Sarah said it was -an old house going back (0 the twenties: The house which was given to Peter and the theater group was also built in the twemies. Carol described the house as ·old· and that it ·smelt like an old house; although everything was ·neat and tidy" The light-house thai Bob and his family moved to was also old, and they had to fix it up in order to live there. Although Brenda did not live in an old house, she recalled that during the summer they used to go to an island and stay in an old house in which her grand-parents and mother had lived. Each time she was in this house she felt that there was a connection between this ok! house and the ghost although she could not explain why. All the houses have two or three noors and, in Sarah's, Carol's and Bob's stories, the houses are also described a having a long night of stairs. 1 When interpreting the significance of the place of hauntings within the house, it is useful to distinguish between more public and more private spaces. Rooms such as the kitchen am the living-room, which in these houses are located on the first floor. are personalized areas, but they are also spaces where visitors, strangers to the home, will be entertained, and are thus public. Bedrooms, on the other hand. which in four of the stories are located on the second floor. are usually the most private areas of the house. These lElisabeth Tucker. in her article about space in children's narratives of encounlers wilh ghoslS, lalkS about such common fearures: Ihe house in which the ghost appe;m is usually quile an old·fashion((j house. devoid of such modem embellishments as sunken living rooms, dining alcoves or modular sleeping places. The rooms arc geomeU'ically arranged in linear sequence, and there are at least IWO (often three) levels connected by stairs" (19). 8 IS nns SPACE YOURS OR MINE? private spaces, unlike the kitchen and living room, are not opened 100 10 visitors. Corridors, thresholds and stairs can be considered as places of transitions between the morc public and more private spaces in the house. 2 We will first look at the bedroom as a location for the ghost. The bedroom is the most private and personal area in the house and also the most protected. In three of the narratives the ghost appears at the edge of the narrator's bedroom. Brenda saw the ghost from her bedroom located on the first noor, bUI it never entered the bedroom; it stayed at the bottom of the stairs. and therefore her bedroom remained her private territory. In Sarah and Carol's cases. the ghosts invaded their private territories. All the manifestations in Sarah's story occurred in her bedroom on the second floor, which was her only rruly private space -- the rest of the house belonged to the old lady. In Carol's narrative, the ghost appeared in different pans of the house including her own bedroom. In effect, the whole house was being invaded. including her most privatI: space. In both these stories the invasion of private space seems to underline the threat the ghost poses to the narrators' sense of personal security. It is after she sees the ghost entering her bedroom that Carol takes the dog into her room at night for protection. In Sarah's story the realization that the heavy breathing was in her private territory, her bedroom, forced her to Oee. The presence of the ghost, in effect, transforms the bedroom from what was once the most comfortable place in the house into a place which is now strange and threatening, forcing the living occupants to escape the space in which they should feel the most secure. Considering the importance of personal security in these stories. it is not surprising that ghosts also occupy the thresholds between private and more public spaces -doorways and staircases. In Brenda's story the ghost was seen at the foot of the stairs. near the entrance [0 her bedroom. Brenda did not try to close the door separating the 2Elisabeth Tucker Slates that in children's Slories the ghost walks up the stair.;, step by step, to reach the child's bedroom, -The staircase thus takes its place as a buffer bc:lWecn one space·-the frightening realm of the supernarural--and another, the usually safe territory of the child's own bedroom.... ISlometimes it is f\O( just a question of succesSiVe steps. but of many floors which the ghost muse ascend 10 reach its victim" (20). LISE SAUGIORES 101 bottom of the stairs from her bedroom. hoping that she would nOI be able to see the ghost anymore, because she felt comfortable with it. In Sarah's account, the breathing came from lhe wall Ihat backed onto the staircase. and she felt uncomfortable on the staircase before reaching the lOp: When r d come out of the bedroom at the top of the stairs . just befoce you went downstairs, I always got this kind of uncomfortable feeling. just in the space of ... four or five ... foct. I don't know if it's where he used to hang out or what. In Carol's scory, the dog was barking at the stairs as if lhere was sometxxly there before Carol herself saw the woman walking up the stairs 10 the second floor. That night she was awakened by the growling of the dog, and as she left her bedroom, she saw the woman walking across the landing before disappearing through me doorway of one of the other bedrooms. In all cases. the entrance between public and private space is focused on and returned to throughout the narratives when describing the manifestations of the ghosts. Similarly. in Bob's narrative considerable anention is given to the visitor's transition from outside to inside and back., his movement from public areas to family space. The visitor came from the outside, stayed on the threshold while he knocked on the door and waited for somebody to come~ that is, he was in transition between public and personal spaces. the open and non-protected space of the outdoors versus the protected space of the house. The end of the narrative is marked by the reverse movement: he left the protected space, the house, crossed the threshold and returned to the public space, the outdoors, before disappearing: So anyway, when he left he sort of walked out the door and disappeared. There was a lot of fog there so I couldn't see whether he had a cae or ... whatever. He disappeared. The house in which Peter had the s~ance was also invaded by the "ghost" or "spirit" Through his vision., the walls of the house, built to provide protection against the elements, cease to exist as the boundary between outside and inside. While he was inside, he was experiencing the unsecured world beyond the house, seeing and feeling the outdoors. "And in my mind what was going on was a lot of snow and cold, and I ... was waiting for something. but I was freezing anyway." 102 IS THIS SPACE YOURS OR MINE? Thus. in the five narratives, the ghosts impose their presences upon the new residents by invading the houses. They appear on thresholds in particular. the places which mark the transition between more public and more private spaces. l will now tum to the narrators' inlerpretations of their experiences. which are centred around the relationship of the ghosts to the houses. In the four siones when:: the dead persons come back, they do so for different reasons. For Sarah. the ghost haunting the house. and particularly her own private space. is the ghost of the landlady's husband who died of a respiratory illness. The deceased husband had then lived in the house and had owned it. She believes that he was still present because his ashes were kepi in the house: "he might not be at rest if that's his ashes ...• Peter believes that he had contacted the spirit of the man who had lived in the house where they had the s6tnce and who died in 1927 in the woods. This man was working for a company that built the house for him in 1925. He was therefore the first owner and resident of it. Bob believes that the dead person was 'checking them out' because they were strangers. The old man never lived in the house. but he u~d to visit the light-house keeper often and seemed to be emotionally attached to the place: His connection to the house was that when he was stationed as a policeman he used to go up there a lot. He knew the light-house keeper. they were Ca!ver1S as well. They were not the same family but they had the same name and probably were conn~led. you know. distantly. And he ... used to go out there and visit the light-house keeper, and they would spend a lot of time drinking rum .... So he had a very ... great interest in thai house and he expressed it too. He wanted 10 know who we were and if we were going to fix it up . and things of that nature. This implies that the old man was worried about the house and its state at the time _. "the windows were out, the house was son of all beaten" .- and he wanted to make sure that the new tenants, who were strangers to the community. intended to take care of the house. a house which conveyed good memories to the old man. Essentially the ghost came out of neighbourly interest. He had a certain claim to the house as a long-standing member of the community and an old friend, but because he never lived or owned the house he came to visit in the same way he used to when he was alive, respecting the boundary of the 103 LISE SAUG"RES house. He knocked at the door as anybody would when going to see newcomers to the community. The woman Carol saw was in her forties and was dressed in a 19205 fashion. and she believes that it was the deceased mother of the woman who sold the house to her friends. The mother died when she was in her eighties, but Carol explains: This woman walked along in the hall. whether she was walking along in 1968 or in 1920. I don't know. I saw her- in 1968. but she might have acruaUy been walking in 1920. that's my only explanation for it. The mother had thus lived in the house and owned it. Everything in the house. furniture. ornaments, cutlery, etc., had belonged to her and her daughter. Carol emphasizes the fact that .. they had . . . a really, meticulous way of looking after the house so that there were all kinds of beautiful things still in the house. linens ard little dressing cloths that you put on the dresser and things like that. and everything was neat and tidy. This implies that the mother was attached to her personal objects, and Carol believes that the dead mother came back to defend her house and protect it from Carol. In all the cases but Brenda's. the ghost is someone who has a claim to belonging 10 the house, or. at least, as in Bob's story, an interest in the welfare of the house and community. The ghosts represent the histories of these houses. of their prior residents, made manifest as spectres, sounds. and mysterious happenings. The encounters with the ghosts are struggles for possession of space in which Ihe new occupants state their claims 10 belonging and the old occupants, returning from the past as ghosts. dispute these claims at various levels of intensity. from neighbourly concern to outright hostility. The encounters with the ghosts progress either towards conflict or resolution depending on the altitudes of the ghost towards the inhabitants and the motives of the ghosts for being there. as well as the reactions of the inhabitants lowards the ghosts' invasion of their personal spaces. In all the narratives the ghosts appear at one point to be in control of the situation. In some cases the ghost remains in control until the end and wins. while Peter. in his 104 IS TillS SPACE YOURS OR MINE? account, wins in the end. During the the spirit did. ~ance Peler did not have the control of the situation, Peter did nO[ comrol the images he saw, he could not be heard by his friends in the room when he tried 10 lell them that he wanted to stop because he was freezing, and he could not lake his hands off the other people's hands. The fact thaI he managed to kick -the cup of the elements" with his fool reversed the situation. allowing him to escape from the spirit and to regain control of his life that he had momentarily lost during the s~nce . . . . I tried to remove: my hands from the other people's hands and I couldn't. It was like they were kind of connected with. like an e1ectr~magnel. you know. and lhe power was on. and J sr:aned shivering and. actually, I was freezing .... I managed 10 kick out my foot. (andl as I kicked out my foot I hit the chaJice that held me cup of the elements__ . When it tipped over . . . that was the most incredible experience. it was absolutely frightening. My hards were suddenly released and I was driven back about ... three feel and slammed into the wall. Bob felt vulnerable in front of the old man because the lalter represented Ihe history of the house and the village. He belonged to this house and community because he belonged to their past. whereas Bob and his family were tOlal strangers [0 both house and community and were very conscious of not belonging. In his narrative Bob assens Ihat he and I1is family dKt not fit in the village because they were strangers and also because Ihey were different from the people living there: .. we looked kind of weird, I mean, you know. we were supposed 10 be. I suppose in his mind. kind of hippies. And ... we were a family of artists and we didn'l have much money. SO we looked kind of apart . Therefore. he was not surprised 10 see somebody from the community being concerned about who they were. how they were going 10 fix up Ihe house, and what Ihey were going to do. The oki man represented Ihe history of the place and was concerned about these strangers invading the house he was emotionally attached to. As an ex-policeman the old man was continuing 10 assume the role of proleclor for his home lown. The ghosl felt Ihrealened by these newcomers who were unknown. who looked differenl, and who were making some changes in the house: •. .. the house was son of all beaten. The windows were out and things like that. We were just sort of fixing it up 10 . live Ihere." Bob and his family felt threatened by their posilion as strangers in this village. They were Ihen LISE SAUGERES IDS placed in a vulnerable position towards lhe old man who belonged to this place and represented the past of the house and village. All the stories he told Bob during his visit dealt with people of the community and people who had lived in the light·house. The ghosts are in conttol of the situation throughout Sarah and Carol's narratives, although both Sarah and Carol try to defend and protect their personal spaces. In both slories, the basic human needs for security, personal space, and identity are threatened because of a supernatural presence in the house. In Sarah's case, it was her own territory which had been invaded, lhe only place where she CQuid totally feel at home because it was the only room she did nol share with the old lady. In Carol's case, the old house, including her most private territory, had been invaded as the woman went everywhere in the house. Although their places had been invaded, they both carried on living in the houses, emphasizing the fact that they did not want to renounce their claim to the spaces they had Klentified and personalized as their homes. Neither Carol nor Sarah could feel at home any longer because of these unpredictable presences; they never knew what the ghosts wouki do. Thus, the concept of home as safe place, as a protection from intrudeB. no longer existed. Nevel1heless, the sense of territoriality discussed by Hall and Porteous seems to have been stronger than their uncomfOl1able positions. They both said they *got used to it* in the end, even though they did not like their situations. Carol said, *1 carried on living there, but I was not happy about the whole thing: Sarah would go to bed with her light and her radio on, would read verses of her Bible, or would phone her mother when the breathing occurred. The home and the bedroom had been auacked, and Sarah was trying to fmd alternative ways to protect them. (n the same way Sarah addressed the ghost in order to reassure him by conveying that she was not a threat to the house, that she would not disturb anything in the house so that he should not disturb her: *I'm here looking after the house you know, I sweep the floor, clean up and look after the grounds, so don't bother me, now Mr. Smith: This indicates that Sarah believed that the ghost might have manifested himself in order to protect the space of the house which was once his. The fact that he manifested himself to Sarah only when the elderly lady was away could confmn this idea. Sarah, by trying to reassure the ghost, was also trying to defend her personal space. She seemed to believe that if she had convinced him that she was not IS THJS SPACE YOURS OR MINE? 106 a (hreatlo his home, the manifestations would SlOp, and she could have regained the right (0 consider her room as her home. In Carol's siory, the struggle for the control of the home between Carol and (he ghost is a predominant lheme in the narrative. Like Sarah. Carol carried on living in the house after she saw the woman for the first lime and had realized that it was a supernatural being. Both the ghost and Carol sought 10 defend their homes. In both Sarah's and Carol's narratives, the intruders, from the perspective of the ghosts, were Sarah and Carol themselves, strangers living in ghosts' homes: therefore the ghosts' personal space and security were equally threatened. It is clear in Carol's narrative that the ghost considered the house to belong only to her and did nOI want a stranger 10 live there and use what had once been hers. Carol attempted to rum the house into her home by rearranging objects, personalizing the space by transforming the interior. and. in effect, breaking with the history of the place and making it her own. In a very similar fashion the ghost defended the house in order to protect her belongings and desired them to remain where mey were when she was alive: Arv:t I began to firv:t things that were placed differently. If I would ... change around the house, if 1 would move a dresser, you know, in one corner over to the other side, when I carne home it was back where it originally was. And if I'd put cups in a different place in the cupboard from where they were originally, I'd come back from school in the evening and I'd find they were back in the original place. Carol tried to fight back, replacing furniture, rearranging things in the house to her own liking after the ghost had moved them: "I didn't realize it but it became sort of a contest between myself and this lady who lived in the house." The fact that she said she "didn't realize it" emphasizes the sense of unconscious territoriality which made her act this way. Carol also addressed the ghost, but instead of trying to reassure the ghostlike Sarah did, she defied her by asking her a direct question: "what's the problem, you know, do you mind me being here?- Even after Carol got an answer to her question, which she interpreted as being "yes" -- the cup dropping out of the cupboard -- she still carried on living in the house. although she knew that the woman did not want her to stay there: -. oh God, she probably doesn't want me to be here at all.- Instead of moving out or accepting the ghost by lelling her have her own way, Carol defied her even further by LISE SAUGERES 107 deciding "10 get rid of all kinds of old stuff," which could imply iliat it was also an attempt to get rid of the ghost by burning its former possessions. Carol went a step too far and the ghost reacted. according to Carol, by turning the explosion. According 10 SlOve to high heat and causing an Carol the ghost created the explosion in order to make her leave. but it is interesting to note that the ghost did not attack Carol personally. just the house. yet. without causing too much damage to either. Carol said that "I never felt she was going to harm me or anything.· but the ghost had demonstrated that she had more powers than Carol and that she was the one who controlled the space within the house. She had demonstrated that she would not let Carol have the house as her home because it belonged 10 her and not 10 Carol: "If this is what she wants to do, I mean she could create real problems for me if she doesn't want me to be there, so I moved.· Conclusion In Ihis paper I have shown that personal space is a major theme in these narratives of hauOIing experiences and that the hauntings of the houses underline ideas of personal space. In all the narratives except Brenda's, the hauntings occur because the spirits of the deceased remain attached to the spaces they occupied in life, and because new people are taking possession of these spaces and making them their own personal territories. The locations of the ghosts in space, the encounters with the ghosts and the invasion of private spaces, the reasons my informants gave for the hauntings, the histories of the ghosts in relation to the houses, and the struggles for control of space between the ghosts and the narrators, are all important aspects of these haunting experiences. In all cases, with the eltception of Brenda's account, the ghosts embody the history of the houses, a past unknown to the new inhabitants. In Carol's and Bob's cases, bOlh of them are not only strangers to the houses they moved into, they are also strangers to the communities. Both are concerned with belonging to the places where they live, not only the micro·space of the house but also within the larger framework of the community. In the four narratives, these ghosts, as history and reminders of the past. convey to the inhabitants that they could not belong because they did not live this history and are intruders, outsiders belonging to a different time and space. IS THIS SPACE YOURS OR MINE? 108 Works Cited Hall. Edward T. The Silen. Language. Garden City. Y: Doubleday. 1959. Porteous, Douglas J. -Home as the Territorial Core: Geographic Review 66 (1976): 383-90. Tucker. Elisabeth. "Concepts of Space in Children's Narratives," Folldore on Two COOlinents: Essays in Honor of Linda ~gh. Eds. Nikolai Burlakoff and Carl Lindhal. Blooming.on: Tricks.er Press. 1980: 18-25. Comptes Rendus / Reviews Patrick O'F1aheny, Priest of Go<! (St. John's: Breakwater, 1989),214 pp. Patrick O'Aaherty's Priest of Goo is anOlher work in a literary genre of great interest 10 folklorists and scholars in relaled disciplines: the Calholic ethnographic novel. Within this genre fall works like Mary Gordon's Final Payments and The Olher Side. the novels of Graham Greene and Ignazio Silone. Waugh's Brideshead Revisited. Spark's Memento Mon, and Kathryn Hulme's The Nun's Slory. Authored by Catholics and ex-Catholics, these novels brim with a density of ethnographic derail that a folklorist or olher social scientist might normally labellhe fruits of good fieldwork. When I purchased Priest of God in a St. John's book store lhis summer, the check· out clerk commented that it had been a besi-seller. and she had heard -it was a good one. M This may be due to the story's setting in a Roman Catholic community in present-<lay Newfoundland. The Catholic parishioners in the novel, like Newfoundlanders of roday. know that Catholic parish priests and brothers have been investigated, charged, and convicted of child sexual abuse dating back two decades. O'Flaherty alludes 10 parishes M and a SI. John's orphanage as the sites of the abuse, though he does not name actual M parishes or name the recently closed Mounl Cashel Orphanage. run for a century by the Christian Brothers. The novel is better read with an awareness of the context of this child sexual abuse crisis in the Archdiocese of Sf. John's. Two good non-fiction sources are Michael Harris's Unholy Orders (Viking, 1990) and the in- depth Winter Commission Report. released in July 1990. A scathing assessment. by a Roman Catholic commission, of Archdiocesan handling of repons of child sexual abuse. the Winter Report is credited with prompting the immediate resignation of Sf. John's Archbishop Alphonsus Penney. Priest of God presents a hero of particular interest to the folklore reader: a priest attempting, as ethnographers do, to explore and understand a community. One could easily fit Father John metaphorically into a role of priesc-ethnographer. He comes to a gradual underscanding of his new parish community through a kird of priestly fieldwork. COMPTES RENDUS III He starts out with house-Io-house visits, acts as a participant-.observer at community social and religious events. and makes extensive mental notes on his one-on-one conversations with parishioners. Like a folklorist, Ryan has a keen eye for material culture, both popular and religious. He listens carefully to his parishioners' personal experience narratives as well as their jokes, and notes how they interact in small groups. A short time after his arrival in -Long Cove: a small community on the Avalon Peninsula, Ryan receives a late night call to the scene of a car accident He baptizes an adolescent boy and hears his dying, incoherent confession. The priest spends the rest of his time in Long Cove investigating an accident authorities seem 10 be covering up and trying to solve the spiritual mystery of the boy's last words. On his way to discovering and eventually destroying a network of child sexual abuse run by leaders in the community, Ryan is threatened and beaten. One of the threats is the community's discovery of Father Ryan's own troubled past-·a mental breakdown and a dropped criminal allegation. O'Aaherty's Father Ryan is an odd blend of the priest- superhero and the ·sinner with great potential· character, common to Graham Greene's novels. He is not eager to share with this new parish his history of past indiscretions. He learns a hard lesson early in his career when a child dies because he chose to keep a mother's confessions of abuse confidential. He relies on prayer to help her rather than reporting her behaviour to the police. He makes an unorthodox resolution never again to place the sacred confidence of the confessional above the gravity of a revelation of child abuse. Ryan questions but accepts his long-time celibacy in a tired and emotionally deadened way. When elderly parishioners present anhritic limbs for his blessing, he embarrassedly refuses money, seeming puzzled at those faithfully convinced of cure. Like Scobie in Greene's The Hean of the Matter, Ryan's priestly outlook and behavior become more and more unorthodox as he pursues answers to more and more difficult questions. He is relentless in his delennination to understand how and why an adolescent boy has been killed. As he discovers the answer he must also understand the motivations of each individual in the network of people responsible for the death. In the course of his quest Father Ryan gets to know many parishioners well. He considers the varieties of 112 REVIEWS love and sexuality among his parishion~rs thai range outside both marriage and heterosexuality. Though Father Ryan's role as a "priesc-t:lhnographer." O'Flaherty brings us ethnographic detail of outport Catholic life in ewfoundland. Ryan's first visits to community homes show us which holy pictures are on their walls. alongside pictures of pop stars. The priest listens as parishioners joke about the sexuality of priests~ he nOlices that soap operas prompt these comments during his visits. community's 51. He is present at the Palrick's Day celebrations and provides thick description of the festivities. with a cynical attention to the social hypocrisy and rolklorismus that are pan of the community's self·represenI3Iion. One of Ryan's most important clues is another item of inleres[ to many folklorisls: the personal diary. When an adolescent's nOlebook comes into his hands, he studies il as a document Ihal will hdp solve a murder and reveal Ihe boy's troubled private life. Priest of God is a valuable source for the elhnography of Roman Catholicism in present~ay Newfoundland. In a real-life Ian aClual?] social context in which the hitheno private lives and Ihoughls of Roman Catholic clergy are being queslioned -- in coun, in the media, and in everyday Calholic community life. Ihis novel provides a complex, plausible ponrail of one parish priest's inner life and represenlalion of self to Ihe parish communily. For social scienlisls inlerested in the clashes and Ihe cooperalion of the Great and Little Tradilions and in folk religion as defined by Don Yoder. O'Flaherty's "Long Cove" is a case sludy. O'Flaherty presents the waxing and waning of religious praclice among parishioners, Iheir panicipation in Ihe struClure of parish and local government. and Ihe economic, religious and political differences dividing the communily. Priest of God, a holistic ponrait of religious leadership in a little community, auains a high level of ethnographic relevance 10 present~ay Roman Calholic life in Newfoundland, where questioning and hoping for responsibility and effecliveness in leadership are ongoing Ihemes. Eileen Condon Memorial University MijN