immigrantwomen.ch

@ Yvonne Riaño, 2005: “Women on the Move to Europe. A Review of the Literature on
Gender and Migration” In: da Marroni, M.G. and Salgado, G. (eds), Latinamerican Diaspora:
Migration within a Globalized World. Autonomous University of Puebla (Mexico) and Institute
of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization (Japan). Pp. 207-239
Women on the Move to Europe. A Review of the Literature
on Gender and Migration
Yvonne Riaño
University of Bern
La migración latinoamericana adquiere un carácter crecientemente femenino. Este no
es un fenómeno aislado sino una tendencia global. La mayoría de las personas que
migran del Africa, Asia y Europa Oriental a países del Norte son mujeres. Su destino
principal es Europa. Cuáles son las razones para la migración de las mujeres? Cómo
se integran en los países de destino? Qué estrategias desarrollan para enfrentar el
reto de la integración? Cuál es el impacto de la migración en sus vidas? Este artículo
examina estas preguntas a partir del análisis crítico de la literatura sobre género y
migración. Aunque se incluyen ejemplos de varios continentes, el foco principal de
análisis es Europa, como punto de destino, y las mujeres latinoamericanas. El
análisis muestra que, a pesar de la importancia cuantitativa y cualitativa de la
migración femenina, los investigadores aún no dan suficiente atención a asuntos de
género. Es conocido que existen diferencias entre las razones de migración y
situación de integración social de hombres y mujeres pero muchas investigaciones
no se preocupan por las diferencias de género. A la vez, los estudios sobre migración
femenina no han alcanzado una comprensión integral del fenómeno. La migración se
ha explicado desde una perspectiva predominantemente económica. Factores de
creciente importancia como los cambios en roles de género y la facilidad global de
comunicación han sido escasamente considerados. No ha habido atención
sistemática a los efectos diferenciados que el origen geográfico, las características
étnicas, el nivel de educación y la situación legal de las migrantes pueda tener sobre
su nivel de integración social. Las estrategias creativas de integración de las mujeres
han sido poco estudiadas. Los análisis sobre el impacto social de la migración se han
concentrado demasiado en mujeres de zonas rurales con poca educación, y han
descuidado el caso de mujeres calificadas provenientes de medios urbanos. Los
estudios sobre migrantes latinoamericanas en Europa son escasos. La comprensión
diferenciada de la variedad de razones de migración y situaciones de integración
social de las mujeres migrantes en Europa es un objetivo que aún está por ser
alcanzado.
Palabras claves: género, migrantes latinoamericanas, razones de migración,
impacto de la migración, barreras de integración, estrategias femeninas de
integración
Latin American emigration has become increasingly female in character. This is not
an isolated phenomenon but part of a global trend whereby the majority of migrants
moving from countries in Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe to the industrialised
Western bloc are women. The largest number of migrant women moves to Europe.
What are the reasons for women’s migration? How are they integrated in the
countries of destination? What strategies do women devise to cope with the challenge
of integration? What is the impact of migration on the lives of women? This paper
explores these questions in the context of a review of the literature on gender and
migration. Although there are examples from different continents, the specific
emphasis is on Europe as a destination and on Latin American women. The review
shows that despite the quantitative and qualitative significance of women’s migration,
researchers are giving insufficient attention to gender issues. Although important
differences are known to exist between female and male migrants, regarding their
reasons for migration and status of social integration, research is carried out without
giving attention to gender differences. Equally, studies of female migration have not
yet provided a complete understanding of the phenomenon. Female migration is still
explained from a predominantly economic perspective. Little consideration has been
given to increasingly important factors such as changing gender roles and facilitated
global communication. No systematic attention has been given to the differential
effects that geographical origin, ethnic factors, educational skills and legal status may
play on the social integration of immigrant women. The creative strategies that
women devise to cope with the challenge of integration have been given insufficient
attention. Studies on the social impact of migration have concentrated too much on
poorly skilled female immigrants from rural backgrounds and have neglected skilled
immigrants from urban environments. Little research has been carried out on Latin
American women. A differentiated understanding of the variety of reasons for
migration and situations of social integration of migrant women in Europe has yet to
be achieved.
Keywords: gender, Latin American female migrants, reasons for migration, impacts
of migration, barriers to social integration, women's strategies of integration
INTRODUCTION
Latin American emigration has been dominantly female in character for many years.
In Peru, for example, 56% of the migrants that left the country in the past decade
were women (Altamirano 2001). Similarly, in many European countries most Latin
American immigrants are women: Italy (70.6%), Switzerland (64%), and Spain
(57.6%) (IOM, 2004, 35; Martínez Buján, 2003, 24; Swiss Federal Statistics 2003,
88). This trend is part of a global phenomenon whereby the number of female
migrants is large and increasing, both in terms of the sheer number of women
involved and in terms of their share of the world's migrant stock. In 2000, female
migrants constituted nearly 51 percent of all migrants in the developed world (Zlotnik
2003). In Europe, the migration of women has rapidly increased, especially in the last
two decades. By the year 2000, 52.4% of the international migrants living in Europe
were women. At twenty nine million, Europe has the highest percentage and the
largest number of female immigrants living in the industrialised West (United Nations,
2002). The trend towards feminisation of migration in Europe is expressed in all
components of migration flows. In recent years women have formed an increased
proportion of employment-related migration and refugee flows, whereas earlier
female migration to Europe was largely via family reunion (Sopemi 2001). The
significance of women's migration to Europe lies not only in its increased numbers,
but also in the social, economic and political contribution of migrant women to both
sending and receiving countries (Kofman et al 2000).
Latin American migration to Europe is a recent phenomenon. As it is widely
known, United States is the favoured country of destination of Latin American
migrants. Since the 1990s, however, increasing numbers of Latin Americans have
been migrating to Europe. Holders of Latin American passports are not a majority
migrant group in most European countries but their numbers are becoming
increasingly significant, particularly in the following countries: Spain (234.748),
France (79.432), Germany (47.320), United Kingdom (45.120), Sweden (41.120),
2
Italy (38.654), Switzerland (36.587) and Portugal (23.678) (OECD, in Calvo Buezas
2003; Swiss Federal Statistics 2003, 81).
This paper reviews the current literature on gender and migration, with
particular emphasis on migration to Europe, and highlights the role of Latin American
women in the process of migration. Special attention is given to migration to
Switzerland, my country of residence, and also a country with one of the largest
percentages of immigrants in Europe (22%), most of which are females. The
numbers of Latin American women living in Switzerland have increased more than
three times in less than a decade: 1990 (47%); 1995 (58%), 2003 (64%) (Swiss
Federal Statistics, 2004).
Despite the quantitative and qualitative significance of female migration,
researchers have for a long time ignored women as migrants. The view of migration
as a male phenomenon and of women as their passive appendices has long
persisted among researchers and policy-makers. The lack of statistics on
international migration by gender is a reflection of this view. Recent studies have
pleaded for women to be taken out of their “sociological invisibility” and have
highlighted the important role that gender plays within the dynamics of migratory
processes (e.g. Moroksavic 1983; Grasmuck and Pessar 1991; Chant 1992; Buijs
1993; Truong 1996; Lutz and Yuval-Davis 1995; Lim and Oishi 1996; Constable,
1997; Anthias and Lazaridis 2000; Knörr and Meier 2000; Kofman et al 2000; Willis
and Yeoh 2000). Research on Latin American female migrants in Europe is rather
scarce (e.g. Ramírez Bautista, 2000; Riaño 2003; Martinez Pizarro, 2003; Ruiz
2003;, Hillmann forthcoming)
In Switzerland, immigrant women have remained invisible in the eyes of
academics. Interest in revealing the reality of female migrants has largely come from
social institutions and from female researchers (e.g. Spring 1992; Canlas-Heuberger
et al. 1995; Fibbi 1995; Joris 1995; Karrer et al. 1996, Schertenleib 2001; Guild 1995;
Caroni 1996; Le Breton 1998, 1999; Prodolliet 1999a, 1999b). Cantonal offices of
gender equality have also joined in the effort (e.g. Angst 1995; !ancar et al 2001).
Studies by academic institutions are very recent and are scant by comparison (e.g.
Duff and Leuppi, 1997; Riaño and Brutschin 1999; Roth and Speranza 2000; Suter
2000; Richter 2000; Brutschin 2001; Waldis 2001a; Lüthi et al on-going, Mainardi
2003; Riaño 2003, Carbajal, 2004)
This literature review is organised around six questions which are basic to our
understanding of the migration and social integration of migrant women: (1) Who are
the migrant women? (2) What are the main reasons for their migration? (3) What are
the characteristics of their social integration in the countries of destination? (4) What
strategies do women devise to cope with the challenge of integration? (5) What social
changes do women experience in the context of migration? (6) What are the main
barriers to their social integration?
1. THE MIGRATION OF WOMEN
1.1 Who are the immigrant women?
As introduced earlier, patterns of migration to Europe have been changing since the
1990s. Countries like Italy, Spain, Greece, Portugal and Cyprus, which have
traditionally exported migrants, have become receivers of relatively large numbers of
migrants (both poverty migrants and highly qualified experts) and refugees. Over and
above the traditional migration flows resulting from geographical proximity and
historical links with the host country, there has been greater diversity of the source
3
countries. Women coming to Southern Europe are migrating from two primary
sources: from the "Third World", in search of economic improvement or as escape
from civil war; and from Eastern Europe, as an escape from the socio-economic
difficulties faced by these countries (Anthias and Lazaridis 2000). Indeed migration
into Southern Europe has increased, often with large numbers of domestic workers
from the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Cape Verde, South America, Albania and Poland
(Kofman et al 2000; Salazar Parrenas 2001). Migrants are also coming from
countries like Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia, which are situated just across the
Mediterranean. Eastern European women are often highly qualified but frequently
constrained to work in the domestic and entertainment sectors in countries like
Germany and Austria.
A recent change of historical patterns can also be observed in the Swiss
case. Whereas migrants until the 1990s, were mostly individuals coming from
neighbouring countries and from Southern Europe, migration to Switzerland is now
increasingly from the former Yugoslavia, Eastern Europe and "Third World"
countries. Just over half of the immigrants who came in to Switzerland in 2000 were
women. Of the 5,044 immigrants that came from Latin America, 64% were women,
whereas only 53% of Asian immigrants were women. The majority of all immigrant
women (64%) were between 20 and 39 years of age, and they outnumbered male
immigrants in the same age group (Swiss Federal Statistics 2003, 15, 85, 87, 88).
Analysis of census statistics conducted for this article shows that 57.001 Latin
American immigrants -i.e. Swiss residents who were born in Latin America- lived in
Switzerland in 2000. Sixty four percent of those immigrants are women, i.e. 37.000.
The largest numbers of Latin American female migrants are from Brazil, the
Dominican Republic and Colombia (Swiss Federal Statistics, 2000).
Besides socio-cultural diversity, migrant women in Switzerland have very
diverse educational levels and legal statuses. For example, whereas the majority of
women migrating from Southern Europe have a low level of education, the education
of women from countries outside the EU ranges from low to university level. The
education of Latin American female migrants is quite high. Analysis of census
statistics carried out for this paper shows that in the year 2000 one third of Latin
American female immigrants had achieved high-school graduation or a trade
certificate, and another third had completed tertiary education, including teacher
training, technical college or University. Thus, the prevalent idea in Swiss society that
Latin American migrant women are not educated does not correspond to reality. The
education level of Latin American male migrants is very similar to that of the women.
The legal status of EU-women is significantly better than that of non-EU women
(Swiss Federal Statistics, 2003). Despite the obvious heterogeneity of migrant
women, research has tended to focus on particular groups when studying female
immigration and thus an all-encompassing understanding of the diversity of situations
of the female migrant population has yet to be achieved.
1.2. What are the main reasons for female migration?
The reasons for the increasing feminisation of international migration can be found in
a combination of social, economic and political factors. The laws and regulations of
highly industrialised countries favour female migration. By permitting the family
reunification of legally admitted migrants and by accepting migrants who marry
national residents, these countries facilitate the admission of migrant women. Female
migration is also linked to new global economic transformations and the resulting
restructuring of the labour force. As more women in industrialised countries enter full
time employment, more and more labour force is required for domestic work and in
the broader service sector. Migrant women fill the gap. It is easier for women than for
4
men to obtain employment in these sectors and also to stay in the country even when
they do not have residence permits. Police controls tend to be directed towards men.
Also, research has shown that women are generally more willing to migrate and
experience higher pressure from their families and social networks to leave the
country to obtain work abroad.
Research on individual reasons for migration has shown that women from
Third World countries and from Eastern Europe who move to the industrialised West
are impelled by ethnic tensions, low living standards, poverty, economic restructuring,
political repression and ecological problems (e.g. Sassen-Koob 1984; Anthias and
Lazaridis 2000). The dismantling of the Iron Curtain and the geopolitical and
economic changes that followed opened new possibilities for migration between
Eastern and Western Europe. In the early 1990s around four million people migrated
from East to West (Münz and Fassman, 2000). In recent years, the largest increase in
migration to Europe has occurred under the category of asylum-seekers and
refugees. Ethnic cleansing has caused the flight of around five million refugees from
former Yugoslavia, plus others from the Soviet Union (Kofman et al 2000, Anthias and
Lazaridis 2000).
Migrant women vary in their reasons for migration. Labour migrants, those
who enter to seek work, have long been considered as the primary form of migration
to Europe. However, family reunion migration, which includes those who enter as
spouses or children of a primary migrant, has been on the increase since the 1980s
and is currently playing a significant role in female migration to Europe. In
Switzerland, for example, forty-three percent of the immigrants who came into the
country in 2002 did so to join a family member already residing there, while only 24%
of the immigrants entered for employment (Swiss Federal Statistics, 2004, 35). One
of the reasons that the ratio of family-related immigration to economic immigration is
so high, is that the number of employment immigrants is strictly limited by the Swiss
government, whereas family migration is not so tightly controlled. Marriage with a
Swiss national has become one of the chief motivations for migration. More than thirty
percent of all immigrants come into Switzerland for this reason (Swiss Federal
Statistics 2003, 98). Marriage is a major means by which Latin American women
immigrate to Switzerland. Forty five percent of Latin American women in Switzerland
over twenty years of age, are married to a Swiss national (Swiss Federal Statistics
2003, 68, 71). Family reunion migration, despite its numerical significance and
specific impact on men and women, has tended to be neglected by researchers. This
reflects the lack of interest in a migration of dependants whose labour market
participation is supposedly of secondary consequence (Kofman et al 2000).
Marriage migration can be either, family reunion or a means of obtaining legal
status in Europe and being able to work. Marriage migration can also be a highly
commercial arrangement (e.g. mail-order-brides) used to recruit women for illegal
work in the sex industry, for farm work or to look after divorced, widowed or disabled
men (e.g. Oshima and Francis 1989; Cahill 1990; Truong and del Rosario 1994;
Caroni 1996; Karrer et al. 1996; Niesner et al. 1997). However, the increase in
marriage migration cannot exclusively be explained as a ‘survival strategy,’ allowing
poor women from the South to improve their standard of life and that of their families.
Marriage migration often results from the increased facility of global communication
as well as from changing gender roles. Choosing a foreign partner is for many a
means of overcoming the problem of local tensions between the sexes. As recent
research (Riaño 2003, Echarte Fuentes, 2004) on Latin American female migrants
shows, many women imagine their foreign partners as having the ideal
characteristics that many Latin American men do not have: faithfulness as well as
willingness to share household responsibilities. Thus, many women, often skilled,
5
leave their countries essentially so that they can share their lives with the men they
love. Rather than being lumped together with “economic migrants,” these women are
better characterised as “love-migrants.”
The favoured perspective used to explain the 'pulling' factors of female
migration has been that of globalisation (e.g. Karrer et al 1996; Le Breton 1998;
Sassen and Kwame 1999; Salazar Parrenas 2001). Researchers have pointed out
that female migration is a result of the restructuring of the international labour market.
As more and more local populations in the industrialised West are unwilling to carry
out cleaning and caretaking jobs, and many women are refusing the ideology of
domesticity, women from low-income countries are increasingly filling the gap.
Indeed, an international division of labour is taking place by which women from lowincome countries must increasingly do jobs in the domain of sex-affective services,
caretaking and social maintenance of labour (Truong 1996).
Researchers are, however, becoming increasingly critical of the use of macroeconomic approaches as exclusive framework to explain female migration. Migration
decisions are often shaped by an individual's involvement in social structures of
support and opportunity, such as friends, family and community groups, in both the
countries of origin and of destination (Boyd 1989; Curran and Saguy 1998; RibasMateos 2000; Maloney 2000). The reason for a woman to leave her country is not
exclusively economic. Recent studies are showing that socio-cultural factors play a
significant role in women's migration (Waldis 2001b; Riaño 2003). Migrating is for
some women a means to escape social pressure and restrictive family networks in
the country of origin. For others, it is a means to overcome the problems of local
tensions between the sexes, which ultimately are caused by changing gender roles.
These conclusions highlight the importance of including socio-cultural factors and a
gender-conscious perspective when studying contemporary female migration.
2. THE SOCIAL INTEGRATION OF MIGRANT WOMEN
2.1. What are the characteristics of women's social integration?
Studies of female migration have been mostly preoccupied with the economic
integration of immigrant women working in the domestic service, tourist and sex
industries (e.g. Moroksavic 1983; Phizacklea 1983; Truong 1996; Anderson and
Phizacklea 1997; Indra 1999; Yeoh and Huang 1999; Anthias and Lazaridis 2000;
Salazar Parrenas 2001). According to these studies, women find themselves in a
strongly gendered labour market, where they take up precarious, insecure
employment in jobs that are rejected by the local populations, and that are often
associated with illegal economic activities. Migrant women fill the gaps created by the
increasing numbers of local women in full-time employment and by the lack of welfare
and state facilities for childcare.
Research on migrant women in Europe has also pointed out the significant
contributions to economic and social life in receiving countries (Kofman et al 2000).
Migrant women have always been active in the labour market, although their labour
may be invisible where they work as unpaid members in family businesses or as
home-workers in informalized jobs such as clothes manufacturing (Phizacklea 1983;
Moroksavic 1993). Increasingly women are also obtaining employment in certain
skilled professions such as nursing, teaching and computing. Migrant women also
play an important role in welfare, both as providers and recipients. They provide
welfare through both their paid and unpaid labour. In recent decades, migrant women
have had also had a significant involvement in the increasing community and political
activity of immigrant groups in European states (Kofman et al 2000). It is interesting to
6
note that in the Swiss case, more than 50% of Latin American immigrant women are
not employed. In contrast, less than 40% of Latin American men are not employed
(Swiss Federal Statistics, 2000). This is not a result of different levels of education
because as noted before, female and male Latin American immigrants have very
comparable levels of education. The low percentage of employed women is probably
explained by the family role assigned to Latin American women by Swiss society
(note that 45% of latinas are married to Swiss nationals, Swiss Federal Statistics,
2003, 68, 71). Irrespective of their education levels and desire to work, most Latin
American women in Switzerland are involved in home-making activities.
Investigations on the working conditions of immigrant women in Switzerland
have focused on cabaret dancers, sex-trade workers, domestic workers, and building
cleaners. It was shown that labour immigrant women are constrained to work in
miserable conditions. Their work is often clandestine; they work very long hours, have
no employment stability, no social security and are dependent on traffickers and
employers who exploit their plight of material need and of illegality. (Spring 1992;
Wiskeman 1993; Turtschi 1994; Canlas-Heuberger et al. 1995; Joris 1995; Karrer et
al. 1996; Schertenleib 2001; Tschannen 2001). A second set of studies examined the
segregation of the Swiss labour market according to gender and to nationality.
Foreign women are lowest on the social scale regarding income, quality of
occupational position, working hours, employment stability and educational level (Ley
1979; Merz-Krobova 1993; Fibbi 1995; Gutjahr 1997; Prodolliet 1998a).
Swiss and international studies on the social integration of immigrant women
have considerably advanced our understanding of the problem. There has been a
tendency, however, to portray women as victims for whom migration is the only way
of improving their and their families’ material quality of life. Although it is true that
many migrant women are unskilled, desperate to migrate, and often end up being
exploited, it is not correct to view them either exclusively as victims, or to assume that
all migrant women are poor, lacking education or holding an illegal status. The
reasons for women's migration are varied. There are significant differences among
migrant women regarding ethnic characteristics, educational level and legal status.
Research on migrant women needs to include a perspective that pays attention to
difference and diversity.
Recent investigations are differentiating types of immigrant women in
empirical studies (e.g. Duff and Leuppi 1997; !ancar et al. 2001). A systematic
comparison, however, of the role that factors such as country of origin, ethnic
characteristics, educational skills and legal status play in constraining or facilitating
the integration of female migrants has not yet been conducted. Besides, skilled
migrants have received scant attention by international as well as by Swiss
researchers (Haour-Knipe 1984; Shing and Chan 1988; Felber 2001; Riaño 2003,
Kofman, 2000; Raghuram, 2004). The extent to which high skills are a guarantee for
good social integration remains little understood. Preliminary research in Switzerland
is showing that many Latin American and women from Muslim countries, for example,
are unable to achieve professional integration at the level for which they have been
trained, despite University training and Swiss citizenship (Riaño, 2003; Riaño and
Baghdadi, 2004).
2.2 What are women's strategies for coping with the challenge of integration?
The active and independent role of immigrant women has been stressed by
studies that examine the social networks that women devise at the local, interregional and transnational levels, in order to facilitate integration. Networks of kin,
neighbours, and common interest groups are significant in improving the livelihood of
7
women, in supporting identity definitions, and in inter-generational exchange (e.g.
Peleikis 2000; Friedman Kasaba 2000; Meier 2000; Maloney 2002). Besides, network
ties may serve to reinforce or challenge gender relations. Gender inequality may be
magnified, challenged or diminished through the influence of networks of trust and
obligation (Curran and Cope Saguy, 1998). Recent research is showing that the
networks of migrant women may not only have an impact at the local level of the
places where they live but may also extend to wider national and international levels.
Studies of female migration in Africa, for example, show that Shona rural women in
urban Zimbabwe and Turkana rural women in urban Kenya depend on rural-urban kin
ties for their socio-economic survival and on female networks in town for economic
success (Schäfer 2000; Schultz 2000). Recent studies in United States have given
attention to transnational links between the community of origin in Mexico (Mesones)
and the community of residence in United States (Princeton) (Maloney 2000).
In Switzerland, the social networks of immigrant women have only recently
received attention (e.g. Riaño and Brutschin 1999; Suter 2000; Ifejika and Roth
2000). Such research is only preliminary and some important issues need to be
further explored. For example, the role of social networks as structures of social
control for women has been suggested but has not been studied in detail (Riaño,
2003). Also, the issue of transnationality remains little understood. Little is known on
the social interactions that take place between the communities of origin and
communities of destination of female immigrants. This is also true for research in
other European states. Studying transnationality is important because the networks of
migrant women are not restricted to the place of residence but encompass places at
the national and international level (Riaño and Brutschin 1999).
The topic of the political potential of associations of migrant women needs to
be given the attention it deserves. Studies in Italy and USA have already shown the
significant political role of inter-ethnic coalitions between female migrants as well as
of coalitions between migrant and local women (Hardy-Fanta 1993; Jones-Correa
1998; Andall 2000). Studies of latina networks in Germany show the high degree of
interconnectedness between migrant networks and feminist associations in the
countries of origin (Schwenken 2000). The well know researchers Yuval-Davis and
Werbner (1999) consider that women's communal mobilisation, and their capacity to
create alliances despite differences, is an issue that needs to be given foremost
importance in contemporary feminist research. In Switzerland, this topic is only
beginning to be addressed (e.g. Paiva-Keller 2000; Riaño 2003).
2.3. What social changes do women experience in the context of migration?
One of the central issues raised by the migration of women is the degree to
which they experience a decline or an improvement in their social position through
migration. It has been postulated that crossing borders implies a redefinition of
gender roles and of women's identities (Buijs 1993; Espín 1999). Following this
postulate, empirical studies on immigrant women have examined the effect of
migration on gender relations and on female identity. Most studies conclude that
migration has an emancipatory effect on women: they become more independent,
earn their own money, have a stronger position within the family and share
housework with their partners (e.g. Guendelman and Pérez Itriago 1987;
Mascarenhas-Keyes 1993; Lauth Bacas 1994). Recent anthropological studies have
also shown the empowering effects of migration. For example, Mafa women in
Nairobi are able to evade male-defined boundaries and construct frontiers of their
own (van Santen and Schaafsma 2000). Trinidadian women in Britain have become
key cultural figures and enabled identity reconstruction among marginalized AfroCaribbeans (Alleyne-Dettmers 2000). Spiritism becomes a form of social and
8
economic empowerment for Puerto Rican women in the United States (Schmidt
2000). Studies on this topic are scarce in Switzerland. Exceptions are the studies by
Brutschin (2001), Richter (2000) and Lüthi (2005) which conclude along similar lines
to those of the international studies.
The conclusion that migration has necessarily an empowering effect on
women has been put into question. Pessar (1999) argues that many immigrant
women working in marginal jobs do not necessarily perceive their situation as
liberating but as a necessary evil. In contrast, they perceive homemaking activities as
a place of personal- and self-determination. Salazar Parrenas (2001) shows how
Filipino domestic workers, working in Rome and Los Angeles, experience downward
social mobility from their former professional jobs, exclusion from their host society,
and both solidarity and competition from other migrant workers. Escrivá (2000) shows
that many Latin American domestic maids working in Spanish cities are highly
educated and have university diplomas. Shin and Chang (1998) show how Korean
physicians in USA work in jobs that are below their professional qualifications.
Studies by Riaño (2003) and Riaño and Baghdadi (2004) show that skilled Latin
American and women from Muslim countries who move to Switzerland experience not
only 'de-qualification' but also loss of economic and personal autonomy. Similarly,
Kofman et al (2000) have pointed out that for many migrant women, the move has
been accompanied by de-skilling.
Oversimplified arguments that female immigrants are “better-off” after their
migration need to be differentiated. Many studies that have argued for a positive,
liberating effect of migration have dealt with women coming from rural environments,
unused to being paid for their labour, who migrate to a city and start earning money of
their own. The starting-point for these women is very different from that of skilled
migrants. Skilled migrants have lived and worked in urban centres (which often are
larger than many European cities), they are used to participating in the public sphere
of society and they have led relatively independent lives before migration. Migration
does not have an emancipatory effect per se. Its effect depends on specific factors of
the migrants, such as nationality, environment of origin (urban/rural), educational
skills and family situation. Research on the social effects of migration needs to
include a perspective that pays attention to difference and diversity. Also, studies of
social integration of migrant women need to have a wider perspective than
employment alone. Researchers have argued that access to employment does not
necessarily emancipate women (Morokvasic 1984).
2.4. What are the main structural barriers to the social integration of immigrant
women?
There is no doubt that national and local immigration policies strongly
influence women’s integration. The specific state policies will determine the ability of
migrants to integrate. Recent research is examining the effects of immigration policy
on the status and exclusion of women from the labour market (Kofman and Sales
1998; Anthias and Lazaridis 2000, Riaño and Wastl-Walter forthcoming). Studies of
immigration and integration policies in Switzerland have noted that such policies are
based on assumptions of temporary migration and of males as the main migrants
(Prodolliet 1998a; Caroni 1996). This underlying perception of immigration - that does
not correspond to reality - explains both the failure of immigration policy to take into
account the specific reality of migrant women and the lack of a coherent policy for the
social integration of migrant women. Although several studies deal with the essential
elements of a future integration policy (e.g. EKA 1996; Expertenkommission Migration
1997; Wicker and Schoch 1996; Kälin 2000), they almost all fail to address the
specific situation of migrant women. Few studies (Prodolliet 1998a, Riaño 2003,
9
Riaño and Baghdadi, 2004) underscore that immigration policies for migrant women
should consider the great variety of migrant women’s lives and thus aim at facilitating
their participation in all levels of society by, e.g., improving their working conditions,
the granting of independent legal status, the wider recognition of diplomas obtained
outside of Switzerland and the creation of special integration courses. However, a
comprehensive integration policy which takes account of specific gender needs does
not exist.
Social discourses on foreigners also have a significant effect on including or
excluding immigrants from social integration. Prevailing undifferentiated constructions
of foreigners often lead to discriminatory attitudes towards them, which have the
effect of hindering their social integration (e.g. Wicker 1996; Hoffman-Nowotny 2001;
Riaño and Baghdadi, 2005). Studies by Kofman et al (2000) have shown that racial
and sexual discrimination against women in the labour market has led to their
unemployment, and to poor pay and conditions of work. In addition, discourses on
'womanhood' and 'manhood' contribute to determining gender-specific forms of social
integration (Truong 1996; Riaño and Baghdadi, 2004). Using the concept of
'exclusionary citizenships', Yuval Davis and Werbner (1999) point out that different
constructions of womanhood affect women’s participation in areas such as education,
population planning and welfare. Also, the construction of female migrants as familyformers rather than labourers has hindered the economic integration of many. The
primary focus of policies for migrant women in Europe has not been professional
integration (Kofman et al 2000).
Swiss studies on the effect of social discourse on the integration of immigrants
have not given specific attention to gender issues (e.g. Wicker 1996; HoffmanNowotny 2001). Preliminary research is showing that immigrant women are affected
by the combined effects of discriminatory discourses towards foreigners and
prevailing views of womanhood, which cast immigrant women into a reproductive role
(Prodolliet 1999; Riaño 2003; Riaño and Baghdadi, 2004). Studies of migrant women
in Europe have tended to neglect the analysis of the changing structural factors within
which immigration occurs (Kofman et al 2000). Much more research is needed on the
effects of national policy and social discourse on the integration of migrant women in
Europe. Such studies are essential to achieve a comparative understanding of the
specific situation of migrant women in Europe.
CONCLUSION
This review of the literature on migration and gender has shown that, despite
the quantitative and qualitative significance of women in migration, researchers have
not to date given sufficient attention to issues of gender. Much research is carried out
neither taking gender differences into account nor giving attention to issues of gender
relations. A complete understanding of the status of social integration of immigrant
women in Europe is not available. Female migration is still explained from a
predominantly economic perspective. Little consideration has been given to
increasingly important factors such as changing gender relations and facilitated global
communication. No systematic attention has been given so far to the differential
effects that geographical origin, ethnic factors, educational skills and legal status may
play on social integration. The creative strategies that women devise to cope with the
challenge of integration have been given insufficient attention. Analyses of the impact
of social discourse and of official policies on the social integration of immigrants have
not addressed issues of gender. Studies on the social impact of migration have
concentrated overly on poorly skilled female immigrants from rural backgrounds and
have neglected skilled immigrants from urban environments. A differentiated
10
understanding of the variety of situations and degrees of social integration of migrant
women in Europe has yet to be achieved.
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