Notes on Mopan Lexicon and Lexical Morphology

Notes on Mopan Lexicon and Lexical Morphology*
Charles Andrew Hofling
Southern Illinois University at Carbondale
[email protected]
Keywords: Yukatekan Maya, historical linguistics, language contact, morphosyntactic
change, lexicon
1. Introduction
Mopan Maya is a member of the Yukatekan branch of the Maya language family spoken
primarily in the south-central Petén in Guatemala and in the Maya Mountains region of southern
Belize. Population estimates of current speakers vary considerably, ranging from about 10,000 to
15,000 (Grimes, 2000:263; ALMG, 2001:25). Mopan is likely largely a descendent of a variety of
Yukatekan spoken in this region since the Postclassic (1000 A.D.) or earlier (Jones 1998, Hofling,
2004, 2006a) and it appears to me, like Kaufman (1991), that Mopan is most different from other
varieties, suggesting an ancient divergence. While several grammars and dictionaries have
appeared recently (Schumann, 1997; ALMG 2001, 2003), the dictionary compiled by the Ulrichs
(1976) remains the most extensive source of lexical data, but with approximately 3500 entries, is
not comprehensive. In reviewing previously collected lexical materials, I encountered information
that was often contradictory and incomplete.
For the last three years I have been engaged in fieldwork to more completely document Itzaj
and Mopan Maya as part of a larger project to document the linguistic and cultural history of
Yukatekans. I conducted fieldwork on Mopan in San Luís, Petén, during June and July of 2006
with the intention of checking existing data with current speakers and expanding upon it. All
major sources known to me, including the Proyecto Lingüístico Francisco Marroquín word list
collected in the 1970s (PLFM, 1971), Ulrich and Ulrich's (1976) dictionary, Schumann's (1997)
grammar and word list, the Academia de Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala (ALMG) 2003 dictionary,
and the Oxjajuuj Maya' Ajtz'iib' (OKMA) (2003) comparative word list were checked in
developing a lexical database of approximately 7,000 entries. During June and July of 2007 I
returned to San Luís and expanded on the database using dictionaries of other Yukatekan
languages as elicitation tools, and the database now contains over 12,800 entries. In the course of
this research I discovered a number of difficulties with the existing sources and discovered a
number of gaps in the lexical morphology that I will describe below.
Data on Mopan is critical for the reconstruction of Proto-Yukatekan because, according to
the model proposed by Kaufman (1991), which I follow, the earliest split in the Yukatekan branch
is between Mopan and the rest of Yukatekan (Figure 1). Therefore, the presence of cognate forms
in both Yukateko and Mopan is evidence of reconstructable forms in Proto-Yukatekan. As can be
seen from a comparison of Maps 1 and 2, the demography of the region changed dramatically
between 1500 and 1750. During the 17th century, Ch'olan speakers were removed from the
Lakantun forest region of Chiapas. The Spanish conquered the Itzaj capital of Tajitza in 1697, and
1
Research on Itzaj and Mopan from 2005-07 has been supported by the National Science Foundation,
grant number: NSF-BCS-0445231. Thanks are due to Nora England and all who assisted in the organization
and running of CILLA-III-07.
soon established congregaciones, or missionary settlements, around the Lake Petén Itzá, where
different ethnic groups including Kowojs, Itzajs and Mopans were forced to live together. Various
Yukatekan speakers fled into the Lakantun forest for refuge, whose descendents are the modern
Lakantun Maya. As noted in the diagram in Figure 1, I believe that Northen Lakantuns are
especially linked to Itzajs, while Southern Lakantuns are more closely linked to Yukatekos
(Hofling, 2004, 2006a, 2006b).
2. Phonology
Mopan phonology is different from that of other Yukatekan languages in a number of ways.
It has innovated d', from 'l, a change previously observed by Fisher (1973). More data suggest that
the phonological process is broader, with possible examples of 'n > d' (1d)2 and 'm > b' (1n). One
may also observe that the intransitive status suffix -el, which is well documented in Colonial
Yukateko (cy), has been retained in many more Mopan verbs than in cognate verbs in other
varieties (1b, 1d, 1i, 1j, 1k, 1m). It also noteworthy that Mopan has several doublets of examples
that have and have not underdone the shift to d' (1d, 1k, 1l).
(1)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
a.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
m.
n.
Mopan
ad'ik
chud'el
jad'i'
jed'el ~ je'nel
jed'e'ek
k'ad'äl
sud'ak
ted'o'
tud'el
ud'el
b'ud'el ~ b'u'lel
tz'id'ik ~ tz'i'lik
xud'el
job'ol
Itzaj
a'lik
chu'lul
ja'li'
je'lel
je'le'ej
k'a'läl
su'lak
te'lo'
tu'lul
u'lul
b'u'lul
tz'ib'-oltik
xu'lul
jo'mol
Yukateko
a'alik
ch'u'ulul
ja'alili'
je'elel
je'le'le'
k'a'alal
su'lak
te'elo'
tu'ulul
u'ulul
b'u'ulul
tz'íib'-oltik
xu'ulul
jo'mol (cy)
'say it'
'get wet'
'only'
'rest'
'assurative asp'
'get stuck'
'ashamed'
'there
'fill'
'arrive here'
'sink'
'desire'
'end'
'end'
In addition, the l > r shift that has been documented in Northern and Southern Lakantun
(Justeson 1986; Hofling 2006a) is also evident in Mopan, which has r-initial and r-final words that
are not Spanish borrowings, a feature shared with Ch'orti' which was spoken to the south, but
unlike Itzaj and Yukateko.
(2)
a.
b.
c.
2
Mopan
ran-k'in
reex
rin
Itzaj
Yuk
'sling'
'ash bird'
'stretch'
Sources for Itzaj are Hofling and Tesucun (2000) and fieldwork since. Information on modern
Yukateko (Yuk) comes from Durbin, (1999), Bricker et al. (1998) and the Academia de la Lengua Maya de
Yucatán (ALMY) (2002). Barrerra Vasquez et al. (1980) is the source of information on Colonial Yukateko
(cy). Northern Lakantun (N Lak) data come from a database created by Hofling based on Bruce (1968, 1974,
1975, 1976); Davis (1978); Borremanse (1998); McGee (1982, 1990) and Cook and Carlson (2004)Southern
Lakantun (S Lak) data are taken from Canger (1995).
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
m.
n.
o.
rok'
rum
ruumb'aj
ixk'erk'er
ajk'irk'ir
nar
tär
muruux
juru'ux
kurutz'
t'erech
xili'ix ~ xiri'ix
'wet'
'lengthen vertically'
'buzz'
'flower of wild banana' (onom)
'sparrowhawk'
'earwig'
'have sex'
'curly'
'drag on butt'
'cartlidge'
'eaten away
'featherless
ajk'ilk'il
nali'
mulix
mulix
Mopan also has innovated a change form final Vw to Vj in bisyllabic words (*CVCVW >
CVCVJ; Justeson 1986:20). This shift partially occurs in Itzaj for disyllabic forms (3b, 3c).
Interestingly, the w > j shift in monosyllabic words occurs in Itzaj, but not in Mopan (3h-l).
(3)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
Mopan
Itzaj
käkäj
kakaw
jaalej
jalej
chäkäj
chokoj, chokwil
kasew
sincheew
koyow
xewenak xejb'aj
chuw
chuj
ajch'a'aw
saw
saj
xow
xoj
ajt'iiw
N. Lak
kakaw
jarew
choko'
S. Lak
käkäw
jáarew
chäkäw
chejew
koyoj
chuj
chuj
Yuk
kakaw
'chocolate'
jaaleb'
'tepesquitle'
chokow, chokoj 'hot'
'male pacaya'
'spiny bambu'
'wildavocado'
'gritty'
chuj
'burn'
'owl'
'grain of wood'
'weevil'
'eagle'
There are also interesting vowel alternations among Yukatekan varieties, especially among the
high vowels ä, i, u, and between u and o.
(4)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
Mopan
ajjil-ja'as
päsäk'al
xa'num
xälab'
sa'täl
su'tul
xoom
yäk
pujuk
sajom
ajjonoon
k'oyem
Itzaj
ixjäl-ja'as
pusik'al
xanään
satäl
-xeem
yek
pojok
soom
ajjunuun, jolom
k'eyem
N. Lak
S. Lak
Yuk
puksi'ik'al
xulab'
sa'atal
sa'tär
yäk (?)
yäk
sa'atal
su'utul
sojom
jolom
k'eyem
'female plantain'
'heart'
'errand'
'star'
'lose'
'turn'
'bad smelling'
'strong smelling'
'loose (clothing)
'mojarra fish'
'wasp'
'pozole'
There are also alterations among the bilabial stops: p ~ p' ~ b', and in Mopan, the contrast
among them is especially difficult to detect word-finally.
(5)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
Mopan
ixpichich
ixtib'-te'
jopoch ~ job'on
xep'
top'
Itzaj
b'i'chich
ixtip'-te'
job'on
N. Lak
top'
top'
jab'an
S. Lak
Yuk
jab'an
xéeb'
toob'
tip'te' (cy)
job'on
xe'ep'
to'op'
'strainer'
'cyrrus'
'hollow'
'pinch'
'flower'
3. Lexicon and Borrowing
Mopan has been in intense contact with Q'eqchi' speakers in modern times and perhaps much
longer. As a result, it has a number of Queqchi' loans not found in other Yukatekan languages.
Currrently, some Mopan speakers are attempting to eliminate Q'eqchi' loans from Mopan.
(6)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
Mopan
chiw-chiw
ch'iip
ch'ajom
tz'ub'
ch'ikwaan
ixkuluk
poy-te'
samaat
ajjonoon
Q'eqchi'3
N. Lak
ch'iwch'otk
ch'i'ip
ch'ajom,
tz'ub', 'grandchild'
ch'ikwan
kuluk
poy-te'
poy-te'
samat
jolo'on
S Lak
poy-te'
Yuk
poy-te (cy)
'cheep cheep'
'youngest child
'young man'
'small child'
'small bird'
'caterpillar'
'raft'
'parsley'
'wasp'
Mopan has come into contact with Eastern Ch'olan4 (Ch'olti' and Ch'orti') more intensively
than the other Yukatekan languages have. As a result, it has more lexical borrowings from Eastern
Ch'olan. In (7e) it is also notable that Mopan and Chorti' initial /k/ corresponds to Itzaj and
Yukateko have /ch/, while in (7f) Mopan and Ch'orti' /t/. correspond to Itzaj and Yukateko /ch/.
(7)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
Mopan
Itzaj
näk'–chan
näk'-chan
ajwoyotz'
ajkiritz'
ajb'ub'
aj'usij
ixkames
ixchemes
pätaj
pichi'
t'ot'
t'ot'
ajt'urich ~ ajt'u'ul t'u'ul
meles
melen
Ch'orti' Other
Yuk
nak'-chan
wayutx' (Qan, WM)
b'ub'
b'ub' (cy)
usij
kamis
chemes
*päta(h) (pch')
pichi'
*t'ot' (pch')
úul
t'ur
t'u'ul
merex
meelem
'roof beams'
'kinkajou'
'tadpole'
'buzzard'
'centipede'
'guava'
'snail'
'rabbit'
'useless'
4. Mopan lexicon in relation to other Yukatekan languages
New evidence from Mopan shows that many more terms terms for flora and fauna than
previously documented are reconstructable for Proto-Yukatekan. These data also indicate that the
masculine noun classifier aj- and the feminine classifier ix- are more robust in Mopan and Itzaj
3
4
Information on Q’eqchi’ comes from PLFM (2003).
Data for Eastern Ch'olan are taken from Kaufman and Norman (1984), Kaufman 2003 and PLFM, (1996).
In (7) Qan is an abbreviation of Qanjob’al and WM for Western Mayan.
than in other Yukatekan varieties. Many of the gaps in Northern and Southern Lakantun are likely
the result of incomplete documentation.
(8)
Reconstructable for Proto-Yukatekan
Mopan
Itzaj
N. lak
a.
ajch'umak
ajch'umak
b.
ajch'umpaat ixchupaat
c.
chikaj
chikaj
chäkaj
d.
e.
f.
g.
chuluul
ch'anaan
ixch'ayuk
ajch'eje'
h.
i.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
u.
ixch'elem
ch'o'oj
ixk'ok'o'-ta'
ixp'u'uk
ixta'-maay
ixtoolok
ixtz'it
pän
toolok
chuluul
ixch'änay
ixch'a'yuk
ajch'eje' ~
ajch'ejun
ch'elem
ajch'o'
ixk'ok'
ixpu'
ta'-ma'ay
ajtolok
iztz'it
ajtolok
S. Lak
chulul
ajch'anex
äjch'ujum
ch'o'
k'ok' ta'
ch'o'
pän
äjtolok
pan
toorok
Yuk
ch'omak
chapáat
chakaj ~
chikaj (c)
chulúul
ixch'anan (c)
cha'-uk'
ch'ejun
ch'eelem
ch'o'
xk'ook'
xpu'
ta'a-may
tóolok
-tz'íit (ncl)
pan
tóolok
'gray fox'
'milipede'
'gumbolimbo'
'heart of tree'
'small cricket'
'nightshade'
'woodpecker'
'agave (type)'
'rat'
'zenzontle'
'chicken (type)'
'tree species'
'small lizard'
'elote, tamal'
'toucan'
'skink'
A substantial set of terms for flora and fauna indicate areal contact, with a close
relationship between Mopan and Itzaj, and significant ties with Northern and Southern Lakantun.
Thus, there are areal features that distinguish southern Yukatekan varieties from Northern
Yukateko.
(9)
`
Southern vs. Northern Yukatekan (areal)
Mopan
Itzaj
N. Lak
a.
ajtoy
ajtoy
äjtoy
b.
ajxut'
ajxut'
xut'
c.
chil
ajch'änay
äjmaas
ajch'inay (ch'l)
d.
chimun
ajchimun
äjchimon
e.
ixchuj-kib'
ajchuuj-kib'il
f.
ixkookom
g.
jach
jachil näl
h.
luwin
luwin
äjluwin
i.
tutu'
ajtutu'
tunu'
j.
tz'iy-a'
tzula'il ja'
k.
way
l.
wät'äj
wäch'
S. Lak
tóoy
Yuk
'am
maas
hmáas
kokom
jaach
waay
'spider'
'frog species'
'cricket'
'wild fig'
'dove species'
'vine'
'elote'
'luwin tree'
'jute snail'
'otter'
'zapote seed'
'tamarind'
There are also a large number of terms for flora and fauna the occur only in Mopan and
Itzaj, indicating a long period of close contact.
(10)
Mopan and Itzaj
Mopan
a.
ajk’uri’
b.
ajteren-saak'
c.
ajtuwi'is
d.
chikilab'
e.
ixch'uw-ek'
f.
ixkolool
g.
ixk'ele'-tux
h.
ixnab'a' ku'uk
i.
ixpiriwook
j.
ixteren-saak
k.
ixtukib'
Itzaj
ajkuri’
ixtensaak'
ajtuwi'is
chikila'
ixch'uj
ixmän-kolool
ajk'ele'-tux
ajnab'a'-ku'uk
ixpuruwok
ixten-saak'
ixtuki'
'itchy vine'
'jumping bird'
'platanillo'
'bromeliad'
'tinamou'
'tapir rib tree'
'allspice seed'
'ground dove'
'thorny vine'
'sincuya tree'
A considerable number of terms for flora and fauna are unique to Mopan (of Yukatekan
varieties).
(11)
Unique to Mopan
a.
ajk'ijom
b.
ajk'iyon
c.
ajsul
d.
ajteleel
e.
ajwen
f.
ajxip'i'
g.
ajxiyoj
h.
ixmorot'
i.
ixkaralu'
j.
ix'oretz'
k
pumpu'
l.
t'ulij
m.
t'ulul
n.
walawich'
o.
teey
'small bird'
'sentzontle'
'moth'
'small locust'
'frog'
'pig flea'
'tree of San Juan'
'dwarf banana'
'amaranth'
'frog'
'bot fly'
'small bird'
'small owl'
'majagua tree'
'snail'
Vocabulary in other semantic domains have somewhat different implications for linguistic
and cultural history. There are many items in various domains that are reconstructable to ProtoYukatekan, as in (12).
(12)
Other Vocabulary reconstructable to Proto-Yukatekan
Mopan
Itzaj
N. Lak
S. Lak
a.
jalan
jan
b.
jiliil ~ jiil
jiil
jil
c.
kuluul ~ -kuul -kuul
-kul
d.
k'ab'ax
k'ab'ax
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
k'exuul
k'omoj
k'ooj
k'unix ~ k'u'un
lekeb'
k'omoj
k'un ~ k'u'un
lekeb'
Yuk
jáan
jíil
-kúul
k'ab'ax
'quickly'
'drag'
'round (ncl)
'cooked
simply'
k'exul (child) 'godson'
k'omoj
'rancid'
k'oj (cy)
'mask'
k'un (cy)
'soft, loose'
lekeb' (cy) 'crossbeam'
j.
k.
l.
m.
mulix
nokoy
noroot' ~ noot'
omon ~ oom
mulix
nokoy
noot'
oom
n.
o.
p.
q.
r.
s.
t.
u.
sab'ukan
säyaab'
sutuul
taab'
t'äy
wich
säb'äk
yo'nel
sab'ukan
sayab'
sut
taab'
t'äy
ich
säb'äk
v.
w.
yo'om
yuuch'
yo'om
mulix
mura'ch
oom ~
omankäl
oom
säya'
sut
säyáab'
wich
säb'äk
onen (?)
ich
sab'ak
mulix
nóokoy
nóot'
óom
'curly'
'cloudy'
'nibble'
'boil, foam'
sáab'ukaan
sayab'
suut
ta'ab'
t'ay
ich
sab'ak
o'onel
'woven bag'
'spring'
'top, 'revolve'
'salt'
'thick'
'eye'
'(coal) soot'
'distant
relative'
'pregnant'
'fishing skein'
yo'om
yuuch'
Some vocabulary from other domains, but not large numbers, indicate the areal features
suggested by the terms for flora and fauna, as shown in (13)-(15).
(13)
(14)
(15)
Southern vs. Northern Yukatekan (areal)
Mopan
Itzaj
N. Lak
a.
moch- ~ jomol jomoch
jomoch
b.
tämäl-chi'
tämäl-chi'
tämäj-chi'
c.
täk-te'
täj-te'
d.
tich'-k'aak'tik tich'-k'aak'tik
tich-kat
e.
xälab'
xulab'
Mopan and Itzaj
Mopan
a.
tankilon
b.
wäläk'-ta'
c.
xa'num
d.
yäb'äk
Itzaj
talan-talan
wäläk'-ta'
xanään
yäb'äk
Uniquely Mopan
a.
inyaj
b.
ch'alaam
c.
ch'ixel
d.
mam
e.
kulux
f.
näb'ä'äs
g.
penk'e'es
h.
pirix
i.
tälam
j.
top
k.
t'oyooj
l.
yolooj
'sir'
'fish poison'
'rib'
'mucous'
'sucio'
'plain'
'fat'
'watery'
'respectful'
'very'
'featherless'
'loose'
'ding-dong'
'inside out'
'errand'
'roof soot'
S. Lak
täj-te'
'rapid'
'bad omen'
'pine'
'star'
5. Lexical Morphology
5.1. Instrumental with -eeb'
Mopan, unlike other modern Yukatekan languages, has a productive instrumental suffix -eeb'.
This suffix also appears in colonial Yukateko texts (Bolles and Bolles 2001:31), suggesting it is
reconstructable to Proto-Yukatekan. In Mopan it is suffixed directly to intransitive intransitive
roots (16). With positional roots it appears after -l- (17). Otherwise it appears after the passive
marker -(V)b' (18). Over 230 example appear in the database. It provides a convenient mechanism
for creating neologisms for modern technology.
(16)
(17)
Instransitive Roots
a.
jok'ol
'leave'
b.
kajal
'begin
c.
okol
'enter'
d.
talel
'come'
e.
emel
'descend'
jok'eeb'
kajeeb'
okeeb'
taleeb'
emeeb'
'exit'
'beginning'
'entry'
'something for bringing'
'something for getting down'
Positional Roots
a.
k'intal
b.
etz'tal
c.
kuxtal
d.
tintal
'warm'
'pool'
'live'
'sit'
k'inleeb'
etz'leeb'al
kuxleeb'al
tinleeb'
'thing that warms' 'sweater'
'place where water pools'
'something that gives life'
'bench'
'bring'
'lower
'help'
'remove'
'see it'
'nail'
open'
talesab'eeb'
emsab'eeb'
antab'eeb'
jaalb'eeb'
ilb'eeb'
bäjb'eeb'
jeb'b'eeb'
'something for bringing things'
'something for lowering'
'something for helping'
'something for removing'
'something for seeing'
'something for nailing'
'something for opening'
(18) Transitive stems
a.
talesik
b.
emsik
c.
antik
d.
jaaltik
e.
ilik
f.
b'äjik
g.
jeb'ik '
5.2. Positional participles with -ka'al
Mopan, unlike other modern Yukatekan varieties, forms participles from positional roots with
the suffix -ka'al. Over 150 examples appear in the database.
(19)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
k.
l.
m.
n.
o.
b'itzka'al
b'uyka'al
chelka'al
chinka'al
ch'eb'ka'al
ch'uyka'al
ech'ka'al
jäwka'al
jemka'al
jilka'al
kopka'al
k'älka'al
k'opka'al
'bent over'
'piled up'
'spread out'
'head first'
'twisted'
'hanging'
'with leges apart'
'lying face up'
'hung up'
'lying lengthwise'
'curled'
'closed'
'rolled up'
A couple of examples of adjectives derived from positional roots with -l-in were
encountered.
(20)
a.
kux-l-in ja'5
live-POSIT-ADJ water
'spring'
b.
ch'op-l-in
bubble-POSIT-ADJ
'bubbling'
5.3. Affective morphology
Like Itzaj and Yukateko, Mopan may derive verbs, adjectives and participles from affective
roots/stems with -b'aj or –b’al, -kij and -nak, respectively. Affectives are a lexical category of
words involving sensual semantics including texture, shape and movement. The derivation of
intransitive verbs with -b'aj (21) is not common in Mopan, but is common in Itzaj and Yukateko.
Deriving adjectives with -kij is productive and involves reduplication in all three modern varieties
(22). Mopan usually derives participles with a
-Vnak suffix (23a-d), but reduplicated forms also appear (23e). Itzaj participles with -nak are
always reduplicated. Colonial Yukateko had forms with -Vknak (23b) and reduplicated forms with
-nak (23f) (Smailus 1989:144-45; Bolles and Bolles 2001:62).
(21)
(22)
Affective verbs
Mopan
a.
p'is-b'aj
fight-AFV
b.
yuumb'aj
c.
k'uyb'aj
d.
leemb'aj
Affective adjectives
Mopan
a.
tä-täk'-kij
REDUP-sticky-ADJ2
b.
b'äb'äjkij
c.
b'ub'ujkij
d.
chochok'kij
(23) Affective participles
Mopan
a.
b'äj-änak
firm-PART4
b.
potonak
5
Itzaj
p'isb'aj
Yukateko
p'isb'a (cy)
'fight'
yuumb'aj
k'uyb'aj
lembaj
yúumb'al
k'uyb'a (cy)
léenb'al
'swing'
'twist'
'shine'
Itzaj
tä'täk'kij
Yukateko
tata'kil
'sticky'
b'äb'äjkij
b'ub'ujkij
cho'chok'kij
b'ab'ajkil
b'ub'ujkil
chocho'kil
'easily planted'
'splitable'
'crammed in'
Itzaj
b'äb'äjnak
C. Yukateko
'firm'
potoknak
'full of holes'
The following grammatical abbreviations are used: ADJ, adjective; AFV, affective verb; AP,
antipassive; CAUS, causative; CELER, celeritive; CIS, completive intransitive status; DETRAN, detransitivizer; IIS,
incompletive intransitive status; INTR, intransitive; ITS, incompletive transitive status; PART, participle; PAS,
passive; PERF, perfect; POSIT, positional; REDUP, reduplication.
c.
d.
e.
f.
b'ujunak
ch'ilinak
chechek'nak
b'ub'ujnak
ch'ich'ilnak
kikipnak
'splitting'
'sprouting'
'stiff'
'slippery'
In Mopan, affective roots may also an -m suffix to derive intransitive verbs, causative verbs,
and adjectives, a process not found in modern Itzaj or Yukateko. In colonial Yukateko, there was a
set of intransitive verbs derived with -m (Smailus 1989:28-29; Bolles 2001:121).
(23) Intransitive verbs.
a.
jäk'-m-äl
b.
drown-INTR-IIS
c.
pechmel,
d.
pitmil
e.
pok'mol
f.
p'olmol
g.
rok'mol
h.
sälmäl
i.
sotmol
j.
t'äjmäl
k.
t'it'mil
'drown'
'crush'
'slip'
'rot from water'
'blister'
'soak'
'air-dry'
'fall asleep (body part)
'drip'
'scatter'
Causatives may be derives from -m intransitves with the –es causative suffix, as in (24).
(24) Causatives.
a.
ch'il-m-es-ik
stiff-INTR-CAUS-ITS
b.
jäk'mesik
c.
pechmesik
d.
pitmesik
e.
pok'mesik
f.
rok'mesik
g.
sälmesik
h.
sotmesik
i.
t'äjmesik
j.
t'it'mesik
'stiffen'
'drown'
'crush'
'make slippery'
'overly soak'
'soak'
'air-dry'
'paralyze'
'drip'
'scatter'
Adjectives are formed with –m-en. Approximately 100 examples appear in the database.
(25)
Adjectives
a.
ch'eej-m-en
complress-INTR-ADJ
b.
lop'men
c.
pitmen
d.
poch'men
e.
porotz'men
f.
p'olmen
g.
rok'men
h.
sälmen
i.
sotmen
'sticky'
'dented'
'slippery'
'squashed'
'burst'
'blistered'
'wet (place)'
'damp'
'paralyzed'
j.
k.
l.
m.
n.
o.
p.
täk'men
t'äjmen
t'äymen
'it'men'
t'uchmen
xitmen
yäch'men
'sticky'
'hardened drip'
'thick'
'scattered'
'stiff'
'peeled'
'watery'
5.4. Voice morphology
Yukateko and Itzaj have very similar voice-marking morphology including the antipassive
voice, marked by -n (26a), a present perfect marked my -m (26b), and the minor voices celeritive,
marked by -k' (26c), and agentless passive, marked by -p (26d). In both Itzaj and Yukateko, the
antipassive marker -n occurs in the completive and dependent statuses, but not the incompletive
status.
(26)
Itzaj
käch-n-aj-ij
break-AP-CIS-CIS
's/he broke (something)'
Yukateko
kach-n-aj-ij
break-AP-CIS-CIS
's/he broke (something)'
b.
u-kach-m-aj
3A-break-PERF-CIS
's/he has broken it'
u-kach-m-aj
3A-break-PERF-CIS
's/he has broken it'
c.
käch-k'-aj-ij
break-CELER-CIS-CIS
'it broke suddenly'
kach-k'-aj-ij
break-CELER-CIS-CIS
'it broke suddenly'
d.
käch-p-aj-ij
break-PAS2-CIS-CIS
'it was broken'
käch-p-aj-ij
break-PAS2-CIS-CIS
'it was broken'
a.
Mopan has none of these voice markers, except for a trace of the antipassive -n and celerative k'. Unlike Itzaj and Yukateko, Mopan does have a few forms with an -n suffix in the incompletive
status, as in (27a, 27f). Completive forms in Mopan do not have the completive intransitive status
marker -aj, unlike Itzaj and modern Yukateko. David Mora-Marín pointed out to me (personal
communication, November 6, 2007) that completive forms with n-i are also described in colonial
Yukateko by Beltran (1859 [1746]: 19). One root that apparently allows the celeritive -k' was
observed (26k-l). Thus, the voice system of Mopan is quite different from that of other Yukatekan
groups.
(27)
a.
b.
Mopan
alka'-n-äl
slip.loose-AP-IIS
Itzaj
alka'
run
alka'-n-i
slip.loose-AP-CIS
'it slipped loose'
alka'-n-aj-i
run-AP-CIS-CIS
'he/she ran'
c.
ich-k-il
bathe-?-AVN
'bathing'
ich-k-il
bathe-?-AVN
'bathing'
d.
ich-n-i
bathe-AP-CIS
's/he bathed'
ich-k-il-n-aj-i
bathe-?-AVN-AP-CIS-CIS
's/he bathed'
e.
na'aj-tal
full-INCH
'become full'
na'aj-tal
full-INCH
'become full'
f.
na'aj-n-äl
full-AP?-IIS
'become full'
g.
oop'
'toast'
op'
'toast'
h.
oop'-n-i
toast-AP?-CIS
'it toasted'
op'-n-aj-i
toast-AP-CIS
's/he toasted'
i.
wäy-äl
sleep- AVN
waay
enchant
j.
wäy-n-i
sleep-AP?-CIS
's/he slept'
waay-n-aj-i
enchant-AP-CIS-CIS
's/he enchanted'
k.
us-k'-al
return-CELER-DETR/IIS
'return'
sut-k'-aJ-al
return-CELER-DETR-IIS
'return'
l.
us-k'-aj-i
return-CELER-DETR-CIS
's/he returned'
sut-k'-aj-i
return-CELER-DETR-CIS
's/he returned'
In the incompletive status, most Mopan antipassive forms of transitive roots have no suffix,
like other Yukatekan languages (28), while derived transitive verbs take an -aj detransitivizing
suffix (29)-(30). Examples of
-s causative antipassive forms appear in (29). As indicated by (29e-f), the -s causative is more
widely distributed in Mopan than in Itzaj.
(28) Incompletive antipassive forms of transitive roots
Mopan
Itzaj
a.
b'äk' ~ b'ak
b'äk' ~ b'ak'
b.
b'on
b'on
c.
chuy
chuy
'coil'
'paint'
'sew'
d.
e.
f.
g.
ch'ot ~ ch'ot-ool
twist-AVN
jätz' ~ jatz' ~ jatz–aj
whip-DETR
sut-uul
turn-AVN
ch'ot
'twist'
jätz- ~ jatz'
'whip'
sut
'turn over'
(29) Incompletive antipassive dorms of causatives with -s.
Mopan
Itzaj
a.
ch'ij-s-aj
ch'ij-s-aj
grow-CAUS-DETR
grow-CAUS-DETR
b.
em-s-aj
em-s-aj
descend-CAUS-DETR
descend CAUS-DETR
c.
jok'-s-aj
jok'-s-aj
leave-CAUS-DETR
leave-CAUS-DETR
d.
chuk-ul-b'-es-aj
chuk-b'-es-aj
reach-AVN?-?-CAUS-DETR
reach-?-CAUS-DETR
e.
kuk-l-es-aj
kuk-ul
roll-AVN?-CAUS-DETR
roll-AVN
f.
p'ol-m-es-aj
–
blister-AFV-CAUS-DETR
'rear'
'lower'
'take out'
'complete'
'roll'
'blister'
Mopan also has incompletive antipassive forms with -aj for causatives derived from nouns
or adjectives with -kUn-(-t), unlike Itzaj or Yukateko.6
(30)
Causatives with -kUn
a.
ch'uuk-kin-t-aj
sweet-CAUS-TRN-DETR
'sweeten'
b.
b'utz'-kin-aj
smoke-CAUS-DETR
'smoke'
c.
ket-kun-aj
even-CAUS-DETR
'make level'
d.
kool-kin-aj
loose-CAUS-DETR
'loosen'
Causatives derived from positional roots with -kUn(-t) may also have incompletive antipassive
forms with -aj, unlike Itzaj and Yukateko.
(31) Causatives of positionals with –kUn-(t)-aj
6
The vowel in the -kUn suffix is disharmonic, appearing as -kun following syllables with
unrounded vowels, but as -kin following syllables with rounded vowels.
a.
ch'uy-kin-t-aj
hang-CAUS-TRN-DETR
'hang'
b.
much'-kin-t-aj
gather-CAUS-TRN-DETR
'gather', 'pile'
c.
päk-kun-t-aj
lie.face.down-CAUS-TRN-DETR
'place face down'
While Mopan does not have an agentless passive with -p-aj, unlike Itzaj and Yukateko (26d), it
does have agentless antipassive forms marked it with -b'aan. Such forms do not appear in modern
Yukateko, but are documented in colonial Yukateko (Smailus 1989:37; Bolles and Bolles
2001:107).
(32)
Mopan passives with -b'aan
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
käch-b'aan-äl
break-PAS2-IIS
känb'aanäl
käxb'aanäl
kojb'aanäl
k'ok'olb'aanäl
k'uyb'aanäl
läjb'aanäl
pätb'aanäl
potz'b'aanäl
toxb'aanäl
t'ochb'aanäl
'it is broken'
'be learned
'be found'
'be poisoned (fish)'
'be rolled'
'be twisted'
'be hit'
'be sculpted'
'be skinned'
'be scattered'
'be pulled out'
6. Conclusion
New lexical evidence from Mopan is critical for the task of reconstructing Proto-Yukatekan
and hundreds if not thousands of new cognates have been identified. Mopan lexicon also provides
strong evidence of contacts with Kekchi speakers, well documented in modern times, and with
Eastern Ch'olan speakers, documented ethnohistorically. There is also good evidence of contact
with Itzaj speakers, and shared terms for flora and fauna are especially notable. The presence of
certain doublets with Itzaj and Mopan variants of the same terms suggests that Itzaj speakers may
have fled south after the 1697 Spanish conquest of their capital. There is also evidence of contact
with Lakantun speakers, suggesting that Mopans were among the groups to flee to the Lakantun
forest for refuge after the Spanish conquest of the Itzajs in 1697.
Regarding lexical morphology, a variety of processes have been identified that are unique to
Mopan including Mopan positional participles marked with -ka'al, and antipassive marking. Other
processes appear to be unique today, including instrumental nouns with -eeb', derivations from
affective roots/stems with -m, and passives with -b'aan, but are documented in colonial Yukateko,
and therefore evidence for reconstructing them in Proto-Yukateko. The current findings are
summarized in (33). Careful documentation of Mopan is, therefore, critically important for an
understanding of the linguistic and cultural history of the Yukatekan branch of the Maya language
family.
(33)
-eeb' instrumental
-ka'al positional participle
-m affective derivations
-n antipassive
-b'aan passive
Mopan
+
+
+
(+)
+
Itzaj
+
-
Yukateko
+
-
c. Yukateko Proto-Yukateko
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
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Language as Spoken in Hocabá, Yucatán. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
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-----. (1974). El Libro de Chan K'in. Mexico: Instituto de Antropología e Historia Coleción
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International.
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-----. (2006b). A Sketch of the History of the Verbal Complex in Yukatekan Mayan Languages.
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Kaufman, Terrance (with John S. Justeson). (2003). A Preliminary Mayan Etymological
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McGee, Jon R. (1983). Sacrifice and Cannibalism: An Analysis of Myth and Ritual among the
Lacandon Maya of Chiapas Mexico. Ph.D. Dissertation. Rice University.
Oxlajuuj Keej Maya' Ajtz'iib'. (2003). Vocabulario Comparativo. Guatemala: Cholsamaj.
-----. (1990). Life, Ritual, and Religión Among the Lacandon Maya. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Proyecto Lingüístico Francisco Marroquín. (1971). Cuestionario lingüístico para la investigación
de las variacones de las lenguas de Guatemala (de Mopán). Antigua, Guatemala: PLFM.
-----. 1996. Diccionario Ch'orti', Jocotan, Chiquimula: Ch'orti' - Español. Antigua, Guatemala:
PLFM.
-----. 2003. Diccionario Q’eqchi’. Iximilew, Guatemala: PLFM.
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Smailus, Ortwin. (1989). Gramática Maya. Hamburg: Wayasbah.
Ulrich, Mateo and Rosemary de Ulrich. (1976). Diccionario Bilingüe Maya Mopán y Español,
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Verano en Guatemala.
Department of Anthropology
Southern Illinois University at Carbondale
Carbondale, IL 62901-4502
USA
[email protected]
1000 AD
Proto-Yukatekan
1250 AD
1450 AD
Kowoj
1650 AD
2000 AD
Mopan
Itzaj
N. Lakantun
S. Lakantun
Yukateko
Figure 1: The Yukatekan branch of the Mayan Language Family
Chich'en Itzá
Mayapán
Yukateko
Champotón
Chontal
Ikaiche
Kejache
Tikal
Itzaj
Kowoj
Chol
Mopan
Cholti
Chorti
Map1:Lowland Mayan Languages 1500 AD
Chich'en Itzá
Mayapán
Yukateko
Chontal
Chol
Tikal
Itzaj
Lakantun
Mopan
Chorti
Map 2: Mayan Languages after 1700