The impact of male-oriented organisational cultures on the career

Transcription

WOMEN’S UNDERREPRESENTATION IN MANAGEMENT
POSITIONS IN THE CORPORATE WORLD:
GENDERED HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PRACTICES AND
FEMALE COPING PATTERNS
Inaugural dissertation
submitted to attain the academic degree
doctor rerum politicarum
(Doktor der Wirtschaftswissenschaften)
at the
ESCP EUROPE
WIRTSCHAFTSHOCHSCHULE BERLIN
by
Dipl. Volkswirtin Angela Kornau
born on May 25th, 1984 in Münster, Germany
Berlin
2014
Doctoral examination committee
Head:
Prof. Dr. Frank Jacob
Examiner:
Prof. Dr. Marion Festing
Examiner:
Prof. Dr. Barbara Sieben
Day of disputation: November 10, 2014
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
When I look back on the years of writing this dissertation, many people come to my mind who
were extremely supportive and helped me accomplish my goals.
First of all, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Marion Festing, for being a great supervisor and
mentor to me – she was always encouraging and optimistic. As the co-author of the articles
presented in this dissertation she also provided her invaluable knowledge and thus added
significant worth to this thesis.
I also thank Prof. Dr. Barbara Sieben, for taking the time to be the second examiner of this
thesis.
I would like to express my gratitude to my other co-authors from ESCP Europe, Prof. Dr.
Claudia Jonczyk, Dr. Lena Knappert and Dr. Lynn Schäfer. In particular, I thank Lena and
Lynn, with whom I worked closely on different projects and not only profited from their
expertise and the exchange of ideas, but also enjoyed their encouragement and friendship.
Furthermore, I am grateful to all the other professors from ESCP Europe for their advice and
fruitful discussions as well as to the doctoral students who were with me during the last years
as researchers but also as great friends. Especially, I thank Dennis, Erik, Eva, Flo, Kathi, Max,
Michael H. and Steffi for making my time at ESCP so much fun. Special thanks go to my
(former) colleagues from the Chair for their great support and team spirit: Annabelle, Ihar,
Micha, Michael T., Stephi and Steve.
Finally, I express my gratitude to my family and friends, especially to my dearest friend Julia
and my husband Finn for their endless support, patience and love during the last few years.
Thanks for always being there.
Table of Contents
List of Figures...........................................................................................................................ii
List of Tables............................................................................................................................iii
List of Abbreviations...............................................................................................................iv
1.
Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1
2.
The Challenge of Measuring and Evidence for the Global Underrepresentation of
Women in Management Positions ................................................................................... 6
3.
Feminist Schools of Thought – Locating the Thesis in the Field .................................. 9
4.
Conceptual Perspectives on Women’s Underrepresentation in Management .......... 14
4.1 Person-Centred Perspective ........................................................................................ 14
4.2 Organisation Structure Perspective ............................................................................. 16
4.3 Gender-Organisation-System Perspective .................................................................. 18
4.3.1 Gendered construction of management ............................................................ 19
4.3.2 Gendered human resource management practices ............................................ 20
4.4. Comparing Conceptual Perspectives and relating them to the Manuscripts ............. 22
5.
An Overview of the Three Manuscripts ....................................................................... 24
5.1 Research Deficits, Research Foci and Applied Conceptual Perspectives .................. 24
5.2 Paradigmatic orientation and methodology ................................................................ 27
6.
Research Manuscripts .................................................................................................... 31
6.1 Gender-Specific Preferences in Global Performance Management – An Empirical
Study of Male and Female Managers in a Multinational Context ............................. 31
6.2 Think Talent – Think Male? A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Gender
Inclusion in Talent Management Practices in the German Media Industry .............. 32
6.3 Female Managers in Professional Service Firms: Patterns in Work-Family
Management and Networking Approaches ............................................................... 33
7.
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 34
7.1 Summary of Results and Contributions ...................................................................... 34
7.2 Limitations .................................................................................................................. 37
7.3 Future Research Avenues ........................................................................................... 38
7.4 Practical Implications ................................................................................................. 40
i
List of Figures
Figure 1:
Framework of this thesis, in order to study the scarcity of female managers…3
Figure 2:
Burrel and Morgan’s four paradigms for the analysis of social theory………28
Figure 3:
Overview of the key findings of this thesis……………………………..........34
ii
List of Tables
Table 1:
Women in top management positions in the EU (EU-28)..................................6
Table 2:
Summary of feminist schools of thought..........................................................10
Table 3:
Overview of manuscripts and publication status..............................................25
iii
List of Abbreviations
BMFSFJ
Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend
BMBF
Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung
Ed.
Editor
Eds.
Editors
e.g.
Exempli gratia (for example)
et al.
Et alii (and others)
EU
European Union
GLOBE
Global Leadership and Organizational Behaviour Effectiveness Program
GPM
Global performance management
HRM
Human resources management
Hrsg.
Herausgeber (Editor/s)
i.e.
Id est (that is)
ILO
International Labour Organization
MNE
Multinational enterprise(s)
NALP
The Association for Legal Career Professionals
OECD
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
p./pp.
Page/s
PM
Performance management
PSF
Professional service firm
TM
Talent management
Vol.
Volume
iv
Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions
Introduction
1. Introduction
Despite progress in the last 30 years relating to the more equal participation of women in the
corporate world, it is still a worldwide phenomenon that companies’ management positions are
composed predominantly of men (European Commission, 2013; ILO, 2010). As a
consequence, a political debate has arisen internationally about how to improve women’s share
of management positions, causing many countries to introduce female quota legislation or
voluntary measures to prevent discrimination (European Commission, 2012b). Though
evidence on this matter is mixed (De Cieri, 2009), many studies suggest that companies may
increase their financial performance by integrating more women into important decisionmaking processes (e.g. Campbell & Mínguez-Vera, 2008; European Commission, 2012b;
Robinson & Dechant, 1997). However, excluding women from positions of power is not only
a question of ensuring a company’s competitiveness, but also a question of social justice and
equal rights for women and men within and beyond organisational boundaries (European
Commission, 2012a). Therefore, the career advancement of female managers, defined in terms
of vertical movement, and the identification of factors favouring or hindering female career
prospects are of major relevance for organisations and society.
The debate about discrimination against women in the workforce has occupied the
thoughts of scholars and practitioners for many decades. As part of this debate the women-inmanagement research field emerged in the 1980s and started to establish itself as an important
scientific area devoted to addressing questions of gender inequality in management (Powell,
2011). In particular, since 1986, when The Wallstreet Journal first used the term ‘glass ceiling’
as a metaphor for an invisible barrier that blocks women’s vertical career advancement, an
extensive discussion about the underrepresentation of women in positions higher up the
hierarchy, and the underlying reasons for this issue, has commenced (Morrison, White, & Van
Velsor, 1987; Schmidt, 2004). Numerous factors that explain the scarcity of women in
management positions have been identified, among which the most prominent ones are
women’s isolation from male-dominated networks, the scarcity of female role models and
mentors and the challenge in reconciling conflicting time demands between family and career
(Baumgartner & Schneider, 2010; Guillaume & Pochic, 2009b; O'Neil, Hopkins, & Bilimoria,
2008; Oakley, 2000; Sealy & Singh, 2010).
In line with previous researchers (Festing & Okech, 2007), and in order to structure
these various influencing factors better, the thesis is dissected into two levels of analysis:
organisational and individual. Accordingly, the overarching research objective of this thesis is
1
Introduction
to investigate how certain organisational- and individual-level factors (specified further below)
may – in different contexts – contribute to the lack of female managers in the corporate sector.
On the organisational level, women-in-management researchers stress the importance
of HRM practices, in order to understand better women’s poor promotion prospects (Holst &
Wiemer, 2010; Powell, 2011). Scholars have analysed the discriminatory dynamics in the
context of HRM practices such as performance appraisal or selection procedures, in particular
the pro-male bias exhibited in interpersonal interactions (Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, & Ristikari,
2011; Maurer & Taylor, 1994). However, less is known about and how (international) HRM
practices may be gendered in a way that they reflect and reproduce male-biased norms, values
and patterns of working (Hearn, Metcalfe, & Piekkari, 2012).
The first overriding goal of this thesis is thus to address this research deficit and to
analyse apparently gender-neutral (international) HRM practices critically through a gender
lens (Hearn et al., 2012; Dickens, 1994; Konrad & Linnehan, 1995; Steele, 1992; Woodall,
1996). We narrow down the variety of HR practices by targeting two practices that impact
significantly on women’s career development, namely global performance management
(GPM) (Alimo-Metcalfe, 1993) and talent management (TM) (Tatli, Vassilopoulou, &
Özbilgin, 2012). Performance management (PM) is a process through which the performance
of employees is continuously evaluated based on specific criteria that are linked to
organisational goals (Björkman, 2002; Festing, Dowling, Weber, & Engle, 2011; Lindholm,
2000), while GPM can be understood as “the conceptualisation and application of PM in the
international context of MNEs” (Knappert, 2013, p. 20). TM can be defined as an
organisation’s ability to attract, select, develop, and retain key talent (in a global context) (Stahl
et al., 2007). These talented employees are pivotal, valuable, rare and difficult to imitate
(Barney, 1991, 1995; Boudreau & Ramstad, 2007; Cascio & Boudreau, 2010; Vaiman &
Vance, 2008), and therefore they are of significant strategic importance to any organisation
looking to create a competitive advantage (Barney, 1991, 1995; Thunnissen, Boselie, &
Fruytier, 2013). Hence, the design of GPM and TM strongly influences who is considered a
‘high performer’ or a ‘talent’ – and thus who has the greater chance of being promoted to a
management position.
On the individual level, studies have examined (perceived) gender differences in
organisational behaviour, e.g. leadership style or work values, in order to explain differential
career outcomes for women and men (Ely & Padavic, 2007; Oakley, 2000; Tharenou, 1999).
Studies focusing on gender differences in organisational behaviour add an important
perspective to the study of managerial women; however, results on this matter are ambiguous
2
Introduction
(Holst & Wiemer, 2010) and these investigations tend to oversimplify reality by presuming
homogeneity within the female group (Ely & Padavic, 2007). Examinations focusing on the
heterogeneity of career-oriented women and how they deal differently with barriers to career
advancement, such as the challenges involved in combining family and career and the
dominance of male networks, are scarce (Due Billing, 2011; Hull & Nelson, 2000; Walsh,
2012). Therefore, the second goal of this thesis is to consider not only differences between
women and men, but also diversity among women. Figure 1 illustrates the research framework
of this dissertation, including factors on the individual and organisational level.
Figure 1: Framework of this thesis, in order to study the scarcity of female managers
Furthermore, as illustrated in Figure 1, throughout this dissertation it is acknowledged
that the reported numbers of women in management roles vary according to the countryspecific, industry-specific and organisation-specific context (Holst, Busch, & Kröger, 2012;
Schwarze et al., 2012; Terjesen & Singh, 2008). Regarding the organisational context, the
number of women in management positions decreases as the size of the company increases
(Holst et al., 2012; Schwarze et al., 2012). Hence, large companies are an interesting object of
research, in order to understand better the lack of women in managerial positions and thus
3
Introduction
present the focus of this thesis (number of employees of investigated firms between 5,500 and
180,000).
Moreover, industries vary in the degree to which women are present in managerial
functions. Some industries, for instance, such as the energy sector, are thoroughly maledominated, i.e. they lack women not only in positions higher up the hierarchy, but also at entry
level (Carlsson-Kanyama, Ripa Juliá, & Röhr, 2010). Other industries, such as professional
services and the media industry, are more gender-balanced, in that they display almost equal
numbers of men and women at entry level, albeit women in decision-making positions are
scarce (BMBF, 2005; Catalyst, 2013a, 2013b; NALP, 2013; Weischenberg, Malik, & Scholl,
2006).
With respect to the country-specific context, data sources consistently demonstrate that
the underrepresentation of women managers is a worldwide phenomenon that persists across
the globe, albeit to varying degrees due to different legislative and cultural characteristics (De
Cieri, 2009; European Commission, 2012b; ILO, 2010). In order to obtain an all-encompassing
perspective of this phenomenon, this dissertation includes data from various country-specific
contexts, including China, France, Germany, South Africa, UK and USA, and different
industry contexts, including the energy, professional services and media industries.
Each of the three manuscripts follows a specific research question and methodological
approach, in order to accomplish the abovementioned research goals. By conducting a
quantitative study (questionnaire) in a multinational enterprise (MNE) in five globally spread
and economically relevant countries, the first research manuscript investigates gender-specific
preferences concerning various GPM elements and whether actually applied GPM practices
are gendered in a way that they are systematically more in line with male managers’
preferences. The second article seeks to conceptualise what constitutes inclusive TM with
respect to gender and then contrasts – based on a comparative case study design – how two
companies from the German media industry approach issues of gender inclusion differently.
While the first two manuscripts stress gender (stereotypical) differences, the third manuscript
– based on in-depth interviews with female managers from auditing and law firms (UK) –
focuses on the heterogeneity between women and analyses how they cope with the challenges
of reconciling the partnership track and family within a professional service firm (PSF) as well
as identifying the networking strategies they employ in this respect.
To sum up, this dissertation seeks to contribute to existing research in various ways.
First and foremost, it aims at enriching the women-in-management and (international) HRM
literature by questioning the gender neutrality of commonly applied HRM practices crucial to
4
Introduction
the career advancement of women, namely GPM and TM. First of all, this is achieved by
suggesting a conceptualisation to measure the degree to which GPM and TM practices can be
considered gendered, i.e. more in line with men’s preferences, masculine stereotypes or
discriminatory against women. Secondly, a methodological tool from cross-cultural research is
developed and applied to a gender-specific research question. Specifically, this questionnaire
serves to capture the extent to which HRM practices are biased towards male managers’
preferences. Moreover, this thesis concentrates not only on gendered HRM practices on the
organisational level, and possible obstacles that may hinder the opportunities of women in the
workplace, but it also provides an all-encompassing analysis by stressing individual agency
and the coping patterns of female professionals, thereby taking into consideration how women
deal (successfully) with the status quo from an individual perspective. Furthermore, the
consideration of different contexts and multiple methodological and paradigmatic orientations
allows us to increase our understanding of the scarcity of female managers as a complex and
multilayered global phenomenon.
The remainder of this thesis is structured as follows. In the next section, some evidence
on women’s underrepresentation in management positions is provided, followed by a short
overview of feminist schools of thought, in order the locate the present thesis in the research
field. Next, different perspectives on the scarcity of women managers are presented, in order
to structure the conceptual background information considered in the three manuscripts.
Thereafter, an overview of the manuscripts is given, followed by a presentation of the original
research manuscripts. Finally, the thesis concludes by summarising the key findings and
contributions, discussing the limitations of the manuscripts and then presenting ideas for future
research and practice.
5
Challenge of Measuring and Evidence
2. The Challenge of Measuring and Evidence for the Global
Underrepresentation of Women in Management Positions
Data on women in management positions are highly heterogeneous. This is partly due to the
fact that a variety of definitions of the term ‘management position’ exist, which in turn makes
it difficult to compare figures, especially over time (Holst et al., 2012). Therefore, I draw on
the databases of two international organisations, namely the European Commission and the
International Labour Organisation (ILO), to provide comparable international data on women’s
representation in management roles and to illustrate the different approaches to measuring this
phenomenon. Furthermore, the context specificity of the data is discussed.
Table 1: Women in top management positions in the EU (EU-28)
Position
Definition
Board
Member
All members of the highest
decision-making body in each
company1 (i.e. chairperson, nonexecutive directors, senior
executives and employee
representatives)
Chairperson of the highest
decision-making body in each
company
Chief Executive Officer or
equivalent position
Senior executives in the two
highest decision-making bodies in
each company3
Non-executive directors in the two
highest decision-making bodies in
each company
Board
President
CEO
Executive
NonExecutive
Proportion of women (%)
2003
2013
9
18
2
5
n.a.2
3
n.a.
12
n.a.
19
Source: European Commission (2013)
Recent
data
from
the
European
Commission
(2013)
indicate
that
the
underrepresentation of women in management positions in the corporate sector is still striking.
1
The highest decision-making body in each company refers to the supervisory board (in the case of a two-tier
governance system) or the board of directors (in a unitary system) (European Commission, 2013).
2
‘n.a.’ indicates that no data were available for that year.
3
The two highest decision-making bodies in each company refers to the supervisory board and the management
board (in the case of a two-tier governance system) and the board of directors and executive/management
committee (in a unitary system) (European Commission, 2013).
6
Although there is at least a positive upward trend, as the percentage of female board members
has doubled in the last ten years from 9% (2003) to 18% (2013), in other positions such as
Board President or CEO, women’s representation is still marginal (see Table 1).
In contrast, the ILO uses a different statistical measure than the European Commission
and defines the indicator “Female share of employment in senior and middle management (%)”
as “the proportion of females in total employment in senior and middle management
corresponding to the ISCO-88 categories 11 (legislators and senior officials) and 12 (corporate
managers). The indicator provides information on the proportion of women who are employed
in decision-making and management roles in government, large enterprises and institutions”
(ILO, 2010). Accordingly, the ILO applies a much broader definition compared to the
European Commission, which does not focus exclusively on the corporate sector and also
includes middle management positions. Consequently, the ILO data draw a more optimistic
picture and suggest that female participation in managerial roles increased between 2002 and
2012 from 31.4% to 32.3% in the United Kingdom and from 23.3% to 28% in Germany (ILO,
2010). Despite different definitions applied by various studies, the overall picture is clear:
although there is a positive trend, progress remains slow and women are still far from being
represented equally in management positions across the globe. When referring to this issue
throughout this thesis, we refer not only to top management roles (e.g. supervisory or
management board members) (European Commission, 2013), but also middle management
positions (e.g. head of department) (Schwarze et al., 2012) in the private sector.
In spite of this overall tendency, as mentioned in the introduction, figures on the
proportion of women in management positions vary according to the country-, industry- and
organisation-specific context. Concerning the organisational context, the size of the company
(number of employees and/or sales volume) is a crucial factor related to opportunities open to
women (Holst et al., 2012; Songini & Gnan, 2009). Data suggest that there are fewer women
in management positions in larger enterprises compared to small- and medium-sized
enterprises (Holst et al., 2012; Schwarze et al., 2012). However, research investigating the
conditions for women in smaller organisations, and the extent to which they create a more or
less favourable environment, is scarce (Songini & Gnan, 2009), and thus little is known about
the reasons why large companies, compared to smaller enterprises, have more difficulties in
ensuring equal promotional chances for women.
Furthermore, there are major industry-specific variances in women’s participation in
decision-making processes. For instance, in Germany, women occupy 35.1% of management
positions in the health and social sectors, while they only achieve 15.6% in the energy sector
7
and 13.5% in banking and financial services (Schwarze et al., 2012). This is partly due to the
fact that women have different preferences concerning their field of study at university. For
instance, while women only make up 22.1% of university graduates in engineering, they
constitute the large majority of degree holders in elementary school teaching (89.7%)
(BMFSFJ, 2010). However, in some industries the lack of female managers cannot be
explained by the scarcity of young female talent. For instance, the media industry and the
professional services sector (including law and auditing firms) display an almost equal
representation of women and men at entry level, though gender inequality persists in middle
and top management positions (Catalyst, 2013a, 2013b; NALP, 2013; Weischenberg et al.,
2006).
Finally, regarding the national environment, progress depends on political and
legislative measures, which range from the implementation of female quota legislation with
sanctions (Belgium, France, Italy and Norway) or without sanctions (Netherlands and Spain)
through to voluntary instruments such as corporate governance codes (e.g. Germany, Sweden
or UK) (European Commission, 2012b). Furthermore, countries vary in their cultural traditions
and values and the extent to which they support the idea of ‘gender egalitarianism’ (House,
Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman, & Gupta, 2004), thereby indicating that existing barriers to female
career advancement, for instance the persistence of gender stereotypes or male-dominated
networks, are contingent upon the national environment (Cooke, 2010; Davidson & Burke,
2000). As a consequence, the number of women in top management positions varies strongly
and ranges, for example, from 1% in Japan and 3% in Malta through to 10-15% in China and
the USA and up to 42% in Norway (European Commission, 2012b; OECD, 2008; Terjesen &
Singh, 2008).
Overall, this brief summary demonstrates that the scarcity of female managers still
persists; however, data on managerial women are heterogeneous, as they are contingent upon
the definition applied and the context of the data collection.
8
Feminist Schools of Thought
3. Feminist Schools of Thought – Locating the Thesis in the Field
Feminist research is a major influence on mainstream social science and incorporates a variety
of feminist approaches (Campbell & Wasco, 2000). The goal of the following section is to
provide the reader with a brief overview of feminist perspectives, in order to clarify where the
research projects presented herein can be located within this field. It must be noted that
throughout the thesis (including the manuscripts) the terms ‘feminist studies’ and ‘gender
studies’ are used synonymously. There is little difference between gender and feminist studies
with regard to the topics of interest and applied methods, but just with respect to the
terminology, as the gender studies notion is considered less intimidating (Bendl, 2006).
There are multiple forms of feminism or schools of thought, each of which embraces
different historical roots and research interests (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Campbell & Wasco,
2000; Hanappi-Egger, 2004). All of these “feminisms are similar in that they focus on the
experiences of women’s lives and the oppression of women in this culture, yet they are different
in how they conceptualize that marginalization” (Campbell & Wasco, 2000, p. 775). A
summary of the features and key differences of feminist approaches is provided in Table 2.
However, it must be noted that feminist schools of thought cannot be seen as completely
distinct or sequential categories but rather as overlapping and sometimes having blurred
boundaries (Calás & Smircich, 1996). The objective of the following paragraphs is not to go
into detail about every approach to feminism (see Calás & Smircich, 1996 for an in-depth
review) but rather to explain the connection between them in relation to this thesis.
9
Table 2: Summary of feminist schools of thought
Features
Liberal
Conception of
sex/gender
Sex as part of an
essential
biological
endowment, a
binary variable.
Gender is
socialised into
human beings
for appropriate
behaviour.
Conception of
the ‘good
society’
Allows
individuals to
exercise
autonomy and
fulfill
themselves
through a system
of individual
rights.
Main research
interests in
organisation
studies
Women-inmanagement,
e.g. glass ceiling,
sex differences
in leadership,
biased HRM
practices.
Radical
Psychoanalytical
‘Sex class’ is the Individuals
condition of
become sexually
women as an
identified as part
oppressed class. of their
psychosexual
development.
Gender is a
Gender structures
social
a social system of
construction that male domination
ensures women’s which influences
subordination to psychosexual
men.
development.
Gender/sex-free No gender
society (or
structuring
maybe
because both
matriarchy).
parents share
children’s
upbringing.
Marxist
Socialist
Gender is part of
historical class
relations which
constitute
systems of
oppression under
capitalism.
Gender is
processual and
socially
constituted
through several
intersections of
sex, race,
ideology and
experiences of
oppression under
patriarchy and
capitalism.
Eliminates all
systems of
private/public
oppression based
on sex, gender,
race, class, etc.
and thus
transforms social
relations.
Feminist
organisational
practices,
‘women-centred
theorising’.
Focus on society
and capitalism to
analyse
inequality and
power relations.
Early socialisation
and psychosexual
development and
their effects, e.g.
on managerial
women.
Classless society
that allows for
the full
development of
human nature.
Gendering of
organisations,
sexual division
of labour,
occupational sex
segregation.
Poststructuralist/
Postmodern
Sex/Gender are
discursive
practices that
constitute specific
subjectivities
through power
and resistance in
the materiality of
human bodies.
Requires an
ongoing
deconstruction of
discourses and
practices that
constitute it.
Focus on the
discursive
construction and
the precarious
nature of gender
in organisations.
Third world/
(Post)Colonial
Considers the
constitution of
complex
subjectivities
beyond Western
conceptions of
sex/gender
focusing on
gendered
aspects of the
globalisation
process.
Western
ideology
produced
through colonial
relationships
that favour
Westernisation.
Other social
formations are
possible.
Questions
gender as a
stable analytical
lens across
cultures,
intersectionality.
Source: Adapted from Calás and Smircich (1996)
10
One major feature that distinguishes feminist approaches from one another is the
conception of gender. In contrast to some feminist schools of thought, which understand gender
as socially constituted through intersections of sex, race and ideology (socialist feminism) or
as a discursive practice (poststructuralist feminism), liberal feminists rely on a binary definition
of sex and gender and often treat it as a dichotomous variable with universal characteristics
(Calás & Smircich, 1996). While ‘sex’ refers to an individual’s biological and physical
characteristics, the term ‘gender’ is understood as a social construction of the categories
‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’, based upon which are culturally considered appropriate attributes
and behaviours for a man or a woman (Unger, 1979). For instance, characteristics
stereotypically associated with the female sex or gender are collaboration, egalitarianism, the
empowerment of others, gentleness, nurturing or inclusiveness. Conversely, stereotypical
masculine attributes include aggressiveness, competitiveness, control, hierarchical authority,
individualism, objectivity, status orientation or task efficiency (Loden, 1985; see Maier, 1999
for a comprehensive review).
In this dissertation, sex is understood as an integral part of a person’s gender, but at the
same time it is acknowledged that gender also includes societal and cultural constructions
(Broadbridge & Hearn, 2008). Consistent with liberal feminists, our arguments throughout the
manuscripts are based on a binary conception of gender. Yet, we understand gender differences
as variations not only between women and men (sex differences), but also as variations between
people (differences based on gender stereotypes, i.e. stereotypical masculinity and femininity).
Liberal feminism has received a lot of criticism for relying on this binary gender definition
because of the risk in reproducing gender stereotypes and existing gendered power relations
(Calás & Smircich, 1996; Due Billing, 2011). However, in the context of this work we value
this definition because it provides a helpful analytical framework for our research purposes.
A second important feature employed to differentiate feminist schools of thought is the
conception of the ‘good society’. The majority of women-in-management research is
“consistent with liberal political theory’s assumptions about human nature” (Calás & Smircich,
1996, p. 223). Basic assumptions of liberal feminism are that humans are rational individuals
and a just society is one that allows them to fulfill themselves. In line with these assumptions,
much of the women-in-management literature presumes that individuals seek to attain highstatus, well-paid leadership positions higher up the organisational hierarchy and that a fair
organisation is one that minimises obstacles that may otherwise prevent women from achieving
that goal. The primary research topics and overarching goal of liberal feminist and women-inmanagement researchers is thus to break down structural barriers hindering the career
11
advancement of women and to investigate the extent to which gender differences prohibit fair
access to managerial positions for both women and men (Calás & Smircich, 1996; HanappiEgger, 2004). The primary focus of liberal feminists is not to analyse or revisit societal systems
or norms but instead to promote change within a given system (Campbell & Wasco, 2000).
Other feminist schools of thought approach this issue differently, e.g. radical feminists
question if the increase of women in management positions is a desirable goal in itself and
argue that “the glass ceiling exists only because so much value is put into climbing the
corporate ladder, a competitive approach to jobs and occupations that emphasizes scarcity”
(Calás & Smircich, 1996, p. 227). Accordingly, only major societal change and the redefinition
of institutions may alter sex-related power differentials. In line with this perspective, socialist
and Marxist feminists emphasise the need to restructure fundamentally society and
organisations, in order to eliminate all forms of oppression based on gender or class, as the
status quo (including the capitalist system) is considered inherently detrimental to women.
Research topics within these perspectives include feminist organisational practices which are
characterised by, for instance, more participatory decision making, flexible jobs or equal pay
(radical feminism) and the gendering of organisations, for example, referring to sex segregation
in recruiting and promotion or social interactions that reproduce male dominance (socialist
feminism) (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Campbell & Wasco, 2000).
Where can the present thesis be located within this complex field? Considering the
binary definition of gender, the conception of a ‘fair organisation’ as one that ensures equal
opportunities for women and men to access important resources, as well as the respective
research focus on managerial women and obstacles that prevent them from climbing up the
corporate ladder in this dissertation, I see myself as a women-in-management researcher who
has been influenced strongly by liberal feminist ideas. However, throughout the manuscripts
my co-authors and I seek to address one of the major shortcomings of liberal feminists, namely
the tendency to be uncritical of the male-dominated status quo and apparently gender-neutral
organisational practices (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Hartl, 2003). Inspired by radical and socialist
feminists, who put women’s perspectives at the centre of research and explore the gendering
of organisations (Calás & Smircich, 1996), we not only focus on the individual’s role (see
research focus liberal feminists), but also analyse critically gendered underlying assumptions
(see research focus radical and socialist feminism) relating to the managerial role and HRM
practices. Hence, combining different feminist schools of thought allows for an allencompassing analysis of the often invisible gendered norms and practices on the
12
organisational level which contribute to the lack of female managers and the way in which they
cope with structural constraints on the individual level.
To sum up, this thesis in essence corresponds to liberal feminist ideas, while at the same
time it is inspired by radical and socialist feminist schools of thought. As liberal feminism is
largely in line with women-in-management research (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Hartl, 2003),
and the research focus of this dissertation is on managerial women, different conceptual
perspectives and theories from the women-in-management field relevant to the manuscripts are
summarised in the following chapter.
13
Conceptual Perspectives
4. Conceptual Perspectives on Women’s Underrepresentation in
Management
Women-in-management scholars have adopted a variety of conceptual perspectives to analyse
women’s career opportunities and obstacles in the workplace. In particular, there are four
perspectives that may serve as a framework to structure the field. These perspectives can be
classified as the ‘person-centred perspective’, the ‘organisation structure perspective’, the
‘gender-organisation-system perspective’ and the ‘power perspective’ (in line with, e.g., Hartl,
2003; Izraeli & Adler, 1994). Apart from the latter view, which emphasises the role of power
to understand gender inequality, all of these conceptual perspectives are considered in the
manuscripts of this thesis. In order to provide a more detailed overview of the applied
theoretical approaches, this section summarises and compares the three relevant perspectives
as well as their key issues and findings.
4.1 Person-Centred Perspective
The person-centred approach, also sometimes referred to as ‘gender-centred’, focuses on
gender differences in organisational behaviour and leadership styles, in order to explain the
scarcity of female managers in decision-making positions. Scholars taking this perspective
assume that due to their biological disposition or gendered socialisation into pre-defined sex
roles, women’s values, characteristics and behavioural patterns diverge from men’s and
therefore women do not match male-biased managerial standards (Hartl, 2003; Izraeli & Adler,
1994; Powell, 2011). The following paragraphs are devoted to a critical literature review about
evidence on gender differences relating to organisational behaviour and values.
Gender differences in value orientation have been discussed extensively in the scholarly
literature, and many studies support the idea that women’s value orientation corresponds more
to stereotypical feminine values. Existing research mostly investigates gender differences in
personal or work-related values, by relying on student samples or younger age cohorts such as
Generation Y students (e.g. Terjesen, Vinnicombe, & Freeman, 2007). These findings claim
that on average men are more aggressive, competitive and agentic and value individual
achievement and monetary rewards, while women are more communal, relationship-oriented,
have a more holistic approach to problems and value peace more than men do (Ferriman,
Lubinski, & Benbow, 2009; Giacomino & Akers, 1998; Giacomino & Eaton, 2003; Schwartz
& Rubel-Lifschitz, 2009; Terjesen et al., 2007).
14
These findings are reflective of many women’s struggles in corporate life, which is still
dominated by stereotypical masculine values and life patterns (Meyerson & Fletcher, 2000).
Many female managers are irritated by aggressive competition at peer level, power games,
project rivalry (Simpson, 1998, 2000) and the high relevance of status and visibility
(Rutherford, 2001). Conversely, evidence suggests that they are more satisfied in organisations
that integrate more collectivistic values and practices, such as team spirit and communication
(O’Connor, 2000), being protective and generous as a supervisor and treating organisational
members more like a family (Jandeska & Kraimer, 2005). Furthermore, if an organisation is to
integrate women fully in the future, women argue that the firm should be less accepting of
established authority (Wicks & Bradshaw, 1999) and instead more participatory (Miller, 2009;
Van Vianen & Fischer, 2002). Hence, organisational practices that emphasise low power
distance, i.e. the low acceptance of an unequal distribution of power (House et al., 1999), and
high humane orientation, i.e. “the degree to which an organization or society encourages and
rewards individuals for being fair, altruistic, friendly, generous, caring, and kind to others”
(House et al., 2004, p. 569), contribute positively to the proportion of women in leadership
positions (Bajdo & Dickson, 2001).
In contrast to these findings, other scholars argue that gender differences are frequently
overemphasised by researchers and that other variables, such as age, education, marital status
or full-time work are more crucial determinants of differences, in particular with respect to
work-related values (Chusmir & Parker, 1991; Levey & Silver, 2006; Lyons, Duxbury, &
Higgins, 2005; Rowe & Snizek, 1995). For instance, Ferriman et al. (2009) find that the
disparity in gender differences may widen in line with increasing age, and they go further by
suggesting that the birth of children reinforces the prevalence of gender-stereotypical values.
Compared to mothers, the value orientation of childless women is found to be more in line with
stereotypical masculine values, as it is for most men (Ferriman et al., 2009). Furthermore, it is
unclear whether the findings described above are in fact valid for women in management
positions as well or if they only apply to students or female employees in non-managerial
positions (Van Vianen & Fischer, 2002). Therefore, many scholars doubt the existence of
significant variations according to gender within groups of managers (e.g. Chusmir & Parker,
1991; Fagenson, 1993). This corresponds to the mixed evidence that can be found on gender
differences in leadership style.4 While many studies do not identify any statistically significant
4
This debate is summarised in more detail in manuscript No. 1 and will not be repeated at this point, in order to
avoid redundancy.
15
differences in this respect (e.g. Chapman, 1975; Dobbins & Platz, 1986; Van Engen, Van der
Leeden, & Willemsen, 2001), other authors claim that gender differences do exist in this
domain, showing for example that women have a more participative, relationship-oriented or
transformational leadership style (e.g. Book, 2000; Eagly, Johannesen-Schmidt, & van Engen,
2003; Eagly & Johnson, 1990; Rosener, 1990).
4.2 Organisation Structure Perspective
Instead of focusing on the individual level, scholars taking an organisation structure approach
address structural barriers that prevent women from advancing to management positions.
Gender differences and disadvantages for women are considered a consequence of structural
factors, including organisational demography, male-dominated networks and the difficulty in
combining family and career (Hartl, 2003; Holst & Wiemer, 2010; Izraeli & Adler, 1994). An
overview of these structural issues is given in the following paragraphs.
Conceptual perspectives such as tokenism (Kanter, 1977) or social identity theory
(Tajfel & Turner, 1986) focus on organisational demography – or, more precisely, the
numerical distribution of men and women in management positions – as the central
independent variable to be investigated with respect to its impact on social interactions and
women’s opportunities. The frequently cited phenomenon of tokenism, developed by Kanter
(1977), explains how social dynamics are shaped by women’s minority status (tokens) in
management. It is suggested that they are more salient compared to their male counterparts,
which causes them to become subject to increased performance expectations. Furthermore, the
male majority tends to exaggerate the dominant male-oriented culture and emphasises
differences between dominants and tokens, hence causing the social isolation of women.
Finally, female tokens become representatives of ‘the female group’ and women’s success or
failure, again enhancing self-consciousness and performance pressure on women (Kanter,
1977).
In line with these perspectives are the social intergroup dynamics explained by social
identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). It is argued that groups which are different with regard
to a certain social category, such as gender, engage in social comparison processes. Out of this
comparison people tend to feed their human need for high self-esteem, which in turn causes ingroup/out-group categorisations (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). As long as men occupy most
management positions and are thus considered the higher status group, the devaluation of
women and the characteristics and skills stereotypically considered feminine within the
organisation, as well as exclusion from the male in-group, is likely to occur. In line with other
16
scholars who have applied social identity theory to the organisational level (e.g. Ashforth &
Mael, 1989; Hogg & Terry, 2000), Ely (1995) investigated the impact of the gender
composition of an organisation’s top management on women’s social construction of gender
differences and gender identity. Her findings illustrate that women in companies with a more
balanced female representation in decision-making positions compared to male-dominated
firms tend to minimise gender differences, value stereotypical female characteristics higher
than masculine ones and believe in their own success (Ely, 1995). This illustrates how strongly
the opportunity structure for women can be determined by the gender composition of its
leaders.
The second issue addressed by scholars who stress the importance of structural factors
to explain the scarcity of women managers is women’s exclusion from informal networks
(Holst & Wiemer, 2010). The persistence of male-dominated networks and related
exclusionary dynamics for women are associated with a lack of social capital, and so women’s
inadequate social integration represents one of the greatest disadvantages they face within the
corporate world (O'Neil et al., 2008; Oakley, 2000). Ibarra (1992, 1993) provides an
explanation for this phenomenon and suggests, in line with social identity theory arguments
(Tajfel & Turner, 1986), that numerically dominant males remain in their in-group and tend to
form more homophilous relationships compared to women, i.e. men prefer to work and
socialise with men, while women rely on men (for instrumental) as well as on women for
(expressive) network ties5 (Ibarra, 1993). Based on the fact that men are found
disproportionately more often in the upper echelons of organisations, and thus they fill
positions of power that enable them and their network partners to access important resources,
women tend to obtain lower returns from their mixed networks (Ibarra, 1992).
The third factor refers to the challenge for women in reconciling the competing
demands of having a family and a career (Hartl, 2003; Holst & Wiemer, 2010). Researchers
across the globe stress the fact that the organisational requirements to work long hours, along
with high demands in terms of flexibility and geographical mobility, in order to signal
commitment, creates working conditions that are incompatible with many women’s lives, due
to family-related responsibilities (Bacik & Drew, 2006; Guillaume & Pochic, 2009; Ren &
Foster, 2011; Rutherford, 2001; Schein, 2007). Though researchers should be cautious not to
conceptualise work-life balance issues as purely a woman’s problem (Özbilgin, Beauregard,
5
Expressive benefits of networking include friendship, social support and high levels of closeness and trust. In
contrast, instrumental networks encompass the exchange of work-related expertise and the provision of careerrelated support, for example by increasing a person‘s visibility and promotional opportunities (Ibarra, 1993).
17
Tatli, & Bell, 2011), evidence shows that they nevertheless undertake the lion’s share of family
and household work (European Commission, 2012a; Holst et al., 2012), thereby making it
extremely difficult for them to flourish and advance within organisations that take conventional
male lives and working standards as the norm (Rutherford, 2001). In its extreme form, a
“competitive presenteeism” (Simpson, 1998, p. 44) emerges which involves employees
engaging in competition based on the amount of hours worked – even if they are not required
to accomplish the job (e.g. Cahusac & Kanji, 2013). Under these conditions, it is not surprising
that some women in fact fear to show interest in organisational measures introduced to
reconcile family and career better (e.g. flexible working hours) because of the risk of not being
considered as ambitious or as committed as their male counterparts (Wilson, 1998) and thus
running the risk of fundamentally harming their careers (Almer, Cohen, & Single, 2004; O'Neil
et al., 2008).
4.3 Gender-Organisation-System Perspective
The gender-organisation-system approach is in line with the basic ideas of the person-centred
and organisation structure perspectives; however, it shifts the focus to gendered organisational
theory and practices and points out that gender inequality in organisations cannot be analysed
independently from the societal context (Hartl, 2003; Izraeli & Adler, 1994).
Britton (2000) proposes that there are three ways of understanding the concept of
gendered organisations. The first research stream uses the term ‘gendered’ simply to indicate
that organisations or occupations are numerically dominated by men (or women). The second
stream focuses on bureaucratic organisations and how they reproduce gender differences and
inequalities. The third and most common way of speaking of gendered organisations addresses
how organisations and occupations become associated with masculinity through discourse and
how a masculine ideal dominates organisational norms and practices (Britton, 2000).
The present thesis primarily applies the term ‘gendered’ in line with the third literature
stream. As women in the managerial role and the analysis of HRM practices are at the core of
this work, the following subsections summarise the current state of research in this tradition
and specify what is meant by a gendered construction of management and gendered HRM
practices.
18
4.3.1 Gendered construction of management
The beginning of industrial forms of production and the decreasing role of agriculture caused
a separation of public and private spaces, with the public sphere and its organisations being
dominated historically by men. As a result, a gendered division of labour, i.e. men specialising
in paid employment and women specialising in unpaid family work, has long been the societal
norm (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Due Billing & Alvesson, 1994; Hartl, 2003). The corporate
world – and especially top management circles – can thus be compared to a game that was
invented by and for male players, which follows certain rules that correspond to men’s ideas
and principles of work that shape taken-for-granted concepts about the ideal worker (Due
Billing & Alvesson, 1994). As a consequence, organisations are often conceptualised as
gendered or more ‘masculine’, indicating that they are more in line with stereotypical
masculine values such as aggressiveness, competition, status-orientation, hierarchy and control
(Maier, 1999; Wajcman, 1998).6 Some authors refer to a “gendered construction of
management” (Rubin, 1997, p. 26), emphasising that the job position of a manager is not a
neutral category but instead relates strongly to assumptions about appropriate gender roles
(Rubin, 1997).
Gender-stereotypical assumptions that women ‘do not have what it takes’ to be a
manager (e.g. Aaltio-Marjosola, 1994) and are ‘not made’ for certain jobs, such as in the
construction or engineering industries (e.g. Worrall et al., 2008), still exist in today’s
organisations. Inequalities are created and recreated because men and women are rewarded
differently for the same behaviour, which is due to societal expectations based on gender. For
instance, Wicks and Bradshaw (1999) found that men are rewarded better than women for
exhibiting unfriendly behaviour (e.g. acting self-interested and being uncooperative), because
being unfriendly is culturally not associated with the female gender. At the same time, female
executives (e.g. Bierema, 1996) as well as women at the pre-management stage (e.g. Cassell &
6
Though there is an overall tendency in the gender and organisation literature to emphasise one specific form of
patriarchal masculinity – and thus simplify to a large extent this complex topic (Collinson & Hearn, 1994) – the
need to take a more differentiated approach to the concept of gender is duly acknowledged (Due Billing &
Alvesson, 1994). Collinson and Hearn (1994) demonstrated vividly how different forms of masculinity are
prevalent in management and serve to reproduce gendered power differentials in contemporary organisations.
These masculinities, which in practice are likely to overlap and exist simultaneously, include authoritarianism
(men as aggressive and hierarchy-reliant leaders), paternalism (men as protective leaders and moral
authoritarians), entrepreneurialism (men as tough leaders focused on competition, targets and economic
efficiency), informalism (men as informal networkers identifying with their own in-group) and careerism (men
as competitive and all-time-available careerists) (Collinson & Hearn, 1994). Nevertheless, the dominance of
masculinity in organisations based on common elements of a historically patriarchal system cannot be negated
(Gherardi, 1994, 1995).
19
Walsh, 1997) report high amounts of pressure to conform to prevailing masculine behavioural
norms related to the managerial role, in order to be successful. These conflicting demands from
society on being ‘female’, on the one hand, and from the organisation or managerial role on
being more ‘masculine’, on the other, create a dilemma for woman managers about how to
behave ‘correctly’ in organisational life.
The male-biased manager definition described above was first identified by Schein
(Schein, 1973; Schein, 1993; Schein, 2007), who labelled it ‘think manager-think male’, a
phenomenon which is empirically well-established. Schein indicates that stereotypical
masculine characteristics, often also labelled ‘agentic’ (e.g. aggressive, decisive), are related
strongly to attributes perceived to be needed for effective management. On the contrary,
stereotypical female traits, also referred to as ‘communal’ (e.g. sympathetic, concerned about
others), are not perceived to fit the cultural concept of the ‘ideal manager’ (Schein, 1973;
Schein, 1993; Schein, 2007). Evidence suggests that this male-biased construal of effective
management still prevails in today’s organisations (Koenig et al., 2011).
The basic ideas behind the lack of fit model (Heilman, 1983, 2001) and the role
congruity theory of prejudice towards female leaders (Eagly, 1987; Eagly & Karau, 2002) are
in line with Schein’s approach. All of these theoretical approaches refer to social role
expectations and gender stereotypes prevalent in a society, in order to explain the detrimental
effects on women in evaluation processes for jobs traditionally conducted by men. The
perceived misfit or incongruity between the perceived job requirements of traditionally male
roles, such as management, and conversely the skills and characteristics stereotypically
ascribed to women create the expectation that women will perform poorly in management jobs
(Alimo-Metcalfe, 1993; Heilman, 1997, 2001). Moreover, this perceived incongruity between
women and the executive role intensifies as women move higher up the corporate ladder
(Heilman, 1997).
Based on these theoretical elaborations about the gendered construction of managerial
positions, the question arises as to whether organisational practices such as HRM practices –
the designs of which have a major impact on the career opportunities of employees – reflect
and reproduce this biased definition of the ‘ideal manager’. The following section summarises
previous research conducted on the gendered nature of HRM practices.
4.3.2 Gendered human resource management practices
Although women are nowadays overrepresented in HRM functions in many countries of the
world, they seldom achieve top management positions in the HR field (Pichler, Simpson, &
20
Stroh, 2008). Moreover, despite their dominance in this area, men have been historically crucial
in conceptualising and institutionalising HR practices (Trudinger, 2004). Furthermore, the
gendered division of labour and related stereotypical assumptions and expectations about
men’s and women’s roles has had an impact on the definition of work or success and on the
evaluation of job positions (Wilz, 2008). For instance, Steinberg (1992) shows vividly how the
Hay System of Job Evaluation, generally perceived as objective and gender-neutral,
systematically produces gender inequalities. The root cause of its gendered nature lies in the
historical context of the development of the tool in the 1940s, as lower factor weights were
assigned to traditional women’s jobs, and non-managerial positions (dominated by women)
were not weighted with the same complexity as managerial jobs (dominated by men)
(Steinberg, 1992). This example thus demonstrates how HRM tools that reflect a long outdated
organisational and societal value set may currently be used in contemporary organisations,
without questioning critically the gendered assumptions upon which it was once based.
Woodall (1996) further points out: “Far from being androgynous, HRM is gender blind. Its
underlying features are insensitive of gender aspects of employment […]. At the centre is a
unitarist managerialism that cannot admit to the diversity of a plurality of workforce interests”
(p. 349).
In this thesis, gendered HRM practices are understood as practices that increase the risk
of sex-related discrimination against women and/or reflect the preferences and values of men
or those associated with men (masculine stereotypes) more than those of women (in line with
Maier, 1999). Regarding the discriminatory risk in HRM practices, in the last decade increasing
attention has been given to the critical analysis of commonly applied HRM practices such as
recruitment or promotion processes (Hearn et al., 2012; Powell, 2011). For instance, research
on selection and performance evaluation processes indicates that selectors and assessors exhibit
a pro-male or at least a pro-stereotypical-masculine bias during interpersonal interactions (e.g.
Axelson, Solow, Ferguson, & Cohen, 2010; Elsesser & Lever, 2011; Maurer & Taylor, 1994;
Robbins & DeNisi, 1993; Smith, Paul, & Paul, 2007; Terborg & Shingledecker, 1983). There
are even indications that standardised and more ‘sophisticated’ assessment methods (e.g.
Alimo-Metcalfe, 1993; 1994), or apparently gender-neutral personality and intelligence tests
applied in personnel selection (McKinney & Miles, 2009; Powell, 2011), are inherently malebiased.
Concerning the dominance of men’s preferences or stereotypical masculine values in
HRM practices, academic research is rare. With respect to HRM as a system, one study
suggests that women’s opportunities to advance their careers are greater in organisations that
21
adopt a ‘soft’ approach to HRM policies and practices, characterised by a focus on employee
development, commitment and autonomy (Truss, 1999). Other studies that should be
mentioned (though non-academic) have addressed the possibility of gendered TM practices
(McCartney & Worman, 2010; Warren, 2009). Findings indicate that, in line with the ‘think
manager-think male’ phenomenon (Schein, 1973), masculine stereotypes are strongly
associated with the description of senior management and are therefore reflected
disproportionately in respective TM documents (Warren, 2009).
4.4. Comparing Conceptual Perspectives and relating them to the Manuscripts
All of the perspectives presented in this section approach why women managers are
scarce from a different angle. The latter two approaches address the importance of structural
barriers and the gendered nature of organisations, while the person-centred perspective stresses
differences in behaviour and preferences on the individual level. However, the summary in
section 4.1 shows that when investigating personal values or leadership style, gender certainly
is a crucial variable that must be taken into consideration; yet, other parameters that may
account for variations within gender groups, such as parenthood or age, are also important. For
example, younger generations such as Generation X and Y highly value a good work-life
balance compared to older generations (Arsenault, 2004; Benson & Brown, 2011), and younger
men place greater importance on relationship-oriented leadership styles (Sessa, Kabacoff,
Deal, & Brown, 2007). Consequently, younger men (Generation Y) tend to have preferences
which traditionally are more associated with stereotypically female values such as maintaining
a balance in work-life activities and relationships and a more collaborative and compromising
team orientation (Maier, 1999). These arguments are in line with critical views on personcentred research that claim that gender differences are often exaggerated, misleadingly treating
women and men as homogeneous groups. As a consequence, it is criticized that stereotypical
assumptions about gender are reproduced (Hartl, 2003; Holst & Wiemer, 2010).
Powell (2011) points out that there are two forms of distortion in the way researchers
may approach gender issues, namely alpha bias and beta bias. Alpha bias refers to an affinity
to overemphasise gender differences, while beta bias indicates a tendency to neglect possible
differences between gender groups (Powell, 2011). To avoid extensive bias in one or the other
direction in this thesis, not only are gender differences analysed (manuscript No. 1), but also
heterogeneity within the female group is taken into account (manuscript No. 3), depending on
the focus of the study.
22
The organisation structure perspective contributes greatly to understanding better why
women are underrepresented in managerial positions; however, a major limitation of this
approach is that it focusses on structural barriers within the given status quo, presuming the
gender-neutrality of organisational practices and neglecting the role of the broader societal
context. For instance, regarding work-family issues, scholars who take an organisation
structure approach are occupied primarily with the analysis of how women’s greater family
responsibilities impede their career progress and the effects of family-friendly measures such
as flexible work arrangements or childcare facilities. Conversely, the gender-organisationsystem perspective questions underlying assumptions in contemporary organisations, such as
the necessity of separating family (private sphere) and professional life (public sphere) as
detached parts of life (Hartl, 2003).
In order to address this shortcoming, this thesis considers not only structural aspects
such as networking and work-family issues (manuscript No. 3), but also analyses critically
gendered aspects entrenched in HRM practices, including GPM and TM (manuscripts No. 1 &
2). This is essential because performance management or talent selection procedures decide the
allocation of important resources (e.g. who gets a promotion or becomes a member of a talent
development programme) (Alimo-Metcalfe, 1993; Knappert, 2013; Tatli et al., 2012), and
biased, underlying assumptions and practices may impede female employees’ career
opportunities.
23
Overview of Manuscripts
5. An Overview of the Three Manuscripts
Before presenting the manuscripts in full in the next chapters, this section provides the reader
with an overview of the publication status, research questions and applied methods of each
document (see summary Table 3). Furthermore, research deficits, corresponding research foci
and applied conceptual perspectives are outlined. Finally, the paradigmatic and methodological
backgrounds are presented for each manuscript respectively.
5.1 Research Deficits, Research Foci and Applied Conceptual Perspectives
First manuscript. In previous HRM research, scholars have seldom taken into account the
diverse needs and preferences of employees in relation to gender and ethnic background
(Kamenou & Fearful, 2006); expressly, studies investigating gender diversity in preferences
and perceptions concerning performance management are rare (one exception being Hind &
Baruch, 1997). However, performance management is important for promotional decisions (of
women), and obtaining a better understanding of how GPM could be designed to reflect the
preferences of women and men alike is crucial. The research focus of the first manuscript
(Gender-specific preferences in global performance management – an empirical study of male
and female managers in a multinational context) thus involves the analysis of gender
differences in perceived practices and preferences regarding crucial GPM elements (actors’
roles, evaluation methods, feedback procedures, GPM purposes). Furthermore, by
investigating gender-specific patterns across five different countries (China, France, Germany,
South Africa and the USA), we add an international dimension to the debate about the scarcity
of female managers and gendered HRM practices (Hearn et al., 2012).
Although the examination of gender differences implies the application of a personcentred conceptual perspective, we also add insights from the gender-organisation-system
perspective. In so doing, we scrutinise the gendered nature of GPM practices on the
organisational level, i.e. we analyse their discriminatory potential and establish if actually
applied GPM practices are more in line with male managers’ values and principles.
24
Table 3: Overview of manuscripts and publication status
No.
Title
ABS ranking
position
Publication status
A
2
Think talent – think male? A comparative
case study analysis of gender inclusion in
talent management practices in the German
media industry
Marion Festing
Lynn Schäfer
International Journal of Human Resource
Management
Special Issue: A global perspective on
diversity and inclusion in work organizations
B
Published
Published
Under review
Research
questions



Co-authors
Journal
1
Gender-specific preferences in global
performance management – an empirical
study of male and female managers in a
multinational context
Marion Festing
Lena Knappert
Human Resource Management


Research method
Additional
information
Do gender-specific preferences
concerning the various elements of
GPM exist?
Do these differences occur across all
investigated countries?
Do the preferences of male managers
match GPM practices applied in real
life better than the preferences of
female managers?
Quantitative (questionnaire)
Paper presented at the Academy of
Management Annual Meeting in
Boston, USA, August 2012
How can gender-inclusive TM be
conceptualised, and under which
conditions may TM be considered
inclusive with respect to gender?
 Do firms pursue different TM
approaches with respect to gender
inclusion, and if so, how do they differ?
 Are these differences linked to the
number of women in management
positions?
Qualitative (comparative case study)
Paper presented at the 29th Colloquium of
the European Group for Organizational
Studies (EGOS) in Montréal, Canada, July
2013
3
Female managers in professional service
firms: Patterns in work-family management
and networking approaches
Claudia Jonczyk
Marion Festing
Journal of Business Ethics
B


How do female managers in PSFs deal
with the challenges of reconciling career
and family, and what are their networking
strategies?
Are there similarities or differences
within the group of women?
Are there specific behavioural and
perceptual patterns?
Qualitative (semi-structured interviews)
25
Second manuscript. Conceptual as well as empirical knowledge on TM is extremely
scarce, especially when it comes to diverse workforces (Dickinson Shepard & Betof, 2011;
McCartney & Worman, 2010; Warren, 2009). Furthermore, little is known about the role TM
might play in the context of the underrepresentation of women managers and if the potential of
qualified women is explored fully in firms’ talent pools (Tatli et al., 2012). The second
manuscript (Think talent – think male? A comparative case study analysis of gender inclusion
in talent management practices in the German media industry) therefore explores conceptually
and empirically the extent to which TM is inclusive with respect to gender. A range of
propositions on the inclusiveness of certain TM elements (talent definition, underlying career
orientation, the content of talent development programmes, the TM approach and the talent
selection process) are developed in order to indicate the extent to which talented employees
have equal opportunities to contribute fully to an organisation, completely independent of their
gender. These propositions represent a framework for empirical analysis and cross-case
comparison. In the conceptual part of the manuscript, we rely on two research streams, namely
TM and gender studies, in particular gendered HRM. Apparently gender-neutral notions such
as the talent definition or underlying career orientation are challenged by analysing TM
primarily from a gender-organisation-system perspective.
Third manuscript. Previous studies have identified major structural barriers that hinder
female managers’ career advancement in PSFs, in particular the exclusion of women from
male-dominated networks and the expectation to work long hours – all of which impede female
prospects from achieving a partner position (Korzec, 2000; Walsh, 2012). However, less is
known about the way women managers in PSFs deal (differently) with these obstacles (Hull &
Nelson, 2000; Walsh, 2012). The research focus of the third manuscript (Female managers in
professional service firms: Patterns in work-family management and networking approaches)
is thus to examine intra-gender differences in the coping mechanisms of women and to identify
patterns in the way they perceive the reconciliation of work and family and how they develop
networking and mentoring relationships within a male-dominated context. In the conceptual
part, structural mechanisms in the specific context of PSFs (e.g. homophily, dual burden) are
explained and inter- and intra-gender differences in dealing with these issues are addressed.
Hence, both an organisation structure and a person-centred perspective are applied.
26
5.2 Paradigmatic orientation and methodology
In order to allow for a systematic overview of the paradigmatic orientation of each manuscript
and its respective methodology, in the following section the four paradigms developed by
Burrell and Morgan (2005) – functionalist, interpretivist, radical humanist and radical
structuralist paradigm – are used to categorise each manuscript.
The four paradigms were developed along two dimensions, namely the ‘objectivesubjective dimension’ and the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’ (see Figure 2). The
‘objective-subjective dimension’ refers to the extent to which scientists adopt an objectivist or
a subjectivist view. An objectivist view is characterised by the belief that an objective reality
exists (ontology: realism) that can be explained and predicted (epistemology: positivism) and
then captured based on quantitative techniques of data collection (methodology: nomothetic).
In contrast, a subjectivist view presumes that reality is an individual’s subjective construction
(ontology: nominalism) that can only be understood from an individual’s point of view
(epistemology: anti-positivism) and is captured by exploring that individual’s experience
(methodology: ideographic). Conversely, the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’ is less
concerned with specific methodological issues and more so with the overall research focus of
the scientist. It refers to the extent to which scholars emphasise the need to understand and
explain the status quo and how it is maintained (regulation) or if they focus on the need for
radical societal change and develop alternatives to the status quo (radical change) (Burrel &
Morgan, 2005).
Gioia & Pitre (1990) point out that “it is obvious that the paradigmatic dimensions […]
are actually continuua, making it difficult, if not impossible, to establish exactly where one
paradigm leaves off and other begins” (p. 592), therefore suggesting that transition zones exist
between the paradigms (Gioia & Pitre, 1990). In line with this suggestion, in the following
sections the dimensions are treated as continuua which exhibit four transition zones between
the paradigms – interpretivist-functionalist transition zone, functionalist-radical structuralist
transition zone, radical structuralist-radical humanist transition zone and radical humanistinterpretivist transition zone (see shaded area Figure 2). The goal is to locate the manuscripts
of this thesis within a given framework, in order to allow for a structured overview of the
underlying paradigmatic beliefs and assumptions and the related methodological approaches
of this research. Hence, the paradigms are used as a “tool for establishing where you are, where
you have been and where it is possible to go in the future” as a researcher (Burrel & Morgan,
2005, p. 24).
27
Figure 2: Burrel and Morgan’s four paradigms for the analysis of social theory7
Source: Adapted from Gioia and Pitre (1990)
First manuscript. Concerning the ‘objective-subjective dimension’, the first manuscript
takes an objective approach. We follow the tradition of positivism, i.e. the primary goal is to
identify regularities and explain them within an objective reality (Burrel & Morgan, 2005).
Based on these assumptions, we adopted a nomothetic methodological approach and developed
a quantitative research design. More specifically, by taking a deductive approach, we
developed theory-driven hypotheses and tested them in a sample of 241 middle managers8
within a single multinational enterprise (MNE). In order to operationalise how global
performance management is applied (practices) and how it should be applied (preferences),
and in order to identify gender-specific differences, respective items and scales were developed
in line with approaches provided by cross-cultural research (e.g. House et al., 2004; Milliman,
Nason, Zhu, & De Cieri, 2002) and gender was included as an independent variable.
Regarding the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’, on the one hand, manuscript No.
1 analyses an organisational phenomenon as it is (gender differences, fit with actual GPM
practices) and thus focuses on explaining the status quo (regulation), while on the other hand,
we offer a critique of the “structural relationships within a realist social world” (Burrel &
Morgan, 2005, p. 34) and outline possible modifications and changes to reduce “modes of
7
8
The shaded areas between the paradigms illustrate the transition zones.
Data collection was conducted by Lena Knappert (Ozyegin University).
28
domination” (Burrel & Morgan, 2005, p. 34) (radical change). Hence, we emphasise the need
for organisational change without claiming the radical transformation of society (radical
structuralist) or the acceptance of the status quo (functionalist). Overall, the first manuscript
can thus be categorised into the ‘functionalist-radical structuralist transition zone’.
Second manuscript. Considering the ‘objective-subjective dimension’, the priority in
manuscript No. 2 was to obtain “first-hand knowledge of the subject under investigation”
(Burrel & Morgan, 2005, p. 6), in order to understand the reality from the individual’s
perspective (anti-positivism) (Burrel & Morgan, 2005), i.e. we adopted a rather subjective
perspective. Although we drew on previous knowledge from gender studies to develop specific
propostions, we adopted a qualitative approach in order to remain open to new insights, because
TM as a research field is still in its infancy (Collings & Mellahi, 2009; Lewis & Heckman,
2006; Scullion & Collings, 2011; Strack et al., 2011) and has not been investigated previously
through a gender lens. In order to be able to explore this new field holistically, based on a
subjective world view, a multiple case study of two German media companies was deemed
appropriate, including the analysis of six expert interviews, 37 in-depth talent interviews9 and
company documents.
When regarding the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’ the classification is again
ambiguous. While we do indeed seek to describe and explain the status quo (gender
inclusiveness of TM), we also address disadvantages in existing TM design and discuss
alternative forms of organisational practices, without claiming radical societal change. Hence,
for similar reasons as outlined for the first manuscript, manuscript No. 2 can be located in the
‘radical humanist-interpretevist transition zone’ (Gioia & Pitre, 1990).
Third manuscript. With respect to the ‘objective-subjective dimension’, we adopted a
subjectivist view point in this manuscript. We focus on how “people socially and symbolically
construct and sustain their own organizational reality” (Gioia & Pitre, 1990, p. 588). The
methodological approach is thus ideographic, as it concentrates on an in-depth analysis of the
subjective perceptions of the reconciliation of family and partner track and the networking
behaviour of women managers in PSFs. By taking an inductive qualitative research approach,
we analysed and coded 19 semi-structured interviews with female managers10 in order to
9
10
Interviews were conducted by Lynn Schäfer (ESCP Europe) and myself.
Please note that this research project is part of a larger research project on netwoking in professional service
firms. Data collection was conducted by Ben Bensaou (INSEAD), Charles Galunic (INSEAD) and Claudia
Jonczyk (ESCP Europe). For the purpose of the networking project, interviews were performed at two different
points in time. Both interviews or interview parts conducted with female managers were included in the data
analysis for manuscript No. 3.
29
“discern patterns […] so that descriptive codes, categories, taxonomies, or interpretative
schemes that are adequate at the level of meaning of the informants [could] be established”
(Gioia & Pitre, 1990, p. 588).
Concerning the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’, the third manuscript focuses on
the analysis of the status quo in PSFs and is concerned with understanding an organisation and
the situation for women as it is, without stressing organisational change (regulation). Overall,
this paper is therefore in line with the assumptions and beliefs of the interpretivist paradigm
(Burrel & Morgan, 2005).
To conclude with the words of Gioia and Pitre (1990), “[…] the use of any single
research paradigm produces too narrow a view to reflect the multifaceted nature of
organisational reality” (p. 584). Furthermore, there is a consensus now that neither
methodology (quantitative nor qualitative) can capture women’s experiences without some sort
of bias (previously qualitative modes of inquriy were considered more appropriate by feminst
scholars) and that both approaches are needed to answer complex research questions (Campbell
& Wasco, 2000). Therefore, this thesis combines multiple paradigmatic and methodological
orientations.
So far, the more general conceptual and paradigmatic foundations have been clarified.
In the following chapter the research manuscripts which build the core of this thesis are
presented in their full length. It must be noted that the sequence and labelling of headings,
tables, figures and appendices, as well as the list of references related to each manuscript,
remain as in their original versions (as published or submitted) and can be found in sections
6.1, 6.2 and 6.3, respectively. For the remaining text, the relevant figures and tables can be
found in the respective lists at the beginning of this thesis, while bibliographic information can
be found in the list of references at the end of this dissertation.
30
Manuscript No. 3
6. Research Manuscripts
6.1 Gender-Specific Preferences in Global Performance Management – An Empirical
Study of Male and Female Managers in a Multinational Context
Manuscript No. 1
This manuscript is published as: Festing, M., Knappert, L. & Kornau, A. (2014). Genderspecific preferences in global performance management – an empirical study of male and
female managers in a multinational context. Human Resource Management, DOI:
10.1002/hrm.21609.
31
Manuscript No. 3
6.2 Think Talent – Think Male? A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Gender
Inclusion in Talent Management Practices in the German Media Industry
Manuscript No. 2
This manuscript is published as: Festing, M., Kornau, A. & Schäfer, L. (2014). Think talent –
think male? A comparative case study analysis of gender inclusion in talent management
practices in the German media industry. The International Journal of Human Resource
Management, DOI: 10.1080/09585192.2014.934895.
32
Manuscript No. 3
6.3 Female Managers in Professional Service Firms: Patterns in Work-Family
Management and Networking Approaches
Manuscript No. 3
This manuscript is under review as: Jonczyk, C., Kornau, A. & Festing, M.. Female managers
in professional service firms: Patterns in work-family management and networking
approaches.
Available from the author upon request.
33
Conclusion
7. Conclusion
This final chapter provides a summary of the key findings and main contributions of this thesis.
Furthermore, the limitations of this work and avenues for future research are discussed. In order
to avoid redundancies, the specific limitations and future research ideas for each study, already
outlined in detail in the respective manuscript, will not be repeated, but instead the focus is on
more comprehensive aspects and some further thoughts and reflections. Finally, several
implications for practice are outlined.
7.1 Summary of Results and Contributions
This dissertation seeks to enrich the women-in-management and HRM literature by outlining
possible reasons for the scarcity of female managers on the organisational and individual
levels. The main findings of the thesis are summarised in an overview in Figure 3 and will be
explained in more detail in the following.
Figure 3: Overview of the key findings of this thesis
As suggested earlier, the organisational level addresses HRM practices crucial to
women’s chances of attaining a managerial position, namely GPM and TM. Based on
arguments from the HRM literature and different conceptual perspectives from the women-in-
34
Conclusion
management field (person-centred, organisation structure and gender-organisation-system), it
is proposed in this thesis that GPM and TM practices can be considered gendered if they (i)
better match male managers’ preferences than those of their female counterparts, (ii) are in line
with masculine more than feminine stereotypes or (iii) are discriminatory against the female
sex (see list of indicators in Figure 3). The main conceptual contribution of this dissertation is
the development of these indicators to conceptualise and measure the degree to which HRM
practices can be considered gendered.
For example, with respect to TM (manuscript No. 2), we challenged the assumption
that TM equally supports all talented employees to contribute fully and effectively to the
organisation, and we also proposed that some TM elements, such as talent definition, might be
biased towards stereotypical masculine attributes (e.g. competitiveness or assertiveness) and
reflect a ‘think talent-think male’ philosophy (in line with the ‘think manager-think male’
phenomenon of Schein, 1973; 1993; 2007). Other examples are the underlying career
orientations of TM that might be biased towards an outdated male career model favouring
vertical and uninterrupted career paths (Collinson & Hearn, 1994; Liff & Ward, 2001; O'Neil
et al., 2008), or the selection process might disadvantage female talent due to the dominance
male nominators (Bauer & Baltes, 2002; Varma & Stroh, 2001).
Regarding the empirical contributions of this thesis on the organisational level, we first
provide empirical evidence for the gendered nature of GPM and TM practices. Concerning
GPM (manuscript No.1), we do so by measuring discrepancies between female and male
managers’ preferences and their perceptions of actually applied GPM practices. As a result, we
take a unique approach and contribute a useful quantitative tool for researchers and
practitioners to determine the extent to which HRM practices are biased towards male
preferences. In fact, our study shows that women managers are less satisfied with actually
applied GPM practices which correspond better to male manager’s preferences. Women prefer
a stronger group focus in an appraisal, the higher relevance of soft purposes (e.g. employee
development or motivation), more directness and involvement in feedback communication and
more explicitness in appraisal procedures, thereby indicating that they envision practices that
are more in line with stereotypical feminine values (e.g. relationship-orientation) (Maier, 1999)
and are less prone to discrimination (e.g. through more structured and explicit rules) (Heilman,
2001).
Moreover, one key empirical finding of our comparative case study on TM (manuscript
No. 2) is that the investigated organisations vary greatly in the degree to which their TM is
gender inclusive and that the TM of organisations with a greater proportion of women in
35
Conclusion
management positions is less gendered. These results provide a first indication that there might
be a positive relationship between the scarcity of female managers and the gendered nature of
HRM practices; however, as discussed in the section on future research avenues, more research
is needed to clarify this relationship.
On the individual level, we add empirical insights to the research field discussing intergender differences (manuscript No. 1), but we also acknowledge the rising call for the
consideration of intra-gender differences (Due Billing, 2011) and examine the role of female
professionals’ differences in perceptions and agency and how they deal differently with
structural barriers hindering career advancement, such as the difficulty in balancing family and
career and exclusion from male networks (manuscript No. 3). The findings of the latter
manuscript suggest that women managers in the specific context of PSFs have different
perceptions regarding the compatibility of the partnership track and having a family, and they
also pursue different networking approaches. Furthermore, these differences are not
independent from each other but constitute specific coping patterns labelled ‘high agency’ (HA,
n=7) and ‘low agency’ (LA, n=12). The HA pattern combines the perception that the
partnership track and having children are reconcilable in PSFs through a highly proactive
approach to creating networks and close relationships with higher-status mentors. In contrast,
the LA pattern describes women who are convinced that the partner track does not fit into a
mother’s life and at the same time show less proactivity in their networking and mentoring
behaviour. These findings show that career-oriented women are far from being a homogeneous
group and have different personal capacities in dealing with the status quo.
Moreover, regarding additional theoretical insights on the individual level, based on the
fact that networking and mentoring are crucial for career success (e.g. Blickle et al., 2009a;
Singh et al., 2009; Wilkins & Gulati, 1998; Wolff & Moser, 2009), it is proposed that women
displaying a HA pattern are more likely to make it to top management compared to LA pattern
women. That way, we add an explanation to the women-in-management discussion and suggest
why some – although few – women make it to senior management positions while others don’t
– despite equal external conditions.
Furthermore, on a more general level, the studies included in this dissertation can be
considered an example of the value that may be created through a multi-paradigmatic
perspective (see Gioia & Pitre, 1990). As suggested earlier, various conceptual approaches,
including person-centred, organisation structure and gender-organisation-system perspectives
which have their roots in different feminist schools of thought, are applied. In addition, various
data collection and analysis methods, ranging from questionnaire or case study design to semi36
Conclusion
structured interviews, were included. All of these projects are based on a wide range of
epistemological (anti-positivism and positivism) and methodological (ideographic and
nomothetic) orientations (see Burrel & Morgan, 2005), and thus they reflect the paradigmatic
diversity of this thesis. Moreover, as the persistent lack of female managers is a worldwide
challenge (European Commission, 2013; ILO, 2010), various countries were included in the
studies of this thesis ranging from China, France and Germany through to UK and USA. With
the multiplicity of views and datasets applied, we hope to shed more light on the complex
phenomenon of women’s underrepresentation in managerial roles.
7.2 Limitations
Despite various findings that this thesis contributes to the existing literature, there are several
limitations that need to be acknowledged.
As suggested earlier, this thesis is largely inspired by liberal feminism – a perspective
which has received a lot of criticism from representatives of other feminist schools of thought.
For instance, Marxist feminists argue that “liberal feminism is totally inadequate for explaining
the situation of women in the economy. Its uncritical approach to women in organizations and
overemphasis on women in management is ultimately inconsistent with women’s interests”
(Calás & Smircich, 1996, p. 232). This thesis partly addresses this shortcoming, as it is far from
being uncritical of organisational practices, albeit its focus is certainly on the specific group of
managerial women. Women managers are a small, elitist group and are not representative of
all women who vary in class, religion, sexual orientation or cultural background. Moreover,
radical feminists question if the emphasis on women’s vertical career advancement is not a
gendered goal in itself and that the glass ceiling exists only because so much importance has
been attached to it by (a gendered) society (Calás & Smircich, 1996).
Furthermore, postcolonial feminists have a “fundamental suspicion of ‘gender’ as a
stable and sufficient analytical lens that can be applied unproblematically across cultures and
histories” (Calás & Smircich, 1996, p. 238). Although we provide some evidence that women’s
preferences across cultures consistently diverge from the more masculine-oriented status quo
(manuscript No. 1), the question emerges as to whether our unitary definition of masculinity
or masculine stereotypes falls short of the complex reality of diverse cultures. According the
GLOBE study, countries vary in ‘gender egalitarianism’ and ‘assertiveness’ (House et al.,
2004) and may have different concepts of stereotypical masculinity than those prevalent in the
Western world, where it is mainly associated with values such as aggressiveness, competition,
status-orientation, hierarchy and control (Maier, 1999; Wajcman, 1998). A more differentiated
37
Conclusion
understanding of masculinity could embrace the multiplicity and dynamics of gender facets to
a greater extent than those approaches that assume a traditional, monolithic, stable and
consistent form of masculinity (Gherardi, 1994, 1995).
In addition, talking about ‘male orientation’, ‘masculinity’ or ‘masculine stereotypes’
throughout the manuscripts may be misleading, as it largely implies congruency between
certain values and the male sex. In this way, we do not account fully for heterogeneity within
the group of men and give insufficient attention to the fact that “men too may find the content
and demands of their job at odds with what they really want” (Due Billing, 2011, p. 300). More
and more men – especially the younger generations – attach importance to values
stereotypically categorised as feminine, such as a relationship-oriented leadership style (Sessa
et al., 2007), become increasingly involved in parenting (Haas & Hwang, 2007) and start to
follow career patterns typically associated with women (Sullivan & Mainiero, 2007). This
implies that the prevailing organisational practices may be discriminatory not only against
many women, but also against an increasing number of men, especially those who want to
exercise their right to be active fathers (Haas & Hwang, 2007). In fact, evidence suggests that
men are severely sanctioned when they participate in flexible work arrangements or take
parental leave, because they behave outside the long hours working norm and are therefore
considered less committed and successful, even compared to women who reduce working time
due to family duties (Almer et al., 2004). The reliance on absolute definitions and
conceptualisation of gendered practices in terms of the dominance of male preferences or
masculine stereotypes thus risks oversimplifying the reality and reproducing gender
stereotypes.
However, as suggested earlier, we value this approach despite its limitations, as it
enables us to capture the gendered nature of practices based on specific criteria and to provide
evidence for it.
7.3 Future Research Avenues
There are several future research avenues that scholars may pursue based on the findings of
this work (see manuscripts for details); however, in the following, two future research areas
are selected for discussion: first, the context-specificity and operationalisation of gendered
HRM practices and second, the causality between the lack of female managers and gendered
HRM.
Concerning the first aspect, scholars need to acknowledge that reality is not black and
white and organisations are not gender neutral or holistically gendered per se; instead, some
38
Conclusion
organisational (HR) practices, structures or organisations in certain industries or countries
display gendered patterns whilst others do not. While this thesis makes an attempt to include
different contexts and provides empirical evidence for two specific HR practices, there is a
need for more organisation-, industry- and country-specific analyses and empirical
investigations as well as theoretical contributions (Wilz, 2008).
Regarding the operationalisation of gendered HRM practices, this thesis may serve as
a starting point for other scholars to capture possible gender biases in other practices and
different contexts. This could be accomplished by relying on the three indicators proposed in
this dissertation, including the gender-specific fit between individual preferences and real
practices (see manuscript No. 1), the dominance of masculine stereotypes and/or sex-related
discrimination (see manuscript No. 2). In addition, the first indicator and the respective
methodological tool could be used by scholars to measure relative differences in perceptions
of the status quo and how organisations and their practices should be designed according to
(female) employees’ perspectives. Furthermore, inspired by Wicks & Bradshaw (1999),
researchers and practitioners could capture what the ideal, non-discriminatory organisation
constitutes according to the perceptions of female and male employees and identify possible
discrepancies between these perceptions and the status quo, thus offering a relative and
differentiated indicator of gendered aspects in the organisation.
With respect to the second direction for future research, in this thesis it is proposed that
the higher number of women in management positions is associated with more genderinclusive HRM practices (manuscript No. 2), and it is argued that gendered HRM practices
may be discriminatory and contribute to the scarcity of female managers. However,
empirically, it remains unclear if the lack of women managers is the antecedent or the outcome
of gendered HRM. Do gendered HRM practices limit women’s career advancement or are they
the result of the low proportion of women in management positions? Or both? These questions
have major implications, in particular with respect to the much-debated implementation of
quotas in Europe (European Commission, 2012b) and the potential of that tool to create
effectively more gender-equitable corporations.
Based on a longitudinal research design, future research could examine systematically
how an increase in the number of women in leadership roles through quota legislation in the
next few years will affect the design of HRM practices. For instance, it could be assessed
whether an increase of women in managerial roles actually enhances the critical gender-related
revision of existing tools and procedures for selection and performance assessment and the
design of typical career tracks or the type of training offered. Furthermore, it could be clarified
39
Conclusion
if the bias towards a linear, all-time-available model of career and stereotypical masculine
attributes that foster the strict separation between professional and private life is in fact being
questioned by female leaders.
However, it is important to point out that a great deal of the women-in-management
literature does not support the hypothesis that a ‘critical mass’ of 30% of women in leadership
positions is sufficient to implement fundamental change in organisations (e.g. Lortie-Lussier
& Rinfret, 2002; Powell, Bagilhole, & Dainty, 2006). In fact, research indicates that women
often fail to act as influential change agents, because they mostly assimilate to the maledominated organisational context by adopting stereotypically masculine behaviour in order to
be successful, e.g. by modifying speech and behaviour (Davies-Netzley, 1998), by creating a
perception of similarity with the dominant male group through network ties (Westphal &
Milton, 2000), by adopting a less interpersonally-oriented leadership style (Gardiner &
Tiggemann, 1999), by accepting gender discrimination as something ‘normal’ (Powell et al.,
2006) or at least by not addressing actively issues related to equal opportunities (Rindfleish &
Sheridan, 2003). That is to say, many female managers who want to succeed have an incentive
to make themselves and their femininity less salient and thereby stabilise masculine hegemony
instead of scrutinising it accordingly. According to Lewis and Simpson (2012), the
“persuasiveness of current ‘number-based’ solutions to gender inequalities that predict positive
outcomes from having more women, particularly at senior levels” (p. 154), can therefore be
questioned.
This is in line with the work of other scholars, who argue that organisations that are
nowadays female-dominated may still be gendered in such a way that relevant skills and
attributes are based upon masculine stereotypes because it was historically a male industry
(Britton, 2000; Mills, 1998). Instead of only focusing on the “power of demography” (Ely,
1995, p. 589), future research activities should also be devoted to the ‘power of history’, in
order to better understand how organisational practices are rooted in traditional men’s lives and
norms, and patterns of life and work from the past. More research on this question could allow
for a more substantive discussion by scholars and practitioners on the effectiveness of quota
legislation for creating more equitable working environments.
7.4 Practical Implications
Due to the fact that the data collection for the studies in this thesis took place in only a few
organisations (manuscript No. 1: single MNE, manuscript No. 2: two media companies;
manuscript No. 3: one audit and one law firm), unfortunately, the generalisability of these
40
Conclusion
results and their practical implications are limited. However, if our findings are confirmed by
large-scale investigations in the future, they imply important changes that organisations may
pursue to enhance equal career opportunities for women and men.
With respect to gendered HRM practices on the organisational level, and based on the
indicators proposed in this thesis, there are different ways in which HR professionals may
enhance the gender inclusiveness of their practices. First of all, there is a need to take into
account the preferences and expectations of female employees when HRM practices are
designed, in order to ensure that practices do not one-sidedly reflect men’s preferences. In
doing so, companies will not only increase the satisfaction of women managers, but eventually
they will ensure the retention of their female talent, as it is crucial that this cohort identifies
with organisational practices and feel that they fit in (e.g. Simpson, 2000). Second, HR
professionals could revisit existing practices in order to foster gender inclusiveness in such a
way that practices equally appreciate stereotypically masculine and feminine principles, by
ensuring, for instance, that technical and personal development are equally promoted or that
horizontal and vertical career movements are equally appreciated by the organisation. That
way, companies support not only one specific type of employee, but also embrace different
world views and truly value diversity in their employees, and foremost in their managers.
Finally, practitioners should make sure that HRM practices do not (unconsciously) discriminate
against women and exclude them directly from the promotion pipeline. For instance, this can
be accomplished by implementing a female quota for important talent development
programmes or by ensuring that female supervisors or HR experts are involved in talent
selections and appraisal processes to prevent a pro-male bias.
Despite these numerous measures that may be taken, Woodall (1996) critically states
that “[…] it would be foolhardy to argue that HRM alone has proved an obstacle to equality in
employment [as] its conscious pursuit will not guarantee the eradication of labor market
segmentation, working practices centered around a male model of working time, and the
persistence of stereotypes and biased assessments” (p. 349-350). Hence, although a systematic
and critical revision of HRM practices from a gender perspective alone may certainly not be
able to break the glass ceiling entirely, it might at least create some cracks that allow more
women to slip through.
Regarding the individual level, our study on the coping mechanisms of women
managers indicates that HR professionals cannot presume that organisational measures applied
to support female career advancement affect all women in the same way. Instead, some women
need organisational support at a very early stage of their careers, in order to develop an
41
Conclusion
optimistic view of their long-term promotion prospects in the first place, for example through
same-sex mentoring or networking programmes for psychological support or specific training
offers. In contrast, other women believe in their success and are highly proactive and strategic
in their networking and might thus favour informal socialising events and cross-sex mentoring
or networking for career-related support. Hence, companies should first identify the specific
needs of their female employees and then offer customised measures to assist them in their
career development. Furthermore, specific emphasis should be placed on the subjective
perception of women’s opportunities for promotion, because this influences their intention to
leave a firm and is thus crucial to avoid an extensive loss of female talent (Walsh, 2012).
Overall, I hope that the findings of this thesis serve researchers and practitioners who
are devoted to the more equal participation of women in decision-making positions as a source
of inspiration for their projects and thus contribute to the proliferation of fairer and more
diverse organisations.
42
References
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The impact of male-oriented organisational cultures on the career

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