Title Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih : (Austronesian : Upper
Transcription
Title Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih : (Austronesian : Upper
Title Author(s) Citation Issue Date URL Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih : (Austronesian : Upper Reaches of Kahayan River in Kalimantan, Indonesia) Inagaki, Kazuya 京都大学言語学研究 (2005), 24: 15-43 2005-12-24 http://dx.doi.org/10.14989/87858 Right Type Textversion Departmental Bulletin Paper publisher Kyoto University 京都大学言語学研究 (Kyoto University Linguistic Research) 24 (2005), Phonemic (Austronesian: Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih Upper Reaches of Kahayan River in Kalimantan, Kazuya 15-43 Indonesia) INAGAKI This paper provides a description and analysis of the Dohoi/Kadorih sound system which has been depicted only superficially so far (Santoso et al. 1984). First, in § 2.1, rules for fronting, prenasalization, and nonrelease will be postulated to explain general allophones. Then, exhibiting (sub-) minimal pairs in several environments, procedures of determining phonemes and allophones (supported by acoustic correlates) follow. Consonant and vowel phonemes will be posited in § 2.2—§2.6 and § 3 respectively. At the same time, derivations for each allophonic realization will be specified. Distributional deviations of each context-sensitive allophone tell us which segment does not have full status as a phoneme: d; y; 13; d, n ; e. Diphthong is confirmed by three conditions that define diphthong status, described in § 3.2. Key words: 1 1.1 fronting rule, acoustic correlates, prenasalization conditions rule, nonrelease rule, for a diphthong Introduction Mapping This paper deals with an Austronesian language, Dohoi/Kadorih. § 1.2 determines how the language name "Dohoi/Kadorih" is used in this paper. Meyers et al. (2003) is the only literature that documents populations of language communities for each village along the Seruyanriver. This survey remarks that speakers of "Sebaun (Dohoi)" reside around the Seruyan-East tributary (Rantau Panjang, Mongohjuoi), and around the Seruyan tributary (Tusuk Belawan, T. (Tumbang) Kalam, T. Bahan, and T. Kasai). Table 1 summarizes the details about Language Names and demographic information of Meyers et al. (2003), Inagaki (2005), Santoso et al. (1984), Hudson (1967), and — 15 — Phonemic Tusuk Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih Belawan N 0 Figure Language Name Sebaun Dohoi, Sebaun Dohoi (Melahoi), Dohoi Dohoi Central Kalimantan, Population Village 489 Rantau Panjang 254 Mongohjuoi 153 Tusuk Belawan 175 T. Kalam 461 T. Bahan 212 ? Dohoi/Kadorih 1 650? Indonesia River Seruyan Researcher Meyers et al. (2003) T. Kasai Karetau Sarian T. Marikoi Inagaki (2005) Kahayan Hudson (1967) T. Sian T. Marikoi T. Bukoi Ot Danum Kapuas Santoso et al. (1984) T. Kaburai Sabaung T. Barui Ot Danum Table 1 Dayak 9 Katingan Loing (1916-17) Language Names, demographic information, and Researchers (T. = Tumbang) —16— Kazuya INAGAKI Loing (1916-17, in Stokhof 1986: 3-16). If it is true that all language names in Table I refer to (certain dialects of) a single language, then the whole upstream region which includes Seruyan-Katingan-Kahayan-Kapuas the area of this single language. 1.2 Language name: (from west to east) can be recognized as Dohoi/Kadorih People residing in the upstream region of Kahayan refer to their mother tongue by phrases bahasa Dohoi, bahasa Ot Danum, bahasa Kadorih, when speaking Indonesian. Santoso et al. (1984) surveyed in Tumbang Marikoi in which Inagaki (2005) surveyed, but only used the word "Ot Danum" rather than "Dohoi" or "Kadorih". "Ot Danum" (Mallinckrodt 1928 , Cense and Uhlenbeck 1958, Santoso et al. 1984), and "Dohoi" (Hudson 1967, Wurm and Hattori 1981-83) have been referred to in much of the literatures. Hudson states that "Ot Danum" is an ambiguous term since: (1) a. it doesn't have a precise ethnic referent b. it had an original pejorative connotation (like "Dayak") c. it isn't used by any group to refer to itself (Hudson 1967: 7) "Sebaun" is a name of the language which is spoken in the upper Seruyan river . Some of the speakers recognize their language as same as "Dohoi" (Meyers et al. 2003: 11). In this paper, "Sebaun" is counted out because it is impossible to know what this language is (there is no linguistic data available). Gordon (2005) refers to alternative names other than "Dohoi" for languages such as "Uut Danum, Uud Danum, Malahoi" and for dialects such as "Ulu Ai' (Da'an), Ot Balawan, Ot Banu'u, Kadorih, Ot Olang, Ot Tuhup, Sarawai (Melawi), Sebaung". In this list, "Kadorih" and "Sebaung" (probably identical with "Sebaun" in Meyers et al. 2003) are found to be dialects of "Dohoi", but again no linguistic data of these languages/dialects can be reviewed. For the language name in this paper, some basic criteria are used. First, the name by which most of the people residing in the upstream region of Kahayan easily identi the referent, i.e., Dohoi, Ot Danum, Kadorih. `1 Second, the name by which researchers identifir the referent without any difficulty.As noted above, "Dohoi" and "Ot Danum" have been used in several studies. Third, Hudson's statement (la) and (lb) must be considered. For (1a), of danum 'source + water' is recognized as a phrase that has a certain kind of LOCATION property, thus the referent of this phrase is regarded as a `1 Hudson (1967: 7) rejects the name "Ot Danum" because it is "not used by any group" [see (lc)]. However his statement is exaggerated by the word "any". Thus, at this stage the identifiability of the name "Ot Danum" can be reinforced. —17— Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih geographical one, not as an ethnic one. For (lb), the element of is associated with another lexical item uut `primitive, outdated' that has contemptuous implications, so bahasa Ot Danum and orang Ot Danum are not preferred. "Dohoi" is selected as the language name since it does not violate any basic criteria given above, whereas "Ot Danum" and "Kadorih" do. In addition, "Ot Danum" violates the last two criteria, while "Kadorih" that is specialized to refer to the dialect only violates the second criterion. Thus, it may be appropriate to use the name "Kadorih" for a dialect of "Dohoi" (Dohoi/Kadorih). 1.3 A classification of `Barito isolects" in Hudson (1967) Hudson (1967) classified languages in Southern Kalimantan sound correspondences" based on "contrastive and lexicostatistics. Figure 2 shows a classification of "Barito isolects" and Hudson's sound correspondences. Barito West Barito-Mahakam north East south (33? TAtifT?Nds4T north T KB central south o --- e A ~G AD CAaa cro AD t7 y t7 En 4wtz ~ ' 0 yy cro ry0,yC'' f OQ Figure 2 A classification of Barito languages (with some modification to Hudson 1967: 26) Hudson's pioneering tions that are inconsistent classification, however, —18— o cannot incorporate with his "sound correspondences". some of the excep- For example, there are Kazuya INAGAKI d3/If, T/NT correspondencesin [Dohoi,Munmg-1]/[Murung-2,Siang]which are similar to the ones between KB and Katingan(d3/tf, NT/T). But the exceptionsare seen with the initial d3 of Murung-2as in (2a') and with the medial NT of Murung-1 as in (2b'). "NW -Barito (2) "Sound correspondences" in Dohoi a. 'tongue'chola? a'. 'bad'd3aa? b. 'worm'lukuu b'. 'sibling'aka " (a. d3/i Murung- l ] d3ola? arlka b. T/NT) [ Murung-2 tfola? d3e?et 1urlkur~ ar~ka? Siang ] Iola? feet luokunj arlka There may be other exceptions that are enough to make "sound correspondences" dubious, but some part of the basic information in Hudson (1967) is presumed by Wurm and Hattori (1981-83) and Uchibori and Shibata (1992) for provisional classifications, which attempted to map languages in Borneo. At this stage, the following mapping of Dohoi/Kadorih is assumed within the scope of these previous studies, although the distinction between [Dohoi, Murung-1] and [Murung-2, Siang] is rejected. (3) A provisional mapping of DohoilKadorih in Austronesian languages Austronesian, Malayo-Polynesian, Barito, West Barito, Northwest Barito Dohoi/Kadorih 2 Consonants Dohoi/Kadorih has eighteen consonant phonemes as in Table 2. In this section, Dohoi/Kadorih contrastive consonants in three environments (stringinitial/intervocalic/string-final) *2are explored, and phonetic forms are manifested by means of the formalization of generative phonology. r2 In this paper , the term string is employed to state the allophonic environments (` ['=left edge, ' ] '=right edge) ratherthan"word"since string by itself can be referredinterms of purelyphonetic/phonological ground,"word"cannoton the other. This paper does not consider sition, which is not common consonant sequence to all consonants. — 19 — CC entirely at the string-medial po- m Phonemic vl. vd. vl. vd. plosive Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih labial alveolar p t b d velar glottal k g c affricate J fricative s 11 nasal n trill r flap r approximant Table 2 alveopalatal Dohoi/Kadorih h y consonant phonemes (v1. = voiceless; vd. = voiced) When no minimal pair is known for the relevant segments, a sub-minimal pair is exhibited (marked by #). In addition, each consonant is examined on status as a phoneme from the viewpoint of its distribution. Santoso et al. (1984) set up seventeen consonant phonemes (i.e., /p, b, t, d, c, j, k, g, s, h, m, n, fl, rJ, R, r, w /: there is no / y / in the inventory). They postulate "/ R /" as an archiphoneme / ( r /1)/, even though "phoneme /1/ is not found in Ot Danum" (ibid.: 10). By definition, CONTRASTof (at least) two phonemes must be presupposed for explanation of NEUTRALIZATION, which is again presupposed for ARCHIPHONEME.But their discussion does not presuppose CONTRASTbetween "/ r I" and "/1/" , so NEUTRALIZATION cannot be seen with these segments. In fact, (sub-) minimal pairs in (18, 19, 20) below clearly demonstrate the contrast between /r/ and "/ R /" ( / r / ), and the lack of neutralization with these phonemes. *3 Someatypicalandhighlyspecificphoneticsymbolswillbe used: (i) CORNER + SUPERSCRIPT L ['1] (`fragile'occlusionof stops,namelyno prominentreleaseand laterally leakingairflow.see the discussionin § 2.1.3);(ii) CURLY TAILT/D/N[) , ~, ] (plosivesand nasal with alveolo-palatalfricatives [, ] in terms of the articulatory targetpositions);(iii) SUBSCRIPT DOT[ . ] (slightlyretroflexedalveolarconsonants. See Ladefogedand Maddieson(1996:25-27) on "two degrees of retroflexion");(iv) SUBSCRIPT W [ w] (simplelabializationwithout raising of the back of the tongue. See LadefogedandMaddieson1996:356-58). s3 One possible explanation would be that Santoso et al. (1984) analyzed the suspensive allophones of "/ R P' in the context of Indonesian phonemic contrast (/r :1/). If so, however, this archiphonemic analysis must be rejected because the term ARCHIPHONEME can never be associated with a bizarre neutralization found outside the relevant phonemic system. —20— Kazuya 2.1 Allophones INAGAKI and its relevant rules Most of allophones derived from the consonant phonemes in Dohoi/Kadorih can be explained using three rules in (4: vd. = voiced, vl. = voiceless). (4) a. fronting rule: fronted place of articulation, § 2.1.1, (7) b. prenasalization rule: predictive velic opening of vd. plosives, §2.1.2, (10) c. nonrelease rule: unaudible releases of vl. plosives, §2.1.3, (12) 2.1.1 Fronting rule Alveolarand alveopalatalconsonantshavea seriesof allophonesbeforeor after close front unroundedvowel. More specifically, t, d, n, r, r; c, j, s, s that occur in the environment _ (D)i or i _ ] are differentfromthosethat occur elsewhere.These i-adjacentallophonescan be describedas commonin the sense of laminal phones (placeof articulation:denti-alveolar;[ ] ). (5) Alveolar/alveopalatal [fl: [t]: [°d]: [nd]. [n]: [n]: [r]: [r]: [r]: [r]: [nd]: [nd]: allophones conditioned by adjacent vowels `to sleep' , 'sickle' 'bush' taca, tumo, terik, toru , 'louse', 'strong sunshine', 'three' 'above' diag [ndiuu] 'blood' daha, duhi, dera, doni , 'thorn', 'cannon', 'nearby' 'nearby' doni [°doni],ohcin [ohtsin] , 'fish' naka, nupi, nokuh jackfruit', `(to) dream', 'toward' 'afraid ridu [ri°du], mihkir[mixkir] , anxious', `to deceive' rami, ruha, regge,rondorondop 'thronged' , 'concussion', `to be set', 'Be careful!' 'five' rimo [rimo] 'song' ragu, rukuv,rehkai, rohi , 'worm', 'price', 'snake' 'proverb' tandiri[tundiii] 'below' , 'horn', `to say', 'theirs' pinda, tonduk,pander, endo tiruh [tiruh], arit [erit ] cikar [Piker] capat, curuk,cehpak,cocurug jipon ['dtipon] jaru, jurav, jerak,jora sita [Otn],karis [kuri] [c]~ saku,suna,seta, sohu [P.] rrihpo [nixpo] [4] rradap, rbuhu,rrokok [t~] V] : [d] ['Slz] —21 'fully loaded' 'underpants' , 'small torch', `rubber', 'funnel' 'slave' 'eight' , 'pot', 'light (lamp)', 'tongue' `to love' , 'kris' 'saucer' , 'onion', 'seats (in a boat)', 'anchor' 'tooth' 'sap' , `to order, command', `to cough' — Phonemic On the other alveolar and α・伽1α hand, each velar alveopalatal Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih consonant also consonants,血ey 伽([k],回),n・t by has are i-adj acent allophones, characterized by but adレanted unlike place{ゾ l・min・litt'. (6) Velarallophonesconditionedby adjacentvowels [k]: kiru[kiru],kolk[koik'] [k]: kacu, kutan, [ヤ]1 ginigi.η'η [n9]: gam加 `a pair keter, kotut 囚gi舜i.°ginin]`inclination η加[gi脚],・ 回1 maat, make `wrist 吻[0胸1 pot',`fart' a ho置e `bomce,,`to η rJuhta, scales',`small' to 乃, gugugaga, geh吻gole〃2加 [o]: of `wood',`thousand',`cooking in someth童ng silky smooth' s舳er,, bracelet',`balloon' `t・danCe',`h・ney' momo `bat',`to vomit',`to feel' If allophones in(5)and(6)are transcribedmore broadly,then,"fronted"(or"advanced")is abstractedas a common featurewithin these.allophones. Based on this manner of transcription, the allophonicrulein(7)can be postulatedconcerning the noticeablerealizationof"frontedness". (7)Fronting rule (appliedto/t, d, n, r, r, c,j, 十COILS ‐son ‐cons ‐tont 十high 一f-cons[ ‐lab-[+fron・ S,1}, k,9,0/in―(D)i ・d]/- Note that each of the the narrower to alveopalatal phonetic phonet重c consonants)on (6:[.];velar s4Th broader the consonants)on one the representations transcriptions, hand and _]*4 十high ‐back derived by the LAMINAL(51[ ADVANCED i―]) 一COIlS OL ‐back 十voi resp6nds or rule(7)cor- [];alveolar PLACE OF and ARTICULATION other. e feature[fronted]isneithergeneralnor formalingenerative phonology. Featurespecifications ofphonemes inthispaper can be assumed as follows. P b ゚ m t d n r r C J S リ k ゚ 母 h Y i u e 0 consonantal 十 十 十 十 十 十 ― ― ― ― 一 - ― ― ― 一 ― 一 ・ con髄nuant 十 十 ― ― 十 十 十 ― 十 十 十 ― 一 一 十 ― ― ― 一 十 十 十 十 ― 十 十 十 sonorant 十 十 ― 干 午 十 - ― 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 nasal 一 ― ― 十 ― ― 十 一 一 ― ― ― 十 ― ― 十 ― } ― 一 ― ― ― latera! ― ― ― ― ― ― ― - ― ― ― ― ― ― ― 一 一 一 ― ― 一 十 十 十 十 ― 十 ― 十 ― 十 十 ― 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 十 ― labial 十 十 十 十 ― ■ voke 十 十 ― 一 } ― ― 一 ― ― ― ― ― ― ― ― ― 一 一 ― ― coronal ― ― ― ― 十 十 十 十 十 十 ― ― ― 一 十 ― ― ― ― ― ― 十 十 十 ― 十 十 十 anterior 十 十 ― ― ― ― 一 一 一 ― ― 一 一 一 ― ― distributed ― 十 十 十 十 ― 一 一 ― 十 一 ― 一 ― ― 十 十 十 十 十 十 ― ― 十 十 ― 十 十 十 ― 十 十 ― ― ― 一 『 『 } 一 ― 十 ― ― ― 十 dorsal 一 ― - ― ― ― ― - ― - 一 ― ― ― ― 一 一 ― ― ― - ― ― ― 一 ― ― 一 ― ― ― 一 ― toW ― 一 } ― ― ― 一 ― 一 ― ― ― 一 一 ― - back ― ― ― 一 ― ― ― ― ― 一 一 ― ― 十 十 十 high ― 一22一 十 a 十 Kazuya 2.1.2 Prenasalization INAGAKI rule Thereare homorganicprenasalizations of voicedplosives([ND]) whosefirstportion is differentiatedfrom the nasalsegmentin the sequence [ND](whichappearsonlyin the middleposition)in termsof quantityandquality. (8) : [ND] [ND] . [mbeu] . [°•duhu] : [°cV ru] [°gurelcnu] This articulatory [pembuu] [endo] [rurpctu] [6u1gnu] and auditory 'mouth' 'window' 'blood' `theirs' 'eight' 'lance' 'omen' `Solanum observation is supported tarvum' by an acoustic phonetic evi- dence. m b U S e 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 Time (s) 5.8 5.9 6 16.4 16.5 16.6 16.7 16.8 Time (s) 16.9 17 17.1 Figure3 Spectrogramsof ['butt] 'mouth' and [pumbeu] `window' Figure3 shows the spectrogramsof [mbeu] 'mouth' and [pembeu] `window'. Both of these wordswere utteredin almostthe same duration,about600ms. Additionally,[mbsu]consistsof a smallernumberof segmentsthan [pembsu].Therefore, [mbuu]wasproducedat a slowerspeechratethan [pembeu].Despiteits slowerspeech rate, [m]has a shorterduration(115ms)as a nasal segmentthan [m] does(170ms). Furthermore,it is confirmedthat the nasal portionof [mbeu]is weakerthan that of [pembeu] when the values of amplitudeare consideredconcerningeach of the formantpolesin Figure4. Figure4 showsspectraof [m]in [mbuu]and [m]in [pembeu],the formeris 'sliced' at 5.4 second-point, the latter at 16.7 second-point, in each form shown in Figure 3. The valuesof amplitudein eachresonanceof [m] are lowerthan thoseof [m]. This meansthat [m]has a lowerqualityas a bilabialnasalconsonantthan [m]. — 23 — Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih [In] 8( \SN [m] 8 6 e 4( 1 .n~ 2( ~t~V 0 1000 2000 3000 Frequency (Hz) 4000 4 2 n 5000 1000 2000 3000 Frequency (Hz) 4000 5000 Figure4 FFT spectraof [m] in [mbuu](left:@5.4sec.) and [m] in [pembuu] (right:@16.7sec.)withrelativecurvesof smoothedspectrasuperimposed. In Dohoi/Kadorih, the prenasalization is observed both at the string-initial and string-medial positions, and some of the pairs contrast a prenasalized consonant and a sequence of two homorganic consonants as in (9). However, a prenasalized consonant [ND] and a non-prenasalized one [D] never contrast. (9) String-medial (only) /b/ /d/ /g/ # : /mb/ : /nd/ tj : /lig/ tabit rtadap jagau — nambit i anda sa;lgau b – mb, d – nd, g –gg/ V V [tumbit'] : [nembitl, 'spiritualcounsellor' : 'to grip' [nn°dup,] : [rondne], 'seed' : 'to take care of' ["iclzn°gen]: [9'engnu], 'male (animal)' : Solanum tarvum' (9) shows the sub-minimal pairs of / b – mb /, / d – nd /, and of / g – rigI. The nasal portions of these strings are also different from each other in terms of their quantity and quality. In the case of the prenasalizationin Dohoi/Kadorih,the velum maintainsintermediate positions(i.e., not fully closedor lowered)in whichairflowleaks throughthe velar port. As a result,only a slightnasal leakingis audible.Suchprenasalizationcan be consideredto be a phoneticdeviceto supportvoicingin the allophonesof voiced plosive/affricatesince thereis no contrastbetweenprenasalizedallophone([ND]) and its non-prenasalizedcounterpart([D]). *5 Considering the property of supporting voicing as just mentioned, the allophonic rule in (10) can be postulated concerning the noticeable realization of the nasality. *5Ohala (1983: 200) points out the fact that some languages utilize prenasalization to maintain voicing contrast on a stop consonant. –24– Kazuya (10) Prenasalization + cons — son — cont rule INAGAKI (applied to string-initial or intervocalic /b ,d,j,g/) —>[ +prenasal ] / [—nas])_ /b/ /d/ /j/ /g/ *6 + voi —> —> —> -4 [t'b] [nd] P M ] [°g] Note that no [-NND-]has been detected.Therefore,the prenasalizationrule (10)is stipulatedto be inactiveagainstthe postnasal/ D /, whichis alreadyprecededby nasal segment /N /, in other words, 'alreadyprenasalized'.To put it more technically,(10) does not alter /D / to [-ND-]in the context' [ +nas ] _ ', and does elsewhere. 2.1.3 Nonrelease rule There are string-final voiceless plosives voiceless plosives that have a property are only released (11) takip [tekipl 'ladle', "no audible in the string-initial/medial positions. release". The For example: kapit [kapit'] 'twin', potik [potik ] 'wasp' As shown in (11), string-initial and intervocalic p, t, k must be released, while string-final ones cannot be released. The airflow for articulating p, t, k must be unreleased and stopped at each place of articulation in the case of string-final plosives. Thus, the allophonic rule in (12) can be postulated concerning the noticeable "no audible release". (12) Nonrelease rule(applied cons — son — cont to string-final /p, t, c, k /) /p/ —>[ +nonrelease ] / _j /t/ *7 (/c/ /k/ — voi It should preceding (13) .6 .7 .S be noted vowels. ucat alut sapet usot that phonetic forms of string-final -[t [p,] ,t] -[IC] t varies depending on their For example: [u;ksnt-'l] [arut'1] [cupet'1] [upot'1] 'neck' 'canoe' 'to see one's wayto' 'mucus' opit [opit'] `sparrow' The feature [prenasal ] is neithergeneralnor formal in generativephonology. The feature [nonrelease] is neithergeneralnor formalin generativephonology. This rule applicationis includedin the scopeof rule (12), but the occurrenceof stringfinal / c / is not allowedby Dohoi/Kadorihphonotactics,therefore [s-'] neveroccurs. —25 — Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kad orih Whena vowelotherthan i precedes t , the airflowis incompletelyobstructedat the alveolarridge and leaks from the narrowaperturebetweenthe palate and the side of the tonguesince such t is articulatedas apicalphonewith slightretroflexion( [t] ). On the contrary,when i precedes t, the airflowis completelyobstructedby the laminal [t] that occludesairflow'spathmore extensivelythan apical [t] does. Allophonicrealizationsarenot affectedby ruleordering,either(7 then 10 then 12),(12then 10then7) etc. sincetheserulesneitherfeednorbleedeachother.But if the lateralleakingnotedaboveis takenintoaccount,and a certainkindof rule formalization (e.g.dependency onlaminality) is posited,thenruleorderingwillneed to be considered.In this paper,conditions fortherealizationof [0] aredescribedas in (14). (14) Conditionsfor the realizationof [f'] a. / t / at the string-finalposition b. / t / precededby a vowelother than / i / 2.2 Bilabial consonants There are only three items which have initial /13/, 13ayah (tuh) 'now', fiarisan 'to inherit',13adai 'cake, snack'. But all of these are borrowed items from Ngaju wayah, wadai, and Indonesian warisan. On the other hand, /11/ is widely distributed at the intervocalic position as in (16). (15) String-initial 'p/ : /bi puru buru :/m/ pira mira :/d pahi tahi bohit mohit :/d/ baha daha : /n/ muap nuap /m/ /m/ (16) Intervocalic /p/ /b/ p,b,m,!/[— # : /b/ :/m/ : fj3f 0: /t/ #:/m/ #: /13/ #: /d/ [puru] : [mburu], 'ten' : 'body hair' [pire]: [mire], 'howmany' : 'when' [pehi] : [tehi], 'ray' : 'long (time)' [mbohit']: [mohit'], 'scabies' : 'salty' [tbehe] : ["dehe], `tumor' : 'blood' [muep'] : [nuep'], `to open (pot cover)' : p, tapih tabit Jopi gomi Vafla otag amun bif3ih kadarah gapa opan kabun bibit kabain `to yawn' m, j3/V ___V [tepix] : [tembit'], `sarong': `spiritualcounselor' [nopi]: [nomi], `tohit (childdiscipline)': `tosmile' [nepe] : [nefle], `to carry (back)' : 'to talk in sleep' [open]: [oten], 'bait' : `sarongused as a sling' [kembun]: [emun], 'garden' : `if [mbimbit']: [mbi134], 'seed' : 'lip' [kembein]: [ke°dereh], 'becauseof : `thin,meager' —26 -- Kazuya /m/ #: /13/ mama : In/ gomi : Is/ uj3i ma$3ak gonih usi INAGAKI [mumu]: [muf3uek'],'uncle' : 'to bite' [gomi]: [gonix], 'to smile' : 'to hear' [uf3i]: [ui], 'sweet potato' : 'flesh' Of the four bilabial consonants /p, b, 13,m /, only /p / and / m / can occur at the string-final position. (17) String-final — /p/ 0: /m/ parap /m/ : ltl I : /n/ p, m / _ ] karam tahap kahat mondam pondan [purup']: [karum], 'cock-fighting': 'liquidformedduringdecompositionof body' [tuhup'] : [kuhut''], 'flat sieve(rice)' : `pinang' [mondum]: [pondun], `tobe feverish' : 'bat' The contrastive bilabial consonants and relevant rules are postulated in Table 3. Note that the phoneme of voiced bilabial fricative /13/ has a very low status as a phoneme because it occurs only at the intervocalic position. /p/ — /b/ — /11/ — /m/ — [P1 [P] [b] [mb] / (12) / els. / [-Fnas] — / (10) `vl . bilabial `vl . bilabial 'vd . bilabial 'vd . bilabial unreleased stop' plosive' plosive' prenasalized [13] 'vd . bilabial fricative' [m] 'vd . bilabial nasal' plosive' Bilabial consonants and the relevant rules Table 3 (els. = elsewhere, vl. = voiceless, vd. = voiced) 2.3 Alveolar consonants In the environment [ — i (the string-initialposition followedby i), t , r and r occur freely,but occurrencesof d and n are restricted(onlythree items:dikdikard hop'; diaij'upper, above'; dindir3 (18) String-initial /t/ : /d/ turar3 : /n/ tapa :In/ rival) : /r/ toJ3u lc/tapa — t,d,n,r,r/[__ durag napa rigan ro(3u capat [turuu]: [°durux3],'bone' : 'wok' [tupu]: [nape], `cheek(outside)': 'to make,do' [tiqu0]: [riijun], 'hornbill': 'wound' [tol3u]: [ro(3u],'sugarcane': 'village' [tupu]: [tsuput'1], `cheek(outside)': 'fast' –27– can 'to Phonemic /d/ : ln/ durgo /n/ 0: lr/ : lrl : ljl : lr/ : lrl :/n/ : lrl duhi dorgan durag natag noforg nondu ragu # : ly/ ratai 0: lyl rakep /r/ /r/ nugo ruha rogan jurag ratag rof3org ryondu ragu yakat yakat — (19) Intervocalic /t/ /d/ in' ratirg radig : /n/ /r/ /r/ /c/ : : /r/ /r/ : /j/ /r/ /r/ atag anan morog oru ucag ranon .nururg otu utag radok ruduk parirg kajarag rgorih kara padirg kadarah rgonih kana iroh poILdg marom iyo baras bayar ponag /r/ /r/ /r/ : /y/ : /y/ marom Of the five alveolar the string-final consonants position, (20) String final — lt/ : ln/ ucat /n/ 0: lr/ : lr/ : /kl 0: /r/ capat bakat rout a(3an /r/ 0: lrl : /nl 0: /r/ garakan nosan cikar [nduno]: [nuno], `to sit (relaxed)': `tonod' [nduhl]: [ruha], 'thorn' : 'shaking' [ndonun]: [ronun], `companion': 'attic' [ndurun]: [' urun], 'wok' : 'pot' [nutun] : [rutun], `to weave' : 'basket' [not3on]: [roj3on], `to cut down' : 'grave' [nondu] : [i ondu], `tocrow (cock)' : `tohiccup' [regu] : [re&gu], 'worried,anxious' : 'song' [retui] : [jukut'1], 'necklace' : 'Get in!' [rekep'] : [jukat'1], 'trap' : 'Get in!' t,d ,n,r,r/V—V Id/ motog Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih [retin] : [rnndin], 'raft' : 'knife' [utun] : [unun], 'birdsof prey' : 'there' [moton]: [moron], `to make a knot' : 'straight' [otu] : [oru], 'ghost' : 'although' [utun] : [Wen], 'debt' : 'deer' [rn'dok'] : [ranon], 'dagger' : 'awake' [nur'duk'] : [n.urun], `to cut, slash' : 'flood' [pu"din]: [purin], 'metal waistband': 'most' [ku°duruh]: [kn dYure;l], `thin,meager' : 'swallow' [nonix]: [gorix], `tohear' : `to drink' [kelp] : [(kuhtip') kure], `hit, touched' : 'scorpion' [ponun] : [ponen], 'hand+ forearm' : 'small accessory' [marom]: [marom], 'brown' : 'yesterday' [iroh]: [ijo], 'they' : 'then' [mbure] [mbujur], 'formative(numerals)': `topay' /t, d, n, r, r/, /t/, /n/, /r/ and /r/ can occur at only / d/ cannot occur. t, n, r, r / _1 ucan tapar pamakar rouk naflar pamakar nosay pamakar [Wut'1] : [u sun], 'neck' : 'rain' [ eput"] : [tapar], 'fast' : 'slap' [mbukutil]: [pumukul], 'anchor' : `villagehead' [routil]: [foul], 'betel' : 'mixed' [u(iun]: [me]3ur], 'mark, spot' `to bargain' [°gurukun]: [pumekul], 'omen' : `villagehead' [nopen]: [noy;en], `to forge,weld' : `toknit' [ksikur]: [pumukul], 'fully loaded' : `villagehead' —28— Kazuya # : is/ [pixel.]: [huepr], huas suar INAGAKI 'lamp (hunting)' : 'cylinder' The phone [1] appears only at the string-finalposition. This phone can be determined to be an allophoneof /r/ for the reasonthat [-1] of hayar (`dream,fantasy') is alteredto [—r—] whensuffixedas hayar-an (`dream,imagination').In addition, [r] and [1] are distributedcomplementarily,and the flap [r] is a similarphone to the lateral approximant [1] in terms of being liquids. The contrastive Note that alveolar consonants and the relevant / d, n/ have comparatively rules are postulated low status as phonemes because in Table 4. they scarcely occur in the environment [_ i . [t,] L: ] Et] [t] /(12) /t/< / els. /di< / / / / (7) els. (7) els. / / In _1i / [nd] / (7) els. (7) els. [d] / [+nas] / (10) /n/ [n] [u] / (7) / els. [r] / (7) / els. fri / —1 /r/4 [1] [r] / els. Table 4 [r] / (7) / els. `v1 . laminal alveolar unreleased stop' `v1 . apical alveolar unreleased stop' `vl . laminal alveolar plosive' `vl . apical alveolar plosive' 'vd . laminal alveolar plosive' 'vd . apical alveolar plosive' 'vd . laminal 'vd 'vd . apical alveolar alveolar . laminal 'vd . apical 'vd . 'vd . 'vd . 'vd . 'vd . alveolar alveolar advanced alveolar apical prenasalized plosive' prenasalized plosive' nasal' nasal' alveolar trill' trill' alveolar advanced alveolar lateral approximant' alveolar flap' flap' Alveolar consonants and the relevant rules (els. = elswhere, vl. = voiceless, vd. = voiced, *= plus laterally leaking airflow) 2A Alveopalatal As regarding furthermore consonants initial /y /, there are only two items these items are semantically (21) String-initial /c/ 4 : h/ : is/ :/IV ca(3at curuk caBat — yo Yes!', yakat 'Get in!' contentless. c,J,s ,n>Y/ 1_ jajiau suruh naPot [g'efnt'1] rt;I'vj3nu], 'underpants' : 'cassava' [ksuruk']: [puruh], 'torch' : 'bud' [rbuj3ot'1], 'underpants': 'to ask for' —29 — and Phonemic /j/ Is/ : /y/ : /k/ : /s/ : /r)/ : /y/ : /g/ : /n/ : /y/ capat caj3at yakat kapah jara jara jaat sara jambu saj3ut sout gambuh rya(3ot g,arau yakat :/h/ : /yI sama riakahak q : /ig/ rranda yo hama yakat gandah Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorib [gEpret'i]: [jukut'1], 'fast' : 'Get in!' [t uj3ut'1] : [kei3uh], `underpants': 'bigpot' ['Were] : [cure], 'net' : 'wrong' ["oVure]: [aereu], 'net' : 'to stickone'stongueout' ["cl?uut'1] : [jukut'1], 'bad' : 'Getin!' rcl!.umbu]: [ngumbuh], 'Eugenia': 'bounce' [cej3u0]: [r}utlot'1],'fibrousroot' : 'to askfor' [cout'']: [jo], 'bamboospikes': 'Yes!' [cnmu]: [frame], 'alike,similar': 'termite' [pukuhuk]: [jukuti1], 'spitoutphlegm': 'Getin!' [pundu]: [tanduh], 'to pawn': 'happy' /y l: bayar 'to pay'; hayar 'to There are only five items that possess dream'; iyo `then'; (22) Intervocalic : /j/ : /s/ 'a long-sleeved leeved blouse'; kabaya c, j, s, ip, y/V_V — taca tajak tocah tosan q : /ry/ : /y/ bacag bacag mardan bayar :/k/ : /s/ bacag bakag puji q : /r)/ gujum pusit murAug : /y/ ijo iyo /i/ q : lyl q : /h/ q : /y/ pajak kasou isou osu marsan pagar /s/ q : /g/ : /r)/ : hi/ maryan ma;ian /c/ /j/ rayar 'sail'. [tu;ksu]: [tu4clzuk'], 'bush' : 'spade' [tok~uh]: [topen], 'dry' : 'metalwork' [mbWurj]: [men:en], 'top' : `eaglewood' [mbugraj]: [mhejur], 'top' : 'to pay' [mbe et)]: [ fielce3], 'top' : 'spider' [pu9.45i]; [puit'], 'ever' : 'shattered' [rjuv.?um] : [mupu;3], 'to stick one's tongue in one's cheek' kai}ou iyo sohu bayar : 'to sharpen to a point' [i"c;tzo]: [ijo], `COMPLIMENTIZER' : `then' [pecVel'] : [puugur], 'tribute' : 'fence' [kasou]: [kai ou], 'rafters,joist' : 'head hunter' [icou]: [ijo], 'chopper' : 'then' [ocu]: [cohu], 'grandchild' : 'to move downstream' [mui n] : ['lacier], `eaglewood': 'to pay' [nrenen]: [mm!en], `eaglewood': 'red (pepper)' It should be clarified how the affricate V] 1.t] differs differs from from the the plosive plosive [t.1 [t] and the fricative [p] in terms of the plosive- and fricative-like portion of the affricate. In Figure5, the sound associatedwith closurefor the [t] can be seen between4.74.93 sec. in the leftmostpanels,and for its release burst between 4.93-4.94 sec. In comparison,the release burst of the [s] in the middle panels (12.45-12.47sec.) is modifiedas a prolongedfricationwhosespectrogramactivityis similar to that of the soundassociatedwith the [p]in the rightmostpanels(5.03-5.17sec.). —30— Kazuya INAGAKI t u u 0.4 -0.4 0.4 0.4 -0 _4 -0 .4 10° 104 8000 C 8000 8000 6000 6000 4000 4000 2000 2000 e 2000 4.6 47 4.8 4.9 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 12.6 4.9 5.1 5.2 5.3 Figure5 [utn], [u,en], and [ucu]: expandedportionsof the waveforms (upper panel) and spectrograms (lower panel) cut out from the words utag'debt', ucav'deer', and susah 'poor'. There are two reasonsto construethe affricateas a singleunit. First is that the portionof fricationin an affricateis not of as much durationas in a fricativeso that the portionof fricationdependson the precedingsegment [t] as the releaseburstof a plosivedoes. Secondis that the sequencesuch as plosive-fricative(e.g. [;t9])does not otherwise occur in Dohoi/Kadorih. The affricate / c / does not occur at the string-final position, thus this phoneme is included in a subset of obstruents different from voiceless plosives and fricativeswhich occur at the string-final position (/p, t, k; s, h / / _ ] ). Of the five alveopalatal consonants / c, j, s, r~, y /, only / s / can occur in stringfinal position. There are only three items which have the final / -is / sequence, karis 'kris' , kumis 'moustache', and pariggis 'trowel'. On the contrary, /-as/, /-us/, and / -os / occur extensively at the string-final position. (23) String-final — 1st : /h/ s/—] haus auk bahkas ahkah manas panah [heu9]: [uuh], 'thirsty' : 'voice' ['°buhku] : [nhkuh], 'male (human)': 'spiraling [munuc]: [puneh], 'bead' : 'bow' upward' The approximants M and [0 can appear only at the string final position, and they are in free variation with canonical allophonic realization of the fricative / s / ([s], [u]). For instance, poros 'ache, ill' is pronounced as [poro0 or [poro0. Spectrograms covering frequency upto 10,000Hz is represented in Figure 6. - 31 - Phonemic 0 P r Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih 6 0 P 0 r 0 6 16.1 16.2 Time (s) io 8000 x x" g 0 60(10 4000 2000 69.6 69.8 69.9 Time (s) 69.7 70 70.1 15.9 Spectrograms of [porop] Figure 6 16.3 16.4 [poro] (`ache, ill': in free variation) and The spectrogram activity (especially 4,000-8,000Hz) of [] in the right panel in Figure 6 is clearly weaker than the one of [p] in the left panel. The contrastive alveopalatal consonants ble 5. Note that the phoneme and the relevant rules are postulated in Ta- / y / has little status because there are only seven items for / y /. [P] /c/ Lr / [-Enas]— /j/< j [4'] [c. ] rn -, zi / (10) [] /-] /s/< / els. [] Lri [R.] /n/ `v1 / (7) / els. / / / / `v1 Table 5 alveopalatal . alveopalatal affricate' affricate' 'vd . laminal alveopalatal affricate' 'vd . alveopalatal affricate' 'vd . laminal alveopalatal prenasalized affricate' 'vd . alveopalatal prenasalized affricate' 'vl . laminal alveopalatal approximant' `vl * . alveopalatal approximant' `v1 . laminal alveopalatal fricative' `vl . alveopalatal fricative' (7) els. (7) els. / (7) / els. /(7) / els. 'vd /(7) / els. 'vd 'vd []] /y/ . laminal . laminal alveopalatal nasal' . alveopalatal nasal' . alveopalatal approximant' Alveopalatal consonants and the relevant rules (els. = elsewhere, vl. = voiceless, vd. = voiced, * = optional rule) 2.5 There Velar consonants are three velar consonants, namely –32– /k, g, /. Kazuya (24) String-initial /k/ /g/ /rj/ # : /g/ : /g/ : /p/ # : /ij/ : /b/ : /m/ : /g/ : /i/ : 1p/ 1W tI: /ij/ ti : lbl /ij/ : /m/ k, g, fl / [ kambut kaj3uk kariy garakan garag gambuh [kumbut''] : [°gumbuh], 'wovenbag' : 'bounce' rlaj3uk [kutiuk] : [guj3ukl, 'iguana' : 'to pileup' parij [kurig]: [purig], 'to lie down' : `most' rlarakup [°gurukun]: [ryurukupl, 'omen' : 'to clenchone's fist' baraaja [°guru;!]: [mbureg-e], 'bracelet' : 'earthenwarecookingpot' ;lorom morog (25) Intervocalic /k/ — INAGAKI — ['prom] : [moroti], 'to brood' : 'straight' k, g, xj/ V — V oko ago bokon bouon naka napa ogo roijo nugas cuba rirlan riman [oko]: [o°go], 'old' : 'grandfather' [mbokon]: [mbokon], 'Not!' : 'all by oneself' [nuku] : [nupu], `jackfruit': 'to make,do' [o°go]: [rogo], 'grandfather' : 'arm' [nu°guc]; Vumbu], 'to givepower' : 'hey,say' [rigun]: [riman], 'scar' : 'approximately(food)' At the string-final position, /k / and / / can occur while /g / cannot occur. (26) String final /k/ /ij/ — : /KJ/ turak : /p/ dorak : /m/ bora;l k, rJ / turaij dorap boram [turukl : [turui], 'to go ' : 'bone' [°dorek,]: [°dorepl, 'flower' : 'spleen' [mborei]: [mborum],. 'itchingpowder' : 'palmwine' The contrastive velar consonants and the relevant rules are postulated in Table 6. / (12) lkI / els. /g/< / [-Fnas] / (10) / / / / (7) els. (7) els. / / ['g] / [1]g] / (7) els. (7) els. 1 ] r,_] [k] [g] [g] [rJ] [IA /9/ Table 6 / (7) / els. `vl . advanced velar unreleased stop' `vl . velar unreleased stop' `v1 . advanced velar plosive' `vl . velar plosive' 'vd . advanced velar plosive' 'vd . velar plosive' 'vd . advanced velar prenasalized 'vd . velar prenasalized plosive' 'vd . advanced velar nasal' 'vd . velar nasal' Velar consonants and the relevant rules (els. = elsewhere, vl. = voiceless, vd. = voiced) — 33 — plosive' Phonemic 2.6 Glottal Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih consonant The glottalconsonant/ h / is labializedto [h] adjacentto / u /, and alteredto advanced velar fricative [x] adjacentto / i /. [h] and [x] appearseitherat the string-finalposition or beforea voicelessplosive/affricateT.Before i, [x] is not realized,alternatively the glottal fricative [h] is realized,and at the sametime, the succeedingi is realized with a slightlyretractedtongueroot. (27) Glottal allophones conditioned by adjacent vowels [h(i)]: [h(u)]: [h]: [(i)x]: [(u)h]: [h]: hiag [hnnj]'great-great-grandparents' huag [huerl]'will, shall' hajo, henda,horas 'big', 'turmeric', 'sweat' doih Nobs], ihco [ix °o] 'needle', `one' auh [euh], puhti [puhti] 'voice', `white' buah, beleh,amoh'Yes!', 'youth', 'where' With attention to the allophonic realization in (27), contrastive pairs concerning the adjacent i and u are considered (28, 29, 30). (28) String-initial ---h/[_, haPun /h/ /hi/ /hu/ 0: 0: 0: 0: /si/ /ku/ /su/ /pu/ (29) Intervocalic /h/ : /j3/ :/k/ : /pi/ /hi/ /hu/ 0: /ki/ 0: /si/ : /flu/ : /ku/ 0: /su/ 0: /pu/ [ — i, kaPuk hira hira hureg huag hum] puan — [—u tomorrow' : 'iguana' kirap. [hire] _r __the directionof: `lightning' siran [hire] : [ iren], 'in the directionof : `foot+ lowerleg' kurat: [kuret], 'sloping' : 'mushroom' [hureg] suar [turn] : [cuer], 'will, shall' : 'lamp (hunting)' [huerj]: [puen], 'will, shall' : `durian-size fruit withpersimmontaste' h/V— V, V i, V u duhug ma(iak bakai bajiiu takip musit tollun dukug [mehei3]: [me13ueke],'hard' : `to bite' [`"behei]: ["'bekei], 'shoulder' : 'not yet finished' [mbehiu]: [mbetiiu], 'air,wind' : `female(animal)' [tehi] : [tekip'], 'long (time)' : 'ladle' [muhi] : [muit'1], `towash up' : `toshatter,hatch' [tohun] : [toj3un], `middle' : 'sugarcane-LINKER' ["duhur3]: [("duku).:'dukuxl], 'thunder' : `to sit (withthe kneesbent to one side)' pohuk nahuag osuk napunan [pohuk] : [o9uk'], `female(bipedal)': `mygrandchild' *hum]] : [nepunnn], `towant something': `tocollectup' mahag bahai bahiu tahi muhi tohun —34 — Kazuya (30) String-final : lkl : /ik/ /hi /ih/ — zrembah rahpih String-final (31) h i _], nembak [nembeh]: [nembak'], 'to worship': 'to shoot' [rehpix]: [rehpikl, `flat': 'sleepingmat' [rjorix]: [keri~], 'to drink' 'kris' [puhpuh]: [muhpuk'], `buttoks': 'to wash(clothes)' [euh]: [hsup], 'voice': `thirsty' [nokuh]: [rjukup'], 'toward': 'in thehand' rahpik g: /is/ yorih # : /uk/ puhpuh : /us/auh : /up/nokuh /uh/ INAGAKI kiwis muhpuk haus gakup h is indispensable for distinguishing tari [tvri]'rope' muhka [muhke] danda rid:endv] u_] 'to open' 'fine, penalty' some pairs, for example: tarih [turbd muhkah [muhkah] dandah [' dundnh] 'taro' 'to throw' 'slow, late' It must be noted here that there are consonant sequences such as [glottal fricative]— [voiceless plosive/affiicate] hT as Hudson has suggested. *9 Most of the sequence hT is in free variation *10with the segment T as in (32), but contrasts can be seen in certain items as in (33). (32) T hT in free variation [rkipo]^' [rk'?rPo] [r3emuto] [gemuhto] [nogot"] ti [nolOPot't] [`°borekerj]—[mborehke;l] zpo p"hp: t ht: rgamuto c~hc: nocot k borakag hk: 'tooth' 'to shut the eyes' 'to shiver' 'to sell' (33) T : hT in contrast (not in free variation) /t/ : /ht/ puti puhti noto nohto 1k/ : /Ilk/ bakai bahkai If a given Dohoi/Kadorih is in homonymic pronounced *9 *10 relation 'banana' : 'white' [puti] : [puhti] [noto] : [nohto] `(personal name)' : 'to see' [mbuker]: rbvhkei] 'unfinished' : 'monkey' lexical item lacks h before with an Indonesian T, and at the same time, it lexical item, then it is more likely to be in the hT form. "Dohoi is distinctive among all the Barito isolects for its medial preaspirated v oiceless stops and affricate (Hudson 1967: 53). The realization of hT is restricted only to the position before string-final vowel: ryakapu[rbekupu]ti[ryekehpu] 'to carry' x[rbehkepu], x[wehkuhpu] nokacuk[nbketsuk'] - [nokeh0uk] 'to spring,jump' I x [nohketruk'], x [noke ~uhk'] — 35 -- Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih Indonesian (34) 'when?' kapan 'we (inclusive)' kita kihta 'shop' toko tohko The allophones [x] [h] [h] /h// Table 7 Dohoi/Kadorih kahpan`thick' of the phoneme / i _ ] or iT /u_], or u / elsewhere /h/ [kixte] 'there are' [tohko] x [kepen] x [kit'e] x [toko] are derived by rules in Table 7. `vl T or [kghpu n] 'sap , resin' u `vl . advanced . simply `v1 . glottal velar fricative' labialized glottal fricative' fricative' Glottal consonant and the relevant rules (v1. = voiceless, T = vl. plosive/affricate) Vowels 3 Santoso et. al. (1984) assumes five vowel phonemes / a, e, i, u, o / with references to six minimal pairs and provides examples concerning each distribution, string-initial/ -medial/-final (pp . 19-22). In addition, it exhbits diphthongs / ay, oy, aw, uy, ow / as the phonemes in "Ot Danum", although "the diphthongs occur only at the string-final position" (pp. 22-23). In § 3.1, (sub-) minimal pairs of monophthongs are exhibited to account for each phonemic status of vowels. In §3.2, three conditions for a diphthong will be specified, then, the diphthongs in Dohoi/Kadorih are not phonemic but predictable. 3.1 Monophthongs and their acoustic spaces (35) String-first vowels /a/ : /u/ : /e/ : /o/ : /u/ : /e/ ahi ihi aai iai atag utag baru buru atar~ etarj bahon behov au oru aka oka mia mua riou ruou iku eku ['On]: [ihr], 'there' : 'that' [vet]: [ier], 'Not!' : 'who' [etelj] : [uterj], 'birdsof prey' : 'debt' ["beru] : [mburu], `widow' : 'body hair' [etui3]: [eterj], 'birdsof prey' : 'single strap' [mbehon]: [(rembet'1) mbehou], 'cinder' : 'handbag' [eru] : [oru], 'pounder' : 'although' [eke] : [oke], 'number symbols': 'older sibling' [name] : [mue], 'shy, ashamed': 'to bear fruit' [riou]: [ruou], 'soul, ghost' : 'swamp, lake' [iku] : [eku], `tail' : 'mine' — 36 — Kazuya sita seta potik miros potik MOWS : /e/ utag etag : /o/ butih utag beti otag butih etag botih otag jerak jora /o/ /u/ /e/ : /o/ INAGAKI [itu] : [etu (urut'')], 'to love' : 'seats in a boat' [pitik ] : [potik'], 'sketch,drawing' : 'wasp' [miro9]: [morop], 'squinting' : 'wild (animal)' [utux]]: [etuij], 'debt' : 'single strap' [mbutix]: [mbeti], `wart(black)' : 'body' [utuq] : [otur3], 'debt' : `sarongusedas a sling' [mbutix]: [mbotix], `wart(black)' : 'calf' [etuij]: [oturi], 'single strap' : `sarongused as a sling' ["azerek'] : ["dzore], 'light (lamp)' : 'tongue' 25 4 x V 0 55sa L. 7 oa fl 85042600 2100 Figure 7 1600 F2 (Hz) 1100 Fl F2 sample 320 2290 37 e 520 2000 12 a 780 1350 147 0 540 980 85 u 360 850 71 600 Formant plots of string-first vowels (left), average values of the first and second formant frequencies of each first vowel (right) Figure 7 represents formant plots of string-first vowels (352 vowels), F1 on the y-axis and F2 on the x-axis. No vowel space overlaps. This fact implies that there are explicit acoustic inter-distinctions among the five vowels at the string-first position. (36) String-second /a/ /u/ vowels /i/ ara ari /u/ ora Of /e/ berag beteg /o/ oka oko /u/ siki siku /e/ sorig soreg /o/ gomi rnomo /e/ al 111 sareta [ere] : [uri], 'Don't!' : 'youngersibling' [ore] : [oru], 'sago flour' : 'although' [mberep]: [(mbere).mberep], 'measles' : 'round' [oku] : [oko], 'older sibling' : 'elder' : [iku], 'narrow' : 'elbow' [eoritj]: [prep], 'smoothness': `to understand' [r)omi]: [porno], `to smile' : `to feel' [cerut'l] : [perete], 'flow,stream' : 'bean' —37— Phonemic : /o/ /el : /o/ tikus tikos sohpeg sohpot Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih [tikuc] : [tikoc], 'rat, squirrel' : 'riddle' [ohperj] : [cohpot'1], 'conch shell' : 'blow-pipe' There are only a few items which possess e (around 7% in 1000 items) in comparison to items composed of other vowels. Vowel and glide (-like) consonant are contrastiveto each other. (37) /u/ : /ti/ : /y/ baui io bajii yo [mbeui]: [mbye(3i], `lid, cap' : 'female' [io]: [jo],`(s)he' : `Yes!' 3.2 Diphthongs There is a series of falling diphthongswhose second portions are the gliding high vowels, i or u ([ ' ] and [ ' ] indicatehigh and lowpitch respectively). (38) /ail /oi/ amai ahtoi [emsi] [eht6i] `father' 'liver' /ui/ ahpui [ehpui] 'fire' /au/ ucau /ou/ isou /eu/ ruteu /iu/ ohciu [C06] [ruteu] `bamboo,shoot' 'chopper' 'prostitute' 'animal' A diphthong must at least meet three conditions. The first condition is that the second portion of a diphthong must be a high vowel. If the second portion is a high vowel, a falling pitch is realized in the vowel sequence (VV). In contrast, the pitch realization of vowel sequences ao, ua, uo, whose second portions are not high vowels, is different from the pitch realization in (38). In this case, a slight falling pitch is realized in the second portion of a vowel sequence (39: VV' ). (39) /ao/ /ual gatao bahue ], 'to laugh' /uo/ [mbehue'], 'new''sebum somuo [c6mu6' ] in pores of nose' The second condition is that a diphthong must occur at the string-final position. If a vowel sequence occurs with a succeeding consonant, then the pitch realization is the same as the pitch curves as in (39), where the pitch falling starts at the second element position of the vowel sequence. (40) /al/ tau/ lout /iu/ kabaim haramaug torous hasium [kimbefm]`because ofyou' [heremeuij] 'tiger' [thr64] (1.1.'1) 'deer' [higher)]'to kisseachother' The third condition is that a diphthong cannot compose a string by itself. If a string is composed only of a bi-vowel sequence, the pitch pattern in (39, 40) appears again. —38— Kazuya (41) /ail /oi/ rai toi [this] [toi'] INAGAKI Iau/ bau /ou/ tou /iu/ riu 'rudder,helm' 'faeces' [mbeu'] [tou' ] [riu' ] 'mouth' 'to be allowed' 'rainbow' The observations of falling pitch in (38) and (41) are supported by the following paired acoustic analysis which compares the FO curve of bau 'mouth' to that of pambau 'window' (FO: fundamental frequency). 145 145 -n 1 d~~l iiliI 11111,,. 30003 ulIIhIIMIUI s GS I LLLOW lOW --------------------------------------------- 5.3 5.4 53 70 70 5.6 5.7 Time (s) 5.8 5.9 6 16.4 16.5 16.6 16.7 16.8 Time (s) 16.9 17 17 Figure8 Spectrogramsof [mbtI' ] 'mouth' and [pumbsb] 'window' witheach fundamentalfrequency(FO)curve Every sequence composed thong, not as diphthong (42) baui joui pakaraiu of three vowels appears as single monophthong + diph- + monophthong. 'lid, cap' ui 'toad'[W661] 'the last' iu [mbsui] [pelrereib] *au •ou •ai •[mbuui] *reoui] •[pekureiu] In sum, a vowel sequenceis not a diphthongbut a vowelhiatus (i) if the second portionof a sequenceis not a high vowel,and/or(ii) in the context_ C ] or _ V ], and/or(iii) if a vowelsequenceis the only vocalicpart in the relevantstring. It must be noted that there is a contrast between true diphthong and fake diphthong as shown in (43). (43) true vs. fake diphthong [mbOrOb]: [mb6r611'], (VV vs. V+V) `fruit for food (slang)' : 'hungry' Certain kinds of lexical specificationsuch as a syllable boundary between o and u in borou 'hungry' are required for the distinction of true and fake diphthong pair. In this paper, the underlying form for the fake diphthong, / borou' / is assumed, in which the mark / ' / represents "non-finality of its own string". — 39 — Phonemic Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih The contrastive vowels and the relevant rules are postulated in Table 8. These rules predict allophonic realizations of diphthongs (or complex vowel sequence) as well as monophthongs. Note that the phoneme / e / has a very low status as a phoneme because it scarcely occurs in strings. /i/ / e/ /o/ /a/ [I] [i] /V—] orh —* / els. [u]/ V — ] /u/ [u] / els. — — — — 'close near-front front unrounded unrounded `semi -close —>[o] `semi -close —>['e] `near -open front unrounded back rounded central vowel' vowel' `near -close near-back rounded 'close back rounded vowel' —+[e] Table 8 4 `near -close vowel' vowel' vowel' unrounded vowel' Vowels and the relevant rules (* see (27), els. = elsewhere) Conclusion Santos() et al. (1984) only listed items which have a phoneme. In this paper, new description and analysis of the Dohoi/Kadorih sound system are provided. The contributionof this papercan be summarizedby the followingfive points.This paper (a) demonstratesallophonesof each phonemeand some of the acousticcorrelates of them (specifically,prenasalizationversus nasal portion of ND sequence, the approximantizationof / s / as a free variation,plosive-affricate-fricative contrast, formantplots of vowels, and FO curvesof a hiatus versus a diphthong),(b) organizes (sub-)minimal pairs and refers strictly to contrasts,resulting in twenty three phonemes(Table9, 10in Appendix),(c) clarifiesthe statusof each phonemeby indicatingdistributionaldeviations(1 string-finalonly; y just sevenitems; j3intervocalic only; d, n none */ [ _ i; e extremelyfew),(d) postulatesgenerativephonological rules for eachphonemicsegment(mostallophonesare derivedby fronting rule , prenasalizationrule , and nonreleaserule), and (e) statesthree conditionsfor a diphthong (high vowelsecond, string-finalposition, no string by itself). Diphthongsare predictableby the rules for vowels. —40— Kazuya INAGAKI References Cense A. A. and E. M. Uhlenbeck. 1958. Critical survey of studies on the languages of Borneo. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Bibliographical Series 2. 's-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff. Gordon, R. G. Jr. ed. 2005. Ethnologue: Languages of the world. Fifteenth edition. SIL International. Online version [Accessed 17 May 2005]: http://www.ethnologue.com/web.asp. Hudson, A. B. 1967. The Barito isolects of Borneo: A classification based on comparative reconstruction and lexicostatistics. Ithaca, New York: Department of Asian Studies, Cornell University. Inagaki, K. 2005. Survey in Tumbang Marikoi 05. Jan. 22. r„ Feb. 11. unpublished field notes. Ladefoged, P. and I. Maddieson. 1996. The sounds of the world's languages. Oxford: Blackwell. Mallinckrodt, Meyers, J. 1928. Het Adatrecht J., H. Meyers, van Borneo. Leiden: M. Dubbeldeman. B. Rice, and S. Rice. 2003. Report on the Seruyan river surveys in Central Kalimantan (Kohin, Keninjal and Sebaun (Dohoi) Languages). SIL Electronic Survey Reports 2003-017. SIL International. Online [Retrieved 17 May 2005]: http: //www.sil. org/silesr/2003/silesr2003-017.pdf Ohala, J. J. 1983. The origin of sound patterns in vocal tract constraints. In P. F. MacNeilage (ed.) The production of speech, pp. 189-216. New York: Springer Verlag. Santos() R. B., S. Taib, and D. Lorida. 1984. Struktur Bahasa Ot Danum. Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. (Proyek Penelitian Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia dan Daerah Kalimantan Tengah). Stokhof, W. A. L. (ed.). 1986. Holle lists: vocabularies in languages of Indonesia, Vol. 8 (Kalimantan (Borneo)). Canberra: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University (Pacific Linguistics Series D - No . 69). Uchibori, M. and N. Shibata. 1992. Bornneo-syogo (Bornean languages). In Kamei, T., R. Kono, and E. Chino (eds.). The Sanseido encyclopaedia of linguistics, Vol. 3 (Languages of the world, part III), pp. 1187-93. Tokyo: Sanseido. Wurm, S. and S. Hattori (eds.). 1981-83. Language atlas of the pacific area, vols. 12. Canberra: Australian Academy of the Humanities in collaboration with the Japan Academy. -41- b Phonemic Appendix: Phonemic inventories labial plosive vd. vl. alveolar glottal k. [k^ k' k'-4 ] g [`'9^~9] d rd—nd] c v-45] ] 1[M QS~] affricate vd. nasal velar [P^°P'] [t^-t^t'l-t'] [tb] fricative alveopalatal t P vl. Sketch of Dohoi/Kadorih 13 [13] h [h.<.fi s [9^-'R'"."11 r1: [u—ol n [n—n] [m] m [4-9]9][w r trill [r^'r] flap r [r^r^1] y approximant Table 9 [ii Consonantinventoryof Dohoi/Kadorih In the context` [i-nas] _ ', [b,d, d, 4 , 44,*, g] insteadof [mb,"d, Rd,40.;,N,*, °g] respectively.(v1.= voiceless,vd. =-voi front i [i-st] e [e] close mid back u [u—u] 0 [o] a [e] open Table central 10 Vowel inventory — 42 — of Dohoi/Kadorih ced) Kazuya INAGAKI ドホ イ/カ ドリ語 音 素 の 大 要 (オ ー ス トロ ネ シ ア 諸 語:イ ン ドネ シア 、 カ リマ ンタ ン、 カハ ヤ ン 川 源 流) 稲垣 和 也 (INAGAKI Kazuya) Abstract 本 論 文 に よ る ドホ イ/カ ド リ語 の 新 た な 記 述 と分 析 は 、 以 下 の 音 声 学 的 、音 韻 論 的 側 面 を 明 ら か に す る こ と に よ っ て 、Santoso et al.〈1984) の 音 素 に つ い て の 素 描 の 全 体 を 補 う。 1.お の お の の 音 素 の 異 音 に 関 す る調 音 音 声 学 的 な 記 述 と音 響 音 声 学 的 な相 関 物(前 鼻 音 と同 器 官 的 鼻 音 、 自由 変 異 と して の ノs1の 接 近 音 化 、破 裂 一 破 擦 一摩 擦 の 対 比 、母 音 の フ ォ ル マ ン トプ ロ ッ ト、母 音 連続 と二 重母 音 のFO曲 線) II.(準 。)最小 対 を整 理 す る こ とで 対 立 に厳 密 に 言 及 した の ち の 二十三 の音素 III.分 布 的 な 偏 りを 根 拠 とす る各 音 素 の ス テ ー タ ス(音 列 末 尾 の み の1、 七 項 目の み に 現 れ るY、 音 列 中 間 の み に 現 れ る β、/[―1の N.子 環 境 で 生 起 しな いdとn、 音 音 素 の 異 音 を 導 出 す る 規 則(大 極 端 に 少 数 のe) 半 の異音 は 前方化 規則 (fronting rule)、 前 鼻 音 化 規 則(prenasalization 規 則(nonrelease rule)に rule)、 無 開 放 よ つ て 導 か れ る) V.二 重 母 音 で あ るた め の 三 つ の 要 件([i]第 二 要 素 狭 母 音 、[ii】 音 列 末 尾 位 置 の 生 起 、[iii]それ の み で 音 列 を構 成 し な い) と、 母 音 音 素 の 異 音 を導 出す る規 則 一43一