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this PDF file - Hekima University College Journals
HEKIMA REVIEW
Journal of Hekima College
Jesuit School of Theology
Nairobi
Number 31, May 2004
Address: P.O. Box 21215, Ngong Road, 00505 Nairobi – Kenya
Telephone: (254-2) 576607/8/9
Fax: (254-2) 570972
E-mail: [email protected]
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Hekima Review is a bi-annual publication of Hekima College, Jesuit School of
Theology, in Nairobi, Kenya.
The Editorial Board
Director:
Editor-in-Chief:
Assistant Editor:
Managing Editor:
Distribution:
Peter Schineller, S.J.
Ugo Nweke, S.J.
Moka Willy, S.J.
Ugenio Phiri, S.J.
Marcellin Mugabe, S.J.
Douglas Manyere, S.J.
Members:
Aurélien D. Folifack, S.J.
Athanas Njeru, S.J.
Dhedya Dominque, S.J.
Gasigwa Fabien, S.J.
Jacob Odhoch Okumu, S.J
Paul Christian Kiti, S.J.
Pitroipa Anatole-France, S.J.
Tang Abomo Paul Emile, S.J.
The views expressed in this issue of Hekima Review do not necessarily reflect
the opinions of the Editorial Board. We welcome letters to the editor in reaction
to any of the pieces published by Hekima Review.
Price per issue:
in Kenya: KShs 250.00
abroad: US$ 10.00 (including postage)
All correspondence should be addressed to:
The Editor of Hekima Review
Hekima College
P.O. Box 21215, Ngong Road,
00505 Nairobi – Kenya
Email: [email protected]
ISBN 1019-6188
Typesetting and artwork by
PAULINES PUBLICATIONS AFRICA, P.O. Box 49026, 00100 Nairobi (Kenya)
Printed by Kolbe Press, P.O. Box 468, 00217 Limuru (Kenya)
Hekima Review, No. 31, May 2004
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Contents
EDITORIAL
20 Years Later: Coming of Age
Ugo Nweke, S.J. ............................................................................................. 5
THEOLOGICAL ISSUES
Antiretroviral Access: Perspective of the Catholic Social Teaching
Paterne-Auxence Mombe, S.J. ...................................................................... 7
Mission As Integral Liberation in Africa
by Ssettuuma Benedict ............................................................................... 23
SCRIPTURE
The Disciple Who Loved Jesus: A Reading of John 21:15-25
by Edoth Mukasa, S.J. ................................................................................. 37
La Présence De Yahweh Au Milieu D’Israël (Joël 2: 1-3, 21).
by Emmanuel Bueya-bu-Makaya, S.J. ........................................................ 48
SYMPOSIUM
Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa:
A Looming Disaster on the Continent
by Elias Omondi Opongo, S.J. ..................................................................... 65
The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System: A Search for Social Grace
by Emmanuel Ugwejeh, S.J. ............................................................................. 85
INTERVIEW
The African Theologian and the Theological Ministry
of the Society of Jesus .................................................................................. 99
BOOK REVIEWS
Aquiline Tarimo, S.J.
Human Rights, Cultural Differences and the Church in Africa
Reviewed by Aurelien Folifack D., S.J. ........................................................ 101
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Rev. Peter Schineller, SJ, ed.
The Church Teaches: Stand of the Catholic Bishops of Nigeria
on Issues of Faith and Life
Reviewed by Okumu, Jacob Odhoch, SJ ................................................... 102
Edward Murphy, S. J., ed.
A History of the Jesuits in Zambia: A Mission Becomes A Province
Reviewed by Edoth Mukasa, S.J. ............................................................... 104
David Hollenbach, S.J.
The Global Face of Public Faith
Reviewed by Ugo Nweke, S.J. ..................................................................... 104
Gerard O’Connell
God’s Invisible Hand
Reviewed by Tang Abomo Paul Emile, S.J. ............................................... 107
George O. Ehusani
A Prophetic Church
Reviewed by E. Kelechukwu Egonu, S.J. ................................................... 109
Joe Komakoma
The Social Teaching of the Catholic Bishops and other
Christian Leaders in Zambia: Major Pastoral Letters and
Statements (1953 - 2001)
Reviewed by Patrick Mulemi, S.J. .............................................................. 111
Francis A. Eigo, O.S.A., ed.
Ethical Dilemmas in the New Millennium (I)
Reviewed by Marcellin Mugabe, S.J. ......................................................... 113
Peter Kanyandago, ed.
The Cries of the Poor in Africa. Questions and Responses
for African Christianity
Reviewed by Paul Christian Kiti, S.J. ........................................................ 115
POETRY
My Backstreet
by Letty Awuor ......................................................................................... 117
Packaged Misery
by Ugo Nweke, S.J. .................................................................................... 118
Passage, I Plead
by Joseph Arimoso, S.J. .............................................................................. 119
BOOKS RECEIVED
From Gujarat Sahitya Prakash .................................................................... 120
Hekima Review, No. 31, May 2004
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Editorial
20 Years Later: Coming of Age.
Ugo Nweke, S.J.
In the 30th issue of the HR, my predecessor, Edoth Mukasa SJ noted that 20 years
after the foundation of Hekima College, “the College has come of age.” For many,
coming of age or maturity is characterized by independence and responsible service
to the community.
As if to assert her maturity, during her 20th academic year, Hekima was weaned
of her remaining founding member of faculty. The departure of Fr Edmond Murphy,
who had served the college for 20 years, and was not only the longest serving
member of staff but also the only remaining member of the original founding team
of the college, ushered in a new era in the annals of the college. As Fr Eddie noted
during his farewell liturgy at her 20th anniversary, the college had matured from the
foundational idea of building a theologate in Africa to that of being a truly African
theologate rooted in the African context.
It is her rootedness in the African context, and her response to this situation
through responsible service to the African people in her ongoing theological reflections on this context that informs the articles in this 31st issue.
Today, the devastating effects of HIV/AIDS on the African people characterize
the context the African theologian finds himself in. Incidentally, the year 1981 when
Fr. Arrupe decided to situate Hekima College, the first African Jesuit theologate in
Nairobi, was the same year this virus was first discovered. Given the development
of antiretroviral drugs, one would have thought that the incidence of this epidemic
would have become manageable in Africa as it is elsewhere. Unfortunately, Africa
remains excluded from this discovery largely due to the ideology of the neo-liberal
economic system. In Antiretroviral Access: Perspective of the Catholic Social Teaching, Paterne-Auxence Mombe, S.J. argues for the accessibility of these drugs to
those who need them based on the Catholic Social Teaching’s principle of ‘common
good.’ Similarly, in Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming Disaster
on the Continent, Elias Omondi challenges the African Church, the African continent
and the international community to respond more adequately to the ever increasing
population of AIDS orphans in the continent, or face social, cultural and economic
disaster in the future.
How should Christian mission tackle the multi-faceted problems that threaten
the future of our continent? In Mission as Integral Liberation in Africa, Benedict
Ssettuuma argues for a mission that is founded on God’s love for the world and that
seeks the integral liberation of the African. Emmanuel Bueya-bu-Makaya, S.J. turns
Hekima Review, No. 31, May 2004
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to the Old Testament in his quest to respond to these multifaceted problems. Like
our contemporary Africa, the post-exilic Israelites were also faced with a number of
problems that threatened their future. Hence, in La presence de Yahweh au milieu
d’israel (Joël 2: 1-3, 21), Bueya presents Joel’s response to his situation as a paradigm for Africa.
In The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System: A Search for Social Grace, Emmanuel
Ugwejeh, S.J. believes that this social sin of exclusion and segregation can be overcome if the Church adequately mediates God’s social grace.
Edoth Mukasa’s The Disciple Who Loved Jesus: A reading of John 21:15 – 25 is
very appropriate this eve of the 10th anniversary of the assassination of Engelbert
Mveng, S.J.. In his article, Mukasa reconciles the figures of the Beloved Disciple and
Peter in their love for Christ, a love that led them to follow him to martyrdom.
Though Mveng’s theological quest for the integral liberation of Africans has continued to motivate many young African theologians today, more importantly, his death
has become a challenge and inspiration to many, to demonstrate their love for
Christ by following him to the end …even the cross. And as his painting in the
Hekima College chapel reminds us, our world continues to be fed, nourished and
saved by Christ crucified, and the selfless sacrifices of many others in our world
today who follow him unreservedly.
As the College celebrates her 20th anniversary, what does the Society of Jesus
expect of this Jesuit Institution or the African Theologian? Read more about this and
other issues in the interview with Peter-Hans Kolvenbach, S.J. on The African Theologian and the Theological Ministry of the Society of Jesus.
Two of the three poems in this edition bemoan the fate of the orphan. While My
Backstreet explores their daily life in the back-streets of Nairobi, Packaged Misery
denounces those who make a living out of their misfortune. In the face of ensnaring
ideologies, the third poem, Passage, I Plead, turns nostalgically to the ancestors for
direction.
The 31st edition includes nine book reviews, three of which are faculty publications, and ends with a list of books received from Gujarat Sahitya Prakash.
@@@@
Hekima Review warmly welcomes Fr. Paul Mayeresa, SJ who comes to join the
faculty of Hekima college this academic year. Likewise, the board welcomes
Mora Willy, S.J., Ugenio Phiri, S.J., Douglas Manyere, S.J., Athanas Njeru, S.J.,
Dhedya Dominque, S.J., Gasigwa Fabien, S.J., Pitroipa Anatole-France, S.J., and
Tang Abomo Paul Emile, S.J. to the board of Hekima Review. Lastly, the board
extends its profound gratitude to Edoth Mukasa, S.J., Patrick Mulemi, S.J., Martin
Bahati, S.J., Emmanuel Bueya-bu-Makaya, S.J. Edward Chakwiya, S.M.M. and
Kelechi Egonu, S.J. for their dedication and remarkable service to Hekima Review for the last three years.
Hekima Review, No. 31, May 2004
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TheologicalIssues
AntiretroviralAccess:PerspectiveoftheCatholic
SocialTeaching.
Paterne-Auxence Mombe, S.J.*
Sommaire
Depuis 1996 où les traitements anti-VIH ont été initiés, le prix très élevé
des antiretroviraux (ARV) a exclu les personnes vivant avec le VIH/
SIDA dans les pays pauvres de l’accès à ces traitements. Le haut prix de
ces ARV, capables d’améliorer et de prolonger la vie des Sidéens, résulte du fait qu’ils
sont protégés par les lois de la propriété intellectuelle, défendues par l’Organisation
Mondiale du Commerce. Ces mesures commcerciales qui ont abouti à la restriction
de l’accès aux ARV soulèvent des problèmes éthiques, surtout quand cela a pour
conséquence la perte de millions de vies humaines par année. Dans son enseignement
social, l’Eglise qui reconnaît le droit à la propriété privée souligne l’impératif moral de
surseoir à ce droit au profit du Bien Commun. La propriété intellectuelle, ou encore le
droit à la propriété privée n’est pas absolu et inconditionel. Il ne saurait être au
détriment du bien commun, ou d’un grand nombre de personnes en danger de mort
et sans défense.
Introduction
The last report of UNAIDS on the situation of HIV/AIDS in the world
is explicit: Sub-Saharan Africa remains by far the region worst affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. High levels of new HIV infections
and AIDS mortality persist. According to statistics concerning Sub-Saharan Africa, in
2003, an estimated 26.6 million people were living with HIV. Also about 2.3 million
people died of AIDS in 2003.1
This sad situation contrasts with the impact of antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) in
industrialized countries, since the time they had been introduced in 1996. In fact,
the antiretroviral drugs have contributed to drastic decrease in the impact of HIV/
AIDS on people and AIDS mortality in developed countries. But up to now, these
drugs are still too expensive and beyond reach for Sub-Saharan African countries
where there is the vast majority of those in dire need of them.
This paper explores why these drugs are too expensive and inaccessible to
those who need them, and suggests ways that they can become more accessible in
the light of the Catholic social teaching. The paper is divided into three sections; the
first section will outline the problems militating against easy access to HIV/AIDS
*
Paterne-Auxence Mombe is a Central African Republic Jesuit Scholastic in his 3rd year at Hekima
College, Nairobi, Kenya.
1
Cf. UNAIDS report 2003, available online at http://www.unaids.org.
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Paterne-Auxence Mombe, S.J.
drugs like ARVs, the second section explores the Catholic social teaching in order to
draw some criteria of judgment from it, and the last section makes a critical assessment of the international trade laws that determine the accessibility of HIV drugs
and suggests an alternative way of dealing with this issue. The conclusion will offer
some concrete proposals.
1. Problems of Even though the prices of HIV drugs fell “on average by 85%
2
Accessing HIV/ between 2000 and 2002,” price remains the major reason for the
lack of access to HIV drugs such as ARVs. The access to cheaper
AIDS Drugs
generic drug, is also limited and inaccessible to many countries in
Africa. Besides the fact that most African countries may not be able
to afford the cheaper drugs, African governments are also incapable of offering
what the few companies that produce the cheaper drugs may suggest as contribution. Furthermore, many African countries are bound by international trade laws
imposed upon them by the World Trade Organization (WTO). We shall have a
better understanding of the situation by considering the link between the international trade laws in force and the price of drugs.
THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION
RIGHTS
AND THE
AGREEMENT
ON INTELLECTUAL
PROPERTY
The WTO was created in 1995. It came as a substitute for the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which aimed at protecting and regulating international trade. WTO has the legal responsibility to oversee all aspects of international trade among all the countries that are members of the organization. The
difference between the GATT and the WTO resides, among other things, in the
fact that the latter takes in consideration a legal protection to be granted to intellectual property. Thus it forces its members to introduce in their legislation norms
or patent laws that protect ‘inventions’ developed after January 1, 1995. These
inventions include “new drugs, new processes or formulations and perhaps new
indications.”3
For a better understanding of the role of WTO, I need to explain what a patent
is. A patent is “a legal title granted by a government, which gives its holder a timelimited monopoly on the domestic manufacturing, selling and importing of an invented product.”4 So when a product is registered on patent in a country, the patented product will be made or sold on an exclusive basis by the company which is
granted the title. And the country will not allow the copy of the product manufactured and marketed outside the patent monopoly to be imported and sold on its
territory. The country is therefore bound to buy the product from the patent holder
2
B. Hills-Jones, and A. Kanabus, “Obtaining HIV & AIDS Antiretroviral Drugs in Africa,” http://
avert.org/aidsdrugsafrica.htm.
3
F. Renaud-Théry, and J. D. Quick, “Improving Access to Drugs for People Living with HIV/AIDS
(PLHA),” in P. R. Lamptey and H.D. Gayle HIV/AIDS Prevention and Care in Resource-Constrained
Settings. A handbook for the design and management of programs, (Arlington: Family Health International, 2001), 96.
4
“Glossary,” available online at http://www.genericsnow.org/press_review9.html. Most of our
information about the technical terms in this section is taken from this glossary.
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Antiretroviral Access: Perspective of the Catholic Social Teaching
at a price which escapes any competition, until the time-limited monopoly is over.
It should be noted that a patented product is currently protected for over 20 years.
WTO pressurizes all its members to include the patent regulation in their national legislation. The patent legislation must take into account the intellectual property whose “requirements are contained in the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights.”5 In other words, all WTO members must
modify their patent laws according to the agreement on Trade Related Intellectual
Property Rights (TRIPS). Thus the TRIPS agreement “seeks to impose international
norms for patent protection and guarantees royalties to companies. When countries
sign up to the World Trade Organization (WTO), they also sign up to protect the
patent rights of companies who sell products within their country.”6 It is said that by
2006, every country must comply with TRIPS agreement.7
HIV
DRUGS AND
TRIPS
AGREEMENT
As inventions, pharmaceutical products such as HIV ARVs are subject to patent
laws. The prices of antiretroviral drugs are very high because the international trade
laws, namely the WTO TRIPS agreement, protect them. And many African countries
are under considerable pressure – from great powers such as the United States and
from the Western pharmaceutical industrial lobby – to strictly integrate the current
laws on intellectual property in their national legislation. So many African countries
as well as other members of WTO have to grant patent protection to ARVs and other
pharmaceutical products extremely needed by their population for a minimum of
twenty years. In short, the government of Central African Republic, for example,
cannot import cheaper generic copies of ARVs as long as the protection is still in
force.
The reason given to justify the strict enforcement of the TRIPS agreement, is that
the patent laws will allow the pharmaceutical companies which have patents over
their products to ensure “income in return for the investment they have made in the
development of the drugs.”8 Some also argue that “the new WTO TRIPS may stimulate additional research and development.”9 However, the observation of Peter Piot,
executive director of UNAIDS in 2000, is noteworthy. Piot states that the “current
contract, by which we accepted high prices in exchange for innovative treatments
and better quality, functioned for the benefit of all in the rich countries. Given that,
today, in particular because of AIDS, this contract should be called in question,
since it excludes millions of people from access to these same products.”10 In other
words, if it formerly served the common good, it does not do so anymore in the age
of AIDS in developing countries.
5
Ibid.
Hills-Jones, op. cit.
7
Cf. Renaud-Théry, op. cit.
8
Hills-Jones, op. cit.
9
Renaud-Théry, op. cit.
10
“First International Summit for Access to Generics HIV drugs,” available at http://
www.genericsnow.org/press_review.html.
6
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Paterne-Auxence Mombe, S.J.
ALTERNATIVES
FOR ACCESS TO
HIV/AIDS
DRUGS
Access to generic HIV/AIDS drugs
One of the best accesses to HIV/AIDS drugs is through the use of generic drugs.
But what are generic drugs or medicines? The term ‘generic’ was first employed to
refer to drugs whose formula, belonging to the public domain, are marketed under
their common or chemical name. In fact we talk of generic medicine as opposed to
patented or branded medicine. So generic drugs differ from patented drugs in that
the former are marketed under their chemical names while the latter are marked
under their brand names.
By extension, the term ‘generic drug’ is used to refer to a copy of an originally
branded drug which is marketed outside of patent monopoly. Normally the formulae of generic and branded drugs are the same. Yet sometimes pressure can be put
on industries that are manufacturing generics to slightly modify the formula. It
should be noted that, as a result of the different mode of marketing, the price of a
generic drug is much cheaper than that of a branded one. However, the big pharmaceutical companies would say generics are cheaper because the companies that
produce them did not have to invest in research to discover them. The promotion of
HIV/AIDS generic drugs constitutes a means of making these drugs more available
and affordable to African countries that are among those who are in the most need
of them.
Nevertheless, it is in order to halt the practice of manufacturing copies of drugs
during the time-limitation (of twenty years) that the WTO rules on intellectual property are established. In spite of the fact that generic HIV drugs are more affordable
for African countries, they are bound by patent protection and therefore are prevented from having recourse to these generic drugs. And the long duration of
protection imposed by the TRIPS has agreement as a consequence a delay in “the
period before which generic competitor products become available.”11
The Doha agreement: Parallel Importation and Compulsory Licensing
Actually, putting things this way somehow distorts the reality. In fact, the TRIPS
agreement entails some safeguards, which provide certain flexibility. The possibility
of the members of WTO to apply these safeguards had been stressed in a special
way during the WTO 2001 meeting in Doha (Qatar). As Kanabus and Hills-Jones
report, the members agreed that “the WTO Agreement on Trade-related Aspects of
Intellectual Property Rights does not and should not prevent Members from taking
measures to protect public health… the agreement can and should be interpreted
and implemented in a manner supportive of WTO Members’ right to protect public
health, and, in particular, to promote access to medicines for all.”12
So, technically speaking, it should be possible for African countries to improve
the availability and affordability of HIV/AIDS treatments by applying these safeguards of the TRIPS agreement. This basically includes two measures: compulsory
licensing and parallel importation. Countries can apply them in their restrictive
11
12
Cf. Renaud-Théry, op. cit.
Hills-Jones, op. cit.
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Antiretroviral Access: Perspective of the Catholic Social Teaching
conditions without being challenged at the legal level by other WTO members.
What does this consist of?
Let me first consider parallel importation. It is a trade practice which consists in
purchasing (branded or patented) drugs from a third party in another country,
rather than directly from the manufacturer. This practice is useful mainly “when
prices in the other country are…substantially lower.”13 In fact, pharmaceutical companies sometimes charge very different prices in different countries.
Compulsory licensing is an authorization given by a government to a third
party to manufacture and commercialize the equivalent generic of a patented drug
without the agreement of the patent holder. Hills-Jones and Kanabus give an
explanation on the legality of this practice when they state “Even though countries sign up to the World Trade Organization and are therefore expected to protect the patent rights of companies, they are allowed, under certain conditions, to
issue compulsory licenses against the will of the patent holder. For example, if
HIV rates in a country are particularly high, the government could decide that it is
in the public interest to ensure that appropriate drugs are manufactured locally
and made available at a cheaper price.”14 Yet royalties are paid to the patent
holder.
From the above, one may assume on the one hand that the access to HIV/AIDS
drugs should not be a problem for African countries since ‘parallel importation’ is
neither prohibited nor protected by the TRIPS agreement. On the other hand, any
country, in a case of public health emergency, can issue compulsory licenses for
drugs to be manufactured within her territory. But many objections can be made to
such an optimistic view. At this point, I will highlight three.
First, concerning parallel importation, the drugs which are imported are normally branded medicines. Therefore the prices might still be out of reach or too
high for many African countries. Second, parallel importation is hardly accepted by
WTO members. For instance Hills-Jones and Kanabus note that “Since the creation
of the WTO in 1995, the United States Government has been extremely aggressive
in attacking parallel imports by other countries.”15
Third, out of the two measures or safeguards planned by the TRIPS agreement
compulsory licensing seems to be the better option for resource-constrained African
countries. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that this measure is meaningless for
the vast majority of African countries, as far as a better access to AIDS medicines is
concerned. Besides that, very few African countries have the infrastructure necessary for manufacturing the drugs domestically, as planned by the compulsory licensing measure.
The WTO members who gathered in Doha acknowledged this limit when they
stated that “We recognize that WTO members with insufficient or no manufacturing
capacities in the pharmaceutical sector could face difficulties in making effective
use of compulsory licensing under the TRIPS Agreement. We instruct the Council
for TRIPS to find an expeditious solution to this problem and to report to the
13
14
15
Cf. Renaud-Théry, op. cit.
Hills-Jones, op. cit.
Ibid.
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Paterne-Auxence Mombe, S.J.
General Council before the end of 2002.”16 In addition, many poor countries would
not be able to afford the raw materials needed for the production of the drugs. In
short, the two safety measures planned by the TRIPS agreement and underlined by
the declaration of Doha are far from being useful to African countries in addressing
the life-threatening HIV/AIDS pandemic.
The August 30th 2003 Decision of the TRIPS Council
The recommendation of Doha, inviting the Council for TRIPS to find an expeditious solution to the problem of the manufacturing capacity of many poor countries
in the pharmaceutical sector, was only concretized in August 2003. The agreement
came after two-year trade battle and several days of non-stop negotiations and
discussion that preceded the WTO’s Fifth Ministerial Conference of Cancun (September 2003).
The General Council of the WTO decided on August 30th 2003 to alter international trade rules by allowing the least-developed countries, that are members of
the WTO and who have insufficient manufacturing capacity in the pharmaceutical
sector, to import generic versions of expensive patented medicines including
antiretrovirals. It is to be specified that a country, to be eligible, must face a situation
of life-threatening epidemic, like HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. The country,
which is supposed to be poor and unable to manufacture generics domestically,
must make a notification to the Council for TRIPS specifying the names and expected quantities of the products needed. These medicines must only be used in
the countries authorized to import them, and in the quantity stipulated. The major
concern of WTO in putting these restrictive measures is to ensure that generic
medicines are not diverted back to the markets of the developed countries for
commercial purpose.
If the WTO’s decision allowing poor nations to purchase cheap drugs constitutes an important step in improving the access to lifesaving medicines such as
ARVs, the novelty in that decision is only that it attempts to render the compulsory
license disposition useful for the least-developed countries. It allows poor countries, which are without pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity, to obtain generics
as if they were produced locally, using the compulsory licensing under the TRIPS
agreement.
Some observations need to be made here. The importing countries will still
have in the last resort to pay royalties to the patent holder over the generic drugs
they will import. The raw materials needed for producing antiretrovirals are in
reality expensive. As a result, the price of the generics, though cheaper compared to
patented medicines, will still be out of reach for many Africans. For instance, in
India, where generic drugs are produced, access to these drugs are limited since 40
percent of the population lives bellow the poverty line.17 In Brazil, the government
has been subsidizing the cost of these generic drugs so that they may be within the
reach of the poor.
16
DOHA WTO Ministerial 2001, “Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health,” no. 6,
available online on at http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/min01_e/mindecl_e.htm.
17
Cf. M. Osava, “WTO-CANCUN: Brazil Imports Generic Drugs from India, China” available online
at http://ipsnews.net/interna.asp?idnews=19997.
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Antiretroviral Access: Perspective of the Catholic Social Teaching
Another obstacle is that there is a limited number of countries from which
poorer countries can import these generic drugs. The countries known for producing generics include India, China, Brazil, Thailand and Cuba. But Brazil, Thailand
and Cuba only produce for national health programs. As long as technology is not
transferred to the least-developed countries, the access to generic medicine is going
to remain a major obstacle to easy access of ARVs. So, one can notice that important
steps had been made in order to increase the access of Africans to needed lifesaving treatment. But there is still a long way to go. In other words, the problem of
access to HIV/AIDS drugs in resource-constrained countries, especially African countries, remains unsolved.
In any case, between the time the Doha declaration approved the principle that
public health prevails over intellectual property and the time the WTO’s General
Council proposed a rule more or less useful for poor countries in acquiring the
AIDS-fighting medicines, more than 2 million people had died from AIDS. This
inertia, due to the international trade laws on intellectual property, does not go
without posing socio-political and economic problem, as well as raising ethical
questions. We shall endeavor, in the next section, to deal with the ethical dimensions of the issue of access to HIV/AIDS drugs.
2.PrivateProperty
anditsLimitsinthe
Social Teaching of the
Church
The patent laws on intellectual property evoke the idea of
private property or the right of ownership over an intellectual deed. The patent laws basically aim at protecting
the rights of individuals or companies over things that are
recognized as theirs. The question which needs considering at this point is if the rights of pharmaceutical companies protected by the TRIPS agreement should bear some limitations or not. Here, I
will explore the social teaching of the Church on private property and its limits in
order to see how it can be helpful in addressing the issue of patent protection of
HIV/AIDS drugs.
THE PRIVATE PROPERTY
IN THE
CHURCH’S SOCIAL TEACHING TRADITION
The issue of private property has been a subject of consideration in the encyclicals of many Popes. The teaching of the Church on private property is found in the
inaugural document of the Catholic Social Teaching tradition, that is Leo XIII’s
Rerum Novarum. In this encyclical, Pope Leo XIII took a position against communists who denied the right to private property as a way of solving the imbalance
between the rich and the poor. Opposing communists’ views, Pope Leo XIII affirmed the right to private property. He stressed that “private ownership is in accordance with the law of nature.”18 So if a person uses his mind and strength to
produce any fruit, this gives him right of private ownership on that portion of
nature.
Actually, many analysts argue that instead of following the position of Thomas
Aquinas as the traditional reference point in the Church, Pope Leo XIII follows the
position of John Locke. The latter maintained that when someone mixes his labor
18
Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, 1891, no. 9.
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with the earth, it becomes his property to which he has right.19 In other words, a
man can make property by working on the land. And this is as good as endlessly
accumulating goods through one’s work.20 For Locke, there is no limit to the accumulation of wealth.
Forty years after the publication of Rerum Novarum, Pope Pius XI adjusted the
teaching of the Church on private property, harmonizing it with Thomas Aquinas’
view. While defending the right to private property, he introduced a substantial
factor that needs to be taken into account; the common good. While tackling the
question of ownership he maintained that “men must consider in this matter not
only their own advantage but also the common good.”21 For him, God has given to
the human person the right of private ownership that has individual as well as social
implications.22 Private property has to be subordinated to the common good. It is in
this sense that the Holy Father wrote that “When the State brings private ownership
into harmony with the needs of the common good, it does not commit a hostile act
against private owners but rather does them a friendly service.”23 In sum, the personal or individual aspect of ownership does not exclude the social aspect.24
THE LIMITS
OF
PRIVATE PROPERTY
IN THE
MORE RECENT TEACHING
OF THE
CHURCH
The more recent teachings of the Church on private property keep the essential
aspects of the ‘traditional’ teaching. While elaborating on the orientation set by Pius
XI, it stresses the limits of private property. The tone is given by Pope Paul VI in his
encyclical Populorum Progressio. In this letter, the Holy Father teaches that all rights,
including rights to property and free trade, are to be subordinated to the principle
according to which “created goods should flow fairly to all.”25 Far from being absolute and unconditional, the right to private property must never be exercised to the
detriment of the common good.26 He goes on to stress that where there is an
impediment to the general prosperity, expropriation of private property for the sake
of the common good is recommendable.27 For no one “may appropriate surplus
goods solely for his own private use when others lack the bare necessities of life.”28
Pope John Paul II deepens the teaching of the Church on the limits of private
property by developing the fundamental principle of the universal destination of
created goods that can be found in Gaudium et Spes and in Pope Paul VI’s encyclical. He teaches that “private property in fact, is under ‘social mortgage,’ which
means that it has an intrinsically social function, based upon and justified precisely
by the principle of the universal destination of goods.”29
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
Cf. J. Locke, The Second Treatise of Civil Government – “Of Property,” n. 26.
Cf. ibid., no. 46.
Pius XI, Quadragesimo Anno, 1931, no. 49.
Cf. ibid., no. 45.
Ibid., no. 49.
Ibid., no. 69.
Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, 1967, no. 22.
Cf. ibid., also see n. 23.
Paul VI, no. 24.
Ibid., no. 23.
John Paul II, Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, no. 42.
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In Centesimus Annus he recalls the teaching of the Church that “the possession
of material goods is not an absolute right…its limits are inscribed in its very nature
as a human right.”30 Everyone has the right to private property but there are limits
on the use of those properties. The universal destination of goods leads him to
assert that “It is a strict duty of justice and truth not to allow fundamental human
needs to remain unsatisfied, and not to allow those burdened by such needs to
perish.”31
THOMAS AQUINAS
AND
PRIVATE PROPERTY
It feels like an anachronism to go back to Thomas Aquinas after considering the
Popes’ recent social teaching. But a return to Aquinas, the doctor of the Church that
has been presented by Pope Leo XIII as the Church’s reference32 in matters of
private ownership, will allow me the opportunity to define the issue of private
property and its limits, and to give this teaching of the Church its full expression.
For the teaching of the Popes on private property basically stems from the thought
of Thomas Aquinas. Therefore, an analysis of Aquinas’ thought will allow me to
have a synthesis of the teaching of the Church on private property.
Thomas Aquinas tackles the issue of property in the Summa Theologica, II-II q.
66 as he discusses the command of the Decalogue: ‘You shall not steal.’ Stealing is
for him taking the property of another, either secretly by theft or openly by robbery.
Before making his judgment on stealing, he first chooses to look at property, and he
analyses it in two articles. The first is to see ‘whether the possession of exterior
goods is natural to man,’ and the second – which touches the issue of private
property – is to see ‘whether it is lawful for a man to possess a thing as his own.’
I shall shortly dwell on the first article just to point out the way a human person
can ‘appropriate’ created things. Thomas teaches that man, by using his reason and
will, can use exterior things for his own utility, as if they had been made for his
sake.33 It goes without saying that Thomas Aquinas did not deal with intellectual
property in his treatises. The phrase ‘intellectual property’ is said to have been first
used in 1850s by Lysander Spooner.34 However, the allusion to human reason or
intellectual work as a means to access things constitutes a clue.
With regards to private property, and the power to take or give ownership to
things, Thomas Aquinas stresses that on the basis of necessity or need, man has the
moral right to take possession of things.35 Concerning their use, Thomas Aquinas
stresses that while each person has the right to possess things, he or she does not
have the right to use these things with no regard to others. In other words, no one
should possess exterior things as if they were solely his or her own, but as if they
30
John Paul II, Centesimus Annus, 1987, no. 30.
Centisimus Annus, no. 34.
32
Pope Leo XIII, in his encyclical Aeterni Patris, presents Thomas Aquinas as the normative theologian in reflecting on ‘ethical’ issues.
33
Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, II-II, q. 66, a.1.
34
Cf. D. J. Webber, A Critique of Intellectual Property Rights, Thesis, December 2002, available at
http://dane.weber.org/concept/thesis.html.
35
Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, II-II, q. 66, a.2.
31
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were common or for common benefit. Aquinas held that humans should share
exterior things willingly when others are in need.36
So, as we have seen in the thought of Thomas Aquinas and the social teaching
of the Church, there is no private property without limits. Private property is a
relative right and not an absolute one. There should be no ownership for the sake
of ownership. Property is for the sake of human needs. More precisely, “material
things are ordered to the alleviation of human needs.”37 This following conclusion
of Thomas Aquinas is insightful in the discussion on the morality of patent laws;
“the division and ownership of things that proceed from human law must not interfere with the alleviation of human needs by those things.”38 Actually he held that
that the superabundance of a person belongs to the poor.
Beyond the limits of private property, Thomas Aquinas affirms the obligation
to share one’s private property, especially when others are in need of them. And
he even goes on to stress the legitimacy of the expropriation of someone’s private
property. In effect, considering that private property is not absolute but relative,
Thomas maintains that expropriation can be legitimate, whenever “there is such
urgent and obvious need that there is clearly an immediate emergency for sustenance, as when any person is immediately endangered without means of alleviation.”39
Does this Thomistic view as well as the social teaching of the Church on private
property cast some light on the discussion about access to HIV/AIDS drugs and
patent laws? The next section will try to respond to this question.
3. Access to
HIV/AIDS Drugs: A
Critical Assessment
At this level, I will like to discuss the morality of the
patent protection of HIV/AIDS drugs in relation to the
Catholic Social Teaching and the thoughts of Thomas
Aquinas. Furthermore, I will consider the alternative values found in the teaching of the Church that will provide a more ethical way of
dealing with access to HIV/AIDS drugs for those who are disadvantaged in the
society.
CRITICAL ASSESSMENT
PERSPECTIVE
OF THE
PATENT LAWS
ON
HIV/AIDS DRUGS: A CHRISTIAN
The patent protection over inventions intends to maintain justice between the
one who invents and appropriates the fruit of his intellectual work and those who
wish or need to use it. It implies the recognition of the right of ownership over the
produced good and the right for the owner to enjoy the benefit of his work. We
have seen in the previous section that every person can appropriate an element of
nature by putting in it his work and reason. Therefore the one who makes or invests
his money in research and develops a drug is considered the owner of the drug. He
or she has some patent rights on the product of his/her intellectual or physical
36
37
38
39
Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, II-II, q. 66, a.2, c.
Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, II-II, q. 66, a.7.
Ibid.
Ibid.
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Antiretroviral Access: Perspective of the Catholic Social Teaching
work. One can then understand why an ARV constitutes private property of the
company that invents and manufactures it.
Moreover, the scientific research on HIV/AIDS is not an easy thing. Two decades after its discovery the Human Immuno-deficiency Virus is still far from being
mastered. To this day, there is no effective treatment or vaccine that may either
allow a cure for the disease or adequately protect the world population from this
virus’ infection. That basically means that putting an end to this virus requires huge
investment and constant research. One can see from this consideration how a drug
like ARVs that can allow for the management of this disease is precious and costly.
Besides, when a group of scientists invest themselves in research and come out
with a drug that helps in alleviating the burden of HIV/AIDS patients, one can
understand that their effort may be recompensed. In the society, everyone is concerned with making money out of his activities in order to ensure a better living for
himself. And in this neo-liberal and capitalist world, the search for maximum profits
is the guiding rule. It is understandable that the scientist may expect to gain profits
through the fruit of his work.
From the above considerations, it is possible to draw two conclusions. First, an
antiretroviral drug can be considered as the property of the company or group that
invents it. The intellectual property that “indicates a certain conception of the relationship between man and his intellectual works”40 adequately expresses this right
of ownership that companies may have on their inventions, such as new drugs.
Second, the production of antiretroviral drugs requires a lot of investment and
advanced technological research. For these reasons the prices of the drugs may be
high.
If we have to consider the ARVs as the private property of pharmaceutical
companies that manufacture them, we need to know to what extent their rights on
these drugs should be protected or maintained. Thomas Aquinas reminds us that
one thing is to have the right to possess an external good, another thing is the right
to use it. So when we come to the use of ARVs, we feel the need to affirm, in the
light of the social teaching of the Church based on the thought of Thomas Aquinas,
that the right of ownership on these drugs should be limited, and not absolute.
In other words, the patent laws on intellectual property can be implemented in
order to compensate those who have invested their human and financial resources
in the manufacture of these ARVs. But this should not be to the expense of some
members of the human family. In other words, means should be taken to allow all
those who are in need of these vital products to have access to them. As Pius XI
teaches us, “men must consider in this matter not only their own advantage but also
the common good.”41 And what is at stake in the issue of HIV/AIDS drugs is that a
huge percentage of the world population is dying and the ARVs can help in reducing the devastating impact of HIV/AIDS epidemic.
It is obvious that the rights of the pharmaceutical companies on the ARVs are
not in harmony with the good of the whole human family. A part of this family,
essentially among those who are in greatest need of these goods (ARVs), cannot get
40
41
Webber D. J., op. cit.
Quadragesimo Anno, no. 49.
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access to them. They are left out due to the exorbitant prices of these drugs. In
effect, if there are other reasons that may explain why people living with HIV/AIDS
in resource-constrained settings such as African countries cannot have access to the
drugs they need, “cost… is probably the single most important one… ARV therapy
are still beyond the financial means of many public health care systems and most
individual patients.”42
One has to bear in mind that the high prices in exchange for high quality and
innovative treatments’ have been the subject of a contract. The executive director of
UNAIDS called for a reconsideration of this contract given the fact that ‘it excludes
millions of people from access to these same products.’
It seems to me that we need to challenge the relevance of the TRIPS agreement
relative to HIV/AIDS drugs, especially the patent protection of ARVs. TRIPS agreement must never be exercised to the detriment of millions of people mortally endangered without any hope. The intellectual property right is not absolute and
unconditional. ARVs do not have the same status as a computer or any new invention in the domain of household electrical appliance. So the WTO must not require
its members to modify their patent laws according to the TRIPS agreement, without
distinguishing an ARV from another material good. Some ethical considerations
must enter into play. According to John Paul II, “It is a strict duty of justice…not to
allow fundamental needs to remain unsatisfied, and to allow those burdened by
such needs to perish.”43 Thus, any international trade agreements that deny the
poor access to ARVs that they are in dire need of, is not only questionable, but also
unjust.
COMMON GOOD
AND
ACCESS
TO
HIV/AIDS DRUGS
Thus, there is an ethical conflict over the extent and limits of property rights in
the face of human needs. The TRIPS agreement seems to have been sensitive to this
conflict when it envisions some safeguards in order to facilitate access to drugs. But
as I have shown in the first section, the safeguards are far from solving the problem.
Another measure taken at the level of the WTO is what is called the ‘Declaration
on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health.’ Hug reports that according to this
declaration “every WTO member has the right to override the patents of pharmaceutical companies when necessary to provide essential medicines at affordable
prices for their people in public health crises such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and
malaria. And it urged the Council on TRIPS to find ways for poor nations unable to
produce the medicines themselves to meet these needs.”44 The implementation of
this declaration is not easy, since many influential countries are raising substantial
resistance against it.
This fact forces one to question the trend of the world today. It invites us to
rethink and reinvent our being together in the global world, where the participation and the needs of all are taken into account. The Catholic Social Teaching
42
Renaud-Théry, op. cit. 93.
Centesimus Annus, no. 34.
44
J. E. Hug, “Economic Justice and Globalization,” International Seminar on “Present Crisis, Future Hope: Globalization and Catholic Social Teaching. Presentations” Ontario, 2003, 91.
43
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constitutes an important resource, for it “offers a framework of analysis that clarifies the mutual rights and responsibilities of members of local and global communities.”45 As Lisa S. Cahill affirms,
The concept of the common good is the centerpiece of Catholic social teaching… With its companion concept, ‘human dignity’ or the ‘dignity of the person,’
‘common good provides a moral vision for Catholic social thought and action. That
vision accentuates an objective morality, including criteria of justice and of a good
society that can be known by all reasonable persons.46
In line with this concept of the common good, I would like to envision the
approach of the issue of HIV/AIDS drugs access to African and poor countries that
are widely affected by HIV/AIDS disease. Pope John XXIII gives the outline of this
concept when he writes: “the common good touches the whole man, the needs of
his body and of his soul… The common good of all embraces the sum total of those
conditions of social life whereby men are enabled to achieve their own integral
perfection more fully and more easily.”47
A human person is by nature social and needs the interaction with others to
achieve his fulfillment. David Hollenbach portrays the situation well when he writes
that “Human beings are dependent on one another not only for the higher achievements of cultural life… but also for the necessities of material and economic wellbeing.”48 It goes without saying that Africa is also involved in and affected by the
interdependence that characterizes the relation among the peoples of diverse nations of the world today. Even if this involvement of Africa is often to its detriment.49
As a member of the world community, the African continent must be able to
share in the common good. African people, including the urban poor, “must be
able to share in social life at least to the minimal level required to secure their
dignity as human beings.”50 The fact that African people have been denied proper
access to ARVs through the high cost maintained by patent laws constitutes contempt for their dignity.
The hesitation and hindrance put in order to block an easy access for the sake
of profits, or economic liberalism imply that in Africa, their “kind of people do not
count as members of the human community.”51 And the verdict of Hollenbach is
clear: “This is the ultimate injustice, for it contradicts the most fundamental demand
of justice that every member of the human family be treated as such.”52 It is in this
context that one needs to bear in mind that “From a common good perspective…
45
L. S. Cahill “AIDS, Justice, and the Common Good,” in J. F. Keenan et. al. Catholic Ethicists on
HIV/AIDS Prevention, (New York: Continuum, 2000), 286.
46
L. S. Cahill, “Globalization and the ‘Common Good,’” International Seminar on “Present Crisis,
Future Hope: Globalization and Catholic Social Teaching. Presentations” Ontario: 2003, 23.
47
John XXIII, Pacem in Terris, 1963, nos. 57, 58.
48
D. Hollenbach, The Common Good and Christian Ethics (Cambridge : Cambridge University
Press, 2002), 173.
49
Ibid., 214.
50
Ibid., 192.
51
Ibid. 223.
52
Ibid.
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justice calls for the minimal level of solidarity required to enable all of society’s
members to live with dignity.”53
The universal common good demands that African people share in the benefits
of modern civilization. It requires that ARV drugs may be available and affordable to
the vast majority of African people who are infected by HIV/AIDS, and have been
denied the chance to live longer in dignity. When one considers the consequence
of the TRIPS agreement on the Africans, and poor populations in general, one is
forced to conclude that “there is something wrong with the institutional arrangements currently governing global interactions and with policies that affect quality of
life for so many people.”54
The Catholic social teaching’s principle of the universal destination of the goods
of creation55 leads us to consider that “people have a right to what is essential for
survival that takes priority over the right of others to private property.”56 In the
context of human tragedy due to HIV/AIDS, the TRIPS agreement needs to give
precedence to humanitarian reasons.
Concluding
Remarks
In the face of the emergency the HIV/AIDS crisis in Africa where a
growing number of people are dying of this disease, the problem of
access to ARVs must be addressed humanely and with rigor. The
WTO TRIPS agreement and the patent protection that it defends must be put in
question. The patent laws seem to only respond to the logic of a neo-liberal economy
regardless of basic human and ethical consideration. They come as extra means to
marginalize already impoverished countries.
It should be noted, in the light of the teaching of the Church, that the right to
intellectual property is not absolute and unconditional. The social aspect of intellectual property must prevail over the individual or personal aspect. Intellectual property cannot go without being limited. It is useless if it serves to exclude millions of
endangered people from access to these drugs that may improve the quality of their
life and alleviate the burden of HIV/AIDS on them and their loved ones. The TRIPS
agreement must be harmonized with the common good of the whole human family.
It should allow the suffering Africa to share in the benefits of pharmaceutical discoveries.
What are the possible solutions to the crisis of access to ARVs and HIV/AIDS
treatments? Thomas Aquinas states that private property goes with the requirement
to share where there is need and also with the possibility of legitimate expropriation
whenever ‘there is such urgent and obvious need that there is clearly an immediate
emergency for sustenance, as when any person is immediately endangered without
means of alleviation.’
In line with the thoughts of Thomas Aquinas, I propose that international institutions such as the World Health Organization, UNICEF and the United Nations
Program on HIV/AIDS come together to declare a state of emergency regarding the
53
Ibid, 192.
Ibid, 220.
55
This principle implies that all the goods of creation were given to the human community as a
whole to meet the needs of all peoples.
56
Hug, 91.
54
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Antiretroviral Access: Perspective of the Catholic Social Teaching
impact of HIV/AIDS in Africa. This declaration of a state of emergency will allow for
the manufacturing of ARV generics in Africa without taking into account the patent
laws. Actually, such an approach is in line with the TRIPS quest for compulsory
licensing, as considered above.
They can also obtain the reduction of the time-limit of patent protection of HIV/
AIDS drugs, for instance to five years instead of twenty. One can also expect WHO
to be less bureaucratic and more involved in the research for the development of
medicines and vaccines to deal with HIV/AIDS. Being from an international organization in charge of world health, the prices of drugs should be cheaper than
the one from pharmaceutical industries that are also concerned with profit
maximization.
Based on its 2003 report, UNAIDS promised to provide three million HIV/
AIDS patients in poor countries from 2003-2005 access to ARVs. This promise is
not good enough if we consider that three million people died from HIV/AIDS
during the year 2002. I will suggest that we follow the principle ‘as many deaths in
a year, that many people would have access to ARVs the following year.’ So since
there have been about 2.3 million people that died from AIDS in Africa during the
year 2003, UNAIDS would provide ARVs for 2.3 million HIV/AIDS patients in
Africa during the year 2004. It seems to me that it is in this way that we can really
combat and reduce the impact of HIV/AIDS. It should be noted that more than
90% of those who die from HIV/AIDS are actually those who are in the need of
ARV treatments.
Given the impact of HIV/AIDS in Africa it is good to encourage the wider
distribution of essential drugs in the continent. As it has been suggested, local
industries must be empowered to produce generic drugs in African countries and to
export those generics to countries lacking the production capacities.
Bibliography and References
CAHILL, L. S. “Globalization and the ‘Common Good.’” International Seminar on ‘Present
Crisis, Future Hope: Globalization and Catholic Social Teaching. Presentations.’ Ontario:
2003. 23-33
GLOSSARY. Available online at http://www.genericsnow.org/press_review9.html.
First International Summit for Access to Generics HIV drugs. Available online at http://
www.genericsnow.org/press_review1.html.
DOHA WTO Ministerial 2001, Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health. Available online at http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/min01_e/mindecl_e.htm.
HILLS-JONES, B. and KANABUS, A. Obtaining HIV & AIDS Antiretroviral Drugs in Africa.
Available online at http://avert.org/aidsdrugsafrica.htm.
Hollenbach , D. The Common Good and Christian Ethics. Cambridge : Cambridge University
Press, 2002.
HUG, J. E. “Economic Justice and Globalization.” International Seminar on ‘Present Crisis, Future
Hope: Globalization and Catholic Social Teaching. Presentations.’ Ontario: 2003. 77-94.
KEENAN, J. F. et al., Ed., Catholic Ethicists on HIV/AIDS Prevention. New York:
Continuum, 2000.
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LAMPTEY, P. R., and GAYLE, H. D., Eds. HIV/AIDS Prevention and Care in Resource-Constrained Settings. A handbook for the design and management of programs. Arlington:
Family Health International, 2001.
OSAVA, M. WTO-CANCUN: Brazil Imports Generic Drugs from India, China. Available online
at http://ipsnews.net/interna.asp?idnews=19997.
UNAIDS report 2003, available online on the website http://www.unaids.org.
WEBER, D. J. A Critique of Intellectual Property Rights. Thesis. December 2002. Available
online at http://dane.weber.org/concept/thesis.html.
Other Sources Consulted
AQUINAS, THOMAS. Summa Theologica.
Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, 1891.
Pius XI, Quadragesimo Anno, 1931.
Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, 1967.
John Paul II, Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, 1987.
John Paul II, Centesimus Annus, 1991.
John XXIII, Pacem in Terris, 1963.
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Mission As Integral Liberation in Africa
MissionAsIntegralLiberationinAfrica
Ssettuuma Benedict*
Sommaire
Pour beaucoup, l’Afrique est un continent sans avenir. Leur conviction
s’enracine dans la crise multidimensionnelle qui en obscurcit les horizons. D’après l’auteur de cet article, la seule manière pour l’Eglise
d’apporter une aide significative au continent africain serait d’y paver le chemin
d’une libération intégrale. Parmi les formes les plus pernicieuses de péché auxquelles
une libération intégrale devrait s’attaquer, l’auteur identifie l’oppression religieuse et
psychologique, le fondamentalisme, la vie dans des conditions infra humaines, la
marginalisation ainsi que la pollution atmosphérique. Pour finir, il en appelle à la
foi, a la conversion, à l’élaboration d’un plan d’action clair, à une catéchèse libératrice
et à la redécouverte des valeurs culturelles africaines en vue de parvenir réellement à
une libération intégrale du continent africain.
Introduction
At the train station in Milano Centrale in Italy, there was a huge
poster, which read “IL FUTURO DELL’AFRICA é NERO”(the future of
Africa is black). I was annoyed when I read it but it carried some
message. I began to reflect more seriously on the problems besetting the continent
and on how it can be helped. It began to be clear to me that the only way to tread
is that of integral liberation. That is the form Christian mission should take on this
continent whose future many indicate as dark.
1. The Notion
ofIntegral
Liberation
THE HUMAN PERSON
AS A
LIBERATION-ASPIRING BEING
In our contemporary world where there is a lot of violence, structural injustice oppression and exploitation, where there are situations in which the human beings live in sub human conditions
sometimes worse than those of an animal, the aspiration for peace, justice love and
freedom is very natural and strong. The desire for liberation is very pertinent. People want to be set free from the clutches of injustice, of slavery in all its forms, of
cultural, social, political, racial and economic oppression. It is not surprising, therefore, that the slogan of liberation is very common and strong for the modern human
being. However, the aspiration to liberation is really genuine. An authentic theology
to respond to such an aspiration would not be out of place. Theology, in fact, is the
systematic and contextual reflection on God and His meaning to humanity and the
world in a constant today. It is faith seeking to give a valid response to an existential
situation of humanity and the world in the light of Divine revelation.
Yet, any serious reflection on liberation must relate itself to God’s universal
design for the world and human beings. God has revealed Himself in many peoples
and cultures as the God of Love and mercy, The God who is concerned about the
*
Benedict is a Ugandan priest of the Masaka Diocese now pursuing his doctoral studies in Missiology
at Urban University in Rome.
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well being of his own creatures. He moves out of himself towards them that they
may live. Thus mission, in which we fix the concept of liberation, is first and
foremost God’s love to the world. It is that love which manifests itself at creation
when God out of his sheer goodness and love calls creatures from non existence to
existence.1 The same living God wants these creatures and especially the human
being to live in justice, peace and love. This God who reveals Himself as love
(1John 4:8), is not indifferent to human suffering and misery.
THE CREATOR GOD
OF
LIBERATION
In many African tribes, long before the advent of Christianity, people had recognized God as the Creator who supports and liberates. The Ganda for example knew
Him as Katonda (Creator)), Kiwamirembe (Giver of Peace), Lugaba (Giver),
Namugereka (the one who arranges and puts things in order) Ddunda (the loving
caretaker), Mutaasa (the Defender and Rescuer). The Batoro knew him among other
things as Agutamba (the One who rescues from danger), Mwebingwa (the one to
whom one takes refugee) and Muzahuura (the Liberator). He was known as one
who was not indifferent to human misery and suffering. Indeed when all human
means had failed and one was thought of as finished and lost, God intervened on
his\her behalf in a manner unknown to human beings. This gave birth to a creed
statement or saying: “Ezinunula Omunaku Katonda Azitunga Kiro” (the money that
saves the miserable person is organized at night by God). Many other theistic cultures recognized God as the total but compassionate other.
This is what Israel recognized in her own history. God, out of compassion,
acted on their behalf to liberate them. In the book of exodus we learn that the
oppressed Israelite slaves cried and their cry came to God.
The Israelites, groaning in their slavery, cried out for help and from the depths of
their slavery their cry came up to God. God heard their groaning; God remembered his covenant with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. God saw the Israelites and
took note (Exodus 2: 23-25).
Indeed, this living and loving God every time takes note whenever there is
human suffering and misery and organizes their liberation.
Yahweh then said to Moses, I have indeed seen the misery of my people in Egypt.
I have heard them crying for help on account of their taskmasters. Yes I am aware
of their sufferings. And now I come down to rescue them from the clutches of the
Egyptians…so now I am sending you to Pharaohs for you to bring my people the
Israelites out of Egypt (Exodus 3: 7-10).
Here we see God concerned with the good of his people. He wants to give
them both political and religious freedom to be able to realize themselves as human
beings. In moments when some prophets hesitated to show mercy to others who
were not Israelites, for example in the case of Jonah who wished that the people of
Nineveh should perish as a consequence of their bad ways, God constrained the
1
Cf. Smulders P., “Creation,” in RAHNER K. (ed.), Encyclopedia of Theology: A Concise Sacramentum Mundi (Kent: Burns and Oates, 1975), 313-319. Cf. Macbrien R., Catholicism (London: Geoffrey
Chapman, 1981), 224-228.
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prophet to go and preach to them the message of salvation and repentance. Jonah
complains when God did not flare his anger on the members of the city,
And God relented about disaster, which he had threatened to bring on them, and
God did not bring it. This made Jonah very indignant, he fell in a rage. He prayed
to Yahweh and said; Please Yahweh, isn’t this what I said would happen when I
was still in my own country? That is why I first tried to flee to Tarshish, since I
knew you were a tender, compassionate God, slow to anger, rich in faithful love,
who relents about inflicting disaster (Jonah 3: 10- 4: 1-4).
In order to teach Jonah his concern and compassion for all, God makes a castor
oil plant to grow over Jonah’s head to protect him from the sun, a thing that delighted him so much. But the next day the plant had withered and Jonah suffering
from the heat, prayed for death. God then asked him whether he had the right to
get angry over the plant he had not struggled to plant. Jonah responded that he had
all the right to be angry upon which God responded:
You are concerned for the castor oil plant which has not cost you any effort and
which you did not grow, which came up in a night and has perished in a night. So
why should I not be concerned for Nineveh, that great city, in which there are
more than a hundred and twenty thousand people who cannot tell their right
hand from their, left, to say nothing of all the animals (Jonah 4: 10-11).
God thus is the God of Liberation and Salvation. In the biblical view salvation,
which is also liberation for people, embraces all aspects of the human being.2 It is
total and integral, hence it is understood as deliverance from constrained circumstances or oppression by some evil to a state of freedom and security.3 Thus psalm 91
is taken to be the compendium of Israel’s understanding of salvation for which God
is the sole originator. The prophets linked this salvation to the kingdom of God and
Jesus Christ proclaimed and effected it in its entirety and integrity (Luke 4: 16-21).4
This God of love then, as the book of Hebrews 1:1 tells us, having spoken
through various ways and times and through prophets now speaks to us through
God’s Son Jesus Christ. He is sent as real concretisation of God’s Love among
human beings, that they may have life to the full (John 10:10). The Gospels manifest
him as a figure anointed for the liberation of all, the integral salvation of everyone.
His mission is fundamentally that of liberation as can be fished out from Luke 4: 1622, where Jesus applies to himself the text of Isaiah 61: 1-2.
(The Spirit of the Lord is on me, for he has anointed me to bring good news to the
afflicted, he has sent me to proclaim liberty to the captives, sight to the blind to let
the oppressed go free, to proclaim a year of favour from the Lord (Luke 4: 18-19)
He is, in fact, the one whose feet look beautiful on the mountains as he announces peace and proclaims the good news of salvation to all. (cf. Isaiah 52: 7)
and God upholds him until he accomplishes his mission (cf. Isaiah 42). He heals,
brings back to life, protects from violence, like for example the woman caught in
adultery (John 8: 1-11). He liberates from both spiritual and physical dangers and
2
Cf.O’Collins, “Salvation” in D. N. Freedman (ed), The Anchor Bible vol 5, (New York: Doubleday,
1992), 907-914.
3
J. Hardon., Pocket Catholic Dictionary, 391-392.
4
Cf. J Fuellenbach, “The Theology of Liberation,” in W. Jenkinson , H. O’Sullivan. (eds.), Trends
in Mission (New York: Orbis Books, Maryknoll, 1993), 74.
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hazards and breaks bonds of slavery and sin. He purifies society of violent laws like
an eye for an eye tooth for tooth and replaces them with the fundamental law of
love that guarantees a peaceful society in which love is to be extended even to the
enemies (cf. Mathew 5: 20-44). He purges society of legalism and tyranny and
restores each human person to his or her dignity. He is really the sacrament of
God’s love on earth.
Jesus manifests the way of the disciples and the Church, that is, integral liberation and salvation of all humanity. This is the mission he received from His Father
and that is what he gives to the 12 apostles and finally to the entire Church. In fact
in Mark 3: 1-13, he calls the disciples to be with him, learn from him and see how
he does things and then be sent to do the same. This is what happens in Mark 6: 713. Later after his resurrection he gave the same mission to the Church, which she
was to fulfil in the same way as he did by the power of the Holy Spirit.5 The Church
of Christ, therefore, has an obligation to serve the very cause of Jesus Christ. Where
the church does not realize the cause of Jesus Christ or distorts it, it sins against its
being and loses it, so warns Hans Kung.6 Gianni Colzani observes that the mystery
of salvation wrought for us by Jesus Christ is not irreducible to mere interiority, to
the soul only but it embraces the globality of human life in its bodily, social, political and spiritual dimensions.7 This is the basis of the question of human promotion,
of liberation.
The theme of liberation reminds the Church and all people that God is the God
of liberation because of his involvement in history as the God of righteousness and
Justice, the Prince of Peace (cf. Isaiah 9: 1-6), the one who champions the cause of
the suffering, the weak and the oppressed (Deuteronomy 4. 23, Psalm 82), of the
one who renews the earth and gives it life through His Holy Spirit and the one who
through the Christ Event leads every human being and creation to fulfilment in an
integral liberation and salvation.8
WHAT
IS INTEGRAL
LIBERATION THEN?
Integral liberation means the freeing of the human person from all that hurts
him or her as a person – body, soul and spirit. Such liberation touches all the
aspects of the human person and helps him or her to be fully human and fully alive
as one created in the image and likeness of God. Waliggo thus gives us a very good
definition of liberation when he says: “Liberation is the total freeing of humankind
from enslavement and obstacles to full self-realization in the ten vital human dimensions: Spiritual, religious, moral, mental, cultural, economic, political, psychical,
social and personal”9
5
Cf. A. Trevisiola, “Missione e Liberazione,” in C. Dotolo (ed.), La Missione Oggi, problemi e
prospettive (Vatican: Urbaniana Press, Citta del 2001), 143 ff.
6
Cf. H. Küng, The Catholic Church: A short History (London: The Orion Publishing Group Ltd,
2001) 14.
7
Cf. G. Colzani, “Missione e Salvezza,” in AA:VV., Dispensatori dei Misteri di Salvezza, Roma
2002, 80 ff.
8
Cf. D. Bosch, Transforming Mission, 442-447.
9
Cf. J. M. Walliggo, “The Struggle for Liberation. A challenge to Christianity,” (un -published)
1990, 1.
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Liberation in its integrity is first and foremost a work of God who operates for
the well being of His creatures in this world and the life to come where free from all
oppression, they will live in eternal joy when His love will hold sway over history.
This liberation already inaugurated in a unique way in Jesus Christ the Redeemer
continues in history with our cooperation as collaborators with him. St. Paul indicates that the Spirit of Jesus Christ renovates every person and makes him or her an
instrument of liberation, so it is with the community, which becomes liberated, and
liberating in His power. (cf. Romans 8: 1ff, Galatians 5, 2 Corinthians 5, 17-21). In
Africa there has been a tendency to emphasise in mission, namely the eschatological
aspect of the Kingdom of God with the result that the missionary response to the
present day reality is relegated to the background or treated as a mere appendix.
Today such an approach is dangerous as it makes Christianity appear irrelevant to
the African in his or her concrete situation of difficulty. John Paul II makes us
understand better the need for integral liberation on the continent when he notes
that:
In Africa, the need to apply the Gospel to concrete life is felt strongly. How could
one proclaim Christ on that immense continent while forgetting that it is one of
the world’s poorest regions? How could one fail to take into account the anguished history of a land where many nations are still in the grip of famine, war,
racial and tribal tensions, political instability and violations of human rights? This
is all a challenge to evangelisation. 10
Some African theologians have highlighted Jesus Christ as Liberator and the
church as agent of liberation for Africa in her difficult situation. Christ as liberator is
in the end the only one that for now can be best appreciated and understood by
Africans.11
According to the African worldview, evil is understood as that
that is anti-life, all which attacks life, threatens it, diminishes it,
or annihilates it.12 Evil takes many forms; the following are the
most vivid forms of evil from which Africa must be liberated.
Religious and Psychological Hurting: This form of evil deprives
the African of his or her interior liberty and freedom. This is
due to cultural and religious oppression and the long years of slavery, colonialism
and neo-colonialism. The result is the wounding of the African personality and the
rendering of the African person incapable of being a protagonist of his or her own
destiny. This lack of freedom paralyses any authentic move towards liberation and
development. 13
Fundamentalism and Bigotry: These kinds of evils have invaded Africa. Because of extraordinarily hard conditions, constant marginalization, an authoritarian
Some Forms of
Evil from Which
Africa Must Be
Liberated
10
Cf. John Paul II, “Angelus,” (23 March 1994) L’ Osservatore Romano, English Edition, (23 March
1994), 1,4.
11
Cf. L MAGESA, “Christ the Liberator and Africa Today,” in Robert Schreichter (ed.), Faces of Jesus
in Africa (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1997), 157-162.
12
C. Nyamiti, “Contemporary Liberation Theologies in the light of the African Traditional Concept
of Evil,” in Studia Missionaria 45 (1996), 238-265.
13
Cf. J. M. Waliggo, “African Christology in a situation of suffering,” in Robert J. Schreiter (ed),
Faces of Jesus in Africa (Maryknoll, New YorK Orbis Books), 170.
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Church and cultural oppression, many Africans have resorted to religious fundamentalism and bigotry. Some Africans have formed sects and cults which in the end
are dangerous not only to the general populace, but to the entire continent making
them unable to project any proper vision for the future and thus render their mother
land vulnerable to ruthless rape and plunder by the powerful and greedy rich.
There is great need here to liberate these people from such confusing ideologies,
fundamentalism and bigotry.14
Sub Human Conditions: By sub human conditions is meant those conditions in
which a human being finds himself or herself that is unworthy of his dignity as one
created in the image of God, those conditions inferior to that of an animal.15 These
sub human conditions include poverty, disease, ignorance, illiteracy, ill health, low
life expectancy, malnutrition, hunger, diseased and lethal environment, and utter
despair. These conditions have made the continent though potentially the richest
look sick, crippled and begging.16
Socio-Politic-Economic Injustices and the Burden of International Debt: Africa
since independence has suffered under the yoke of its political leaders, many of
whom were dictators and tyrants. Funds for development have been embezzled by
the same leaders and deposited in Euro-American banks. Multinationals are milking
the continent. The politic-economic injustices and the external debt burden are
crippling the continent and relegating Africa to the remote periphery. 17 The unjust
globalisation, excessive privatisation that make the rich richer and the poor poorer,
the influence of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) and the intrigues of the
World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) make the Africa suffer bitter
consequences.18 This is a situation of emergency that also calls for immediate liberation.
Deteriorating Environment: The last 40 years have witnessed a drastic change in
the African environment for the worst.19 The African environment is deteriorating
terribly. Yet very little effort is taken to mobilize people to protect the environment.
Changes in the environment affect also our health. Human beings have a right to a
healthy and clean environment. Such environment is constantly being threatened in
Africa. Today it is important to attend to effects of the environment on human
health and effects of human activity on nature.
Marginalized groups: In Africa there are a number of groups, which are socially
marginalized. Social marginalisation is the conscious and unconscious, systematic
or unsystematic discrimination against an individual or an entire section of society
for the purpose of rendering such section disadvantaged and vulnerable. It undermines the human dignity and equality of rights of the targeted section. It stigmatises,
14
Cf. J. M. Waliggo, “Religious Fundamentalism” (Paper Presented to the Catholic Bishops of
Uganda in the Event of the Kanungu Tragedy, in the Year 2000), 22.
15
E. Mveng, “Impoverishment and Liberation,” in R. Gilbellini (Ed), Paths of African Theology
(Londond: SCM Press, 1994) 157.
16
Cf. J.M. Waliggo, “African Christology ,“ 169.
17
Cf. J.M. Waliggo, “The External Debt in the Continued Marginalization of Africa,” in P. Kanyandago
(ed.), Marginalized Africa, An International Perspective (Nairobi: Paulines, 2002) 52-61.
18
Cf.V. Salvati, Mercanti nel Tempio: La Chiesa e l’ecomomia globale Edizioni la meridiana Molfetta
2000, 94-110.
19
Cf. J. Prendergast, Crisis and Hope in Africa (London: Abacus Printing Co Ltd, 1996) 1-55.
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oppresses, and exploits both politically and economically and violates its rights.20
This social marginalisation is often a result of cultural traditions and practices rooted
in a long history of oppression and isolation, prejudices, fears, and greed. Among
the many victims of social marginalisation in Africa include: the women, single
mothers, the girl child, the children especially street children, and the persons with
physical and mental disabilities, ethnic and religious minorities; the many people
living with HIV\AIDS virus, the Refugees and the internally displaced people.
Violence and War:
Violence is the physical, psychological or moral force against someone to harm
him or her or force him or her to do something against his or her will. We can
have many forms of violence existing within individuals, families, nations and the
international community.21 Violence indeed has made Africa a valley of tears. It
has made it a jungle of death and suffering where the victims become more
increasingly the children, youth and women. The Colom identifies five forms of
violence.22 The following are commonly met in Africa.
1) Violation of Freedom of Thought and Conscience: This is the kind of violence
is applied on people by oppressing them for their thoughts and ideas, making them
take options against their consciences through coercion, intimidation, discrimination, persecution and other means. It carries with it intolerance, persecution and
violation of religious liberty.
2) Moral Violence: This is the violence through words and actions that damage
the honour and dignity of any person. In this type of violence fall all forms of
discrimination (ethnic, religious, social, cultural). They can grow to higher level like
nationalism or racism. Millions of people today undergo such violence. But such
violence is against justice (cf. CCC 2487, PP 66-63, OA 16, CL 37).
3) Corporal Violence: This is Physical maltreatment. Here we meet all sorts of
murder, genocide, abortions, euthanasia, arbitrary imprisonment and deportations,
rape, taking hostages, torture, amputations, mutilations, direct sterilizations, beatings, harassment and any witted mode of hurting the body (cf. CCC 2286-2279,
2297, 2356, 2414).
4) Terrorism: This kind of violence is very much diffused in the world to day, it
can include assault, destruction of property, vandalism, organism crime, but also
moves to a wide scale when it involves attitudes in states and groups of people
against each other.23 Terrorism is by nature bad and is never to be justified for any
reason. It is an inhuman act, a wickedness designed and aimed at the death of the
innocent people.
5) War: This is the fifth form of violence.24 It is armed and sanguinary conflict
between organized groups. It can be international, civil or revolutionary. International war is between states, civil and revolutionary wars are often fratricidal and
20
Cf. J. M. Waliggo, “The Socially Marginalized: Which Way to their Liberation,” in Deniva Occasional Papers 1 (1999), 3.
21
Cf. J. M. Waliggo, “The Religious Leaders’ Response to Violence,” in AFER 43(2001), 175-176
22
Cf. E. Colome, Chiesa e Società, Armonditore Roma 1999, 372-376.
23
Cf. Colome E., Chiesa e Società, 372-376.
24
Cf. THE COMMISSION ON GLOBAL GOVERNANCE. Our Global Neighborhood (Oxford: U.P.,
1995) nos. 12-17.
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within the same state. War today has acquired characteristics that are very worrisome and threaten human existence. Six issues mark the reality of war in the world
today.25 The following are the most relevant to African situation: a). Large-scale diffusion of arms between states and, among groups - some of which are criminal groups.
b). Huge commerce in arms, in their production and vending. Since 1945 there has
been an immense traffic in arms, which till 1989 had caused 138 wars with the death
of about 23 million people. Between 1970-1989 the world spent 400 billion dollars on
arms, 65 of which was in Africa which requires only 45 billion dollars to dramatically
transform the continent into a haven. 90 % of the arms are produced and sold by the
five permanent member countries of the Security Council. c). Multiplication of Internal Conflict in states. War has in fact led to massive loss of human life and property
on the continent. It is one of the epidemics destroying the continent. From it Africa
must be delivered. Africans must learn to solve problems peacefully.
6) Despair: To despair is to give up all hope of a possible liberation or salvation.
Despair in Africa arises from the feeling and prediction that so far there is no
remedy to the state of affairs in Africa. Adebayo Adedeji, expresses this despair
quite well; “The coming Third millennium is not one of hope but rather of greater
despair.”26 Despair has increased because the present situation threatens to be yet
another vicious circle without a solution. The reactions are the numerous movements, both local and foreign to give assurance of individual salvation for the personal good of the followers.
3.TheStrategy
forIntegral
Liberation
Faith in the Liberating God
The first and fundamental act of liberation is to have faith in the
God of life, the defender of all especially the badly pressed and
oppressed, the liberator all, that God whose actions of love are
concretised in Jesus Christ the very sacrament of salvation and liberation. Faith on
one hand means total abandonment to the will of God and absolute trust in him and
in Jesus Christ His sent One and the Instrument and Cause of our salvation On the
other hand it means radical discipleship in which one even at the risk of his own
life and comfort is called to follow Christ the master and to do his will.27 This master
came that all may have life (John 10: 10), served totally the kingdom of God and
promoted its values as he launched a deadly attack on evil and all its envoys.
Indeed he inaugurated the kingdom of God by launching an all-out attack on evil in
all its manifestations.28
Conversion
As he inaugurates the kingdom of God, which is to fight and confound evil, the
Lord Jesus Christ calls all to conversion (cf. Mark 1: 14-15). Conversion is first and
foremost an act of God by which through his compassion and offer of love and
grace to all, he calls them to a special relationship.29 Christian conversion leads to
25
Cf. THE COMMISSION ON GLOBAL GOVERNANCE. Our Global Neighborhood, nos. 77-133.
Cf. quoted by Waliggo in; J. M. Waliggo, “African Christology,” 169.
27
Cf. J. Fuellenbach, “The Theology of Liberation,” in W. Jenkinson, H O’Sullivan (eds), Trends in
Mission (Maryknoll, New York: (Orbis Books, 1993) 74 -75.
28
Cf. D. Bosch., Transforming Mission, 31-36.
29
Cf. W. Conn, Christian Conversion: A Developmental Interpretation of Autonomy and Surrender
(New York: Paulist Press, 1975) 105-195. Cf. D. Bosch, Transforming Mission, 125-129, 488-489.
26
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practice love of the neighbour in society. It leads to liberation, to development,
human promotion and getting involved in building God’s Kingdom. Conversion is
the tool by which each disciple re-defines his\her life in relation to Jesus Christ and
the demands of the kingdom of God and service of neighbour. Whenever it lacks,
there can never be true liberation, for it is the process that always puts us back on
the right path in serving the kingdom of God. Such understanding of conversion has
many implications for mission:
• Rethinking of Conversion: God is at the center of Conversion. In this case the human
being is to be helped to fall in love and respond positively and responsibly to this compassion and love of God. Thus the first thing to present to the people is this loving God. Mission
has to be God centered and the love he shows to human beings as concretized in Jesus Christ
must be articulated. This requires the practical practice of charity through concrete ways that
can manifest this love to the subjects of conversion. So in this case the word of God, which
is living and efficacious, will be presented and not great spiritualities and experiences. The
point here is to present Christ to each individual person so that meeting him personally one
takes a radical personal decision to be for Christ.
• The centrality of the person and his conscience. One who responds to God a conscious
free subject who is able to make a responsible fundamental option for him. Thus it is important to respect the conscience of each people, respect their cultures and their world view but
try in every possible way to educate and train the conscience to develop that capacity to
freely chooses and then act responsibly in the family and society after one has made a
fundamental option for God. Conscience should be inviolable; things like religious oppression and proselytism must be abandoned in missionary practice.
• Dialogical Proclamation: The Holy Spirit is operative in every place in every time in
every people.30 We find semina verbi, in each culture, values of the kingdom in each people,
thus what is important is to recognize that the Holy Spirit is already operating in the people
where the missionary is sent before he or she arrives there. There is need to dialogue with
the culture and values of each people, there is need to dialogue with the conscience of each
person. No imposition. This does not mean that the Gospel should not be proclaimed in its
richness and fullness, it is dogmatism that has to be avoided.
• Communication of the faith as crucial: This is based on communion in which each
person is seen as gift. In the communication of the faith one will have to take into account
the recipients of the gospel, based on mutual trust, love and fraternity.
• Attention to the Missionary Context-Inculturation: This means that the missionary
should not seek to make the convert change his culture or be cut off from his personal
cultural roots but that he is called as he is to convert to God and the kingdom, to make an
option for Christ and from this option he will be able to transform both his culture and
society in the light of the God he has embraced. It calls for loving the culture of each people
in which God has even given structures and expression that can express a religious relationship and experience long before the missionary arrived there.31
Conscientization and Sensitisation
Conscientization is a process through which an individual or individuals are
made aware of what surrounds them, their dignity, that of others, their rights and
30
John Paul II, Redemptoris Missio, in AAS 83 (1991) 249-340 (Here after to be referred to as RMi ).
RMi 28.
31
B. Bujo, African Theology in its Social Context (Nairobi: Paulines Publication, 1992), 2-3.
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those of others, what they can achieve and what can be dangerous to them and
others. Conscientization becomes the diligent attempt to help people understand
their situation as individuals and as a people, to see the causes of their unhappy
state and to analyse the often hidden mechanisms and influences that are at work.
Sensitisation on the other hand is aimed at making people intelligently aware of
their reality in order to be able to react responsibly. It calls for mobilization. In
Africa there is a big need for the process of making the people of God aware that
God is on their side and that he will save them whatever the case may be. The
central point here is to recover the dignity of the African person much deformed
through the long years of cultural, religious and psychological oppression.32
Doing a liberating theology
If theology, as we noted above, is the systematic and contextual reflection on
God and His meaning to humanity and the world in a constant today, a faith seeking to give a valid response to an existential situation of humanity and the world in
the light of divine revelation, then it must be liberating. This to say that it must act
as a tool of liberation for the African people. It must seek to find what are the
correct and right terms to make Jesus Christ more relevant and intelligible to the
Africans in their difficult situation.
Authentic Proclamation and Catechesis
The difficult situation of Africa is also a result of sin and human folly, hence the
need to preach God to the human heart and pray the God of newness to take away
from the human being the heart of stone and give him or her the heart of flesh
(Ezekiel 36: 25-26). Authentic proclamation is necessary. If it is disoriented it will
produce fundamentalists and monsters like Kony of Uganda who seek to kill in the
name of God. Proclamation should be followed by a liberative catechesis.
Rediscovery of the fundamental traditional and religious values
Africans had developed many values that were pro-life and pro-liberation. African culture and African religion are full of values that are pro-life, promote solidarity, and the culture of hard work. Of course no culture is perfect, the negative
aspects within the African culture and religion are to be evangelised and that all get
regenerated with the light and power of the gospel so that they are themselves tools
of liberation for the African people.33 They must be rediscovered in order to have a
proper development of Africa based on the African worldview.34
Clear plan of action
It is common that many good theories remain useless when not translated into
action. It is important therefore after having properly and critically analysed the
African situation to evolve a practical strategy to realize the liberation of Africa. A
clear plan of action is necessary. Let me dedicate a few more lines on it.
32
Cf. J. M. Waliggo, “The North and South a Question of Justice,” in W. Holzen, Von-Sean Fagsn
(eds.), The Kairos of a Synod (Rome: Sedos, 1995), 150-165.
33
Cf. C Nyamiti, “Contemporary Liberation theologies in the light of the African Traditional Concept of Evil,” in Studia Missionaria 45 (1996), 238-265.
34
L Magesa, “African Renaissance,” in P. Kanyandago (ed.), Marginalized Africa, An International
Perspective (Nairobi: Paulines, 2002), 23-27.
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Mission As Integral Liberation in Africa
Given its contextual character, the plan of action is very difficult to give a priori.
Yet it must exist so that things are not done arbitrarily or haphazardly. Good and
clear planning is essential for the best possible service to the kingdom of God in a
very complex society.35 The second point is to know from whom the plan evolves.
It is true that mission targets every human being in order to lead him or her to his
final destiny, rich and poor, elite and lowly. Yet in the African situation, this plan
should come from the popular masses, the general populace whose image of God
has been downtrodden and disfigured by inhuman conditions caused by poverty,
oppression and exploitation, injustices and other anti-life forces. There is need to
identify with them, live and work with them and listen to their cries, their anxieties,
their fears, their joys and hopes. Together with them, the most biting problems are
identified; solutions are found through guided bible study, recourse to their rich
cultural heritage and new skills of the time. Then priorities are set in the mode of
dealing with the problems and inserted into a common vision and ethos. Once this
has been done then the members are encouraged, motivated and mobilized to
realize it through their creativity and innovation. This means that at the family and
local level through seminars, the people will be helped to discover their potentialities and recognize the fact that they in collaboration with God are the authors of
their own liberation. This requires patience, understanding, freedom and trust.
Some Priority issues in the plan of Action
Reconciliation and Forgiveness
Reconciliation means restoring friendly relations; it is a process of healing and
restoration. Indeed “given the tumultuous events of the 20th century, the wounds of
colonialism, the yawning gap created by the relentless march of technology and
capitalism, reconciliation recommends itself as a suitable frame for mission and
expression of the Good News of Jesus Christ.”36 Reconciliation is primarily God’s
work who reconciles us from our state of estrangement and hostility to Him, neighbour, ourselves and the world. It is aimed always at creating a new community. A
worker of mission seeks then to put both himself or herself and the community into
contact with this loving and reconciling God. This calls for an authentic liberating
proclamation and catechesis using language and categories that people understand.
The missionary must first be reconciled in himself or herself by God and then go
out as an ambassador of reconciliation that is integral, loving, sympathetic, just and
impartial.
The continent struck by violence and war and the loss of life caused by many
anti-life forces that come from the greedy and powerful, the temptation to revenge
is very strong. With what for example can one pay for the life of a dear ones lost in
war and in abductions of the cruel group of for example Kony in Uganda? None!
Reconciliation and forgiveness, out of sheer benevolence and mercy cancels the
debt of the guilty and seeks for a new brotherhood, seem to me the answer. This is
not easy. It calls for love, patience, sympathy, understanding, courage, dialogue,
and tolerance. It involves sacrifice and the cross as well, fixing the eyes on the Lord
35
R. Mejia, From Life to Practical Theology Pastoral Circle, in P. Ryan (ed.), New Strategies for a
New a Evangelisation in Africa (Nairobi: Paulines, 2002) 111.
36
R. J. Schreiter, “Reconciliation,” in Muller K. et al (eds), Dictionary of Mission; Theology, History,
Perspectives (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1999) 381.
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Jesus Christ who though innocent he was, suffering and dying on the cross, prays
for and forgives his killers. Reconciliation is urgent in Africa. It is this that will deal
with anti-life forces like ethnocentrism, tribalism, discrimination, stigmatization, victimization and, marginalization that make the continent a valley of tears. Formed
into a new community by reconciliation, Africans in solidarity will forge out their
future together. Along these lines there is need to stress what is common to people
and what unites them and create moments that reduce hostilities and intimacies
between peoples and communities. One can take the example of Uganda where
the celebration of the Uganda martyrs day on 3rd of June is gradually leading to a
sense of oneness and a process of national reconciliation and nation building. The
media should be fully used on this point to give out programs and sensitise people
on the need to work together to fight their inhuman situation and be the movers of
their liberation assisted by God’ grace.
The cancellation of the External Debt
The external debt burden has badly crippled the continent. Its weight is majorly
felt and supported by the poor through the process of high taxation and other
inhuman means.37 This calls for a concerted effort of all African theologians and
their non-African brethren to denounce this monster and fight for its destruction.
Awareness groups should be created to conscientize the public on monstrous effects of the external debt. A sound theology must be developed that calls for remission of this debt, for genuine love calls for it. People of good will should unite and
demonstrate through peaceful means against such a debt, not only in Africa but also
in countries considered developed. The debt burden every year leads to suffering
and death of millions of people and the cause of destruction of resources, which are
over-strained to help a staggering population.38 Yet not so many marches against it
are heard worldwide. Once I witnessed a reaction against the external debt at
Namugongo Uganda Martyrs shrine at the Eucharistic celebration on the feast of the
Uganda martyrs. The effect was ambivalent and rather cynical as many thought that
those who were calling for the cancellation of the debt were the rich who themselves had sacked the blood of their own people. Yet, the cancellation of the
external debt must be followed by genuine witness. The money, in case the debt is
cancelled, must be put to good use for the benefit of the general populace like
improving social services, education and security. It should not end in the hands of
the elite as often is the case, for they become powerful and begin to exploit their
own countrymen, grabbing land from them and living them helpless.39 In addition
to this Africa must be given an equal opportunity in the marketing of her goods.
This of course demands that Africa on her part should improve the quality of her
own products so they can compete well with others. All protectionism must be
denounced and rejected as an ethical and unchristian.
37
Cf. G De Schrijver, “New Focus on Liberation Theologies: Indebtedness and Remission of Debt”
in P. Kanyandago, Marginalized Africa: An International Perspective, (Nairobi: Paulines, 2002), 39-46.
38
Cf. J. M. Waliggo, “The External debt in the Continued Marginalization of Africa: What Action by
Christian Theologians?” in P. Kanyanfago, Marginalized Africa: An International Perspective (Nairobi:
Paulines 2002), 55-56.
39
Cf. I Gbetegan, “The Scandal of Marginalization in Africa: The Issue of Land” in P. Kanyandago,
Marginalized Africa: An International Perspective (Nairobi: Paulines, 2002), 62-66.
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Mission As Integral Liberation in Africa
Good governance through democratisation
This is another important point for the liberation of Africa. A society that has
bad leaders will always suffer. Good governance helps a people to direct its focus
and to develop well its common good and work for its realization. Good governance does not come by chance. It calls for training and grooming of leaders. These
leaders should be identified and encouraged to develop their leadership skill already at a tender age, which must be influenced with the necessary, human, spiritual and supernatural virtues. The Church is challenged here to especially to educate and prepare well the laity so that they live up to their call of being salt in the
world of politics.
Empowerment through education
If you want to plan for a year plant beans, if you want to plan for a decade plant
trees, but if you are to plan for life educate the people. Education enables people to
criticize their environment, to identify the anti-life forces and to organise effectively
and creatively the means of reaching their liberation. It is important that such education be related to their environment. In Uganda for example many children are
given education that will lead them to white collar jobs, which are very few in the
country. It would have been better to give them a more land-oriented education
that will make them more of job makers than job seekers. We have more than 5
universities all of which stress subjects that lead to government employed jobs. But
government cannot employ more than 3 million people for the moment. What will
happen to those left out?
Economic liberation through authentic Integral development
This must target every aspect of life. Here the unit to be targeted first is the
family and the local community where members are helped to change their situation using the means and resources that are belonging to their context.40 Solidarity
and cooperation must be emphasised. These values are not lacking in traditional
wisdom. That is why much will have to be done basing on the rich traditional
heritage. This will also lead to an authentically African development, which is holistic and environment sensitive and more friendly to sustainable development. Borrowing from the western world is possible but this must be translated into the
African worldview, which is always pro-life.41
Conclusion God is a God of liberation and love. He wills to save the Africans. This
God now acts in a new way in Jesus Christ who liberates the human
being on all fronts. It is the task of the Church and all people of good
will to actively engage in the process of integral liberation, which God alone wills
his people in the context of the present crisis in Africa. As such, Africa will rise and
shine again in the measure in which the workers of evangelisation indefatigably
fully embrace and engage in integral liberation of the continent.
40
J. M. Waliggo, “African Family as the Focal Point in the Struggle to Eradicate Poverty,” Manuscript, 1-18.
41
C. Nyamiti, “Contemporary Liberation theologies in the light of the African Traditional Concept
of Evil,” in Studia Missionalia 45 (1996), 238-265.
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Selected Bibliography
BAUR, J. 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, Nairobi: Pauline Publications, 1998.
BOFF, L Eglise Chrisme et Pourvoir, Lieu Commun. Paris, 1985.
BUAET, J. Politic et Religion. Paris: PUF 1999.
COLOM, E. Chiesa e Società, Armando. Roma: Editore, 1996.
DUPIUS, Jacques. Who Do You Say I am?New York: Orbis Books, 2001.
_______________, “Liberation Theology.” In LATOURELLE, R.. FISHICHELLA R. (eds), Dictionary of Fundamental Theology. New York: Crossroad, 1994. 1091-1097.
Foerster, “Save, Salvation, Saviour.” In KITTEL, G., and FRIEDRICH, G. (eds), The Theological
Dictionary of the New Testament Vol. 7, Grand Rapids, Michigan: WM. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1971. 965-1024
FUELLENBACH, J. The Kingdom of God: The Message of Jesus Today. Maryknoll, New York:
Orbis Books, 1999.
GORDO, D., and SPICKER, P. (eds), The International Glossary on Poverty. Zed Books, 1999.
KUNG, H., The Catholic Church: A Brief History, The Orion Publishing Group Ltd, London,
2001.
LAVROFF, D. G. Les Grandes Etapes de la Pensèe Politique, Paris: Dalloz, 1999.
MEDDI, L. “La Catechesi Oltre.Il Servizio Catechistico nella Prospetiva Missionaria ed
Evangelizzatrice.” In Euntes Docete LV\2 2002, 113-141
MEKENZIE, J. L. Dictionary of the Bible. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1965.
MVENG, Ethelbet, “Impoverishments and Liberation.” In Rosin Gibellini (ed.), Paths of African Theology. SCM Press. 157-172.
O’COLLINS, G. “Salvation.” In FREEDMAN, D.N. (ed). The Anchor Bible vol 5, New York:
Doubleday, 1992. 907-914.
RODGER, C. Christian Social Witness and Teaching Vol. I, Wiltshire: Cromwell Press, 1998.
SSETTUUMA, B. Tension at the Gate of Heaven. Roma: Leberit, 2002.
______________, Crying Africa and God’s Answer: A Re-reading of the Story of Hagar in the
African Situation Today. Rome: Leberit, 2003.
WALIGGO, J-M. “Religious Leaders’ Response to Violence.” In AFER 43(2001), 172-189.
______________, “Strategies to Eliminate Tribalism, Religious Fundamentalism and Discrimination in our National Politics and Society as a Whole.” Public Lecture at Soroti Flying
School, 19th July 2001, 1-11. Unpublished.
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Scripture
The Disciple Who Loved Jesus: A Reading of John 21:15-25
Edoth Mukasa, S.J.*
Sommaire Dans cet article, l’auteur interprète le ch. 21 de l’évangile de Jean dans
une perspective qui met en lumière la figure de Pierre sans toutefois
reléguer celle du disciple bien-aimé. Ce faisant, il replace les deux disciples dans la mission de la communauté du disciple bien-aimé, à savoir rendre
témoignage à l’amour mutuel qui liait Jésus à ceux qui avaient cru en lui.
Introduction John’s gospel stands somewhat apart from the other three gospels,
because it has a very distinct portrait of Jesus in comparison to that
found in the synoptic gospels.1 In it, Jesus is the one sent ‘from
above’ to reveal God. Having come ‘from above,’ he is something of a stranger to
this world, which “knew him not” (1:10). To this enigmatic quality of his presence
in the world, which Barrett calls “the complete estrangement of Jesus’ contemporaries,”2 John the Baptist witnesses, saying: “Among you stands one whom you do not
know” (1:26).
As one who comes ‘from above,’ Jesus’ speech and deeds are often mysterious
and frequently misunderstood by the characters in the gospel narrative. Not rarely,
these misunderstandings express the unbelief of the world. However, contrasting
with the unbelief of the ‘world,’ the evangelist presents the enigmatic figure of the
Beloved Disciple and his community. Part of this community was certainly Simon
Peter, a figure that has been often opposed to that of the Beloved Disciple.3
Focussing somehow on Peter, this article attempts an analysis of Jn 21:15-25,
where the Beloved Disciple appears for the last time, giving voice to the believing
community which, through the redactor, attests to the truthfulness of his testimony
about Jesus: “This is the disciple who is bearing witness to these things, and who
has written these things; and we know that his testimony is true” (21:24).
The article reconsiders first the place of ch. 21 in the fourth gospel and moves to
the roles of Peter and the Beloved Disciple within the Johannine community or, to
use the title of Raymond Brown’s book, the community of the Beloved Disciple.
Revisiting the question of the anonymity of the Beloved Disciple and his apparent
overshadowing of Peter, the article finally attempts a reading of ch. 21:15-25 that
*
Edoth Mukasa is a Jesuit from the DRC in his third year of theology at Hekima College.
Cf. F. Neirynck, “The Question of John and the Synoptics: D. Moody Smith 1992-1999,” Ephemerides
Theologicae Lovanienses 76 (2000), 122-132.
2
C. K. Barret, The Gospel according to St John: An Introduction with Commentary and Notes on
the Greek Text (London: SPCK, 1991), 174, ad loc.
3
P. J. Hartin, “The Role of Peter in the Fourth Gospel,” Neotestamentica 24 (1990), 49-61.
1
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Edoth Mukasa, S.J.
replaces the role of the two disciples within the community that attests of the truthfulness of their love for Christ.
Jn 20:30-31 clearly marks the conclusion of the gospel as it was planned by its
author. Stating the purpose of the gospel, Jn 20:30-31 reads: “Now Jesus did many
other signs in the presence of the disciples, which are not written in this book; but
these are written that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and
that believing you may have life in his name.”4 Chapter 21 can thus be regarded as
a later addition which Barrett calls consequently an addendum or an appendix,
observing that “Ch. 20 is a unit which needs no supplement.”5 The status of this last
chapter has been highly debated.
Though internal evidences (style and vocabulary) show that this chapter was
not originally part of the gospel and may have been written by another hand, there
is no textual tradition indicating that the gospel of John has ever circulated without
chapter 21.6 The question is then, “Why was this chapter added?” In other words,
what does Jn 21 add to Jn 1-20? If there are any reasons why ch. 21 was added to Jn
1-20, then it would be accurate to call this chapter an epilogue than just an addendum or an appendix.7 As Moloney writes:
This collection of post-resurrection stories was important to the Christians who
first wrote and passed down the Gospel to later generations. For this reason alone
it must be regarded as an ‘epilogue,’ something that belongs to the Gospel as we
now have it, and not just as an ‘addendum’ or ‘postscript’ added as an afterthought.8
And if ch. 21 is to be best considered as an epilogue, it has to be related to the
prologue.9 This article thus endeavours an interpretation that recasts the epilogue in
the overall picture of the gospel so as to retrieve the internal purpose it shares with
the rest of the gospel.10
The Community
of the Beloved
Disciple
The narrative of the gospel occasionally reveals the presence of
the community behind the gospel, e.g. “we have seen his glory”
(1:14); “we know that his testimony is true” (21:24). It is interesting to notice how the use of the “we” appears in the prologue as
well as in chapter 21. It also appears in Jn 6:68-69, where Peter
says, on behalf of the twelve: “Lord to whom shall we go? You have the words of
eternal life; and we have believed, and have come to know, that you are the Holy
4
For the meaning of ‘signs,’ see Van G. Belle, “The Meaning of
in Jn 20,30-31,” Ephemerides
Theologicae Lovanienses 74 (1998), 300-325; F. Moloney, Signs and Shadows: Reading John 5-12
(Mineapolis: Fortress, 1996).
5
C. K. Barrett, The Gospel according to St John, 577.
6
On the question of authenticity of this chapter, see R. Bultmann, The Gospel of John: A Commentary (Oxford: Blackwell, 1971), 700-701; D. A. Carson, The Gospel according to John (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1991), 665-668.
7
T. Wiarda, “John 21:1-23: Narrative Unity and Its Implications,” Journal for the Study of the New
Testament 46 (1992), 53-71.
8
F. Moloney, The Gospel of John (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1998), 546.
9
L. Devillers, “Les trois témoins. Une structure pour le quatrième évangile,” Revue biblique 104
(1997), 40-87.
10
L. Hartman, “An Attempt at a Text-centered Exegesis of John 21,” Studia Theologica 38 (1984),
29-45.
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The Disciple Who Loved Jesus: A Reading of John 21:15-25
One of God.” Now, ch. 21 aptly recalls the “we” and the role of Peter than ever
before, while the truthfulness of the testimony of Jn 21:24 (
) clearly reminds the fullness of grace and truth (
) of Jn
1:14.
Ch. 6, in which Peter makes his confession, has been studied and a lot, and
rightly so.11 As Moloney writes, “For the first time in the narrative a character has
expressed faith in Jesus for the right reason: his origin.”12 Jn 6:69 uses the perfect
tense of
and
, two verbs characteristic of John, to stress how the disciples have arrived at belief in Jesus and are now living from that faith and knowledge.13
FAITH
AND
DISCIPLESHIP
Now, the relationship of Peter’s confession to the prologue as well as to the
epilogue is evident. On the one hand, Jn 1:12 makes clear how decisive faith is in
the Johannine gospel: “To all who received him, who believed in his name, he gave
power to become children of God.” On the other hand, contrasting with the unbelief
of many of the disciples who drew back and who no longer went about with Jesus
(Jn 6:66), Peter’s confession is followed by Jesus’ response, “announcing that there
will be a betrayer, Judas Iscariot (vv. 70-71).”14 The link between unbelief and
betrayal is well established in v. 64: “Jesus knew from the first who those were that
did not believe, and who it was that should betray him.” And recalling the theme of
those to whom was given the power to become children of God through faith of Jn
1:12, Jn 6:65 further links discipleship to the gift of faith: “This is why I told you that
no one can come to me unless it is granted him by the father.” As Moloney comments, “The true disciple is the one to whom discipleship is given by the Father and
who believes in the Son.”15
Predicting the betrayal of Judas, Jn 6:70-71 plays somehow as a foreshadowing
of Peter’s authentic confession. The reader of ch. 21 can then see that this section of
ch. 6 is meant to signify that in John’s gospel “more than a confession of faith is
called for.”16 It is in fact in ch. 21 that the reader sees how Peter’s faith, expressed
through love, calls for a closer following, that re-echoes Peter’s commitment to
follow Jesus, even though many of his disciples had ceased to do so: “After this,
many of his disciples drew back and no longer went about with him. Jesus said to
the twelve, ‘Will you also go away?’ Simon Peter answered him, ‘Lord, to whom
shall we go?” (6:66-68a).
The purpose of the gospel stated in Jn 20:30-31 is thus completed by the following of Peter in ch. 21. Unless one links it to the theme of faith expressed in the
prologue and reassessed in the confession of Peter, one is left to wonder what this
11
Cf. W. R. Domeris, “The Confession of Peter according to John 6:69,” Tyndale Bulletin 44 (1993),
155-167.
12
F. Moloney, The Gospel of John, 229.
13
Cf. ibidem.
14
Ibidem.
15
Ibidem, 228.
16
Ibidem, 229.
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Edoth Mukasa, S.J.
following is all about. Seen under this light, ch. 21 appears as bringing forth an
essential dimension of the life of the Johannine community, namely the contribution of Peter, not only in what scholars have termed the “ecclesial” dimension, but
also in his faith blossoming in a closer following of Jesus. The role of the Beloved
Disciple in the whole picture is not diminished, but put into a larger picture that is
essential to the understanding of the whole gospel.
THE COMMUNITY
OF THE
BELOVED DISCIPLE: THE HISTORICAL HYPOTHESIS
Many scholars claim to discern something of the story of the Johannine community by reading between the lines of the gospel.17 Indeed, whereas the fourth gospel is primarily the story of Jesus, at a secondary level it can be read as the story of
the Johannine community in which it was shaped.18
In more recent decades, scholars have come to a greater appreciation of the
Jewish character of this gospel.19 The fourth gospel shows an obvious dependence
on the Old Testament, e.g. the portrait of Jesus which is strongly influenced by the
figure of the Wisdom Woman in the Jewish Scriptures; the resemblances in vocabulary and thought between the gospel and the writings of the heterodox Jewish
community at Qumran;20 the indications that those who shaped the gospel were
familiar with the topography of Palestine, e.g. 5:2; 9:7; 10:23; 18:1; 19:13. The
Jewishness of the gospel suggests that this community, in its origins, was Jewish
Christian. Originally these Jewish Christians were closely associated with the synagogue community. They thought of themselves as Jews who had found the Messiah. However, growing tension between these Jewish Christians and non-Christian
Jews led to their expulsion from the synagogue community. Scholars see this traumatic moment in the history of the community reflected in the gospel narrative
itself, where reference is made to their expulsion from the synagogue (cf. 9:22;
12:42; 16:2). It is difficult to be precise about the reasons for their expulsion, but
they were possibly Christological. The claims Johannine Christians were making for
Jesus were anathema to non-Christian Jews (cf. 5:18). Some members of the synagogue community may have avoided expulsion by keeping quiet about their faith
in Jesus (cf. 12:42; 19:38).
Those who were excluded from the synagogue community gathered around the
Beloved Disciple, whose teaching and preaching they regarded as the normative
interpretation of the words and deeds of Jesus. He now became the centre of their
community. Once expelled, the Johannine Christians may have received Samaritans
into their ranks (cf. 4:1-42; 8:48). They probably began to move towards the pagan
world and made converts among the Gentiles (cf. 12:20-22; 7:35). Their understand17
Cf. T. Hägerland, “John’s Gospel: A Two-level Drama?” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 25 (2003), 309-322; Marcato G., “Ricerche sulla ‘Scuola Giovannea,’” Angelicum 75 (1998), 305-331;
J.F. O’Grady, “The Beloved Disciple, His Community and the Church,” Chicago Studies 37 (1998), 16-26.
18
C. M Conway, “The Production of the Johannine Community: A New Historicist Perspective,”
Journal of Biblical Literature 121 (2002), 479-495.
19
M. J. Menken, “Observations on the Significance of the Old Testament in the Fourth Gospel,”
Neotestamentica 33 (1999), 125-143.
20
B. J. Capper, “‘With the Oldest Monks...’: Light from Essene History on the Career of the Beloved
Disciple?,” Journal of Theological Studies 49 (1998), 1-55.
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The Disciple Who Loved Jesus: A Reading of John 21:15-25
ing of the identity of Jesus continued to deepen, eventually recognizing him as the
pre-existent Logos who had become flesh (cf. 1:1-18). These developments heightened tensions between the Jewish Christians and their parent synagogue community, whom they now referred to as ‘the Jews,’ and from whom they experienced
persecution (cf. 16:2-3).21
At some point the community was shaken by the death of the Beloved Disciple
(cf. 21:25). An inner group who had been closely related to this disciple now
assumed the leadership of the community. It is commonly agreed that John’s gospel
was written in three stages: (i) The Beloved Disciple was the leader of the community whose preaching and teaching shaped the oral tradition about Jesus that lies
behind the written gospel; (ii) The evangelist, who was a disciple of the Beloved
Disciple, was responsible for gathering and shaping the traditions of the Beloved
Disciple into a gospel. Some of the stories of Jesus’ miracles were developed into
superb dramas; the sayings of Jesus were woven into lengthy discourses of a solemn and poetic character; (iii) A final redaction of the gospel may have been made
by someone other than the evangelist, although closely related to him. Scholars
generally attribute ch. 21 to this redactor. The above suggests a long process of
composition for the gospel, stretching over several decades.
Without challenging this hypothesis, I attempt now to see how the Beloved
Disciple is portrayed in ch. 21 and how he therein relates to Peter whom I have
considered to be part of the Johannine community, rather than opposed to it, as it
has been sometimes suggested.
The Beloved The distinctiveness of the fourth gospel is therefore related to the
portrait of one of the most significant characters in John’s narrative
Disciple
referred to as ‘the disciple whom Jesus loved’ (13:23; 19:26-27, 35;
20:2-10; 21:7, 20-24; cf. 18:15-16). He is presented as a very close
associate of Jesus, an eyewitness to his ministry, in particular, an eyewitness to the
passion and death of Jesus, to the discovery of the empty tomb and to the resurrection
appearances. The gospel claims that he is an authoritative and reliable eyewitness
(19:35; 21:24), whose testimony is the foundation of the gospel itself. He is understood within the narrative as the authority behind the gospel. As we have noted, he is
probably the primary influence on the oral tradition behind the gospel.22
At no stage in the gospel is this significant eyewitness given a name. On the
basis solely of internal evidences of the gospel, his identity remains an enigma.
Though he has been traditionally identified to John, the son of Zebedee or to a
Jerusalemite priest,23 the identity of the Beloved Disciple still remains a mystery.24
As Sandra Schneiders says:
21
U. C. Von Wahlde, “‘The Jews’ in the Gospel of John: Fifteen Years of Research (1983-1998),”
Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 76 (2000), 30-55.
22
R. F. Collins, “From John to the Beloved Disciple: An Essay on Johannine Characters,” Interpretation 49 (1995), 359-369.
23
J. Winandy, “Le disciple que Jésus aimait. Pour une vision élargie du problème,” Revue biblique
105 (1998), 70-75; M. L. Rigato, “L’apostolo ed evangelista Giovanni, sacerdote levitico,” Rivista biblica
38 (1990), 451-483.
24
D. R. Beck, “The Narrative Function of Anonymity in Fourth Gospel Characterization,” Semeia
63 (1993), 143-158; G. Berlingiery, “A proposito dell’anonimato dell’autore del IV vangelo: chi è l’anonimo
e perchè è anonimo,” Rivista biblica 48 (2000), 69-72.
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Despite two centuries of modern exegesis bearing on the question (of the identity
of the Beloved Disciple), not only has no consensus emerged, but no theory has
become dominant except perhaps the nontheory that the answer to the conundrum is permanently unavailable.25
The unnamed Beloved Disciple appears only in the Fourth Gospel, and there
only in a few narratives of the book of glory (13:1-20:31). We see him first at the last
supper (John 13:21-26); then at the foot of the cross (19:25-27); next at the empty
tomb (20:1-10); fourth in a boat on the sea of Galilee (21:7); and, finally, we learn
that though he may have died shortly before the Gospel as we have it now was
written, he had left a testimony upon which the Gospel writer or redactor relies
(21:20-25). It cannot be decided with certainty whether this testimony was a written
gospel or a Jesus tradition.26
However, it is probable that, subsequent to the life, death and resurrection of
Jesus, he emerged as a significant preacher and teacher within the faith community
from which the fourth gospel emerged. This community, which has been referred to
as the ‘Johannine community,’ looked up to him as the reliable eye-witness whose
interpretation of all that Jesus said and did was authoritative.
Some also identify the Beloved Disciple to one of the two disciples of John who
followed Jesus, the other having been identified as Andrew, the brother of Simon
Peter (Jn 1:35-40),27 or the “other disciple” (
W ) mentioned in 18:15-16, because Jn 20:2 clearly identifies the “other disciple” (
) to the one Jesus loved
(
), when it states that Mary Magdalene ran and “went to Simon Peter and
the other disciple, the one whom Jesus loved.” Jn 21:7 further introduces the Beloved
Disciple as one of the two unnamed disciples mentioned among those who would
follow Peter for the fishing: “Simon Peter, Thomas called the Twin, Nathanael of
Cana in Galilee, the sons of Zebedee, and two others of his disciples were together.
Simon Peter said to them, ‘I am going fishing.’ They said to him, ‘We will go with
you.’ They went out and got into the boat; but that night they caught nothing.”
If we accept the calling of the first disciple, in which Peter is mentioned though
not present, and the scene at the foot of the cross in Jn 19:25-27 (where Simon Peter
is absent), the Beloved Disciple appears almost always alongside Simon Peter. Commentators have noted that the depiction of Simon Peter vis-à-vis the Beloved Disciple stands in sharp contrast to his position in the Synoptic Gospels. There, Peter is
the principal leader of the disciples and of the church. Whereas, in the Johannine
texts, wherever Peter appears with the Beloved Disciple it seems that the former
stands in the shadow or is usually given a secondary role. At the last supper he asks
the Beloved Disciple to get some desired information from Jesus. At the foot of the
cross, where the loyal Beloved Disciple is entrusted with a special task, Peter,
having just denied that he even knew Jesus, is absent. At the empty tomb, Peter
enters first, but it is the Beloved Disciple who believes that something astonishing
has happened. And when in the boat on the sea of Galilee the disciples see a figure
25
S. M. Schneiders, Written that You May Believe: Encountering Jesus in the Fourth Gospel (New
York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1999), 213.
26
R. Bauckham, “The Beloved Disciple as Ideal Author,” Journal of the Study of the New Testament
49 (1993), 21-44. See here the section “The Witness to these things”, 45.
27
M.E. Boimard, “Le disciple que Jésus aimait d’après Jn 21,1ss et 1,35ss,” Revue biblique 105
(1998), 76-80.
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The Disciple Who Loved Jesus: A Reading of John 21:15-25
on the shore, it is the Beloved Disciple who is able to identify him, saying to Peter:
“It is the Lord.”
It is the contention of this article to show that, in spite of all, Simon Peter is not
overshadowed by the Beloved Disciple neither opposed to him. On the contrary,
he is clearly portrayed as the disciple who also loved Jesus and who, as the Beloved
Disciple, was able to follow him.
John 21:15-25: The
Beloved Disciple, Peter
and the Witnessing
Community
This section of the gospel can easily be divided into three
parts: the first part (vv. 15-19) is a dialogue between Peter
and Jesus.28 The second (vv. 20-23) is concerned with the
enigmatic following of Peter and John: Peter, now following Jesus (v. 19), turns and sees the Beloved Disciple following (v. 20). In both sections, the narrator inserts a comment about the destiny of the two disciples (vv. 19 & 23).The third section (vv. 2425) plays as the second conclusion to the gospel.
If one were to rely on the dialogues contained in the section, one could also
consider another possible division focussed on Peter’s dialogue with Jesus, namely
the threefold question of Jesus (vv. 15, 17); the threefold reply of Peter and the
threefold commission (vv. 15, 17); Christ’s prophecy concerning Peter’s death (vv.
18, 19); Peter’s question concerning John (vv. 20, 21); Christ’s reply (vv. 22, 23); and
finally the disciple’s testimony (vv. 24, 25).
Commentators normally associate this section with an assignment of roles in the
Johannine community.29 Though such a concern can be legitimate, for our purpose
we have entitled these sections as follows: (i) The disciple who loved Jesus; (ii) the
disciple whom Jesus loved; (iii) the witness to the love and the following. Indeed,
the interpretation of the section depends on whether one puts the emphasis on the
disciple(s) or on the community. Now, the community is implied because of the
disciple(s) to whom it relates. The interpretation that follows deliberately focuses
on the characters who are directly involved in the section.
THE DISCIPLE WHO LOVED JESUS (VV. 15-19)
Schnackenburg has rightly observed that there is little connection between vv.115 and vv. 15-25, even though the redactor has provided an introductory statement
to link the two sections.30 “When they had finished breakfast, he writes, Jesus said
to Simon Peter: ‘Simon, son of John, do you love me more than these (
)?’” a
question that Jesus would thrice put across vv. 15-17. Though there is change in the
verbs used to signify ‘to love,’ most critics regard this variation between
and
, as well as between
and
, between
and
as conform to the
Johannine practice of stylistic variety.31 As for the meaning of the question itself,
René Kieffer writes that,
28
F. Neirynck, “John 21,” New Testament Studies 36 (1990), 321-336.
E. Delebecque, “La mission de Pierre et celle de Jean. Note philologique sur Jean 21,” Biblica 67
(1986), 335-342.
30
R. Schnackenburg, The Gospel according to St John, vol. 3 (New York: Crossroad, 1982), 361.
31
F. Moloney, The Gospel of John, 559; D. A. Carson, The Gospel according to John, 676-677.
29
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Edoth Mukasa, S.J.
The Greek sentence in v. 15 can be understood in three different ways: ‘Do you
love me more than you love these things?’ (toutôn is then understood as a neuter
pronoun); ‘do you love me more than you love those (persons)?’; ‘do you love me
more than those do?’32
He then says that the third meaning fits well with the context. Nevertheless, one
notices that the second and the third time, the question is simply ‘Do you love me,’
a sign that the comparison implied the first time is really not relevant to the dialogue
as such. Thus, asked whether he loved Jesus more than these (who?), Peter answers: “Yes, Lord, you know that I love you” (v. 15).
The third time, the narrator comments that Peter was grieved (
) because
Jesus said to him the third time, ‘Do you love me.’ Now there is no need to think
that Peter was less sincere in his first reply or that he was more convincing in his
third answer. However, the thrice-repeated question seems to have been important
for the writer who was accurate enough to recall that there was a second time (
) and a third time (
). In the threefold repetition, the majority of scholars see
a link with the threefold denial of Peter in 18:15-27.33 Aptly enough, the writer has
transposed into this section the grief Peter would have experienced after his denial
in Jn 18:27.34 Note that Peter denied Jesus two times, even though Jesus predicted a
triple denial in Jn 13:38
At the conclusion of the threefold question and the threefold answer, Jesus says
a final statement which the writer interprets as referring to Peter’s death. The comment, ‘This he said to show by what death he was to glorify God,’ suggests that “it
is clear that the redactor knows that Peter has died a martyr’s death.”35 This is however a comment that he makes en passant, because he is really interested in showing that Peter’s death was the result of his following of Jesus, which also was a
consequence of his love. Following Jesus, Peter turns and sees ‘following them’ the
disciple whom Jesus loved.
THE DISCIPLE WHOM JESUS LOVED (VV. 20-23)
In recalling who was the Beloved Disciple, v. 20 refers to his first appearance:
he was the one who had lain close to Jesus’ breast at the supper and had said, ‘Lord,
who is it that is going to betray you?.’ This recollection, which Spencer calls a
narrative echo,36 reinforces the link we have established with Jn 6:64, where it is
said that “Jesus knew from the first who those were that did not believe, and who it
was that should betray him.”
Seeing thus the Beloved Disciple, Peter now resumes the dialogue and asks,
‘What about this man?.’ Jesus’ enigmatic answer shows that Peter was now con32
R. Kieffer, “John,” in John Barton & John Muddiman, eds. The Oxford Bible Commentary (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press), 999, ad loc.
33
M. Sabbe, “The Denial of Peter in the Gospel of John,” Louvain Studies 20 (1995), 219-240.
34
See however the interpretation of Béré P., “Pourquoi Pierre est-il peiné? Une lecture exégétique
de Jean 21, 15-19,” Hekima Review 17 (1997), 66-80.
35
R. E. Brown, The Gospel according to John, vol. 2 (Garden City: Doubleday, 1970), p. 1118.
36
P. E. Spencer, “Narrative Echoes in John 21: Intertextual Interpretation and Intratextual Connections,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 75 (1999), 49-68.
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The Disciple Who Loved Jesus: A Reading of John 21:15-25
cerned about the destiny of the Beloved Disciple, after he had been told what
would soon happen to him. But one can doubt that he had understood what Jesus
meant when he said: “When you were young, you girded yourself and walked
where you would; but when you are old, you will stretch out your hands, and
another will gird you and carry you where you do not wish to go” (21:18). It
appears rather that the author puts on the mouth of Peter a question that would
allow “Jesus ease the anxiety that may have been generated by the Beloved Disciple’s death.”37
Indeed the comment that follows Jesus’ answer to Peter suggests that the Beloved Disciple has also died. If this is the case, then the Beloved Disciple cannot be
identified as the one “who is bearing witness to these things and who has written
them” (vv. 24).
THE WITNESS
TO THESE
THINGS (V. 24)
It is commonly assumed that the disciple referred to in v. 24 is the Beloved
Disciple. Though it can be claimed that the Beloved Disciple is the authority behind
the Fourth Gospel, I do not buy the idea that he has actually written it in the form
in which it has come to us.38
The disciple referred to in v. 24 is said to be the one w ho has written these
things (
) and certainly alive by that time as one can infer from the use of
.
Furthermore, there is a clear opposition between this ( ) disciple who bears
witness now and that (
) disciple, the Beloved Disciple, about whom the saying
spread then that he was not to die (v. 23).
The witness to the things narrated in the gospel, and certainly in Jn 21:15-23, is
the redactor, a member of the Johannine community, to which he appeals for the
truthfulness of his testimony in using the “we” seen at play in the prologue and in
chapter 6.39 As Peter confessed his faith in Jesus on behalf of the community of the
Beloved Disciple, so this disciple witnesses on behalf of that same community.
Conclusion
The gospel ends with a conclusion that not only “forces the reader to
look beyond the written pages of the Gospel text,”40 but also to seek
the reason why these things were written: “so that you may believe that Jesus is the
Christ, the Son of God, and that believing you may have life in his name.”41 Unlike
this first conclusion (20:30-31) which states clearly the purpose of the written gospel
so far, the second conclusion only says that “there are also many other things (
, not ‘signs’ as in 20:30-31!) which Jesus did; were every one of them to be
37
F. Moloney, The Gospel of John, 560.
“Playing on the possibility of the English language one could say that the Beloved Disciple is
‘author’ insofar as he is ‘authority’ for the Gospel” (F. Moloney, The Gospel of John, 561); see also R.
Bauckham, “The Beloved Disciple as Ideal Author,” Journal of the Study of the New Testament 49 (1993),
21-44.
39
S. M. Shneiders, “‘Because of the Woman’s Testimony’: Reexamining the Issue of Authorship in
the Fourth Gospel,” New Testament Studies 44 (1998), 513-535.
40
F. Moloney, The Gospel of John, p. 562.
41
Cf. S. M. Schneiders, Written that You May Believe: Encountering Jesus in the Fourth Gospel (New
York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1999).
38
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Edoth Mukasa, S.J.
written, I suppose that the world itself could not contain the books that would be
written” (v. 25). The second conclusion is the appeal of the believing community to
the reader to adhere to Christ on the witness of the few signs reported in the written
gospel.42 As Moloney writes,
The author of John 21 repeats what the author of 20:30 said more briefly concerning the many other unrecorded signs that Jesus did in the presence of the disciples. A selection has been made. However, while 20:30-31 motivated that choice
by further words to the readers telling them why a certain selection and a certain
ordering of events has taken place, no such motivation is given in 21:25.43
Apparently the redactor did not intend to write a second conclusion. It is as if he
was aware that the appeal to faith was already made, but felt the need to conclude
the gospel with material he taught important for the believing community.44 He thus
wrote a few things namely a series of post-resurrection scenes involving Peter, the
Beloved Disciple and the Johannine community, who proved to be faithful and
committed to following Jesus until death.45 Only a canonical reading that relates this
epilogue to the rest of the gospel can lead to a comprehensive understanding of the
multifaceted life of the Johannine community represented not only by “the disciple
whom Jesus loved,” but also by “the disciple who loved Jesus” and those who
witnessed to the love between Jesus and his “own who were in the world” (Jn
13:1).46
Bibliography
BARRETT, C. K. The Gospel according to St John: An Introduction with Commentary and Notes
on the Greek Text. London: SPCK, 1991.
BAUCKHAM, R. “The Beloved Disciple as Ideal Author,” Journal of the Study of the New Testament 49 (1993), 21-44.
BECK, D. R., “The Narrative Function of Anonymity in Fourth Gospel Characterization,” Semeia
63 (1993), 143-158.
BERLINGIERI, G. “A proposito dell’anonimato dell’autore del
perchè è anonimo,” Rivista biblica 48 (2000), 69-72.
IV
vangelo: chi è l’anonimo e
42
Cf. L. Cardellino, “Chi rifiuta la parola di Dio non comprederebbe neppure se fossero scritte tutte
le conversioni (Gv 21,25),” Rivista biblica 45 (1997), 429-437.
43
F. Moloney, The Gospel of John, 562.
44
L. Cardellino, “Testimoni che Gesù è Cristo (Gv 20,31) affinchè tutti credano ’
(Gv 1,7),”
Rivista biblica 45 (1997), 79-85.
45
See L. Hartman, “An Attempt at a Text-centered Exegesis of John 21,” Studia Theologica 38
(1984), 29-45.
46
F. F. Segovia, “The Final Farewell of Jesus: A Reading of John 20:30-21:25,” Semeia 53 (1991),
167-190.
Hekima Review, No. 31, May 2004
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BOIMARD, M.-E. “Le disciple que Jésus aimait d’après Jn 21,1ss et 1,35ss,” Revue biblique 105
(1998), 76-80.
BROWN, R. E. The Community of the Beloved Disciple. New York: Paulist, 1979.
BROWN, R. E. The Gospel according to John, vol. 2 Garden City: Doubleday, 1970.
BULTMANN, R. The Gospel of John: A Commentary. Oxford: Blackwell, 1971.
BYRNE, B. “The Faith of the Beloved Disciple and the Community in John 20,” Journal for the
Study of the New Testament 23 (1985), 83-97.
CARSON, D. A. The Gospel according to John. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991.
CHARLESWORTH, J. H. The Beloved Disciple. Valley Forge: Trinity Press, 1995.
COLLINS R. F., “From John to the Beloved Disciple: An Essay on Johannine Characters,” Interpretation 49 (1995), 359-369.
CONWAY, C. M. “The Production of the Johannine Community: A New Historicist Perspective,”
Journal of Biblical Literature 121 (2002), 479-495.
DELEBECQUE, E. “La mission de Pierre et celle de Jean. Note philologique sur Jean 21,” Biblica
67 (1986), 335-342.
HARTIN, P. J. “The Role of Peter in the Fourth Gospel,” Neotestamentica 24 (1990), 49-61.
HARTMAN, L. “An Attempt at a Text-centered Exegesis of John 21,” Studia Theologica 38 (1984),
29-45.
KIEFFER, R. “John,” in The Oxford Bible Commentary. Edited by John BARTON & John MUDDIMAN.
Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press. 960-1000.
O’GRADY, J. F. “The Beloved Disciple, His Community and the Church,” Chicago Studies 37
(1998), 16-26.
MOLONEY, F. The Gospel of John. Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1998.
NEIRYNCK, F. “John 21,” New Testament Studies 36 (1990), 321-336.
RIGATO, M.-L. “L’apostolo ed evangelista Giovanni, sacerdote levitico,” Rivista biblica 38 (1990),
451-483.
SCHNACKENBURG, R. The Gospel according to St John, vol. 3. New York: Crossroad, 1982.
SCHNEIDERS S. M. Written that You May Believe: Encountering Jesus in the Fourth Gospel. New
York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1999.
SEGOVIA, F. F. “The Final Farewell of Jesus: A Reading of John 20:30-21:25,” Semeia 53 (1991),
167-190.
SPENCER, P. E. “Narrative Echoes in John 21: Intertextual Interpretation and Intratextual Connections,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 75 (1999), 49-68.
WIARDA, T. “John 21:1-23: Narrative Unity and Its Implications,” Journal for the Study of the
New Testament 46 (1992), 53-71.
WINANDY, J. “Le disciple que Jésus aimait. Pour une vision élargie du problème,” Revue biblique
105 (1998), 70-75.
ZUMSTEIN, J. “Le disciple bien-aimé,” in Miettes exégétiques. Genève: Labor et Fides, 1991. 225236.
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Emmanuel Bueya-bu-Makaya, S.J.
LaPrésenceDeYahwehAuMilieuD’Israël(Joël2:1-3,21).
PERTINENCE HERMÉNEUTIQUE D’UNE HIÉROPHANIE BIBLIQUE POUR L’AFRIQUE NOIRE.
Emmanuel Bueya-bu-Makaya, S.J.*
Summary
The post-exilic Israelites suffered a destructive drought. Based on this
historical experience, Joel invites the people to repent and reassures them
of God’s imminent, effective and liberating presence in their woes. This
biblical history presents a paradigm within which the troubles of contemporary Africa can be understood and dealt with.
Dans le contexte troublant d’une Afrique noire étranglée, affirmer
sa foi en Dieu ne peut plus être, pour le chrétien africain, un
exercice innocent de rhétorique. Les guerres, les épidemies, la
pauvreté et bien d’autres maux qui font du continent un ‘océan
de malheur’ l’obligent à réfléchir sur sa manière de lire et de
vivre ces réalités africaines. Il a beau dire de son Dieu qu’il est Bon, Tout-Puissant,
Miséricordieux et de lui-même qu’il est l’auteur des maux qui frappent le continent
à cause de sa liberté serve, il en vient toujours à s’interroger avec perplexité sur le
rôle de ce Dieu dans l’histoire africaine à considérer comme une histoire de
rédemption depuis l’ancêtre de la vallée d’Oldoway jusqu’au Sierra-Leonais amputé
à Freetown.1
Où est-il votre Dieu ? La réponse à la question peut emprunter des éléments au
paradigme joëlien: Israël est confronté à des situations similaires à la condition
africaine et le prophète Joël tente de penser la part de Dieu et celle du peuple dans
une réconciliation sursomptive. Envahi et dominé par des armées étrangères, Israël
porte l’espérance de la libération par l’attente d’un sauveur: son Dieu libérateur
instaure une communauté de justice et de liberté. La comparaison avec la catastrophe africaine n’offre aucune garantie de vérité mais elle éclaire la manière de croire
en la présence de Dieu dans les sociétés africaines actuelles. Le modèle sollicité est
historique et métaphorique: Israël est une petite colonie d’étrangers, d’immigrés,
d’exilés et d’exploités. L’Afrique est un continent d’esclaves, des colonisés et de
marginalisés de l’économie mondiale. La colonisation, dans ses formes historiques
d’aliénation et de paupérisation, a apporté le christianisme considéré paradoxalement
comme une religion de salut. L’Islam avec ses razzia n’a pas non plus offert
d’alternative crédible. Le problème est de re-connaître le Dieu de ces religions dans
Introduction: Une
communauté des
destins
*
Emmanuel Bueya-bu-Makaya is a Jesuit from the DRC, in his third year at Hekima College.
A propos de l’Afrique, une littérature abondante charrie des flots de nouvelles alarmistes que
l’on résume par le terme ambigu d’afro-pessimisme. Les Jésuites y voient un océan de malheur et les
Evêques africains réunis en synode la comparent au voyageur agressé sur le chemin de Jérusalem à
Jéricho. De fait, le paludisme tue de milliers d’enfants, le sida décime les adultes et les guerres endeuillent
des régions entières. La sechéresse, les migrations forcées, la corruption, l’exploitation illégale des richesses
nationales, la pauvreté, le chômage affectent les populations. La liste des malheurs est longue. Elle
donne de l’Afrique l’image d’un continent cruciforme et crucifère dont l’histoire est une obscure narration des douleurs depuis la traite negrière jusqu’au néocolonialisme actuel.
1
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La Présence De Yahweh Au Milieu D’Israël (Joël 2: 1-3, 21)
la nuit africaine comme le peuple juif a vu le Jour du Seigneur au terme de la
traversée du désert.
1. La présence de
Yahveh au coeur
delanuitjuive
Le prophète Joël livre l’expérience que les Israëlites font de la
présence divine. Il ne suffit pas de dire qu’il raconte un mythe
ou une légende mais il convient d’y voir tout d’abord l’expérience
religieuse faite par un peuple. La précaution autorise ainsi de
passer de la sémantique de surface à la signification profonde.
Les événements historiques qui servent de toile de fond à l’expérience se déroulent
dans le temps cosmique bien avant l’incarnation de Dieu en son Fils Jésus. Le
peuple juif est entouré de multiples nations qui adorent d’autres dieux. Israël est
une nation à ‘religion monothéiste’; il n’a aucune représentation matérielle de son
Dieu. Pourtant les Israëlites prétendent que ce Dieu est présent au milieu d’eux en
dépit des affres de leur destin. Et cette présence n’est pas une quelconque hiérophanie.
Ni génétique ni structurale, notre analyse est une interprétation théologicohistorique d’un texte du prophète Joël appliqué à la condition africaine actuelle.
Elle comprend deux parties: la lecture de la présence de Dieu au milieu d’Israël et
sa signification dans la réalité africaine. La première partie a trois points dont le
premier est l’annonce du Jour du Seigneur. Le prophète interprète l’invasion des
sauterelles comme le signe de la colère de Dieu et invite le peuple juif à la repentance pour échapper au châtiment divin. Le deuxième point est une lecture des
manifestations de ce Dieu. Porté par une intention signifiante, ce décryptage est un
procédé herméneutique qui consiste à passer de l’ordre symbolique et métaphorique
à la structure de la réalité humaine. Le troisième est une étude des effets de la
présence de Dieu au milieu de son peuple. Celle-ci -comme sa parole- est performative. La deuxième partie est une réflexion sur la pertinence du texte dans le
contexte actuel du continent africain. Mais tout d’abord, il importe de préciser l’identité
du prophète et les circonstances historiques de son intervention.
LE
PROPHÈTE DE LA REPENTANCE
?
Dans la péricope 2: 12-17, Dieu, par son prophète, appelle le peuple à la repentance: “déchirez vos coeurs et non pas vos vêtements.” Converti, Israël est heureux
de la venue et de la bénédiction de son Dieu. Telle semble être la première lecture
qui donne à voir Joël comme le prophète de la repentance. Ce thème n’est cependant
pas l’enjeu majeur de la prophétie de Joël;2 il préfigure le cœur du message de Joël
qui est la manifestation de Dieu au milieu de son peuple. Nous y reviendrons. Pour
l’instant nous avons à scruter l’identité de l’auteur, à relire le contexte historique et
la structure du livre.
Dans l’Ancien Testament le nom de Joël revient dans des contextes variés. Ce
qui rend difficile toute tentative d’établir clairement l’identité de ce prophète. Dans
le premier verset du premier chapitre attribué au prophète Joël, celui-ci est dit être
2
‘Péché-Menace de châtiment-Repentance’ est une structure bien commune aux prophéties de
l’Ancien Testament. Un peuple qui péche contre un Dieu qui punit devient parfois un peuple qui se
convertit à la satisfaction d’un Dieu qui pardonne et restaure l’amitié. Ces thèmes sont constitutifs de la
morale des prophètes. Il s’agit pour nous de comprendre comment s’effectue cette interaction entre
Dieu et ce peuple.
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le fils de Pethuel. Il est considéré comme l’auteur du second livre des Prophètes
Mineurs. Rien n’est dit de la vie de la personne elle-même dans ce livre; cependant
on peut saisir la richesse de sa personnalité dans le style et la nature de son texte.
Judah est le théâtre des événements racontés.3
Le contexte historique
Le contexte historique du livre est tout aussi confus. Toutefois l’auteur évoque
la peste qui a été une réalité historique vécue par le peuple d’Israël. A partir de ces
événements racontés, de la description du Temple, du rituel et de bien d’autres
caractéristiques de la vie socio-religieuse du peuple juif, il est possible de déterminer
approximativement la période historique de cette prophétie. La Monarchie n’est pas
mentionnée car les Aînés et les Prêtres sont les seules autorités reconnues ou
présentées dans ce livre. Le Temple reconstruit en 520-516 se maintient encore. En
lieu et place des dénonciations des iniquités commises avant l’exil, Joël appelle à la
repentance, au jeûne, au deuil.4
Hamish Swanston suggère plutôt une autre date apparemment plus plausible.
Après une déduction des événements en cours à cette époque et en recourant à
l’historien Flavius Joseph, il place la période de la prophétie après 320 lorsque
Ptolemée Soter entre à Jérusalem.5 Certains auteurs sont plus prudents quant à la
détermination exacte de la date d’autant plus que le troisième chapitre semble avoir
été écrit bien plus tard après le chapitre premier et deuxième. Toutefois, en évoquant
les différentes structures du texte, d’autres auteurs placent le livre à des moments
différents. Dans le concert pluriel d’hypothèses de datation, on peut conclure que
les événements se déroulent entre le sixième et le quatrième siècle6 et la rédaction
du livre a eu lieu durant cette période post-exilique.
La structure du texte
Les avis des spécialistes sur cette question diffèrent également selon le point de
vue à partir duquel ils divisent le texte. Toutefois, de quelque côté que l’on aborde
la question, on admet que le point de départ est l’invasion des sauterelles provoquant
la sécheresse et suivie de la famine dans le pays. Cette catastrophe naturelle est
interpretée comme une punition de Dieu et invite donc le peuple à la conversion.
Aussi, certains voient-ils dans le texte deux parties rédactionnelles:7 la première
présente le peuple de Juda accablé par la famine. La seconde partie évoque plutôt
la faim spirtuelle du peuple de Dieu et la réponse généreuse de Dieu qui lui envoie
son Esprit. Nous souscrivons à la thèse qui accorde au livre trois sections: la première
(chap.1:1-2,17) raconte la calamité de la peste. La deuxième (chap. 2: 18-27) évoque
3
Madeleine S. Miller & J. Lane Miller, The New Harper’s Bible Dictionary, (New-York: Harpers &
Row Publishers, 1973), 339.
4
Ibid., 340.
5
Hamish Swantson, “Minor Prophets,” in Bright L. (ed. ), Scripture Discussion Commentary 4.
Prophets II: Ezekiel, Daniel, Minor Prophets, Chicago: ACTA Foundation 1972, 77.
6
Bruce C. Birch, Hosea, Joel, and Amos, (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1997),126.
7
C’est le cas de A.-M. Bernard, Le mystère du Nom. Quiconque invoquera le nom du Seigneur sera
sauvé, (Paris: Cerf, 1962), 128-134.
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la pitié de Dieu qui accorde des bénédictions matérielles. Dans la troisième section
(chap. 2: 28-3,21), le Seigneur pratique la justice et accorde des bénédictions
spirituelles.8
L’étude très brève de l’auteur, du contexte historique et de la structure du texte
montre que Joël est plutôt un prophète qui rassure le peuple juif accablé par le
désastre naturel. Plusieurs thèmes peuvent être dégagés de ce livre. Nous choisissons
d’étudier la présence de Dieu au milieu de son peuple en détresse.
YAHWEH
EST AU MILIEU DE SON PEUPLE
Le peuple d’Israël est frappé par la famine qui résulte de l’invasion des sauterelles.
Joël se lève et explique au peuple juif la cause de ce désastre: le péché. Il faut
retourner au Seigneur pour que revienne la vie. D’aucuns peuvent s’interroger sur
le lien entre ce phénomène écologique et la conduite des Juifs. C’est que Joël
reconnaît la nature profonde de la souffrance en Judah, la relation inséparable entre
les animaux, la terre et le destin du peuple.9 Dans cette tradition biblique, importe
davantage non pas les causes scientifiques des calamités mais leur signification
religieuse. A cette calamité suit une promesse heureuse: la venue du Seigneur.
Le Jour du Seigneur (2: 1-2)
Le prophète évoque plusieurs images pour exprimer ce jour de Dieu. Dans la
constellation de ces images apparaissent très souvent le mot trompette pour dire la
tonalité atmosphérique et acoustique de cette présence qui échappe au registre de
la nature. Le mot Sion désigne la montagne sainte où le peuple accourt pour rencontrer
Dieu toujours plus haut que ce que l’esprit humain peut imaginer. Le tremblement
de la terre signale cette présence infiniment plus grande que l’univers matériel.
L’association traditionnelle du Jour du Seigneur avec la guerre influence cette description de l’invasion par une armée. Cette journée coïncide avec l’invasion des
sauterelles métaphoriquement comprises comme des soldats célestes. Les ténèbres
qui envahissent la terre évoquent les récits des fléaux égyptiens. Toutes ces images
évoquent les contours illimités de l’Infiniment plus grand. Dans le cours du temps,
il y a cette continuité linéaire des événements ordinaires sur lesquels s’assoupissent
les consciences. Soudain la trompette retentit et annonce que le Seigneur va détruire
Israël.
Menace de destruction totale (2: 3-5)
Les mots ‘feu dévorant,’ ‘flamme brulante,’ ‘désolation sauvage,’ ‘guerre des
chevaux’ évoquent l’image d’un champ de bataille avec des chariots. On voit sous
quel éclat le jour du Seigneur est annoncé. Ce n’est point dans la brise légère mais
dans le feu et la fumée d’un champ de bataille. La menace du châtiment est en
réalité l’interprétation d’une catastrophe naturelle. On entre ainsi dans une manière
8
Ibid., 339.
James L. Crenshaw, The Anchor Bible: Joel. A New translation with Introduction and Commentary, (New York: Doubleday, 1995), 14.
9
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de comprendre la réalité objective à la lumière de la foi. Le jeu herméneutique
devient ainsi démarche personnelle de quête du sens. Il ne faut point perdre de vue
ce rôle prépondérant du prophète dans la lecture des signes des temps. En évoquant
cette forme de destruction d’Israel, Joël prend cette idée à partir de l’histoire de
l’inondation (Gen. 6: 5-8) considérée comme Jour du Jugement. Yawhé est tellement
fâché à cause de la méchanceté des hommes qu’il décide de détruire son oeuvre et
de plonger la terre dans le chaos.10 Le prophète interprète la catastrophe comme
châtiment divin. Il rentre ainsi dans la tradition prophétique du Dieu jaloux et
revanchard.
Par ailleurs, Joël annonce, à la suite de cette catastrophe, la venue du Seigneur.
Ce sera un jour de ténèbre et de terreur. La métaphore est ‘belliciste’: avant
l’événement, le terrain ressemble au jardin d’Eden, plein de splendeur et d’innocente
beauté. Après le passage du Seigneur, pressent le prophète, ce sera une forêt devastée.
Le mots feu et flammes reviennent sans cesse. Le prophète utilise un language
théophanique associé à la manifestation personnelle de Yahweh.11
Mais ces signes de terreur ne sont que les prodromes de la venue de Dieu. Car
il faut bien distinguer l’annonce de l’avénement du Seigneur et son apparition réelle.
L’histoire des prophéties a forgé dans l’imaginaire juif un stéreotype de présence
divine faite de fascination sacrée. Effrayé par cette prophétie toute de flamme, le
peuple juif tremble, se lamente et implore le pardon de son Dieu.
Lamentation du peuple israëlite (2: 6-9)
Le narrateur décrit l’armée du Seigneur qui s’en va réduire le peuple juif au
néant. Ce sont des guerriers invincibles qui escaladent les murs, grimpent sur les
toits et pénètrent jusque dans les maisons à travers les fênetres. Ces guerriers
représentent ainsi Dieu lui-même à qui personne n’échappe. Le prophète interprète
une catastrophe naturelle en terme de prémonition de la menace du Seigneur. C’est
seulement après la prière de supplication que le Seigneur, saisi de pitié, repand son
Esprit et juge les ennemis d’Israel.
Le peuple juif se remémore les catastrophes du passé, mesure la fragilité de sa
position sociale et se tourne vers Dieu. D’aucuns auraient l’impression que c’est un
Dieu qui ne leur laisse aucune liberté. En réalité c’est un Dieu qui offre la liberté et
loin de qui rien ne subsiste. Pour re-vivre pleinement, Israël doit prendre le chemin
de retour vers le Dieu de l’Alliance qui le crée et le maintient comme peuple.
Appel à la repentance (2: 12-17)
«Déchirez vos cœurs et non pas vos vêtements», dit le Seigneur. Sans doute est-il
ému de voir son peuple terrassé par l’angoisse. C’est seulement une complète conversion qui peut changer le Jour de Yawheh du jour de jugement en jour de salut.12
10
Hamish Swanston, op. cit., 82.
The Anchor Bible:Joel 16.
12
Hans Walter Wolf, Joel and Amos. A commentary of the Book of the Prophets Joel and Amos,
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press 1977), 13.
11
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Alors il lui propose un contract: ou vous vous pervertissez et l’armée divine vous
detruira ou vous vous convertissez et alors cette armée menaçante sera mise en
retraite. Cette interprétation suppose de trancher sur l’auteur du discours: est-ce le
prophète qui pressent l’amplification de cette calamité et appelle à la conversion?
Ou est-ce Dieu lui-même qui est ému par les lamentations de son peuple et le
supplie de revenir à lui? Nous penchons pour la première hypothèse c’est le prophète
lui-même qui monte la scène, met au compte de Dieu ces paroles adressées au
peuple et invite ce dernier à la conversion. Il espère que la supplication peut
changer le coeur de Dieu dont la compassion offre l’espérance. Joël attribue ainsi sa
pensée à Dieu en utilisant l’expression ‘ainsi parle Yahweh.’13
L’explication historico-critique du statut du prophète dans la société juive étaye
cette hypothèse: le prophète est un homme socialement inséré, connaissant la langue,
les coutumes et très au fait des situations que vit le peuple. Or l’histoire montre que
cette période -comme il en existe souvent dans l’histoire de la Palestine- est une
période de sécheresse, des sauterelles dans les champs. Le peuple désemparé souffre
de faim et crie sa détresse. Selon la mentalité religieuse de cette époque, pareille
situation n’a pas d’explication scientifique; elle est intreprétée dans le prisme édifiant
de l’intervention divine.
Le prophète appelle le peuple à la conversion. Tous les Juifs cherchent la protection divine contre les envahisseurs.14 Pourquoi les nations diraient-elles “où estil votre Dieu?” L’intercession des prêtres et la compassion de Dieu transforment le
destin du peuple juif. Saisi de pitié, le Seigneur bénit son peuple, arrête les calamités
et lui envoie son Esprit. Auparavant Moïse, Jéremie et Ezekiel avaient reçu cette
promesse: l’Esprit de Dieu habitera la terre. A présent, cette promesse est sur le
point de se réaliser.
LES
FORMES DE PRÉSENCE DIVINE
(3: 16-17):
DES PROMESSES DE
VIE
“Le Seigneur a eu pitié de son peuple et il est venu…,” constate le prophète. Dieu
ne vient donc pas habiter au milieu d’un peuple impie auquel il manifeste sa colère;
c’est après sa conversion qu’il s’établit au milieu d’eux. Mais sous quelles formes
vient-il au milieu de son peuple ? Certes on a évoqué plus haut l’intervention divine
sous forme guerrière. Dieu a entendu la supplication de son peuple et lui envoie
son Esprit. La menace se transforme en une promesse de vie de l’Esprit dans le
cosmos et dans les coeurs.
Présence cosmique (2: 21-25; 3: 18)
Ce qui atteste la présence de Dieu, ce n’est pas la trompette sonnée par les
armées conquérantes mais le changement du paysage. De même que les catastrophes naturelles sont interpretées comme expression du châtiment de Dieu, de même
le renouvellement de la nature (au seuil d’une nouvelle année) est compris comme
expression de la bienveillance de Dieu désormais plus présent au milieu de son
13
Dans la lecture des signes des temps, la parole divine et la parole humaine alternent: le prophète
parle au nom de Dieu ou laisse Dieu parler à travers lui.
14
Au 7è-5è siècle, les Philistins et les Phéniciens vendaient les Juifs aux Sabèens puis aux Grecs!
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peuple: le paysage redevient vert, les arbres portent des fruits, la vigne donne du
bon vin, la pluie arrose abondamment la terre désormais bien gavée, les fleurs
s’épanouissent sous un soleil éclatant, l’huile coule en abondance. Les sauterelles
disparaissent.
En fait c’est le printemps d’une nouvelle année qui prend les allures de la
présence cosmique de Dieu: la réference à la pluie d’automne renforce la croyance
que cette section de Joël est connectée à la liturgie du festival du tabernacle en
septembre. L’insistance sur Yavhé vivant au milieu de son peuple ( Joël 2: 27 ) est
particulièrement propre à ce festival. Cette fête semble correspondre aux cérémonies
que les peuples voisins organisaient pour leurs dieux15 et se distingue par son
caractère de nouveauté car elle a lieu au début de la nouvelle année.
La paix revient. Cette description purement cosmologique peut être interprétée
comme la bénédiction de Dieu qui, après avoir pardonné son peuple, lui redonne
ses ‘grâces’ matérielles, dans la profusion de sa générosité infinie. Les yeux de la foi
tentent de voir dans cette serenité des temps et cette fraîcheur de la nature une
présence réelle de Dieu: la face positive et ensoleillée de la vie est ainsi interpretée
comme une manifestation de Dieu. Dans Joël 3: 18 , cette manifestation de Dieu est
décrite par des mots d’une poésie inimitable évoquant un paradis perdu et retrouvé
dans la splendeur: de la montagne tombera goutte à goutte un vin agréable et des
fontaines couleront les flots de lait. L’image contraste avec la terreur du châtiment:
la terre devastée est remplacée par ces paysages gais qui attestent le retour souriant
d’un Dieu de pardon et de bénédiction. Plus question de sécheresse, de sauterelles
ou de famine. Plus question de menace de destruction totale par un Dieu furieux.
Au contraire ! La nature elle-même est transfigurée par ce que nous convenons
d’appeler la présence de Dieu. Celle-ci se matérialise davantage par la transformation des coeurs et des structures sociales.
Présence spirituelle (2: 27-29)
“Ainsi tu connaîtras que je suis le Seigneur.” Cette phrase semble attester que les
changements cosmiques ne démontrent pas à eux seuls la présence de Dieu. En
réalité, Dieu dépasse l’espace matériel et se donne à connaître dans son essence
elle-même tout de communication. Il promet son Esprit à toute chair. Cet Esprit
n’est plus le privilège des prophètes, car Dieu se rend présent et familier à tous ses
enfants, sans distinction de sexe, d’âge ou de classe sociale. L’événement brise les
barrières artificielles imposées par la société. Les fils et les filles prophétisent, les
vieux rêvent et les jeunes ont des visions. L’Esprit de Dieu se répand même sur les
serviteurs et les servantes. Un monde nouveau voit le jour: ce n’est plus seulement
la nature qui est transfigurée mais c’est toute l’humanité qui respire au souffle de
Dieu. Ces phénomènes disent la présence de Dieu lui-même dont les effets de sens
ne sont plus à situer dans les paysages ni les climats.
LES
EFFETS DE LA PRÉSENCE DIVINE(3:
1-8)
“Je vais restaurer la destinée de Juda et de Jerusalem,” dit le Seigneur. Israël
considère toujours Dieu comme son protecteur. Par conséquent, lorsqu’il est sous la
15
Hans Walter Wolf, op.cit., 84.
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domination des autres nations, il espère l’intervention de Dieu comme une vengeance ou mieux comme une libération du joug des autres nations. Le prophète met
en scène ce Dieu qui appelle au jugement toutes les autres nations: Tyr, Philistie,
Grèce, Saba. etc. Elles devront lui rendre compte de tous les méfaits qu’ils ont
infligés à Israël.
Jugement des nations (3: 12-15)
Joël présente le jugement du Seigneur de la manière dont il a présenté le jour
de sa venue. Le prophète insiste sur l’accomplissement du temps pour le jugement
des nations. En effet Dieu lui-même convoque ces nations au jugement. Il descend
sur la terre pour les sommer à comparaître. C’est un jour terrible: le soleil et la lune
s’éclipsent. La moisson de la colère de Dieu est mûre; les nations coupables vont la
récolter pour leur plus grand malheur.
Renaissance d’Israël (3: 1-3)
Le jugement des nations se fait concommittamment avec le retour d’Israël. Le
peuple juif a été dispersé; les jeunes garcons comme les jeunes filles ont été vendus
et exportés. Le Seigneur promet de rassembler son peuple et de lui prodiguer les
meilleurs soins. Cette théocratie est à appliquer à la communauté post-exilique. En
effet, cet événement est à lire avec la toile de fond historique du peuple juif qui a
connu l’exil, qui rentre à peine sur sa terre, qui est aussitôt menacé de guerre par
ses voisins et à qui le Seigneur offre une promesse de protection et de consolation.
On voit ainsi comment les événements historiques sont interprétés dans la grille de
l’histoire de rédemption.
JOËL:
UN PROPHÈTE DE L’ESPÉRANCE
Le ‘Jour du Seigneur’ semble être l’acmé de tout le texte de Joël. Autour de ce
thème tourne toute la réalité et toute la prophétie. A ce jour au départ menaçant est
joint la promesse. Cette dialectique imagée et vécue révèle une tension entre l’histoire
et l’interpretation de l’histoire:
[C]ar le malheur désigné par l’expression Jour de Yahvé ne consiste pas exactement
dans l’événement de la défaite et de la destruction; en tant qu’advenu, l’événement
fut irrévocable, et le prophète l’anticipa comme advenu et comme irrévocable; le
malheur consiste bien plutôt dans la signification attachée à l’événement, dans
l’interprétation pénale de l’événement prophétisé. C’est pourquoi le Jour de Jahvé
n’est pas seulement dans l’histoire, il est dans une interprétation de l’histoire.16
Le thème de Jour du Seigneur comporte une promesse de réconciliation avec le
Dieu de l’Alliance; aussi suscite-t-il dans le coeurs des Israëlites la confiance en
Dieu Sauveur. Même lorsque les sauterelles dévorent les plantes et la famine étrangle
les gens, même lorsque les nations étrangères attaquent Israël, le prophète affirme
que Dieu est présent et répond aux prières de son peuple. Cette confiance grandit
et atteste finalement que Yahvé est le plus grand ‘dieu,’ tout-puissant et souverain.17
16
17
Paul Ricoeur, Finitude et culpabilité. II. La symbolique du mal, Paris, Aubier Montaigne 1960, 70.
Bruce C. Birch, op.cit., 130.
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La péricope de Joël sur la présence de Dieu dans la tourmente juive a une
certaine proximité avec la situation africaine. Comment le croyant africain établit le
lien entre la vie citoyenne et la vie chrétienne? Comment lit-il la présence de Dieu
dans l’afro-crise? C’est plutôt un message de confiance, d’espérance en un Dieu
présent au cœur du drame. L’usage du paradigme au profit de l’Afrique actuelle ne
s’accommode pas seulement de ressemblances et de rapprochements. Il suffit de
dégager le principe herméneutique qui autorise une lecture chrétienne de l’histoire
de l’Afrique actuelle. Dieu parle à travers les signes des temps. Sa parole est une
création continue dans l’histoire du salut. Et les promesses de cette rédemption
ouvrent sans cesse les perspectives heureuses à l’avenir de l’Afrique.
2. Le Dieu des
promesses dans
lanuitafricaine
Le texte du prophète Joël nous fait découvrir un Dieu à l’oeuvre
dans l’histoire du peuple juif. Les événements sociaux sont
interprétés à la lumière de cette activité de Dieu créateur. La
révélation de ce Dieu libérateur, loin d’être un récit enfermé
dans la Bible, a lieu dans la vie quotidienne. Dans cette perspective, l’histoire africaine
est à comprendre comme un récit de rédemption pour le croyant dont la vie de foi
suppose un constant exercice d’herméneutique. Le péricope joëlien se prête à ce
jeu d’interprétation. Celle-ci, d’après Ricoeur, “est le travail de pensée qui consiste à
déchiffrer le sens caché dans le sens apparent, à déployer les niveaux de signification
impliqués dans la signification littérale.”18 La prophétie sur la présence de Dieu au
milieu d’Israël est une structure de signification qui sert de médiation à la réflexion sur
l’Afrique actuelle au destin similaire, toutes proportions gardées, à l’Israël du temps de
Joël. Ainsi la seconde partie de notre texte porte sur quatre évidences empiriques
nées du texte joëlien: la foi est une décision du sens; la religion et la politique
participent à la même dynamique de l’ histoire; celle-ci est une mémoire des promesses
de vie; le vitalisme africain est forme d’Evangile inculturée avant la lettre.
LA
FOI EN CONTEXTE: UNE DÉCISION DE SENS
Le prophète Joël donne une signification religieuse profonde aux catastrophes
naturelles. Dans cette bataille du comprendre, la foi en contexte devient une décision
du sens éclairée par le discernement. Car la réalité dans laquelle Dieu se découvre
est une construction sociale.19 Il convient donc d’aller à la racine même des outils
qui permettent de la déchiffrer pour y découvrir les attitudes fondamentales de
celui qui la vit. Entre la simplicité du dire évangelique et l’épaisseur des langages
humains, il y a l’écart qui met en relief la volonté de croire: “croyez en moi…”
presse le Sauveur.
La décision du sens favorise la sélection des contenus de cette réalité offerte au
discernement. “Dieu,” “immortalité de l’âme,” “salut de l’humanité,” “au-delà” y
deviennent des tropes théologiques qui ne reflètent pas la vie quotidienne, ce lieu
où l’on devient ce que l’on est. Il se creuse alors une distance entre ces ‘choses’
apparemment lointaines et les exigences plus immédiates de la vie ordinaire.20
Cette distance transforme finalement la Révérence en Idole et place Dieu hors de
18
Paul Ricoeur, Le conflit des interprétations. Essais d’herméneutique (Paris: Seuil 1969), 16.
Berger, Lire Peter, and Luckman, Thomas, The Social Construction of Reality. A Treatise in the
Sociology of Knowledge. New York: Anchor Books Doubleday & Company 1967.
19
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l’histoire humaine. Le croyant patauge ainsi dans les récits qui emplissent sa conscience fragmentée et, dans la détresse de leur langage, brouillent le sens des
événements.
Les dires de l’expérience n’épuisent pas la réalité car les catégories de
l’entendement qui rendent l’expérience intelligible sont constitutives d’une liberté
finie. Toutefois, l’entrelacement des récits personnels et d’expériences religieuses
des communautés de foi constituent une mémoire collective porteuse de la réalité
divine. La trame de la vie quotidienne et sociale devient l’objet de l’entreprise
herméneutique.
La lecture des signes des temps est un effort pour comprendre les événements.
Parfois le contexte tient lieu de texte et souvent celui-ci est tributaire de celui-là.
Ainsi le sens du texte biblique varie en fonction de la situation des lecteurs. Celleci tient lieu de parole qui se prête au jeu herméneutique. La signification –bien à
l’abri de toute confusion ‘babélique’- se dévoile ainsi dans ce rapport d’une part
entre les textes et les communautés de lecture et d’autre part entre les textes et leurs
contextes. En réclamant une universelle application, les biblistes occidentaux ont
méconnu leur identité particulière, leur situation concrète, leurs propres
préoccupations et leurs intérêts.21 Aujourd’hui, il n’y a plus place pour une pareille
approche impérialiste. L’interaction des peuples et des cultures invite à admettre la
pluralité d’interprétations bibliques, restant sauve l’objectivité relative des critères
de celles-ci. La reconnaissance de cette diversité culturelle autorise de lire
différemment l’histoire comme texte. L’herméneutique déplace alors ses centres de
gravité: elle n’est plus le passage du texte au discours; elle devient un déplacement
du contexte historique vers la localisation sociale du lecteur.22 Ainsi les chrétiens
noirs peuvent lire la Bible à la lumière de leur expérience de Noirs, de leur histoire
et de leur culture. Ils pourront résister à la deshumanisation et à la destruction de
leur foi en Dieu Libérateur.23
La foi devient alors une démarche qui prend à bras le corps les contraintes du
réel et considère les événements socio-politiques qui endeuillent le continent comme
des moments de grâce rédemptrice. Ceux-ci scintillent des milles feux d’optimisme.
La décision de sens comprend ainsi le destin social dans cette compénétration du
politique et de la religion.
RELIGION
ET POLITIQUE AFRICAINE: NIVEAUX DE SIGNIFIANCE DE LA
LIBERTÉ
La théocratie en Israël, du temps de Joël, ne peut être un modèle politique pour
l’Afrique contemporaine. Pourtant il y a lieu de considérer, au-delà de l’ambivalence
20
Paul Valadier, Nietzsche l’athée de rigueur (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer 1975), 18.
Lire Fernando F. Segovia, “And They Began to Speak in Other Tongues: Competing Modes of
Discourse in Contemporary Biblical Criticism,” in F. Segovia & Mary Ann Tolbert (eds.), Reading from
This place, vol. 1: Social Location and Biblical Interpretation in The United States (Minneapolis: Fortress
Press, 1995), 11.
22
David Tracy, On Naming the Present: God, Hermeneutics, and Church (New York: Orbis Books
1994), 134.
23
“It is this noble Black Christian history that helps to bring out the other side of the Bible, namely,
the nature of the Bible as a book of hope for the downtrodden” (Mofokeng 1988:38), in Eugene H.
Louring, Jr (ed.), Society of Biblical Litterature 1991. Seminar Papers (Atlanta: Scholars Press 1991), 369.
21
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du sacré, le lien profond entre la politique et la religion dans la mesure où elles
concernent le destin collectif de l’humanité. Si l’on admet que la raison d’être de la
politique est la liberté et que la religion bien pensée peut être une source des
valeurs promotrices de la libération totale de l’homme, alors la religion peut être un
puits qui étanche la soif d’engagement pour la promotion de la dignité humaine.
Dans cette perspective de réconciliation sursomptive, le croyant cesse d’être un
spectateur pour être un acteur dont la mémoire porte la tradition et dont l’action
transmet le sens. Dans cette perspective, le travail d’inculturation comme enracinement
de l’Evangile -non pas seulement dans les vestiges culturels mais aussi dans l’histoire
présente- invite à relire dans les actions politiques, économiques et culturelles les
mots de Dieu comme paroles illocutoires dans la dynamique temporelle.
Au coeur de la crise économique en Zambie, le président Kenneth Kaunda
offrait des déjeuners de prière et plus tard son successeur se proclamait être né de
nouveau. Aux pires moment de l’apartheid, le président Peter Botha et l’archevêque
Desmond Tutu pouvaient lire la Bible et croire à leurs différentes interprétations du
rôle de Dieu dans l’histoire sud-africaine. La question ne vise pas à établir les
responsabilités dans la catastrophe africaine ni à sombrer dans l’anthropomorphisme;
elle invite à considérer la pieuvre du sacré dont les tentacules sont enchevêtrées
dans les réalités politiques, économiques et sociales.24 L’histoire du monde se présente
comme un drame avec des acteurs humains et divins. Les poètes anciens racontaient
souvent comment les dieux grecs ou romains habitant l’Olympe ou le Panthéon se
mêlaient des affaires humaines. Aujourd’hui les polythéismes se muent en
monothéismes sertis des croyances séculières.
Dans l’histoire humaine, la sécularisation du monde s’accompagne pourtant des
artefacts herméneutiques de la Révélation.25 La fin augustinienne de la cité de Dieu
fait place au pragmatisme machiavélique de l’Etat condamné à subsiter au coeur de
l’irréconciliable pluralité des valeurs. En effet, contrairement à ce que l’on pense,
Machiavel veut fonder l’autonomie de la cité sans pour autant méconnaître la valeur
de la religion pour le peuple:
L’instance machiavélienne, quasiment dramatique, sur la nécessité de fonder la
cité comme condition sine qua non de la vie commune paisible, va dans le sens
opposé à l’insistance augustinienne sur la primauté de la cité céleste et de sa paix
assurée, permanente, authentique. A la relativisation de la cité terrestre, et donc
du politique que cette insistance implique, Machiavel oppose la gravité de la
tâche de fondation et de la conservation du politique (…).”26
La fondation du Politique se passe des divinités tutélaires. Pourtant les acteurs
politiques recourent au langage religieux et tout homme raisonnable s’interroge sur
la finalité de toutes les actions humaines. Au bout du compte, subsistent malgré tout
les lieux de production du discours, les critères d’interprétation de la réalité humaine
et divine et les langages de leurs représentations.
24
Lorsque Ossama Ben Laden qualifie ses adversaires d’ennemis de Dieu et lorsque Georges Bush
évoque l’axe du mal, il y a lieu de considérer l’ambivalence du sacré dans cet enchevêtrement de la
religion et du politique.
25
Kepel, Lire Gilles. La revanche de Dieu: Chrétiens, Juifs et Musulmans à la reconquête du monde.
Paris: Seuil 1991.
26
Paul Valadier, Machiavel et la fragilité du politique (Paris: Seuil 1996), 84.
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Au-delà du tape-l’oeil folklorique des liturgies dansantes et d’une rhétorique
théologique d’insurrection se pose la question politique d’élucidation du sens de
l’histoire et des contraintes de la réalite faite de gestes incompatibles à la conscience
chrétienne. Face aux génocides, aux guerres civiles, à la corruption etc.,
l’hyperreligiosité nègre –et sa manifestation dans la rapide croissance du nombre de
croyants chrétiens- se pose comme une parodie de la faiblese de croire. Forme
variée de cette hypereligiosité, l’inculturation semble devenir alors tout à la fois une
retraditionnalisation des conceptions importées du Dieu consideré comme référence
topologique ultime et de Jésus comme figure visible de cette référence.27 Peut-être
faut-il voir dans ce discours théologique une démarche métaphorique qui implique
une comparaison en stéreocopie de deux expériences selon la saisie du semblable
dans le dissemblable.28 Le superlatif absolu ne suffirait pourtant pas à justifier l’écart
irréconciliable entre le politique et la religion.
Pourtant la biographie de bien de leaders politiques atteste cette étroite relation
entre le politique et la religion. Pour bon nombre d’entr’eux, l’espérance est
théologiquement la certitude que la justice de Dieu triomphe et dépasse le transitoire
espoir humain. Cette forme de religion soutient et inspire leur combat politique.29
Doivent donc être prises en compte les motivations de ces inculturations africaines
et les conséquences politiques et sociales de ces jeux théologiques. Au regard de la
cloison étanche entre religion et politique, il y a lieu de considérer ces discours non
pas comme un refus de syncrétisme mais plutôt une orthodoxie verbale30 bien loin
de l’engagement social des prophètes israëlites.
En Afrique l’indifférence religieuse récoltée dans les proverbes et le sécularisme
de surface ne suffisent pas pour expliquer l’écart entre les principes religieux et les
pratiques politiques. Cet écart incite à réfléchir sur la foi en consonnance avec les
exigences de vie en société. Dieu devient alors non pas un catalyseur dont on
évaluerait les formes pour soi; il est plutôt le promoteur d’une Alliance autour de
laquelle les hommes se constituent en une communauté des libertés en cordée avec
lui; l’histoire y devient une révélation progressive du royaume à venir. Dans cette
perspective, le politique prend sens comme effort de l’homme à construire une
communauté de destin. La promotion du bien commun devient l’exigence primordiale
du croyant à l’oeuvre pour l’avénement du royaume de liberté. La religion n’est plus
l’épaisseur triste d’une vie axée sur elle-même (Arendt) ni l’opium du peuple (Marx);
elle est plutôt une poétique sociale; l’espérance qu’elle porte n’est pas un somnifère
mais une puissance mobilisatrice indispensable à une communauté en quête de vie
pleine dans la dialectique de l’histoire faite de passions et de gloires. Karl Marx a
simplement sous-estimé la force de la religion dont les paradigmes d’exode et de
27
Les christologues africains lui demandent alors ‘seras-tu des nôtres?’ Puis en lui cherchant un
nom familier à la tribu, ils l’appelent tour à tour le Chef, l’Ancêtre, l’Aîné, le Maître d’initiation, le
Guérisseur. Finalement à bout de souffle, ils confessent son mystère et espérent seulement qu’il restera
des leurs jusqu’à la fin des temps. Il y a lieu de réfléchir sur l’intention signifiante de ces nominations
africaines du Christ.
28
Theoneste Nkeramihigo, L’homme et la transcendance selon Paul Ricoeur (Lethielleux: Le
Sycomore 1984), 275.
29
Charles Villa-Vicencio, The Spirit of Freedom: South African Leaders on Religion and Politics.
(Berkeley: University of Carolina Press 1996), xxiv.
30
Gerald O’Collins, The Case Against Dogma (New York: Paulist Press 1975), 62.
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royaume à venir peuvent constituer des facteurs dynamogènes en politique. Les
Africains non plus n’ont pas encore fini d’en saisir l’énergetique du sens (Kä Mana).
LA
MÉMOIRE AFRICAINE DE
DIEU:
UNE GARANTIE DES PROMESSES D’AVENIR
L’histoire d’Israël est un drame millénaire. Pourtant les prophètes ne cessent de
parler de la fidélité de Dieu qui réalise toujours ses promesses. C’est à la fois une
histoire d’esclavage mais aussi d’exode et de libération; une histoire d’exil mais
aussi de retour et de reconstruction. A travers ces expériences de souffrance transparait
la gloire de Dieu plus éclatante. Les Israëlites sont alors priés de se rappeler
constamment cette présence salvifique. En Afrique, on s’est unilatéralement appesanti
sur les douleurs passées et présentes sans considérer les luttes d’émancipation
politique, les efforts de progrès économique ou d’autonomie culturelle, etc. Il est
permis de suspecter ce discours misérabiliste sur l’esclavage, la colonisation ou le
néocolonialisme- qui n’épuise pas la totalité de la condition africaine.
La mémoire de Dieu en Afrique n’est pas seulement faite de douleurs de passion mais aussi des promesses de résurrection dont les signes évidents contredisent
l’afro-pessimisme qui aliène encore la conscience historique africaine. En d’autres
termes, même si la vallée d’Oldoway n’est pas le jardin d’Eden, il y a lieu pour le
croyant d’admettre la fidélité, ou mieux, l’amour de Dieu créateur du continent
africain:
Création et promesse sont donc des pôles théologiques qui structurent la réalité
comme réalité liée au langage et à la parole, au risque de la liberté et de la fidélité,
bref, au pouvoir fragile et insécurisant de l’amour. Cet amour qui est en Dieu luimême en tant que créateur et qui est toujours partie prenante de la marche d’histoire
vers la promesse et par la promesse.31
L’histoire des événements quotidiens se déroulent comme une marche dialectique
mais progressive vers un terme absolu.
La téleologie de la rédemption est le pendant de l’archéologie de la création. Le
cycle du temps n’obéït pas à un finalisme métaphysique en dépit du déterminisme
de la nature cosmique. Cependant tout ne se réduit pas non plus à l’intelligence ni
à la liberté humaine. La Moira grec ou le Fatum latin n’ont plus cours. La vision du
Dieu grand Horloger a cédé la place à une conception de la création comme un jeu
où la liberté du joueur consent au déterminisme des règles du jeu.32 L’autonomie du
monde atteste la souveraineté du Créateur. La parole de Dieu et la parole humaine
se nouent en écho varié de liberté et de responsabilité créatrices. L’histoire dans
laquelle prennent forme ces paroles cesse d’être une simple séquence des faits
(Ricoeur) pour devenir un mouvement de rédemption (Lonergan) aux yeux du
croyant. Les drames de l’Afrique en panne et les catastrophes d’Israël en exil n’ont
plus le dernier mot dans le cours de l’histoire.
Cette réconsidération de l’histoire africaine n’a pas seulement lieu dans la prise
en compte de la face positive du passé mais aussi dans les promesses d’avenir
qu’elle suscite. Concrètement la conscience africaine du temps rivée sur le passé
31
Kä Mana, L’Afrique va-t-elle mourir? Bousculer l’imaginaire africain. Essai d’éthique politique
(Paris, Cerf 1991), 184.
32
François Euve, Penser la création comme jeu (Paris: Cerf, 2000), 124.
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devra se convertir à la conscience chrétienne d’un Dieu qui, fidèle à ses promesses,
est un Dieu qui vient toujours. L’annonce par Joël de l’envoi de l’Esprit se conjugue
au futur. Cette foi au Dieu de l’avenir interpelle la conception africaine du temps.
Etudiant les religions et les philosophies africaines, le théologien Kenyan John Mbiti
constate que, pour les Africains,
[L]e temps est un phénomène interrompu, avec un long passé, un présent et
virtuellement aucun futur. Le concept linéaire du temps de la pensée occidentale,
avec son passé indéfini, son présent et son futur infini, est étranger à la pensée
africaine. Le futur n’existe pratiquement pas parce que les événements qui s’y
rattachent ne se sont pas produits, ne se sont pas réalisés et ne peuvent donc pas
constituer le temps.”33
Les Africains vivent ainsi tournés vers le passé dépassé et non vers l’avenir à
venir. Le ‘sasa’ (présent) va vers le ‘zamani’ (le passé). Bien de critiques ont été
faites contre cette conception soit pour indiquer des faits africains qui attestent le
souci de l’avenir soit pour démontrer dans la mentalité européenne le même souci
du passé. Notre but n’est pas d’entrer dans le débat mais de considérer comment la
mémoire peut habiter le futur comme jadis en Israël la mémoire des faits héroïques
de Dieu garantit les promesses d’avenir, en dépit des catastrophes du présent. Cette
mémoire qui annonce le futur permet simultanément l’optimisme.
Lorsque Dieu promet son Esprit aux Israëlites, la religion de ceux-ci se donne
alors à voir comme une religion de la promesse. Les faits ne manifestent pas la
présence de l’Absolu mais la pointe avancée du temps, dirigée vers le but de la
promesse.34 La présence salvifique de Yahvé est certifiée par ces promesses faites
aux Juifs. Dieu promet de libérer son peuple. Le retour d’exil confirme la fidélité de
Dieu dans ses promesses et autorise de considérer la mémoire de Dieu comme la
garantie des promesses du futur. Le passé éclaire le présent et fonde l’avenir. Le
futur n’est pas sur-évalué au détriment du présent ni le passé ‘zamani’ ne prend le
pas sur le futur. La résurrection du Christ fonde dans l’espérance l’avenir du royaume
de Dieu et de la liberté de l’homme.35 L’extrapolation et l’anticipation épargnent de
la tentation d’évasion. A la lumière de cette espérance chrétienne, l’exode africaine
est un déplacement de la conscience de l’utopie vers l’eutopie de l’avenir.
Toute l’histoire des hommes malgré ses ratés et ses chaos est un processus
d’hominisation depuis la vallée d’Oldoway jusqu’à ces jours. Le présent contient
ainsi des promesses d’accomplissement. Le prophète Joël peut passer de la menace
du châtiment à la promesse de la présence divine.
Tous les prophètes ont eu ce moment de déchiffrement de la profondeur du réel
dans la trame orageuse et noire des événements. (…) toutes les cassures de la
réalité n’ont jamais fait perdre de vue que la réalité est une création de l’amour,
c’est-à-dire d’une promesse de novation toujours ouverte.”36
En Afrique, le passé d’esclavage, de colonisation, de néo-colonialisme ne constitue
pas seulement une mémoire de souffrance; la décision de sens permet de la considérer
comme une mémoire de passion qui, dans sa fonction critique, contient des virtualités
33
34
35
36
John Mbiti, Religions et philosophie africaines (Yaoundé: Clé, 1972), 26.
Rosino Gibellini, Panorama de la théologie au XXe siècle (Paris: Cerf, 1994), 323-324.
Lire Jürgen Moltmann, Théologie de l’espérance. Paris: Cerf, 1967.
Kä Mana, op.cit., 187-188.
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de résurrection. A la question kantienne “que m’est-il permis d’espérer,” l’Africain
peut escompter l’espérance de la liberté déjà attestée par la résurrection du Crucifié
de l’histoire. Les turbulences du continent africain entrent dans cette vue positive.
Sans être un optimisme providentialiste, cet optimisme chrétien qui célèbre le Dieu
de la Vie victorieuse rejoint le vitalisme négro-africain.
LE
VITALISME NÉGRO-AFRICAIN: ADHÉSION AU
DIEU
DE LA
VIE
La postcolonie est une farce burlesque, une histoire de violence et de malemort
qu’Achille Mbembe décrit sur un ton pathétique:
Elle a engendré l’Etat-cannibale qui dévore, se repaît du corps de ses gens, les
suicide à petit feu, cette part démoniaque du pouvoir et du commandement, et
cette orgie de l’anéantissement qui viennent contredire chaque soir, chaque midi
et chaque matin, le désir qu’a chacun de nous de durer, nous empêchant, tous, de
comprendre la nuit du monde africain, et de porter un souci conséquent à notre
propre existence.37
En présentant ainsi l’Afrique postcoloniale, Achille Mbembe emprunte à Heidegger
ces accents dramatiques proches de la poésie de Hölderlin. Nietzsche a distillé le
nihilisme et le pessimisme dans la mentalité occidentale.38 A sa suite, Heidegger
peut évoquer la mi-nuit occidentale et déplorer, après Hölderlin, la fuite des dieux
dans un espace devenu plutôt désert. Il peut encore glorifier, sur les traces de
Hegel, la Gréce antique comme une cité idéale. Ce romantisme et ce paganisme
exotique participent à un quête humaine de la divinité dans une société oú la
rationalité techno-scientifique semble effacer les symboles et les références signifiantes
de l’Ultime Réalité. L’Europe a eu et a encore ses nuits affreuses. Ces couleurs
nocturnes utilisées par Achille Mbembe pour dire la détresse du continent contraste
pourtant avec la vitalité des habitants de cette terre millénaire. Le souffle tenu de la
Vie peut être plus fort que l’ouragan de la Mort.
En effet, à tort ou à raison, on reconnaît à la tradition bantu voire nègre ce désir
de vie et de plus de vie.39 Ce qui explique le souci de fécondité et de fidélité à la
mémoire des ancêtres par qui passe cette force vitale. Celle-ci est une dynamique
substantielle qui fonde toute la métaphysique bantu.40 Elle contraste avec ce que
37
Achille Mbembe, “Ecrire l’Afrique à partir d’une faille” in Politique Africaine 51 (octobre 1993), 63.
Contrairement au pessimisme de Nietzsche et de Heidegger, il y a dans les cultures africaines
une vitalité qui déborde les structures d’oppression. La caricature sur l’hilarité nègre, l’insouciance,
l’imprévoyance et bien d’autres jugements éthiques occidentalocentristes ne sauraient en rien démentir
les ressorts secrets et les ressources culturelles d’un continent qui refuse de mourir. On a beau dire de
cette métaphysique vitaliste qu’elle est l’opium du peuple, on finit par reconnaître qu’elle est une force
de résistence, une hymne d’espérance au Dieu qui triomphe. Cette dynamique d’espérance ne repose
pas sur un messianisme millénariste mais sur la victoire de la Vie déjà célébrée par les religions africaines
traditionnelles. Cette Vie se présente dès lors comme le manteau de Dieu dont l’arche habite la communauté
africaine aux prises avec les multiples difficultés.
39
Jahn, L. J., Muntu. L’homme africain et la culture néo-africaine. Paris: Seuil 1961.; Elungu, P.E.A.
Tradition africaine et rationalité moderne. Paris: L’Harmattan, 1987.
40
On pourrait dire que la force vitale n’épuise pas toute la catégorie de l’être. Pourrait aussi être
contestée l’affirmation de l’amour de la vie au regard des hécatombes que provoquent les guerres
actuelles sur le champ de batailles africaines. D’aucuns pourraient aussi affirmer que l’aspiration à la vie
est fondamentale à tout homme de quelque horizon culturel qu’il soit. L’enjeu n’est pas dans la discussion théorique de cette métaphysique…
38
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l’on nomme aujourd’hui une culture de mort. Cet amour de la vie rejoint la conception juive de la fécondité et de Dieu source de toute vie dont Jésus se révèlera plus
tard comme l’essence absolue. Le christianisme devient alors une religion de la vie
qui sied à merveille à cette métaphysique vitaliste du nègre. Ce rappel n’est point
une tentative d’inculturation ni un concordisme satisfaisant mais une riposte de foi
aux cataclysmes du continent.
La vérité sur la solidarité africaine peut aujourd’hui être contredite par les guerres
qui ravagent le continent mais elle ne perd pourtant pas sa valeur cardinale dans les
consciences africaines profondes. L’exigence de vie qui la sous-tend est fondée sur
la certitude que “notre finitude n’est pas nécessairement un sujet d’affliction et de
désespoir, une leçon des ténèbres, mais un sujet de joie et de transcendance qui
reconnaît la vie humaine comme située en Dieu ou dans la nature.”41 La vie vient de
Dieu qui donne la force de lutter contre toutes les formes de domination et intègre
l’Africain à son projet de restauration du monde:
Dieu qui se dévoile dans sa parole et nous intègre à son projet de novation
éthique de la réalité induit en nous une nouvelle structure de conscience et une
nouvelle structure d’existence: la structure de créativité et de novation, la structure de responsabilité et d’espérance active, l’à être de l’amour ou l’amour en tant
qu’à être.42
Expression de la présence divine, cette vie d’amour porte les lumières de
l’espérance qui brillent dans la nuit africaine. Le vitalisme négro-africain, dans sa
dynamique optimiste garantie par la Résurrection du Christ, exclue toute forme
d’afro-pessimisme malheureusement à la mode aujourd’hui. Dieu au milieu de la
mi-nuit africaine invite à la confiance et à l’espérance.
Conclusion:
Un message
d’esperance
Le fléau sur Israël est interprété comme un châtiment de Dieu. Le
peuple prie Dieu qui dans sa grande miséricorde lui envoie son
Esprit et juge les nations. L’ordre théocratique cède le pas à la
concorde dans l’Esprit. L’histoire du peuple élu est mêlée à celle
des nations. En Afrique, il est question non pas de ressasser les malheurs du continent mais d’y percevoir la vie comme un don de Dieu. Le présupposé établi exclue
toutes les justifications et se donne le pari de reconnaître la Présence dans la mi-nuit
africaine. On n’évoque pas ainsi la passion de Dieu mais sa lecture. Celle-ci ne
porte pas sur les codes qui président au texte mais sur les contextes à l’origine du
texte. Dieu est présent au milieu du peuple israëlite en dépit de catastrophes qui
l’affectent. En Jésus, il est encore présent au milieu d’un peuple hébreu sous occupation romaine. En Afrique, la situation semble être similaire sans être identique.
Comment reconnaître la présence de Dieu dans les situations contemporaines ? Le
Christianisme de la Vie invite à boire à son propre puit où Dieu a dressé sa tente
faite de mémoire d’avenir et de vitalisme onto-théologique. Dieu est Dieu. Cela
change la manière de vivre la réalité et l’histoire de l’Afrique Noire.
41
42
Blandine Kriegel, Etat de droit ou Empire? (Paris: Bayard 2002), 221.
Kä Mana, op.cit., 186.
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Bibliographie
BESNARD, A.-M., Le mystère du Nom. Quiconque invoquera le nom du Seigneur sera sauvé.
Paris: Cerf, 1962.
BIRCH, B. C. Hosea, Joel, and Amos. Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1997.
BRIGHT, L. (ed.), Scripture Discussion Commentary 4. Prophets II: Ezekiel, Daniel, Minor Prophets.
Chicago: ACTA Foundation, 1972.
ELUNGU, P.E.A. Tradition africaine et rationalité moderne. Paris: L’Harmattan, 1987.
EUVE, F. Penser la création comme jeu. Paris: Cerf, 2000.
GIBELLINI, R. Panorama de la théologie au XXe siècle. Paris: Cerf, 1994.
KÄ MANA, L’Afrique va-t-elle mourir? Bousculer l’imaginaire africain. Essai d’éthique politique.
Paris: Cerf, 1991.
KEPEL, G. La revanche de Dieu. Chrétiens, Juifs et Musulmans à la reconquête du monde. Paris:
Seuil, 1991.
KRIEGEL, B. Etat de droit ou Empire? Paris: Bayard, 2002.
MBITI, J. Religions et philosophie africaines. Yaoundé: Clé, 1972.
MOLTMANN, J. Théologie de l’espérance. Paris: Cerf, 1967.
RICOEUR, P. Le conflit des interprétations. Essais d’herméneutique. Paris: Seuil, 1969.
TRACY, D. On Naming the Present: God, Hermeneutics, and Church. New York: Orbis Books
1994.
VALADIER, P. Machiavel et la fragilité du politique. Paris: Seuil, 1996.
VILLA-VICENCIO, Ch. The Spirit of Freedom: South African Leaders on Religion and Politics.
Berkeley: University of Carolina Press, 1996.
WOLF, H. W. Joel and Amos. A commentary of the Book of the Prophets Joel and Amos. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977.
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Symposium
Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming
DisasterontheContinent
Elias Omondi Opongo, S.J.*
Si, du point de vue médical, la pandémie du sida apparaît comme une
véritable catastrophe dans plusieurs pays africains, ce fléau est encore
plus désastreux si on le considère du point de vue social: le nombre
croissant d’orphelins compromet l’avenir des nations africaines, puisque ces jeunes
sont, non seulement exposés à un haut risque d’infection, mais sont aussi exposés
constamment à la délinquance juvénile. Cet article est un plaidoyer en faveur des
orphelins dont l’abandon constitue un sérieux problème moral et social.
Sommaire
Introduction
They didn’t call Arthur Chinaka out of the classroom. The principal and
Arthur’s uncle Simon waited until the day’s exams were done before breaking the news: Arthur’s father, his body wracked with pneumonia, had finally
died of AIDS. They were worried that Arthur would panic, but at 17 years old, he didn’t. He
still had two days of tests, so while his father lay in the morgue, Arthur finished his exams.
That happened in 1990. Then in 1992, Arthur’s uncle Edward died of AIDS. In 1994, his uncle
Richard died of AIDS. In 1996, his uncle Alex died of AIDS. All of them are buried on the
homestead where they grew up and where their parents and Arthur still live, a collection of
thatch-roofed huts in the mountains near Mutare, by Zimbabwe’s border with Mozambique.
But HIV hasn’t finished with this family. In April, a fourth uncle lay coughing in his hut, and
the virus had blinded Arthur’s aunt Eunice, leaving her so thin and weak she couldn’t walk
without help. By September both were dead.1
This story of Arthur reveals to us the reality of more than 10 million orphans in
Africa today. The double tragedy is that these children are not only losing their
parents, they are losing their ‘foster’ parents too, the extended families are all breaking down. Arthur Chinaka is left with minimum options for survival; he will probably never finish his education; he will have no one to take care of the orphaned
family; at 17 he has to be the breadwinner for his younger siblings. In brief, Arthur
must face a merciless world. His story is multiplied by 10 million AIDS orphans in
Africa. So late did the AIDS pandemic alarm call; large populations in Africa are
* Elias Omondi is a Kenyan Jesuit priest studying at the University of Notre Dame, in the USA. He
will like to express profound gratitude to Fr. John D. Lynch who read the esay and made invaluable
suggestions.
1
M. Schoofs, “AIDS: The Agony of Africa,” at http://www.villagevoice.com/issues/9944/
schoofs.php.
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Elias Omondi Opongo, S.J.
being decimated in a silent cry, and the forgotten children of Africa face a grim
future as they go through the trauma of routine deaths of parents, relatives and
friends.
The African story on AIDS is very grim. UNAIDS/WHO estimates that nearly 23.3
million Africans South of the Sahara were infected by the HIV virus at the beginning
of the 21st century. This is almost 70% of those infected by the HIV virus worldwide
in a continent that is home to only10% of the world’s population. 2 In the year 2000
alone more than 3.8 million were infected by the virus3. About 650,000 (or 10
percent) of Cote d’Ivoire’s population aged between 15 and 49 years is infected
with HIV; in the figure is 350,000, in Nigeria 2,000,000, 42,000, 64,000, and The
13,000. This constant increase in the number of infections implies that more and
more children will be orphaned in the coming years. 4
Many from this population will die in the next ten years, adding to 13.7 million
Africans already claimed by the epidemic. Most of these deaths have been concentrated in eighteen countries that make up only 5 percent of the world population. In
fact, in the last ten years, AIDS has been a more potent killer by magnitude in
comparison to the number of deaths from all the armed conflicts in Africa put
together. 5
What are the social and moral implications of the growing number of orphans 6
in the continent? What kind of a proactive and innovative response does Africa
require in order to combat HIV/AIDS? My social and moral concern is that these
children are becoming a burden to the society and unless something is done immediately the continent will soon have desperate adults ready to be involved in all
sorts of activities that provide for their survival. We are talking here of a threat to
social security, family breakdowns and an increase in the number of marginalized
society. Female orphans without any substantial education are likely to be involved
2
U.N. Joint Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), Report on the Global HIV/AIDS Epidemic: June
2000, (Geneva: United Nations, 2000).
3
Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), AIDS Epidemic Update: December
2000. Geneva, 2000. For more information on methods of estimation of HIV/AIDS prevalence, see
UNAIDS, Report on the Global HIV/AIDS Epidemic: June 2000, 115-116. Estimates of prevalence of AIDS
in most African countries come from surveys of women seeking pre-natal services in selected or “sentinel” survey sites. This method has proven to be quite reliable in estimating national prevalence. Countries in which the epidemic is not in the general population but rather confined to high-risk groups use
different methods of estimation.
4
In 1999, an estimated 570,000 children aged 14 or younger became infected with HIV. Over 90%
were babies born to HIV-positive women, who acquired the virus at birth or through their mother’s
breast milk. Of these, almost nine-tenths were in sub-Saharan Africa. Africa’s lead in mother-to-child
transmission of HIV was firmer than ever despite new evidence that HIV ultimately impairs women’s
fertility: once infected, a woman can be expected to bear 20% fewer children than she otherwise would.
5
UNICEF Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Office, “The Silent Emergency” (annotated presentation and fact sheets, Nairobi, 2000).
6
Estimates of the numbers of children orphaned by AIDS are extrapolated from statistics on
AIDS-related deaths and demographic assumptions, which differ somewhat between the two main sources
of projections, the United Nations and the United States Bureau of the Census. The United Nations
estimated that by the end of 2000 about 13 million children under fifteen years in sub-Saharan Africa
would have lost their mother or both parents to AIDS. On the other hand the Census Bureau estimates
that there are currently about 15 million children under fifteen years who have lost at least one parent to
AIDS in Africa and that by 2010 this number will be at least 28 million.
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Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming Disaster on the Continent
in prostitution whereas unemployed men would end up in criminal activities to
make ends meet. In several African countries, children who have been orphaned by
the loss of their parents in situations of war ended up becoming militias themselves.
They have no family structures to either support them or give them hope for the
future. Having close to ten million orphans without a consistent support structure
calls for immediate action. Is Africa therefore facing an endangered future? Certainly. However, this is more than an African problem, this is a global disaster.
In this factual-alarmist paper, I raise serious concerns on the problem of the
growing number of AIDS Orphans in Africa. With close to ten million orphans in the
continent, 80 percent of whom are said to have come from AIDS affected families,
the problem is more than simply increasing number of AIDS orphans. It is a continental and a global problem that reflects on the general status of the continent, the
globe; living standards, family structures, education and cultural systems, the role of
religious institutions and other non-state actors. I will discuss the root causes of the
pandemic and factors that lead to its spread. I will then look at length on the effects
of the pandemic not only on the children like Arthur, but also on the social structure
as a whole. Lastly, I will discuss possible ways out of this crisis, while calling on the
African governments and the Church to a serious commitment. Besides pointing out
facts and their effects, this discussion will also examine some of the moral issues at
stake.
1.Digginginto
the Root Causes
There has been many discussions on the reasons for the prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Africa. There are certainly many reasons
that have led to the spread of the virus. These factors include
poverty, cultural practices, minimal access to information, denial, and lack of medical care. I will briefly discuss these root causes before examining the effects on the
orphans.
POVERTY
The increasing poverty levels in the past decade have led to the spread of HIV/
AIDS. Africa hosts a large proportion of the world’s population that live on less than
$1 a day. The corruption of many African governments and the unjust global economy
have rendered the majority of Africans poorer and poorer. The poverty condition in
many ways exacerbate the increase in the number of HIV infection. For example,
many poor families in Africa live in promiscuity in poor housing with very minimum
recreational facilities. Sex becomes a form of recreation. Besides, with the rise of
unemployment, many women engage in commercial sex in order to meet their
household needs.7 In many families the husband is the breadwinner and when he
dies from AIDS the widow has to provide for the family, in some cases through
7
A degraded macro-economic situation inevitably influences priorities of engagement and responsibilities at every level from the national down to the individual. In South Africa, for example, a
1996 study estimated that 52% of the 11 million people aged 16-30 are unemployed. Half of these are
also among the marginalized, with few prospects of formal sector employment. Consequently, majority
of the young people think of the short-term survival before long-term well-being. Short-term survival
strategies often include exchanging sex for money, schooling, a job, money or joining a rebel group in
order to gain the power of the gun. These survival mechanisms become at the same time stimulants to
early death.
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commercial sex or inheritance by the brother of the husband, consequently spreading the virus further.
The Policy Project of Future Group International (PPFGI) estimates that many
average rural smallholder households in Kenya lose between 58 and 78 percent of
their income following the death from AIDS of an economically active adult. 8 The
figures would be the same for urban households. Households incur debts, forcing
them to liquidate assets, withdraw children from school or send children away to
live with relatives. Studies in urban households of Côte d’Ivoire show that when a
family member has AIDS, average income falls by 52 to 67 per cent, while expenditures on health care quadruples.
CULTURAL PRACTICES
A common cultural practice that spreads the HIV virus in Africa is wife inheritance. This practice has been criticized by AIDS activists, government officials and
leaders as one of the major causes of the spread of AIDS. Even though the practice
has gone down in the last couple of years, a study in Rusinga Island in Western
Kenya shows that “77 percent of women widowed by AIDS still remarried, of whom
half were inherited by the brothers of their husbands.”9 Originally this practice was
based on a culture-centred moral obligation of taking care of a deceased woman
and her children. The community had an obligation to ensure that the family of the
deceased gets the necessary socio-economic support that it needs.
The practices of circumcision and tattooing have also led to the increase in the
spread of the virus. In most cases tools used are not sterilized. Given that this
practice is often done as part of an initiation process into adulthood, those who get
infected are the youth. In some African cultures blood letting, though less practiced
today, has been another factor in the spread of HIV. The linking of HIV/AIDS to
witchcraft has led to denial about the disease and its consequent spread. In South
Africa the recent myth that having sex with a virgin cures AIDS has led to an
increase in the spread of the virus. These cultural practices can no longer survive
the test of time that HIV/AIDS poses to the continent today. There is no choice but
to stop these practices.
ACCESS
TO INFORMATION AND
DENIAL
Access to information is crucial if the AIDS pandemic is to be managed and
brought to a decline. Studies in different African countries have constantly indicated
that the majority of the population have heard of AIDS and knew that the HIV virus is
transmitted through sexual intercourse. So are we talking of a population that is in
denial about the spread of the virus? We cannot work on the presumption that just
because people know about the virus they will take the necessary measures to prevent its spread. In Nigeria and Ghana hospitals faced shortages in their blood banks
because many people did not want to know their status through blood donation.
8
L. Bollinger, J. Stover, and D. Nalo, The Economic Impact of AIDS in Kenya (Washington, D.C.:
Future Group International, 1999), 4.
9
Johnston, Ferguson, and Akoth, Profile of Adolescence AIDS Orphans, 44-45.
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Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming Disaster on the Continent
In Kenya, surprisingly, a survey indicated that only 40 percent of adults were
able to identify at least two methods of protecting themselves from infection .10 And
more than one in four girls aged fifteen to nineteen years did not know of any
means of protection against the virus transmission. Isolation of AIDS victims based
on wrong information is still common in Africa, especially in the rural areas.
2.AfricanAids
Orphans: A
Looming Disaster
Recent estimates show that in the coming ten years Africa will
host more than 40 million orphans. This corresponds to the
populations of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi combined. The
majority of these orphans would have no family support structure, little education and most likely no employment. They
will have to innovate ways of survival, scramble for the already limited resources
and be exposed to HIV, the very source of their alienation. If the African governments continue to ignore this looming disaster then they will become victims of the
very problem they have been shelving. This is no longer a singularly social issue, it
is an economical as well as a political concern.
According to the Census Bureau ,11 by the year 2010 about 30 percent of all
children under age fifteen in five countries of Eastern and Southern Africa will be
orphans, largely due to AIDS. Before the AIDS epidemic broke out only two percent
of children under fifteen in the developing countries were orphans. 12 Experts in
both the UN and the Census Bureau agree that “the HIV/AIDS pandemic is producing orphans on a scale unrivalled in world history,” 13 and that orphans, as a percentage of the child population, will continue to remain high in Africa for many
more years to come.
The increasing number of AIDS orphans in Africa reflects the status of HIV
prevalence in the continent. The more parents die the more the number of orphans.
For a long time now the African continent has been living in the discomfort of an
endangered future. Let us examine for a moment selected AIDS orphans statistics
from some of the African countries. This is from a study carried out by the US
National Paediatric & Family HIV Resource Centre.14
Botswana: In Botswana, over 20 percent of the population between 15 and 49 years of
age are infected with HIV. The rate at which children have been orphaned has quadrupled in
just three years between 1994 and 1997. By 1998, about 5 percent of all children under 15
had become orphaned because of AIDS.
Malawi: By the end of 1997, 6 percent of children under the age of 15 were orphans,
and numbers of orphans are increasing, since about one out of every seven adults aged 1549 in Malawi is currently infected with HIV, and in some urban areas, more than one in four
pregnant women attending antenatal clinics test positive for HIV.
10
AIDS Cap Program in Kenya, “Final Report September 1992-December 1997” at http://
www.fhi.org/fhi1.html
11
Hunter, Susan and John Williamson, Children on the Brink 2000 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Agency
for International Development, 2000).
12
UNAIDS and UNICEF, Children Orphaned by AIDS: Front-Line Responses from Eastern and Southern Africa (New York: United Nations, 1999), 3.
13
HUNTER and WILLIAMSON, op.cit., p. 1.
14
International Planned Parenthood Federation News, “UNICEF Warns of Orphan Crisis in Kenya,”
Nairobi, December 1999.
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Zambia: Zambia has the second highest proportion of children orphaned by AIDS in
the world, second only to Uganda, where over a million children have been orphaned.
Estimates of the numbers of AIDS orphans in Zambia rose from 360,000 in 1997 (9 percent
of all children under 15) to 500,000 in 1999 (about 13 percent of all children under 15 - and
some estimates are higher). The number of orphans is expected to double by the year
2010, because about 20 percent of Zambia’s population is infected with HIV. Half of the
75,000-90,000 homeless children in Zambia are orphans, and this number has more than
doubled since 1991. Two out of every three orphans in rural areas of Zambia do not go to
school.
Zimbabwe: Over a third of a million children were orphaned by AIDS by the end of
1997 (7 per cent of all children under 15). By the year 2005 the government estimates there
will be over 900, 000 children under 15 who will have been orphaned.
South Africa: The number of children orphaned by AIDS may reach 1 million children
by 2004. A cumulative number of 1.1 million children will likely be orphaned by AIDS within
the next five years, but since approximately one-third of infants born to HIV-positive mothers
are infected, without treatment, some infants who are destined to be orphans will also be
diagnosed with AIDS themselves. The 2002 World Health Organization report indicate that
there are about 250,000 children under 15 suffering from HIV/AIDS while 360,000 people
died of the disease in 2001 alone.
In addition to the US National Paediatric & Family HIV Resource Centre, other sources
indicate that the number of orphans has been growing in Kenya, Ethiopia and Swaziland.
Kenya: The United Nations estimates in 1999, put the number of AIDS orphans since
the pandemic began in Kenya at about 730,000 children under 15 years. About 550,000 of
these children are still living. However, more recent statistics indicate that there could be as
many as one million AIDS orphans under age 18, currently living in the country. 15 According to the Kenya National AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Disease Control Programme
(NASCOP) there will probably be 1.5 million orphans under fifteen years by 2005, mainly
due to AIDS.16
Swaziland: there are 35,000 AIDS orphans in the country and it is projected that the
figure would rise to 120,000 in the next decade.
In Ethiopia where an estimated 2.5 million people are HIV positive, there are 140,000
children equally infected by the virus. The number of infected children in Ethiopia is one
of the highest in the world. According to the Ministry of Health, in 1998 there were 700,000
AIDS orphans in the country and it is projected that by 2009 there will be 1.8 million
orphans.
In Ivory Coast there are 600,000 orphans while Nigeria has 970,000 and Sierra Leone
hosts 60,000 orphans, five times more than those orphaned by ten years of war. Uganda has
110,000 orphans under the age of 15 according to the 2001 WHO report.
The above sample countries are a clear reflection of the urgency of immediate
measures to bring an end to the pandemic. The looming disaster from the increasing number of AIDS orphans is already indicated by the social, economic, psychological and political effects. Let us examine here some of the effects of the “orphans
boom.”
15
Human Rights Watch 15 June 2001, vol. 13, no. 4 (A).
R. Conroy, A. Tomkins, R. Landsdown, and M. Elmore-Meegan, “AIDS Orphans, an Emerging
Problem: A Study of 5206 Orphaned Children,” summary presentation, January 2001.
16
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Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming Disaster on the Continent
3.EffectsofHIV
Pandemic on AIDS
Orphans and the
Society at Large17
The effects of the pandemic on the orphans are certainly
immense. I am concerned that the alarm has not been raised
loud enough. In Africa today we are having large numbers
of children from AIDS affected parents dropping out of school,
thus increasing the number of semi-illiterates in the continent; others end up in child labour to make ends meet while
some girls engage in survival sex. These children are often isolated and disinherited
by their relatives. We are therefore facing a situation whereby in the next ten to
fifteen years, about 5% of the adult population (from the orphaned children) in
Africa will be living in isolation and delinquency. Besides, this population will be
the most vulnerable to the contraction and spread of HIV.
SCHOOL DROPOUTS
The number of children orphaned by AIDS has increased steadily. As we saw in
the story of Arthur Chinaka, circumstances forced by the deaths of parents and
relatives from AIDS force many children out of school. A study in Zambia found that
32 per cent of orphans in urban areas were not enrolled in school, as compared
with 25 per cent of non-orphaned children. In the census of 1999 in Kenya, the
government estimated that 4.2 million school age children were out of school mainly
due to financial and social factors, among which was the impact of AIDS on children who had lost both parents. A study by several university-based researchers
and ICROSS, an NGO based in Kenya, made a comparison of over 5,200 children
whose parents died of AIDS with the same number of age matched children who
were orphaned by different causes. It turned out that children orphaned by AIDS
had much lower rates of school enrolment and retention than did other orphans. 18
These children also suffered moderate and severe malnutrition. There were also
higher chances for them to be in child-headed households. Eventually, some of
these children fall out of school and engage in all sorts of survival activities such as
child labour, survival sex, street begging, stealing, alcohol and drug abuse. Fortunately for most of these children the 2002 general election in Kenya brought in a
new government that made primary school education not only free but also compulsory.
A study in rural Zambia showed that 68 percent of orphans of school age were
not enrolled in school compared to 48 percent of non-orphans. 19 Even though in
this case, the study did not distinguish AIDS orphans from others, the number of
orphans in the communities has increased since the AIDS epidemic broke out. A
recent report by the U.N. Joint Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) on the state of
the HIV/AIDS epidemic notes that several studies have confirmed that AIDS is a
leading factor in the increase in the number of school dropouts. For example, in a
study of heavily AIDS-affected communities in Zimbabwe, 48 percent of primary
school-age orphans had dropped out of school. In most cases these drop outs were
at the time of a parent’s illness or death. Among the secondary school children
17
UNAIDS and UNICEF, Children Orphaned by AIDS, p. 17.
UNAIDS, Report on the Global HIV/AIDS Epidemic: June 2000, 28-29.
19
Griffin Shea, “Future Bleak for Zimbabwe’s AIDS Orphans,” The Mail and Guardian (Johannesburg), September 25, 2000.
18
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interviewed none of them could afford staying in school. 20 In another survey, Farm
Orphan Support Trust in 2000 estimated that one third of children orphaned by
AIDS on commercial farms in Zimbabwe had dropped out of school because their
families could no longer afford school fees or because the children had lost their
birth certificates or other documents needed for school registration. 21
GIRLS: MOST VULNERABLE
Statistically girls are much more prone to infection than boys. Even among adult
population, recent findings suggest that between 12 and 13 African women are
currently infected for every 10 African men. The rate of HIV infection of girls and
young women between the age of fifteen and nineteen is almost six times as high as
that of their male counterparts. This is a common trend in many regions in Africa
that are heavily affected by the virus. The main reason for this would be that in most
cases girls engage in survival sex. In Kenya, it is estimated that one in five girls have
their first sexual experience through coercion. 22 In a study conducted in the Ghanaian coastal town of Tema more than half of 40 pupils who donated blood at a
hospital were HIV positive. “This means older men have been sleeping with girls
around 14 and above,” said a government official. 23
In Uganda, recent studies have shown that the prevalence of AIDS among girls
between the ages of 13-19 has fallen significantly over the last eight years while the
rate in teenage boys has remained roughly stable.
In the highly infected regions in the continent girls tend to be pulled out of
school earlier when someone in their household suffers from AIDS. For example, a
study in Nyanza Province in Western Kenya shows that many girls drop out after
grade four leaving only six percent of girls to proceed on to grade five. Whereas in
Eastern Province, which has the lowest rate of HIV prevalence in the country, 42%
of the girls get promoted to grade five. 24 The permanent secretary of the Ministry of
Education attributed these disparities to AIDS. He observed that girls and boys
passed through to grade five in roughly equal numbers twenty years ago before the
pandemic became a disaster. 25
CHILD LABOUR
A large number of AIDS orphans in Africa are often forced into child labour in
order to assist their families. At times these children do hazardous labour, risking or
even losing their lives. In some cases, young girls have been employed as domestic
workers. They are often abused or raped by their employers, exposing them to HIV
20
Johnson, Tony, The Adolescent AIDS Epidemic in Kenya: A Briefing Book (Nairobi: Population
Communication Africa, 2000).
21
HEALTH-WEST AFRICA, Fighting The Scourge Of AIDS, at www.Aegis.com
22
Human Rights Watch interview with W.K.K. Kimalat, permanent secretary of the Ministry of
Education, Nairobi, March 5, 2001.
23
Ibid.
24
M. Schoofs, “AIDS: The Agony of Africa,” at http://www.villagevoice.com/issues/9944/schoofs.php
25
TORMIC News Agency, “Missing School” (Dar es Salaam) June 13, 2001.
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infection. These risky survival jobs are the only way out. In Zimbabwe, Mark Schoofs 26
tells the story of Rusina Kasongo who lives a couple of hills over from Chinaka. Like
a lot of elderly rural folk who never went to school, Kasongo can’t calculate how
old she is, but she can count her losses: Two of her sons, one of her daughters, and
all their spouses died of AIDS, and her husband died in an accident. Alone, she is
rearing ten orphaned children.
‘Sometimes the children go out and come home very late,’ says Kasongo, ‘and I’m
afraid they’ll end up doing the same thing as Tanyaradzwa.’ That’s the daughter
who died of AIDS; she had married twice, the first time in a shotgun wedding.
Now, the eldest orphan, 17-year-old Fortunate, already has a child but not a
husband.
The Child Labour Survey in Tanzania (CLS) reported that more than 40% of an
estimated 10.2 million children between the ages of five and fourteen years do not
attend school but are forced by circumstances to work:
‘The death of breadwinners, or their inability to work due to illness, creates hardships for children,’ said Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa. ‘In Tanzania, we
are approaching a million children in terms of HIV/AIDS orphans. As a result, a
good number of such orphans end up fending for themselves through child labour, including its worst forms, such as commercial sex.’27
A study by UNICEF on HIV/AIDS and child labour (1999) in Eastern and Southern Africa concludes that AIDS plays a key role in a significant percentage rise of
Kenya’s estimated 3.5 million working children into the labour market.28 In Togo,
many children are forced to work at a young age. Many of them get systematically
beaten if they do not accomplish their work quota, or if they fall asleep from
exhaustion at the job.29
Who takes responsibility for the fate of all these people? The family, the society,
the respective governments? What are the moral implications of survival sex? This
pandemic cuts across all sectors of the society, and it is therefore the responsibility
of everyone. The danger that prostitution and child labour pose for the future of the
society ought to be studied in depth. For example, to what extent does cheap sex
draw even the hitherto faithful husbands into adultery? If out of desperation a girl of
17 gets into sex for $0.50, it logically follows that more men would not only afford
commercial sex, but would be lured into it because ‘it costs them nothing.’
These desperate girls will also be willing to stay with single men without caring
much about their partner’s background history or sexual practices because the primary objective is survival. These situations are fertile grounds for the spread of the
virus. While prostitution in itself is an immoral act, survival sex raises questions of
life and death that call for a moral inquiry. S. Toulmin would emphasize that:
“Justice has always required both law and equity; while morality has always demanded both fairness and discrimination.”30 Straight condemnation would not be
26
UNESCO-ESARO, Child workers in the Shadow of HIV/AIDS.
“Abused Children in Togo, Africa” at http://www.orphansfirst.org
28
S. Toulmin, “The Tyranny of Principles: The Hastings Center Report Dec. 1981,” 33.
29
G. FOSTER, Orphan Alert:International Perspective on Children Left Behind by HIV/AIDS. (Boston: Association Francois-Xavier BAGNOUD, 1999), 3.
30
Ibid., 14.
27
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doing justice to these desperate acts. Unfortunately, most orphans have been condemned by their very status and left with limited options for open doors.
WHERE
DO
ORPHANS GO?
The increasing number of orphans is turning out to be a social and an economic
burden on the surviving family and society at large. The hitherto supportive extended families are stretched beyond their capacity to support the children orphaned by AIDS. These extended families are now overextended and unable to
guarantee the traditional level of protection and care for orphans. As Geoff Foster, a
pioneer in research on children affected by AIDS in Zimbabwe puts it,31 “(i)n the
body, HIV gets into defensive system and knocks it out. It does that sociologically
too. It gets into the extended family support system and decimates it.” A researcher
in Ethiopia notes that, the extended family, “a social safety net that accommodated
orphaned children for centuries, is unravelling under the strain of AIDS.”32
Thus, the cultural values of hospitality and respect of blood relations are no
longer sustainable. Consequently, the children are disinherited, get into orphanages, drop out of school, end on the streets and become social misfits. For example,
in Lusaka, the Zambian capital, between 1991 and 1999 the population of street
children more than doubled. The U.N. agencies attribute this increase to the AIDS
pandemic.33 Time magazine in a cover story reported in January 2001 that 350,000
children were made homeless because they had been orphaned by AIDS.34 In the
Sudan where AIDS is not as prevalent, church workers estimated in 1999 that more
than 10,000 AIDS orphans were on the streets hence, increasing the street children
population of Khartoum.35 Nongovernmental organizations have raised concerns
over the risks that these children get exposed to. For example, a report by Save the
Children Sweden confirmed that negative effects of AIDS were among the major
factors that drove children to the streets. This report concluded that based on extensive interviews with service providers in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Ethiopia,
for the most part, “an unprotected girl working on the streets will sooner or later
end up working as a prostitute.”36
Disinheritance and Legal Implications
There have been cases where AIDS orphans have been disinherited by their
relatives leaving them to fend for their lives. At times relatives may intervene but
often with the interest of inheriting the property of the deceased and not taking care
of the children. In fact, property grabbing could even take place against the widow
31
UNAIDS and UNICEF, Children Orphaned by AIDS, 16.
“Crimes Against Humanity,” Time, January 12, 2001., 8.
33
N. Bol, “AIDS Orphans Throng the Streets.” Inter Press Service, January 13, 1999.
34
Stefan Savenstedt, Gerd Savenstedt, and Terttu Haggstrom, East African Children of the Streets:
A Question of Health (Stockholm: Save the Children, 2000).
35
See, e.g., WHO and UNICEF, Actions for Children, 7; Association Francois-Xavier Bagnoud, 1213.
36
WHO and UNICEF, Action for Children, 42.
32
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Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming Disaster on the Continent
just a few months after the husband dies. The relatives of the husband would often
claim the family property, especially house and land.
Inheritance rights of widows and orphans have not been respected in many
African countries.37 Although widows and orphans from other causes face discrimination, the situation is said to be worse when AIDS is the cause. In Zambia, like in
many African countries, wife inheritance, a practice whereby a widow get “inherited” by a relative of the deceased, often leading to property grabbing. In fact, a
study done in Zambia showed that in some cases if the widow has AIDS then she
loses her right to the property.38
Human Rights Watch cites a high-profile case followed by the Kenyan national
media which involved Beatrice Wanyonyi, a woman living with AIDS. Her relatives
locked her out of a family business even though she was a shareholder. Her case
was delayed because she had to apply for a waiver of legal fees. Unfortunately she
died before she could finish filing a legal action to reclaim her property.39
Ambrose D.O. Rachier, a lawyer in private practice and founder and director of
the Kenya Ethical and Legal Issues Network on HIV/AIDS (KELIN) asserts that there
“are so many cases where the nearest relative wants to take up the property but not
care for the children.” Rachier has been following many legal cases involving AIDS
-affected families since the beginning of the epidemic in Kenya.40
According to the Kenyan Law, when a person dies without leaving a will and is
survived by children under eighteen years old, the property left behind can only be
inherited by an adult who has an authorization letter from the government to do
so.41 However, if there is no one else to administer the property, the public trustee,
who is usually a government official, would ensure that the property is put in trust
until the eldest surviving child comes of age.42
In spite of these legal protections, many families in Africa still lose their property to relatives, while others are ignorant of the legal advantages or perhaps aware
of them but without any financial means to hire a legal expert. At times the children
are left with no option but to turn to a relative whose interest might only be based
on inheriting the property. Besides, the legal process is at times complicated and
deregulated. Without a legal adviser, one is thrown from one office to another.
There is therefore need for a rigorous advocacy by different institutions against the
African governments’ reluctance in finding solutions to these cases.
37
“AIDS Patient Dies Before Filling Suit,” Panafrican News Agency, April 4, 2001.
Human Rights Watch interview with Ambrose D.O. Rachier, February 26, 2001.
39
The law provides that no one except for the representative appointed by court to administer the
estate “shall, for any purpose, take possession or dispose of, or otherwise intermeddle with, any free
property of a deceased person.” Cf. Law of Succession Act of 1981, § 45 (1).
40
Law of Succession Act of 1981, § 41. The court appoints the legal guardian or another individual
to administer the estate under a procedure outlined in section 7 of the Fifth Schedule to the act.
41
M. Gebru and R. Atnafou, “Transitioning from in institutional care orphans to community-based
care: The experience of Ethiopia’s Jerusalem Association Children’s Homes,” Action For Orphans at
http://orphans.fbx.org/inorm/reports.html
42
Most of the orphans felt they were not part of the Ethiopian cultural society, they felt alienated
by other children and when they became adults and left the institution, they had a lot of difficulties
adjusting to the “outside” world. Besides, with the rising number of AIDS orphans JACH realised it could
not sustain its project financially.
38
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Orphanages for “Orphans”!
Incorporation of the orphaned children back into society remains a crucial concern. Orphanages in different countries in Africa have attempted to integrate orphans back into society. However a majority of these are still in orphanages. A
study carried out by UNICEF and USAID in 1999 in Kenya estimated that about
35,000 children, not including those in conflict with the law, were living in institutional care. The Children’s Department reported in 1999 that Kenya had 64 registered and 164 unregistered residential institutions for children. Even though the
number of orphanages cannot be attributed directly to the AIDS pandemic, the
gravity of the effects of the disease certainly determines the increase in the number
of orphans and orphanages.
Experience elsewhere in Africa shows that as the AIDS epidemic progresses, an
increasing number of children will lose their parents and there will be fewer adults
to care for them. Nearly one million children under the age of fifteen will have lost
their mother or both parents to AIDS by 2005 and more than two million by 2010.
The orphanages, however, are often not the best solution to this kind of crisis.
In fact, some of the orphanages exist because the proprietors have the intention of
making money for themselves. Opening up an orphanage for HIV orphans would
attract the sympathy of potential donors. Often these orphanages face the problems
of eventual incorporation of the adult orphans into society. This implies further
financial support, which the institution may not be able to afford. Also, at a certain
age these adults do not want to stay in the orphanages. Instead they are left to
survive on their own and often engage in illicit practices to make ends meet.
Orphanages have also been dismissed as anti-cultural. Rather than work towards reunification of families, they encourage individual independence that ignores the cultural and social apparatus in place. I do not agree with this position. It
ought to be noted that most orphanages are in cities and towns, hardly in the
villages. In fact, whereas in the cities the orphanages support permanent residents,
in the villages they would often be limited to feeding centres or schools where
orphans go at a lower fee or no fee, and can also rejoin their relatives much more
regularly. Thus, the underlying factor here is poverty. The extended families can no
longer afford to take care of their children. Orphanages tend to cushion financial
needs that a poor family cannot meet.
Other approaches to care of orphans have proved to be much more effective.
For example, in Ethiopia, Zimbabwe and South Africa attempts have been made to
have a community-based care of orphans rather than relying on institutions. In
Ethiopia, the Jerusalem Association Children’s Homes (JACH)43 is an indigenous
NGO founded in 1985 in response to the needs of Ethiopian children orphaned by
the civil war, drought, and the 1984 famine. But in 1996, JACH shifted its institutionalized care to a more community based one that integrates the orphans into the
community.44 To date JACH has reintegrated 980 orphans into the community and
no new orphans are being accepted.
43
44
Johnston, Ferguson, and Akoth, Profile of Adolescent AIDS Orphans, 62-63.
Associated Press August 24, 2001.
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Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming Disaster on the Continent
In Kenya the Nyumbani hospice takes care of mostly abandoned AIDS orphans.
In my conversation with Nicholas Makau, Program Manager of Nyumbani, I learned
that Nyumbani is currently (August 2003) a home to 90 children between the age of
one and twenty-one. Besides this project, it has an outreach programme known as
“Lea Toto” targeting HIV/AIDS affected families by offering medical assistance as
well as counselling. Nyumbani also has an ambitious project, yet to be realized, of
creating a spacious village for AIDS affected families who would live in family units
in an extensive piece of land. The families would have income generating projects
as well as easy access to medical care.
In South Africa, the Deputy Director of HIV/Aids in the Department of Social
Services and Population, Sakina Mohammed, says the government has been moving its focus away from children’s homes and concentrating instead on empowering the community to take care of orphans. The state has therefore placed a
moratorium on setting up new homes and is concentrating instead on foster care
in families. A family that agrees to adopt a child receives a subsidy of R510 from
the government. This ensures better integration of these children into a protected
family life.
PSYCHOLOGICAL TRAUMA
Most of the children affected by AIDS, especially orphans, undergo deep psychological trauma. They often find themselves in situations of survival, having to
manage their family and make ends meet. Neither the governments nor the majority
of the NGOs that take care of the AIDS orphans ever consider trauma counselling to
be important for the child’s social integration. Most organizations are preoccupied
with the provision of the basic material necessities for the child. Yet, most of these
children are traumatized as they see their parents helplessly die in pain, and suffer
stigmatization and rejection by friends and members of the family. The Population
Communication Africa (PCA) made a study of orphans on Rusinga Island in western
Kenya and found that 77 percent of the AIDS orphans surveyed said they had no
one outside their decimated families to “tell their trouble.”45 In South Africa, a
similar scenario is reflected in a different way;
‘My relatives discriminate between me and their children,’ wrote one of the children in a testimonial. ‘It’s like I am a slave.’ Another child, Monene, 14, one of the
country’s 700,000 AIDS orphans, lost her mother to the disease. She said she
frequently goes hungry and does not have proper clothes to wear. Monene, who
asked to be identified only by her first name, urged the government to build more
orphanages. ‘If they don’t do that, what are we going to become in the future?’ she
asked.’46
In some cases, when both parents die the relatives share the burden of raising
the orphans. Other times the children are separated by work or search for means of
survival. This separation is very depressing for the children who had hitherto gone
45
For example, Human Rights Watch observes that Philip W., age sixteen, had to risk losing his job
on the farm in Kenya where he worked when he sneaked and visited his eleven-year-old sister, who
lived with his grandmother. Their grandmother, had meager income and could hardly support children
after the death of their parents.
46
Kariuki Waihenya, “Teacher Shortage Biting,” The Nation, April 16, 2001.
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through the ordeal of seeing their parents die, during which time they established
stronger bonds with them.47
These unattended or traumatized children often become misfits in society, engaging in different acts of revenge against a shadow enemy. They consequently
direct their anger and frustrations against shadows by engaging in criminal acts or
substance abuse. Besides, trauma counselling is not a regular practice in many
African societies. In the past, traumatized people would be supported by close
relatives such as uncles and aunts or elders in the society. People living in cities no
longer have such supportive structures.
DEBILITATION
OF
SOCIAL
AND
ECONOMIC RESOURCES
The social services usually rendered by the governments, including those on
which children rely on, have been incapacitated. For example, in Swaziland, according to African News (December 2001) the HIV/AIDS infection continues to take
a heavy toll on teachers. A senior education official has predicted that by 2016 the
government would need US$130 million to cater for sick teachers as well as pay
death benefits. Elliot Sibiya, who is senior inspector in the ministry of education,
said US$ 53 million would have to be spent on training more teachers during the
same period in order to maintain the standard of education.
In Kenya, the Teachers Service Commission estimates a national shortage of
about 14,000 teachers at the primary and secondary school levels, due largely to
AIDS deaths among teachers.48 Besides, according “to a high-level Ministry of Education official interviewed by Human Rights Watch, a school in Kenya might easily
have seven of eighteen teaching positions vacant because of attrition due to AIDS.”49
Africa depends mainly on its agricultural productions for food, yet according to
the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), May 2001 report, in the ten
hardest hit African countries, HIV/AIDS could cut the rural workforce by a quarter
by 2020. Since 1985, some seven million agricultural workers have died from
AIDS-related diseases in 24 African countries and an estimated 16 million more
deaths are feared in the next two decades. This could possibly cut the workforce by
as much as 26%. These resources and many others are being stretched to the limits
by the pandemic.
47
Human Rights Watch interview with W.K.K. Kimalat, permanent secretary of the Ministry of
Education, Nairobi, March 5, 2001.
48
Human Rights Watch, “Stop the Use of Child Soldiers.” Geneva, 2001. http://www.hrw.org/
campaigns/crp/index.html
49
A review of the background of a large sample of children who have killed or committed other
violent crimes in the UK found 57% had experienced the death, or loss of contact, of someone important
such as a parent. Other studies have equally shown that poor parental supervision, the case with most
orphans, is the best prediction of both violent and property offenders in later life. Orphans often become marginalized in the society and with time they become unwanted and excluded from their families, friends and society at large. Out of desperation they commit violent acts because in the end ‘they
have nothing to lose.’
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Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming Disaster on the Continent
RISE
IN INSECURITY AND
CRIME LEVELS
One of the major concerns of the rise in the number of AIDS orphans has been
the threat it poses to the general security and stability of the Africans nations. According to the Human Rights Watch,50 there are 300,000 child soldiers in the world, a good
number of them are in Africa. Angola and Sudan have more than 10,000 recruited
child soldiers respectively whereas Sierra Leone has one of the worst child soldiers
records than anywhere in the world; some 5000 child combatants continue to serve
among government and opposition forces, while another 5,000 are estimated to have
been recruited for labour among other armed groups. There are thousands of child
soldiers in countries like Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, Chad and
Congo Brazzaville serving either in the government or opposition armies.
Children are most likely to become child soldiers if they are poor, separated
from their families, displaced from their homes, living in a combat zone or have
limited access to education. Orphans and refugees are particularly vulnerable to
recruitment in these situations. Desperate situations will always engender desperate
means of survival. Many children join armed groups. The children include both girls
and boys. In case studies carried out by Human Right Watch in El Salvador, Ethiopia, and Uganda, almost a third of the child soldiers were reported to be girls. These
girls are exposed to all sorts of abuses such as rape and other sexual abuses or
domestic labour in camps, etc. With close to 40 million orphans in the coming ten
years, Africa will soon be exposed to potential civil wars and rise in insecurity.
In South Africa where 4 million people are HIV positive and the security in the
major cities is deteriorating, the AIDS epidemic will place further upwards pressure
on already high crime levels. About 20% of the population is in the crime-prone age
group of 15 to 24 years. The size of this age group in relation to the rest of the
population will increase over the next two decades as about six million South Africans
die from AIDS-related illnesses by 2010. The epidemic will certainly create social and
economic conditions that will be breeding grounds for a new generation of criminals.
This will have a debilitating effect on the operational effectiveness of the criminal
justice system in the country. Kenya, Sierra Leone and Nigeria have already been
faced with high crime rates in the cities. With high levels of unemployment, the
increasing number of orphans will further exacerbate the conditions of life, stretching the limited resources to their limits, consequently subjecting the people to desperate means of survival.51 In most instances crimes are committed by teenagers
and young adults. The global trend shows that convictions and arrest rates, have a
higher percentage of juveniles and young adults than the rest of the population.52
50
HIV/AIDS is also likely to cause crime in more direct ways. According to a 1999 United Nations
report, AIDS orphans are at greater risk of abuse and sexual exploitation than children orphaned by
other causes. For example, the myth in South Africa that sex with a virgin can cure an HIV-positive
person may have led to an increase in the rape of girls and their infection with the disease as well.
Besides, the impact of crimes upon their victims is exacerbated by HIV/AIDS. Consequently, a raped
person will remain traumatized from the act of rape and stigmatised by the contraction of HIV virus.
51
In order to protect the children from all forms of oppression, article 19 of the convention gives
children the right to protection from “all form of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or
negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s),
legal guardian(s) or many other person who has the care of the “child.”
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There is an urgent need for action to counteract the looming danger in the
continent. Already the effects on insecurity and rates of crime are evident. Relevant
nongovernmental organizations and organs of civil society should get involved to
develop strategies to effectively combat the anticipated increase in crime committed
by young people, and to assist the criminal justice system to effectively respond to
this rise in crime.
4. A Challenge to the
African Governments
and the General
Society
THE ROLE
OF THE
AFRICAN GOVERNMENT
African governments ought to take the concerns of the
epidemic much more seriously than they have done so
far. These governments will have to address and correct
other urgent issues co-currently such as: corruption, poor
governance, improvement of the health sector; economic recovery and democracy.
It is important that they address the root causes of the pandemic, deal with the
immediate effects and counter the long-term effects. This could be done through
education, both in schools and in society in general, networking with
non-governmental organizations and other institutions involved in campaigns against
AIDS. The governments have to protect the rights of the children orphaned with
AIDS because these are among the most vulnerable of the society.
African government ought to secure the property rights of AIDS-affected children on equal terms with other individuals who inherit property. Failure to do this
implies an active participation in discrimination against children coming from AIDSaffected parents. In fact, when these children are deprived of property they end up
impoverished and susceptible to engaging in survival activities that endanger their
lives. Besides, they will grow up without any education, health and family care.
Prostitution is classified by International Labour Organization Convention No.
182, as among the worst forms of child labour. The physical and psychological
effects of prostitution on a child raise serious concerns even without the high prevalence of HIV/AIDS. Governments ought to take seriously this commitment and
engage their respective societies in a process of dialogue and cooperation. The
urgency of the matter here calls for the participation of everyone. The children have
no protection and care that is guaranteed by the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child, and
international human rights treaties which several African governments have signed,
though some are yet to do so.53
NGOS
AND INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
The crisis posed by the AIDS pandemic today demands a multi-dimensional
response that brings in all stakeholders. Already many NGOs and international
52
L. Magesa warns that, “Insofar as African culture succeeds in persuading the community or the
individual in question to live by its code, or to guarantee punishment of one sort or another to those
who don’t, it is an ethical system.” L. Magesa, “Recognizing the Reality of African Religion in Tanzania,”
in J. Keenan and J. Fuller et al., Catholic Ethicists on HIV/AIDS Prevention (New York, Continuum, 2000),
83.
53
S. Toulmin, “The Recovery of Practical Philosophy,” The American Scholar 57 (1988), 339.
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institutions have been assisting African governments in the fight against the pandemic. However, more has to be done in lobbying for cheaper anti-retroviral drugs
that could prolong the lives of infected parents and thus reduce the number of
orphans. These organizations should also intensify their campaigns: for education
on HIV/AIDS awareness; advice against cultural practices that pose a great danger
of infection (this ought to be done with prudence and respect);54 in helping governments to improve their economic performance in order to create more jobs, increase food production and improve medical care. At the same time these NGOs
have to be more accountable, avoid use of scare statistics for raising funds, root out
corruption and be genuine in their commitment without taking advantage of the
pandemic.
THE ROLE
OF
RELIGIOUS LEADERS
Religious leaders command credible authority in Africa. They have the most
opportunity per capita in educating the people about relevant moral issues. Their
influence would certainly be crucial in reducing the spread of HIV/AIDS pandemic.
However, religious leaders, led by the Catholics and some Muslims vehemently
oppose the introduction of HIV/AIDS curriculum to schools on grounds that it
would expose the children to sexual practice at an early age. If already at sixteen a
good number of boys would have had their first sexual intercourse the chances are
that they already would have heard and learned much about sex from their peers,
media, magazines and movies.
Children do not live in an enclosed society. They live in the same society as the
adults. I recall my four-year-old nephew singing a popular hit song in Kenya entitled “Ukimwi Mbaya” (AIDS is Bad). I asked him what “Ukimwi” (AIDS) was, and he
told me “it is a horrible animal that comes to eat people.” He interpreted this from
the songs’ lyrics that “AIDS kills.” I simply told him that AIDS is a disease without
medicine, that is why it kills. Of course he had so many questions on how one gets
the disease and whether it is like malaria, etc. I could not explain further. All I
repeated was that it is a disease. But my nephew who is now nine years will want
a better answer than “AIDS is a disease.” He already knows how to keep away from
the mosquitoes in order not to get malaria. He will now want to know how to keep
off from the monstrous AIDS in order not to die. Why deny him this information?
Besides, if he does not get the right information from a reliable source, he may get
inaccurate information one from his peers.
As we have seen above, disturbingly, the adults may not be the most reliable
source of information. Is it that some religious leaders are blind to the fact that the
AIDS pandemic is fast extinguishing the African population and that the sooner
stern actions are taken the better? In fact, I would argue that, to deny these young
people accurate information on the HIV/AIDS would imply moral responsibility on
the part of religious leaders to the spread of the virus and the consequent deaths of
the masses.
54
S. Toulmin, “The Tyranny of Principles: The Hastings Center Report,” 34.
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The “Immorality” of Sex Education
There is a general fear among the religious leaders that allowing education on
HIV/AIDS encourages sexual misconduct, and that they would have formally cooperated in encouraging illicit sex. I find this position to be too inadequate and unrealistic. The religious leaders have to put their objectives very clearly. As Stephen
Toulmin asserts, “sound moral judgment respects the detailed circumstances of specific kinds of cases.”29 Elsewhere Toulmin emphasizes that what is required in
making a moral judgment is “reasonableness or responsiveness (epikeia) in applying general rules to individual cases.”30
Sex education cannot be considered to be a formal cooperation to illicit sex,
because: A) The issue here is not encouraging illicit sex, it is about providing
information that would limit the number of deaths from the pandemic. It is a protection and a promotion of a common good. B) The object of their action is morally
neutral. It is providing for an education that leaves the youth with an option of
preserving or destroying life. The intention is to provide knowledge that informs
one’s actions. C) The youth do not rely upon this information in order to engage in
illicit sex. Already, at the age of 16 and 17 most boys and girls, respectively, engage
in casual sex. To teach sex-education in schools would be a contingent act that
reduces or even eradicates a pandemic that already exists. D) One cannot address
the effects without addressing the root causes. For example, the Catholic Church in
Kenya has developed programs on pastoral care for those affected with HIV/AIDS
but has been reluctant to fully adopt the Ministry of Education’s curriculum on HIV/
AIDS. The engagement has to be total.
AIDS activists often consider the Catholic Church to be an obstacle to progress
in the struggle against the spread of HIV. The Church certainly bears the responsibility of finding an appropriate response to the AIDS pandemic. It would be important that the Church re-examines or clarifies its pastoral response in regard to
1) The use of condoms, for example by married couples where AIDS is present.
2) Care for those engaged in survival sex/prostitution as a last resort means of living;
3) Child labour among the AIDS orphans;
4) Education on HIV/AIDS in Church sponsored orphanages and schools;
5) Care of AIDS orphans.
Some of these cases would demand new ways of thinking that addresses new
situations while upholding old principles. This might challenge some of the traditional teachings of the Church. The situation demands that the Church develops a
relevant casuistry that would give a positive response to the AIDS pandemic.
Conclusion
Arthur Chinaka’s life begs for a response from the rest of the world.
Probably if someone had raised the alarm earlier, he would not have
been victim to the loss of parents and close relatives; if HIV/AIDS
education would have been given the seriousness it deserves by both the government and the religious leaders some of his relatives may have survived; if his government had been much more accountable to the people, perhaps AIDS would
have been declared a national disaster, and health services improved for everyone.
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Silent Desperation of AIDS Orphans in Africa: A Looming Disaster on the Continent
Even with a late alarm, if the pharmaceutical companies would have made available
cheaper antiretroviral drugs to the victims, his parents and relatives could still be
alive. If the disparities of wealth between the North and the South had been addressed in a spirit of solidarity, his life and that of his parents and relatives might
have been different today.
I thus add my voice to the recommendations done by UNICEF and UNAIDS on
how the global community can best help children orphaned by AIDS: 1) Declare
the AIDS pandemic a global emergency; 2) Create resource networks to exchange
information about successes; 3) Keep Africa high on the development assistance
agenda; 4) Make AIDS a priority in poverty reduction through accelerated debt
relief, especially for Africa; 5) Make HIV/AIDS a priority in sector-wide approaches
to development; and 6) Promote and advocate for the rights of children and women
as articulated in UN Conventions (CRC, CEDAW). Equally and of great importance,
lobby pharmaceutical companies to reduce the cost of retroviral drugs and allow for
the manufacture of generic drugs particularly in poor countries. Former US President Bill Clinton’s recent (October 2003) initiative in brokering a deal to supply cutprice AIDS drugs to poorer countries is very promising. The deal concerns an agreement with four generic drug companies in India and South Africa to provide particular treatments at less than a third of the cost of patented drugs. Nine countries in
the Caribbean, as well as Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa and Tanzania are
destined to benefit from this agreement.
The crisis is such that not to take part in combating the spread of HIV/AIDS is to
actively participate in the spread of the virus. A proactive response to the AIDS
pandemic demands addressing issues in a more integrated manner: looking at HIV
in relation to all contributing factors in the area of economics and politics; both
local and global economic and political structures, medical care, education, cultural
and religious practices, and many other factors.
Bibliography
Association François-Xavier Bagnoud. Orphan Alert: International Perspective on Children
Left Behind by HIV/AIDS. Boston: Association François-Xavier Bagnoud, 1999.
Bollinger, L., Stover, J., and Nalo D. The Economic Impact of AIDS in Kenya. Washington, DC,
Future Group International, 1999.
Conroy, R., Tomkins, A., Landsdown, R., and Elmore-Meegan, M. “AIDS Orphans, an Emerging Problem: A Study of 5206 Orphaned Children,” summary presentation, January 2001.
Gebru, M., and Atnafou, R., ‘Transitioning from Institutional Care of Orphans to CommunityBased Care: The Experience of Ethiopia’s Jerusalem Association Children’s Homes.” Action For Orphans at http://orphans.fxb.org/inform/reports.html
Human Rights Watch interview with W.K.K. Kimalat, permanent secretary of the Ministry of
Education, Nairobi, March 5, 2001.
Human Rights Watch interview with Ambrose D.O. Rachier, February 26, 2001.
Human Rights Watch, “Stop the Use of Child Soldiers” 2001, at
Hunter, S., and Williamson, J. Children on the Brink. Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for International Development, 2000.
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UNAIDS, AIDS epidemic update: December 2000. Geneva: United Nations, 2000.
International Planned Parenthood Federation News, “UNICEF Warns of Orphan Crisis in
Kenya.” December 1999.
Johnsto, T. The Adolescent AIDS Epidemic in Kenya: A Briefing Book, Nairobi: Population
Communication Africa, 2000.
Magesa, L. “Recognizing the Reality of African Religion in Tanzania.” In J. Keenan and J.
Fuller et al., Catholic Ethicists on HIV/AIDS Prevention. New York: Continuum, 2000. 7684.
National Paediatric & Family HIV Resource Centre Children Affected and Orphaned, “HIV/
AIDS: A Global Perspective,” in National Paediatric & Family HIV Resource Centre/University of Medicine & Dentistry of NJ, at , January 2000.
PanAfricain News Agency, “AIDS Patient Dies Before Filing Suit,” PanAfricain News Agency,
April 4, 2001.
Savenstedt, S., Savenstedt, G and Haggstrom, T., East African Children of the Street: A Question of Health. Stockholm: Save the Children, 2000.
Schoofs, M. “AIDS: The Agony of Africa,” at
Shea, G. “Future Bleak for Zimbabwe’s AIDS Orphans.” The Mail and Guardian, Johannesburg, September 25, 2000.
Time Magazine, “Crimes Against Humanity,” January 12, 2001.
Tomric News Agency, “Missing School” Dar es Salaam, June 13, 2001
Toumlin, S. “The Recovery of Practical Philosophy,” The American Scholar 57 (1988), 337352.
Toumlin, S. “The Tyranny of Principles.” The Hastings Centre report Dec.1998, 31-39.
UNAIDS. Report on the Global HIV/AIDS Epidemic: June 2000. Geneva: United Nations, 2000.
UNICEF Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Office. “The Silent Emergency.” Nairobi, 2000.
UNAIDS and UNICEF. Children Orphaned by AIDS: Front-Line Responses from Eastern and
Southern Africa. New York: United Nations, 1999.
UNAIDS. Report on the Global HIV/AIDS Epidemic: June 2000. Geneva: United Nations, 2000.
UNICEF-ESARO. Child workers in the Shadow of HIV/AIDS. 2001.
UNAIDS and UNICEF. Children Orphaned by AIDS.
Waihenya, K. “Teacher Shortage Biting,” The Daily Nation. Nairobi, April 16, 2001.
WHO and UNICEF. Action for Children. Boston: Association François-Xavier Bagnoud, 1999.
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The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System: A Search for Social Grace
The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System:
A Search for Social Grace
Emmanuel Ugwejeh, S.J.*
Sommaire
Le système de caste Osu constitue un péché social d’exclusion et de
ségrégation qui s’enracine dans une vision du monde préchrétienne, à
savoir la culture et la religion traditionnelles Igbos. Bien que les Igbos
aient accueilli le christianisme depuis plus d’un siècle, ce péché structurel continue à
en influencer plus d’un. La dimension sociale de la grâce véhiculée par les Eglises
chrétiennes peut-elle apporter une solution à ce problème récurrent?
Introduction
Being an Igbo,1 I had only heard from my elders and read from the
pages of books about the incidence of the osu 2 system in Igbo land
many decades ago. I never believed that it still existed until recently
when I heard from my friend that her suitor’s family, on hearing that she was an
Igbo, sent a group of people to her village in Abia State3 (about 80 km from her
suitor’s village!) to find out if she was an osu. The group set to work. It went to the
village and made secret enquiries about my friend’s family from people who knew
her family. I heard later that should the group have discovered that my friend’s
family were an osu or had anything to do with an osu, that would have been the
end of the proposed marriage of their son to my friend. This whole episode bemused me! I could not believe that in this age of much awareness of the need for
social integration such an unwholesome practice still existed among a people who
long ago overwhelmingly embraced Christianity, a religion deeply rooted in social
justice, mutual respect, concern for one another and love for all, even enemies! To
know that the osu system has remained entrenched in the consciousness of many
Igbos after many years of Christianity may be indicative of the depth of the understanding of Christ’s teaching among the Igbo of Nigeria! The osu caste system may
have remained an albatross probably because it played a significant role in the Igbo
traditional religion, a role that is still recognized, and still given appreciable weight,
either consciously or unconsciously.
Igbo traditional religion gave its priests and cult slaves, the osu, key roles to
play. Because of these all-important roles, the priests and the osu dedicated their
entire lives to serving the gods and taking care of their shrines and property. For this
reason, the priests and the osu, especially, were a group set apart. Because of the
sacredness attached to the priesthood and the fact that some of these priests were
*
Emmanuel Ugwejeh is a Nigerian Jesuit priest studying at Fordham University, New York.
“Igbo” as a term has an alternative—“Ibo,” being the equivalent used by foreigners because of
the difficulty in pronouncing the “Igbo” double consonant ‘gb.’ But for many Igbos, ‘Ibo’ is used to
describe the Igbo in the Delta region. Also, “Igbo” as a term usually denote both a language and a
people.
2
Osu, Ohu and Oru have the same meaning in the Igbo language: slaves. For simplicity, of these
three terms, osu will be used throughout this article instead of moving back and forth among the three
terms. Elsewhere in this article, a detailed discussion of the meaning of osu is given.
1
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sacrificed to the gods and so despoiled anything and anyone they came in contact
with, people isolated them from the social fabric of the community. This isolation
was so palpable that they were regarded as social taboos. As the property of the
gods, they lost their freedom – freedom to associate and participate in the life of the
community. Denying a person active participation in the social life of the community causes alienation. Deliberate alienation of a member of the community constitutes a sin against that person. When the sin is perpetrated through socio-cultural
and religious structures, it constitutes a social sin. Thus, the osu system becomes a
social sin because it is effected both by social and religious structures. Suffice it to
say that the osu system was practiced when the Igbos practiced their traditional
religion and was considered abolished by the coming of Christianity, by the eradication of slavery, and by the acceptance of western education. Nevertheless, today’s
experience reveals that these only drove the practice underground; and that it is still
alive in many Igbo areas. The osu system thus raises a question of social sin in the
Igbo community.
This analysis argues that the osu system is a social sin. As a social sin, it is
structural. Igbos have an obligation to be God’s instruments of effecting social grace
that will purify these structures of sin. The analysis first examines the elements that
make up the Igbo traditional religion with the aim of localizing the osu. The section
also includes an analysis of the social structures of the Igbo society, arguing that the
social structure justifies the place assigned to the osu in the community, since the
structure gave each person or group a role in the community. Section three examines the idea of sin: personal and social, and draws a conclusion that the osu system
is not just a sin but a social sin. Section four, by way of conclusion, argues that
social grace is needed to purify the structures that perpetuate the osu system. Here,
Christianity, which mediates the sacraments of grace, offers us the best social grace
in the virtue of solidarity. The Christian virtue of solidarity should strengthen the
Igbo solidarity and make it more efficacious.
1. Elements of
IgboTraditional
Religion
Igboland is located in the southeastern part of Nigeria. In the
present political structure of Nigeria, the Igbos make up the Enugu,
Anambra, Ebonyi, Imo, Abia, and small parts of Bayelsa, Rivers
and Delta States. Among the Igbos, one can confidently argue,
without any reservation, that religion pervades every aspect of their life. As such,
they arguably fit the description of the African as “notoriously religious” by (professor) John Mbiti.4 Being notoriously religious, religion suffuses every aspect of the
Igbo way of life. Thus, the most fundamental characteristic of the Igbo culture is that
it is so intertwined and rooted in the traditional religion that one can argue that the
Igbos have a religious culture or a cultural religion. This interlocking with culture
contributes in making Igbo traditional religion particularly problematic. There is no
sector of Igbo way of life that has been as problematic to ethnologists, anthropologists and Christian missionaries as the Igbo traditional religion. It has been considered as “fetishism.” But, if fetishism stands for “the doctrine of Spirits, embodied in,
or attached to, or conveying influence through certain material objects…including
the worship of ‘stocks and stones’ and…passes by an imperceptible gradation into
3
4
Abia State is one of the States in the heart of the lgboland.
J.S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion (London: Heinemann, 1975), 17.
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The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System: A Search for Social Grace
idolatry,”5 then, it would be incorrect to qualify Igbo traditional religion as fetishism, since it gives a distorted and unfair judgment of the religion.6
Although there are sacred animals, trees, stones, rivers, and places in Igbo
traditional religion, yet one observes that sacred objects are only symbols. A study
of symbolic systems is essential for a better understanding and interpretation of
Igbo religion for symbolism pervades every aspect of it. Is the religion therefore a
form of animism? But animism is a system of beliefs and practices based on the idea
that spirits or souls inhabit objects and natural phenomena.7 True, the Igbo traditional religion has traces of animism; but it is much more than a belief in the spirit
of objects and natural phenomena. Even if these were approached with spiritual
sentiments, the supreme Chi-ukwu, whom the Igbos see as over all head of all
spirits, is the god worshipped in these natural objects. One must then wrestle with
the issue of polytheism in the religion. Among the Igbos, even though they have
several minor deities, yet the supremacy of Chi-ukwu does not come into question.
Chi-ukwu, as Supreme Being, is upheld everywhere and is accorded the ultimacy
demanded by monotheism.8 This supreme god is variously referred to as Chi-ukwu—
the greatest God, Chineke9 —the creating spirit, and Oseburuwa—the being that
holds the universe in his hands. Chi-ukwu, the Supreme deity himself, lives in close
communion with the sun, bringer of daylight.10
Close to Chi-ukwu, the Supreme Being is chi, the individual’s personal god.
Chinua Achebe underscores the centrality of the concept of chi in Igbo religion
when he writes that “the nature and implication of this concept…is so powerful in
Igbo religion and thought.”11 The word chi, as Achebe notes, has two distinct meanings. But the meaning that suffices here is “god, guardian angel, personal spirit,
soul, spirit double.”12 In his discussion of dualism in Igbo cosmology, Achebe argues that the world the Igbo live in has its double and counterpart in the realm of
spirits, where a man’s chi lives. So, each Igbo man has a complementary spirit
being. A man lives here and his chi there. But the abode of chi is different from that
of ani mmo, for while chi lives above, ani mmo lives below the earth.13
Various Igbo folktales and proverbs tell how a man’s chi has a special hold over
him. And this hold is so inimitable that the chi exercises veto powers over that
person’s destiny. In the same vein, the Igbo believe that a man receives his gifts or
talents, his character—indeed his portion in life generally—before he comes into
5
E.B. Tylor, The Origins of Culture (New York: Harper, 1958), 143ff.
Charles Ok. Onuh, Christianity and the Igbo Rites of Passage: The prospects of Inculturation
(Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1992), 17.
7
Ibid.
8
Ibid.
9
I am aware of the controversy on whether or not Chi-na-eke of the traditional Igbo religion is
equivalent to Chukwu of the Christian religion (See Achebe’s essay, “Chi in Igbo Cosmology” in Morning
Yet on Creation Day New York: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1975, 161-175). But I do not think that most
Igbo Christians have a problem calling Chineke the creating God.
10
Chinua Achebe, “Chi in Igbo Cosmology” in Morning Yet on Creation Day. Essays. (New York:
Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1975), 160.
11
Chinua Achebe, Ibid.
12
Ibid., 159.
13
Ibid., 160.
6
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the world. But even though a person’s chi has unprecedented control over a man’s
fate before birth, it seems there is an element of choice available at that point, for
his chi presides over the bargaining. Often, when a man’s misfortune is somehow
beyond comprehension, it is attributed to an agreement he must have entered into,
at the beginning, alone with his chi; for there is a fundamental justice in the universe and nothing so terrible can happen to someone without his consent or cooperation.14 Besides the belief in the Supreme Being and in chi, Igbo believe also in
minor deities. These deities are considered as messengers and mediators. They
merely execute the will of the Supreme Being. From the structural conception of the
spirits in Igbo traditional religion, one can argue that minor deities have no absolute
existence, since they are in being only as a result of and for the purposes of mediation.15 Examples of other minor Igbo deities include Igwe, the god of Iron, Amadioha,
the god of thunder, Anyawu, the sun deity and Ala, the earth goddess.
The Igbo gods had cults where they were worshiped. Even a person’s chi could
get a shrine if that person is successful. Achebe writes,
Among the Igbo of Awka a man who has arrived at the point in his life when he
needs to set up a shrine to his chi will invite a priest to perform a ritual of bringing
down the spirit from the face of the sun at daybreak. Thereafter it is represented
physically in the man’s compound until the day of his death when the shrine must
be destroyed.16
The shrines and cults had priests, known as Nwachukwu (child of the gods),
and cult slaves, osu, dedicated to them. Each Igbo village had a priest who was
chosen by the community to serve the village spirit or god. The priest performed
annual religious rites to the village god. Ordinarily, the priest officiated for anyone
who had been told by a diviner to sacrifice to the village spirit. He also offered
sacrifices required each year, as well as at the time of birth, for the parents of any
child in whom this village spirit had incarnated.17 The priest of the village deity was
thus a distinct personage with a hereditary and publicly recognized position. He
had to observe strict taboos such as abstaining from sex on two nights out of four,
but he was not a holy figure set apart from the daily life of the village.18
However, the case of the cult slave or the cult slave that later became a priest
(for the osu was so sedulous in his observance of taboos of the cult that he replaced
the priest) was different. He was an outcast, a social pariah, who had lost his
freedom to associate. The people feared the osu so much that if a man was owed
money and he enlisted the services of an osu to collect the money for him, the
money was promptly paid because people considered the osu as an inviolate, as the
possession of the spirit.19 Besides, the anomalous position of being “horrible and
holy” in the eyes of the society did not make them into people of authority.20 Some
of the osus were also wealthy, for they farmed the lands of the gods and got money
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
Ibid., 165-166.
Onuh, ibid., 23.
Achebe,”Chi in Igbo Cosmology,” Ibid., 160-161.
M.M. Green, Igbo Village Affairs (London: Frank Cass and Co Ltd., 1964), 24.
Ibid.
Ibid., 51.
Ibid., 50.
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The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System: A Search for Social Grace
for their services to the people. Nevertheless, their wealth did not give them high
and respectable status in the community. Since an individual or family bought an
osu, the osu belonged either to that individual or to the extended family. Thus,
since the Igbo social structure was based on the family system, the osu did not have
a place in the social structure of the community. He was a nobody in the community!
The next section examines this social structure.
THE IGBO SOCIAL STRUCTURE
Igbos have a social structure, which is modeled on the extended family system.
The role of the family is everywhere held to be fundamental. Open to this sense of
the family of love and respect for life, the Igbos love children, which are joyfully
welcomed as gifts from God. It is precisely this love for life that makes them give
enormous importance to the veneration of their ancestors. They believe intuitively
that the dead continue to live and remain in communion with them. In general, the
family is the nucleus of any society. However the Igbo family is extended, in the
sense that it is made up of not only the nuclear family, but of various nuclear
families bound together by consanguinity. Each nuclear family is necessarily connected to other nuclear families, so that a complete family is generally very large.
This image of the family widens further to include the kindred—the extended patrilineal family called the umunna (the children of the father), which is a collection
of kindred. This eventually widens to form what is the village—the ogbe—a collection of lineages. But this is not the limit of the Igbo social unit. There is the obodo—
which is the conglomeration of all the villages.21
The head of each successive level of grouping is the eldest, who, by virtue of
being the first surviving son in the group, assumes the spiritual as well as the
administrative head of the group. Such a one also inherits the traditional ancestral
staff of authority.22 All the people in this community—young and old feel a sense of
belonging to the community and are in communion with one another. This feeling
of communion reinforces the unity and cohesion of the entire ethnic group. Thus, a
bond of union exists among families, kindred, lineages, and this even extends to
towns. This strong sense of solidarity is shown in all situations of life—celebrating
new births, success in endeavors, or mourning the death of a member of the community. Nevertheless, despite this bond of union, despite the strong sense of belonging, despite the strong sense of solidarity, there is still a distinction between the
freeborn (ndi nw’ ala) and the slaves (ohu) and the cult slave, osu. The osu, by
being dedicated to the gods and regarded as good as being dead, occupied an
inferior position both in the minds of the people and in the social organization of
the community.
The organization of the Igbo society has been described as a truly democratic
one in the sense that each member has a role to play in the affairs of the community
to which the person belongs. As the men and boys have their own groups, the
women and girls also have their own groups. The men and boys are divided into
21
22
Ibid.
Ibid.
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age groups. All those who have gone through the boys’ initiation rites at the same
time became members of the same group.23 In general, communal work is divided
among these groups. A group, for instance, can be saddled with the function of
digging the grave of someone to be buried and burying the dead. Another group is
responsible for clearing the path to the market-square before market days. Still, a
group could be responsible for sweeping the market square. Although these age
groups do not take active part in decision making in the society since this was the
main role of the council of elders and the titleholders, they still had roles to play in
the community. This apportioning of duties to each member of the community
through the age grade system seems to justify the role given to the osu, that of being
the slaves of the gods, serving the gods and tending their property.
Contrary to the all-inclusive social values of the Igbos, the osu was a
social outcast, who was not allowed to interact with others in the
same community. The social isolation of the osu became systematized when it grew deep roots in the consciousness of the people. It
did not only become deeply rooted in the minds of the people, it also became
structural when the osu were excluded from the social-cultural structure of the land,
leading to the enactment of rules and regulations on how to deal with them. How
did this osu caste system begin? What is it about? The osu caste system, according to
Idika, originated from the dedication of men and women to gods either by individuals and communities or by the voluntary act of free persons who gave themselves to
the gods for the protection of their lives. By this act of commitment, the free individuals removed themselves from the communal covenants to the covenants of the gods.24
Any person was qualified to become an osu. There was no discrimination based on
sex or rank, but most osu probably came from the lower rungs of the society. Originally, some of these osus or their ancestors were freeborns bought by a family or an
individual at the command of a diviner, and offered as a slave to some deity whose
wrath was aroused and to whom the sacrifice of a mere fowl or goat would not
appease. “Some were killed at the request of the gods at the shrine, while others were
allowed to live for the gods in their services. It was the covenant of blood expressed
in ritual purification of the community.“25 The majority of the people bought to be
offered to the gods were the village miscreants. Through this, the osu system offered
the community the opportunity to get rid of criminals. Nevertheless, not all osus were
nefarious. The purpose of offering them to the gods was to part fellowship with the
community. In some cases, a person would become an osu by encroaching on the
innermost sanctuary of a shrine. At other times, a person could voluntarily offer
himself or herself to a god as a way of avoiding the wrath of evil neighbors he or
she had offended.26 The osus were outcasts from the life of the community, and in
some Igbo areas, so numerous that they formed communities of their own.
Thereafter, the osu would serve the deity, taking part in the offering of sacrifices
or observing the taboos of the cult. At the shrine, osu ministered to the priests of the
2. The Osu
System In
Igboland
23
M.M. Green, 25.
Mba Idika, “Osu” in Traditional Religion in West Africa ed. by A. Adegbola (Nairobi: Uzima
Press, 1983), 23.
25
Ibid., 23.
26
Ibid., 23.
24
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The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System: A Search for Social Grace
gods. This service gave the people reason to care for them, providing them with
food and other materials. And from this time on, the osus and their descendants
would become part of a class apart, separated from the rest of the community. This
separation was reinforced physically by consigning the osus to the periphery of
community, for the houses of osu were always apart, on the fringe of the house
group to which they belong. They were subjected to a number of other restrictions.
They were regarded by the freeborn with a repugnance, which is in part at least
physical and which is remarkable when one remembers that originally they were
freeborn themselves.27
The repugnance felt for an osu was partly because he was looked on as a dead
person. He was also reviled because he could defile other people and their property by coming in contact with them. If an osu had sexual intercourse with a nonosu woman, the woman became defiled and immediately became an osu. People
were afraid to touch them or even give them a haircut. Any ill treatment meted on
them was regarded as directly done to their gods. The isolation was much more
than that! Although they enjoyed spiritual freedom, they were not regarded as full
members of the community. Thus, they did not participate in social events, because
they were a social nuisance. Consequently, an osu’s freedom was very limited. He
lived a life of total isolation from the rest of the community. By becoming an osu, he
lost his freedom to associate with the freeborn and could no longer mix socially
with the members of the community. In the old days, an osu’s life had little value to
the extent he would be killed as a sacrifice instead of being kept alive, if discerned
that his god so desired.
Intermarriage and sexual intercourse with an osu is not only nso (abomination,
a taboo) for a freeborn but the idea fills him with horror. This is true, though
unofficially, of Christians as well as of pagans. Green buttresses this with an encounter with a Christian freeborn. He writes,
I discussed the matter often with a middle-aged Christian of many years standing.
He admitted that osu status was incompatible with Christian principles and was
not recognized by the Church. He was emphatic that he would not contemplate a
daughter of his marrying an osu. He was quite frank. He said that officially he
preached in Church against any discrimination in the matter, but that nonetheless
when it came to putting his principles into practice his heart said no.28
The question that jolts the consciousness of an inquisitive and sensitive mind is
why was a taboo placed on the marriage with an osu? Green offers a clue. He
observes that many of the osus he saw had a fair amount of marked physical and
mental disability among the Igbo population he studied. Some were epileptic, some
had leprosy and some had some form of retarded physical and mental development. The evidence raised the question of whether the taboo on intermarriage or
sexual intercourse with an osu was not incidentally an unconscious social device for
segregating the less healthy strains in the population. Conversely, a critical analysis
of these physical deficiencies and diseases in the osu community would prove that
they must have been pronounced because each community was a small one in a
large normal community. So, the occurrence of these disabilities is not so extraordi27
28
Cf. M.M.Green, 24.
Ibid., 158.
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nary to warrant a stigmatization of the whole group. Green was, however, quick to
add that it was certainly not always the case to have only people with disability in
the group, for “some of them were fine specimen.” The fact that an osu is someone
who has been sold and who is thus probably regarded as an undesirable element
would help to account for a degree of inferiority, either mental or physical.29
With the preponderance of superstitious beliefs among many Igbo in recent
times, the argument that the osu brought not only ill-luck but also an incurable
curse on the person he or she interacts with has gained status in the minds of many
Igbo Christians. Many give a plethora of examples of how marriage situations involving an osu and a non-osu have unleashed evils such as premature deaths,
disabilities, terminal diseases and divorces, on all involved. But the question is, are
these evils exclusive to the osus alone? If not, then this argument is not plausible.
There are also very successful intermarriages between osus and non-osus. This surge
in superstitious beliefs nowadays has also bolstered belief in akara aka (destiny),
giving rise to another argument against association with osus. The argument is that
the osus have never totally eschewed their worship of deities psychologically and
spiritually.
Supporters of this view argue that although osus may have thrown away the
relics of the old religion, they are yet to totally unfetter themselves from the strangle-hold of those curses their osu status brought upon them. This group is made up
of the Igbo who still doggedly hold that the individual’s chi controls his or her
destiny and it is impossible for the individual to go against his/her chi, especially if
individual’s ancestors willingly became osus, and since the individual’s ancestors
did not renounce their gods, it is impossible for the individual to renounce them on
his/her ancestors’ behalf. Compelling as this argument may seem, it only reveals the
depth of Christianity and enlightenment among their proponents. Why? Many osus
have long privately and publicly renounced idol worship. Insisting that the osus are
still under the spell of their osu status, despite private and public renunciation,
shows a lack of understanding and (or) a refusal to accept Christ’s redeeming grace.
Let us not forget quickly, osus were among the first Igbo to accept Christianity.
Many are not just Christians, they are very good Christians. Many are priests of good
repute in the Catholic faith, a faith that has prominence among the Igbo. Obviously,
many osus are also quite successful, so the argument that they are harbingers of illluck and curses does not prevail. Therefore, the osu system remains a social sin, a
sin of exclusion.
3. The Osu System: A Sin HUMAN BEINGS AS SOCIAL BEINGS
of Exclusion from the
Since early Greek philosophers proclaimed that human
Human Community
beings are social beings, that idea has deepened over
the centuries. Today, philosophers still argue with utmost conviction that everyone is a socially constituted being. As social beings,
therefore, human beings are interdependent on one another and interrelated with
one another. They need to interact and share with one another and the more they
interact and share, the more they are human, and the more they are fully alive. They
29
Ibid., 159.
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The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System: A Search for Social Grace
also find fulfillment and self-realization in these interactions. In circumstances where
a human being is systematically excluded from interacting effectively with others in
the same community or with any human community, injustice is done to that person. One can also do oneself injustice by excluding others. By excluding the osus
from their lives, many Igbo did injustice to themselves. By refusing to engage in
marital relationships with the osus, many Igbo are doing injustice not only to osus
but also to themselves. There are values the so-called freeborns can benefit from
interacting deeply with the osus. The osus were among the first Igbo to embrace
Christianity and they try to practice the values intrinsic in Christ’s teaching. The socalled Freeborns can learn from them. Because they are a minority and an oppressed group, they associate freely with those willing to associate with them. The
osus were among the first Igbo to be educated. Many became very educated. The
osu remains the most educated group among Igbo to date.
Each person needs membership and participation in a community in which he
or she lives. Social institutions, as a creation of the free will of members of the
community, make it possible for a person or a group of people to participate, at
least at minimal levels, in the life of the human community. Being gifted and talented, members of a community do not just want to participate in the sharing of the
wealth and the common good of the community but also want to share in building
the wealth and the common good of that community. It is in contributing to building the common good that people use their talents and gifts. In using their talents
and gifts, people actualize their potentials and are self-fulfilled. Self-fulfillment is the
essence of living. And humans spend their entire lives searching for it. When social
institutions, instead, make this participation difficult or impossible, the institutions
are not only unjust but also sinful, because impeding others constitutes a misuse or
an abuse of human freedom. Excluding a person or a group of persons affirms that
such a person or group of persons do not count as human beings.
Freedom is an inherent value in humans exercised in the community through
making choices and being in relationships with others in the same community. If
consciously or unconsciously one is excluded from interacting fully with others
because one is regarded as inferior, one cannot exercise this value properly and
adequately. Inadequate exercise of this value affects the growth of a person into a
human being that is fully alive and mature. Other inherent values that are basic to
humans include love, solidarity and a sense of belonging. These values also strengthen
and reinforce self-actualization and fulfillment. Solidarity—a commitment to the
common good and participation by all is another value important for the individual
and is related to the love of the other.
Since the Igbo socio-cultural and religious system restricted the osu from interacting and relating to the freeborn on equal basis, impeded growth of love and
freedom in the community, and created a situation that did not give the osu a sense
of belonging in the Igbo community because of an institution of unequal relationships with the freeborn, it is a sin. It is also a sin because the creators of the system
have assumed the position of God by apportioning status to people and creating a
kind of relationship that subjugates the osu to the freeborn. It is a misuse of freedom
in such a way that one group dominates the other group. It is a sin.
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SIN: PERSONAL AND INDIVIDUAL
Sin is the deliberate and willful exclusion of God or the other person or both at
any moment from one’s life. It is separation from God through disobedience and
rejection.
Sin is the emergence within human freedom of false autonomy and egocentrism
over against other human beings and God. On the other hand, it is complex, for
it is fed by multiple factors, transcendentally on the individual level and historically on the social level. Sin is an aggressive power within each person’s freedom
that cumulatively projects itself out into history, or a recessive negation of freedom that fails to be responsible for the self and the world in response to grace.30
In other words, sin is the use of one’s freedom to absolutize the selfish self,
leading to the point of idolizing the self. It is a consciously active self-seeking at the
detriment of the other. Sin finds deep roots in egocentrism.
Sin, on the individual level, is a structure and a process of human freedom that
begins with a lack of an appropriation of God’s grace but then qualifies every
moment of a human being’s existence in this world. This measure leads through
concupiscence and temptation to the prior sin, that is, some measure of a lack of
openness and surrender in self-actualization before God and according to God’s
will, and more aggressively, a propensity against God for self.31 “All the power,
creativity, generativity, and potential for achievement by human freedom become
autonomous self-assertion over against what is other: other persons, society, the
world, and even God. These are the sins of aggression.”32 Individual sin inevitably damages the fabric of one’s relationship with others and with the created
world.
SIN: SOCIAL
Sin is simply not only personal and individual; it is also social. It is not simply an
abstract reality. It is also concrete and real, at both the individual level and the social
level. It is not just within the individual; it is also outside of the individual. It is in
the community. It is in the created social structures of the community. It permeates
the interactions and associations that go on in the community.
Because human existence is essentially social, human egocentrism, competitiveness, hostility, aggression, and lack of concern are always mediated through
concrete organized structures of behavior and institutions. Social arrangements enhance human freedom, but institutions also limit and determine behavior. Moreover, they invariably involve oppressive elements. In all institutions, the freedom of
some always excludes or represses, in some measure, the freedom of others. Generally speaking, the individual does not transcend the limits of the institutions that
govern his or her life; rather social structures set him or her over and against those
in other groups. One is inclined to be loyal to one’s family, tribe, caste, corporation,
professional guild, economic class, regional society, race, and nation, sex—right or
30
Roger HAIGHT, “Sin and Grace,” in Systematic Theology: Roman Catholic Perspectives Vol. II.
Edited by Francis Schussler Fiorenza and John P. Galvin (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991), 106.
31
Roger Haight, “Sin and Grace,” 100.
32
Ibid., 101.
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The Social Sin of the Osu Caste System: A Search for Social Grace
wrong. Those born into them internalize the objective structures that define social
institutions.33
Social institutions spring from human freedom. Born out of creative human
response to the world and others, they are carried along by a human freedom that
continually internalizes these patterns of meaning and behavior. From this point of
view, therefore, one passes from the sphere of objective evil to sin. The destructive
aspects of social institutions are more than objective evils that are contrary to the
will of God; they are also sin because they are produced and sustained by human
freedom. This sin, however, is not a personal sin; it is not necessarily formal sin in
the sense of being deliberate; it is precisely social sin.34 No one can avoid participation in social structures and institutions that inevitably do harm to some people. No
one can escape all the aspects of one’s social existence and participation in social
sin. Why is the osu system a social sin? The osu system has set up social structures
both visible and invisible that forbid deep interactions at the level of marriage and
sexual relationship with the freeborn. These alienating structures, therefore, need
purification. Social grace can bring this purification. The next section argues for this
grace.
As there is social sin, there is also social grace. The definition
of social grace that suffices here is a definition which states
that social grace is the institutionalization and objectification
of the dynamics of grace originating in the personal and individual freedom. “Any group, institution, organization, or society
may be considered social grace insofar as it is concerned
with human life, and enhances the common good.”35 A great number of Igbos
have embraced the message of Christ and have become Christians. Seeking social
grace that would counter the social sin of the osu system and purify the Igbo
socio-cultural practices leads us to rummage through the teachings of Christ in
Christianity. But before we look to Christianity for social grace, let us first look
inwards for social grace.
4.Searchingfor
Social Grace that
Loves and Includes
AllinIgboland
GRACE THROUGH SOCIAL ACTION
The abolition of slave holding that made slavery a criminal offence in Igboland
has been a social grace that has made the osu system unacceptable to many Igbos.
But in many Igbo areas, as I have already noted, the practice went underground
instead of being eradicated. Nevertheless, greater awareness and education can
help sensitize people and bring the issue back to the fore for deeper dialogue. Since
the practice has been driven underground, many Igbos would argue that it does not
exist any longer and so is inconsequential to the situation of life right now. Because of
lack of awareness and (or) the denial of its prevalence, people may not want to
discuss the issue. Given that education has only been able to drive it underground
instead of eradicating it, we have to change the method of educating people. Here,
awareness must be intensified. Rigorous awareness campaign can bring it to the fore.
33
34
35
Ibid., 104.
Ibid., 105.
Ibid., 130.
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A concrete suggestion would be that people affected by the osu question should
speak up and demand redress from their various communities. Igbo intellectuals,
people aware of the incidence of this unjust practice should also speak up. They
should discuss it in their classrooms, write about it in newspapers and analyze it in
magazines and academic journals. Awareness should lead to proper education and
conscientization of the Igbos. The goal of this education will be to create an atmosphere that would encourage genuinely deep dialogue in the larger Igbo community
between those who are still practicing the osu system and those who want to
eradicate it for good. Dialogical approaches to solving this problem should assume
priority over other means so as help people understand the gravity of the practice
and tackle it from its source. Awareness, education and dialogue should ultimately
lead to the enactment of laws abolishing the osu system in the Church. Violations of
the law should attract punitive measures. Some dioceses in Igbo areas have made
progress in curbing the excesses of burial ceremonies by penalizing violators of the
Church’s directives on burial ceremonies, for instance. Similar punitive measures
can be stipulated for any violation of laws against the osu system. A machinery can
be established to implement the laws in each community.
GRACE THROUGH
THE
CHURCH
This machinery can work in collaboration with the Justice, Development and
Peace Commission (JDPC) of the Catholic Church to make sure that the laws are
enforced by each community and those cases involving the osu issue be followed
up promptly. The JDPC should make dealing with the osu question one of its
priorities and should have people in various parishes working on it. Their work is to
report and bring up cases about the osu question for redress. It should form a
network to monitor the implementation of the laws against those practicing this.
With the promptings and assistance of these two groups, Bishops from dioceses in
Igbo areas could give vigor and authority to the fight against the practice by addressing the osu issue in one of their periodical letters. If a bishop should tackle the
issue formally, it would contribute to the awareness drive and accentuate the seriousness of the osu question.
We can now extend our search for solidity and strength to the larger Christian
community. Christ and Christianity have a positive view of creation. This is why
Christ did not allow God’s creation to go to final damnation after the fall. Christ
came to redeem and save the whole of the “groaning creation” (Rom. 8:19-22).
From the Christian tradition of creation, we understand that God, who is infinitely
good by nature, created out of love. Through God’s words and action, creatures
were created good and blessed. Thus, the material world is good, not evil. Scriptures corroborate this notion, “God looked at everything he had made, and he
found it very good” (Gen. 1:31). Nature shows “eternal power and divinity” (Rom
1:20), and the whole universe declares the glory of God (Ps. 19:1). Even though
God is essentially different and ultimately greater than creation, God is not isolated from his creatures. God constantly sustains his creation. Scriptures declare,
“In him we live and move and have our being” (Acts 17:28). God also loves all his
creatures with immeasurable love and compassion. That human beings were created in God’s image and likeness makes them creatures of grace, for God commuHekima Review, No. 31. May 2004
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nicates himself to human beings through his image and likeness. God’s image and
likeness give human beings dignity and make them deserving of dignified treatment.
I, therefore, strongly subscribe to Christianity as the social grace that can transfigure the osu system and wipe it out finally. I believe that since most Igbo are
Christians, and Christianity recognizes everyone as reflecting the image and likeness
of God and thus has equal dignity in themselves, all Igbos are equal and must be
treated equally. This means that every Igbo man or woman has the right to participate in the life of the community without suffering from prejudices. The coming of
Christianity and the pervading presence of Christianity in Igbo communities have
also made the Igbo traditional priesthood unnecessary and the shrines for their gods
undesirable. Therefore, shrines dedicated to the gods are no longer common. This
destroys the need to have the osu as sacrifices to the gods. The Church in Igbo areas
especially, must, therefore, strive with renewed vigor to remain an “instrumental
sign of intimate union with God and of the unity of all humanity.”36 It must offer
osus an unconditional love, call public attention to their plight and contribute through
her ethical vision of social justice to restore and espouse the dignity of not only the
osu but also of every human being. As Christians, Igbos must reflect deeply on
human nature’s social dimension and its consequent responsibilities, working uncompromisingly against all practices that exclude, discriminate, subjugate and demean fellow human beings.
A rummage through the Igbo socio-cultural values reveals that solidarity imbues
the life of the community. Christian solidarity should strengthen and reinforce the
Igbo idea of solidarity. Solidarity, from a Christian perspective, is a form of wholeness, peace, harmony and completeness. It is a strong and consistent determination
to commit oneself to the common good; that is, the good of all and each individual.
Solidarity, from a Christian perspective, transforms the de facto interdependence of
persons on one another in the society to a moral bond of responsibility. It is a
manifestation of the presence of grace, the presence of the Holy Spirit. It is opposed
to imperialism and hegemony. Christian solidarity teaches that one’s neighbor is
fundamentally equal with one because he is a living image of God, saved by Jesus’
suffering and death on the cross, and sustained by the power of the Holy Spirit.
Christian solidarity also loves the neighbor, even the enemy, with the same amount
of love with which the Lord loved him or her.
It must be admitted, embarrassingly, that the osu system has remained pertinacious thus far because the message of Christianity had not penetrated beyond the
skin of many Igbo Christians and subsequently could not break the strangle-hold
that sinful socio-cultural and religious practices like the osu system have on the
people. This is probably because of the method of evangelization employed in the
spread of the good news. The osu problem calls for a better method of evangelization, an evangelization that is deeper, more solid and radical enough to educe true
Christian metanoia. The new evangelization must confront sinful practices thoroughly and at the same time deepen the Christian message of solidarity.
36
Vatican II, Lumen Gentium, no. 1
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CONCLUSION
When Chinua Achebe movingly described the problem of the osu
and its prevalence in the Igbo community in his Things Fall Apart
and No Longer At Ease, forty-four years ago, little did he know that
forty-four years on, the issue would still be alive and consequential in the social
lives of the Igbos, albeit underground. In this analysis, I have argued that the osu
system that robs the individual of his capacity to associate freely and participate
actively in building the community is a social sin because it is rooted in the Igbo
social structures. I have also argued that the solution to the problem is social grace,
which can purify the system and replace the structures of sin with the structures of
grace. The Church certainly has a role to play in mediating this social grace, through
proper evangelization and social action.
Bibliography
ACHEBE, Chinua. Things Fall Apart. London: Heinnemann, 1958.
ACHEBE, Chinua. No Longer At Ease. London: Heinnemann, 1960.
ACHEBE, Chinua. Morning Yet On Creation Day. Essays. New York: Anchor Press/DoubleDay,
1975.
GREEN, M.M. Igbo Village Affairs. London: Frank Cass and Co Ltd., 1964.
HAIGHT, Roger. “Sin and Grace.” In Systematic Theology: Roman Catholic Perspectives Vol. II.
Francis Schussler Fiorenza and John P. Galvin (eds.) Mineapolis: Fortress Press, 1991.
IDIKA, Mba. “Osu” in Traditional Religion in West Africa ed. by A. Adegbola. Nairobi: Uzima
Press, 1983.
MBITI, J.S. African religions and Philosophy. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers,
1969.
MBITI, J.S. Introduction to African Religion. London: Heinemann, 1975.
METUH, Emefie I. God and Man in African Religion: A case Study of the Igbo of Nigeria.
London: Chapman, 1981.
ONUH, Charles Ok. Christianity and the Igbo Rites of Passage: The prospects of Inculturation.
Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1992.
TANNER, Norman P. (English Ed.) Giuseppe Alberigio and Others (Original Text Compilers)
Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils. 2vols. Vol. II: Trent to Vatican II. Washington D.C.: Ward
& Sheed and Georgetown University Press, 1990.
TYLOR, E.B. The Origins of Culture. New York: Harper, 1958.
Other Books Consulted
The Holy Bible. RSV, Catholic Version. Fireside Study Edition. Kansas: Catholic Bible Publishers, 1987.
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Interview
TheAfricanTheologian andtheTheological
MinistryoftheSocietyofJesus
AN
INTERVIEW WITH
FR. PETER-HANS KOLVENBACH*
Hekima Review: In the early days of the Society of Jesus, our first companions bravely
faced the theological challenges of their time. What do you think made their achievements
possible?
Peter-Hans Kolvenbach: In the first generation of Jesuits, all was done in the spirit of
‘mission.’ Not only was Francis Xavier sent on mission in Asia, but theologians were sent to
the council of Trent and Peter Canisius to teach theology in German and Austrian universities. They considered their tasks not as a work to achieve, a job to handle, but as a mission
entrusted to them by the Vicar of Christ on earth so as to help the Church to grow in oneness
with the Lord and to solve the problems it had to face. The first Jesuit theologians were
known for their apostolic mobility and availability. They knew how to enlist, as was said
about them, scientific eruditio and missionary pietas, learned and holy men. Later on, when
the Society started to take up the responsibility of colleges and universities, the mobility
diminished but the awareness remained of accomplishing a mission based on solid and
open-minded learning in answer to the needs of the people, according to the incarnated
spirituality of the Spiritual Exercises.
Hekima Review: As the General of the Society of Jesus, aware of its apostolic
commitment, do you think that African Jesuit theologians are sufficiently involved in
the major theological challenges of the continent? What specific lessons can they draw
today from the examples of the first companions in order to remain faithful to the
initial spirit of the foundation?
Peter-Hans Kolvenbach: If today African Jesuit theologians are not sufficiently
involved in the major theological challenges of the continent, it is not because the
competence and the willingness are lacking, but because the space and time indispensable for research, investigation and publication are still not sufficiently available. We should be very grateful for the qualified and committed service of the
theology professors, but the faculties are still understaffed and the teaching load
heavy. Happily the future is bright because quite a few Jesuits from Africa are
preparing themselves to join those who are already at work at Hekima and elsewhere.
Hekima Review: You noted - in the final allocution to the 69th Procurators’
Congregation - that solid theological training is a vital aspect of our formation, not
only as a prerequisite to ordination but as an essential dimension of all our ministries, so that they may be illuminated by a strong and deep faith. Why do you think
this reminder is important today?
Peter-Hans Kolvenbach: The reminder is important because the Jesuits in
formation are called both to be theologically trained and often to acquire competence in other academic and pastoral areas of activity. This is like preparing for two
*
This interview of Fr. General Peter-Hans Kolvenbach, S.J. was prepared by Paul Christian Kiti, S.J.
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careers. For those especially who do not feel themselves destined to specifically
theological work, theological studies may seem like a waste of time, an unfortunate
but necessary step towards the priesthood. However, an efficacious service of the
people of God in Africa is possible only if the Jesuits, whatever work they are
involved in, are deeply rooted in the theological thought of Vatican II, totally “in
tune with the Church” (Spir. Ex. 352). Only then can we truly be men of dialogue,
men of faith promoting justice, maintaining faith and science in harmony,
“christianising” culture.
Hekima Review: Globilisation is one of the main ‘signs of the times’ today. It
does, however, have an adverse effect on Africa and developing countries generally.
Recently, in your letter to the Society, you pointed out how Saint Ignatius had a global
vision of Jesuit ministry. He wished Jesuits to go anywhere in the service of the universal Lord. How can Jesuit theologians build on this heritage and contribute positively
to the discussion on globalisation?
Peter-Hans Kolvenbach: Ignatius did not know about the problem of
globalisation as we experience it today. Still he asked Jesuits to think globally and
to act locally: globally in the sense that each Jesuit should feel that he belongs to a
universal, apostolic body, shares the concerns of the whole Church and is ready to
go anywhere where his service is more needed in the work of proclaiming the
Good News. But at the same time Ignatius wished that the Jesuit who was missioned
to a specific work in a country and culture would give himself completely to that
task, learning the local language, inserting himself in the culture of the men and
women to whom he is sent so that his proclamation of the Gospel would touch
their hearts. For that reason, in creative fidelity to this Ignatian heritage, we have
to live the apostolic tension between universal apostolic awareness and availability and inculturated insertion in the mission entrusted to us.
Hekima Review: Hekima College, the first Jesuit theologate in this continent,
came into being largely due to the dream of Father Pedro Arrupe. As Hekima celebrates its twentieth anniversary, do you think this dream has been fulfilled? What
does the Society of Jesus as an apostolic body expect from Hekima College?
Peter-Hans Kolvenbach: Father Arrupe’s idea grew out of the realisation
that there was on the African continent no theologate of the Society to receive the
growing number of vocations. He was also aware of the need to inculturate theological teaching. The universal Society expects Hekima College to form African
Jesuits for the Church in Africa. It also expects that the voices of the African
theologians will make themselves heard in the Church worldwide. Let us be grateful to all who during these twenty years have contributed to the fulfilment of Fr.
Arrupe’s dream.
Hekima Review: Is there anything you would like to draw to the attention of
the African Jesuit theologian?
Peter-Hans Kolvenbach: The young generation of African Jesuits should not
forget that there already exists a number of African theologians. Their works
should be read, for they have pondered and written on questions of particular
concern for the Church in Africa. This theological reflection must be pursued, not
only for what it can contribute locally but also universally. Africa has something to
say to the world. It is part of your vocation and very much within the charism of
the Society to participate in the debate.
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Book Reviews
AquilineTarimo,S.J.
HUMAN RIGHTS, CULTURAL DIFFERENCES AND THE CHURCH IN AFRICA,
Ndanda : Salvatorianum, 2004, 279 pp.
Reviewer:AurelienFolifackD.,S.J.
This book is another volume added to the already numerous existing literature
on human rights. What is the specific contribution of this volume? It lies in the fact
that it seeks to promote a relevant methodology for an adequate implementation of
human rights ideals. It attempts to analyse the influence of human rights ethics on
African ‘cultural traditions, beliefs systems and thinking models.’ The contribution
brought by this book arises from weaknesses observed in human rights literature
and in the African rights discourse. Human rights literature appears most of the time
as a collection of uncritical data on human rights violations, lacking philosolophical
and ethical foundations and methodological analysis and as such does not offer proper
guidelines for action. Also, the mere theoretical analysis of scholars portrays a separation between theory and practice in the human right literature. The discourse of
African scholars on human rights, since the proclamation of the African Charter of
Human and Peoples’ Rights in 1981, centred on the opposition between individual
and communal rights, has been blinded by the tendency to view the question of
human rights, embodied by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a way of
promoting western imperialism. This tendency, justified by the desire to preserve an
African cultural heritage, has failed to articulate an adequate concept of the common good as a condition of the realisation of the ideal of human rights. Linked to
these weaknesses is the absence in Africa of a culture of human rights education.
In view of these observations, the aim of the book is to ‘develop a reconstructive
framework’ able to mobilise people against blatant violations of human rights. Activists and scholars involved on the issue are called to an evaluation of methods
used in promoting human rights and to eventually propose a method involving a
‘cross-cultural approach.’ This book as its title indicates, urges human rights advocates to take into account cultural differences and local communities in the implementation of ‘international standards of human rights.’
The book is divided into five chapters. The first three chapters present the
methodological question of human rights promotion in Africa. The first chapter
shows the limitations of the main methodological approaches to human rights,
especially the missing link between theory and practice. The second chapter stresses
the importance of context and cultural difference for successful promotion of human rights. Indeed, the promotion of human rights can only be effective if it is
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Book Reviews
articulated in relation to the cultural traditions of a community. The third chapter
links the notions of human rights and the common good. The existence of the
common good as the historical and social preconditions for human welfare is also
the condition for a true visibility of human rights. Here resides the need to stress the
interdependence between human rights and various dimensions of social life. The
last two chapters, linking theory and practice, establish conditions for the concrete
realisation of human rights. The fourth chapter tries to see the connection between
Human Rights, social Reconciliation and Religion, in view of forming an integral
approach from an African perspective of reconciliation. It shows how social reconciliation works as a condition for the promotion of human rights. The methodological approach adopted here criticises the African scholars involved in the issue of
social conflicts in Africa, for having failed to make a bridge between theory and
praxis.
The last chapter examines how the promotion of human rights through the
participation of the civil society at the grassroot level can transform different aspects
and structures of social life. The concept of participation stresses the importance of
small Christian communities and the need of collaboration with non-governmental
organisations in showing the importance of civil society in promoting human rights
at the grassroot level. This chapter analyses the complex socio-structural conditions
for the realisation of human rights and revolves around themes such as human
rights violations by the African states, the role of NGOs, ethnicity, rights of women
linked with gender inequality in the context of African religio-cultural practices, the
question of African debt and finally the role of the local Church in promoting
human rights.
The book is a very well researched methodological proposal for the promotion
of human rights in Africa. It tries to stress the importance of the social and cultural
context in promoting human rights. When reading this insightful book, you are
impressed by the rigor of the analysis, the coherence and systematic presentation of
ideas, and the critical approach adopted throughout. The author has tried to put
together in a very systematic way, theoretical and practical issues concerning human rights while proposing an original methodological approach to the issue. Scholars
and human rights activists renewed by the critical approach proposed here would
find insights to work in a more critical way in promoting human rights. Despite the
critical nature of some parts of this book and the poor quality of printing, the book
is highly recommended and is worthy to be read.
Rev.PeterSchineller,SJ,ed.
THE CHURCH TEACHES: STAND OF THE CATHOLIC BISHOPS OF NIGERIA ON
ISSUES OF FAITH AND LIFE
Abuja: Gaudium Et Spes Publishers, 2003, 242pp.
Reviewer: Okumu, Jacob Odhoch, SJ
As a steward and custodian of God’s revealed truth, the Church is a sign that
guarantees that God’s will continues to speak to the people of God. It is a sign of
assurance that someone will stand up and say: “Thus says the Lord!” Indeed the
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Church is a visible sign to the world that God continues to care for everyone. The
Church strives to be a prophetic presence to the world to the extent that she does
not shy away from declaring God’s will for the whole of life.
In that regard, the book: The Church Teaches: Stand of the Catholic Bishops of
Nigeria on Issues of Life and Faith, edited by Fr. Schineller, SJ presents an attempt to
concretely live out this prophetic mission of the Church. He does so by identifying
63 substantial religious, theological and social issues as well as themes about Faith
and Life that affect the people and the Church of Nigeria and on which the Catholic
Bishops of Nigeria have made collegial statements, taken a position, or issued directives.
In the year 2002, Rev., Schineller, SJ put together statements, communiqués,
and pastoral letters of the Episcopal Conference of Nigeria into one volume entitled:
The Voice of the Voiceless – Pastoral Letters and Communiqués of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria – 1960 – 2000 (First published in 2002 and available from
Gaudium Et Spes Institute, Abuja, Nigeria). The bishops’ statements in this Volume
appeared chronologically according to date of release, and not according to themes
or topics.
In The Church Teaches however, Fr. Schineller classifies together in one section
and chronologically all that has been said over the last 40 years on each of the
themes presented in The Voice of the Voiceless and even includes titles of recent
statements of the Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria, not included in the earlier Volume. These themes are arranged in alphabetical order and range from A for Abortion, D for Democracy, G for Globalization, to a myriad of other social issues in
Nigeria such as H for HIV/AIDS, W for Workers to Y for Youth.
In his classification, the editor has also commendably shown how specific key
issues on Faith and Life as well as the corresponding Catholic leadership’s response(s)
have emerged and developed over time and how the Bishops consistently return to
some of them with a deeper reflection. For instance, the issue on Catholic Bishops’
responses to Abortion is explored from 1981 to and including 2001, while HIV/AIDS
is examined from the Year 1992 to the Year 2002.
Indeed, it is edifying that while reading through The Church Teaches, one observes that many statements of the Bishops easily fits under the major topics and
themes suggested by the editor. Thus, for instance, when examining the topic ‘sharia,’
one also learns much more from looking at the other topics such as ‘sharia law,’
‘secular state’ and ‘constitutional reform.’ The same applies to ‘Indigenization,’ in
which much fruit is also drawn from looking at ‘inculturation,’ ‘evangelization’ and
‘mission’ – all of which are in many ways interconnected. Thus, as the editor presents
a new topic, he further aptly makes some other references to related topics, which
might shed light on the particular area.
However, for a deeper appreciation of The Church Teaches, I recommend its
readership to take a keen interest in The Voice of the Voiceless to see clearly and fully
the context and the fuller text of the major themes presented by the editor, for the
former volume relies upon and derives its content from the latter.
But, I must admit that as a companion to The Voice of the Voiceless, this book
constitutes an invaluable quick-reference shelf to Catholic teachings on issues of
Faith and Life particular to Nigeria (yet with a universal appeal), in that statements
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of the Nigerian Catholic Bishops on those issues can now be seen at a glance,
comprehensively and with much ease.
EdwardMurphy,S.J.,ed.
A HISTORY OF THE JESUITS IN ZAMBIA: A MISSION BECOMES A PROVINCE
Nairobi:PaulinesPublicationsAfrica,2003,504pp.
Reviewer: Edoth Mukasa, S.J.
Conceived as a means “to pass on [the] Jesuit way of life, as it has been lived
by many Jesuits in Zambia over the past hundred years and more” (Introduction,
15), A History of the Jesuits in Zambia covers more than the work of the Society of
Jesus in what was then part of the Zambesi Mission. The endeavour of the Jesuits
is placed in its larger historical context, giving the book an ample breadth and a
wider interest.
The book is divided into four parts: (i) Pre-colonial, 1850-1902; (ii) British SouthAfrica Company, 1902-1924; (iii) Protectorate, 1924-1953 and Federation, 1953-1963;
(iv) Independence and after 1964.
Each part has five chapters respectively presenting (i) the history of Zambia; (ii)
some background themes related especially to the educational and cultural context;
(iii) the Jesuit mission and work; (iv) the portraits of outstanding Jesuits who had
worked in the Mission; and (v) some documents from the archives reporting on the
missionary work and the development of Zambia. The third chapter of each section
is dedicated to Jesuit Mission and is written by Edward Murphy, S.J. (First Zambesi
Mission; Second Zambesi Mission and the Lwangwa Mission 1905-1926; From Prefecture to Archdiocese) and Hugo Hinfelaar, M.Afr (The Church in Zambia).
The Portraits and the Documents presented at the conclusion of each section
provide the reader enough material to value the presentations of the contributors.
The book is well written and insightful, and gives a broad picture of Zambia, its
culture, its development and the contribution of the Jesuits to the life of the nation
and the church.
DavidHollenbach,S.J.
THE GLOBAL FACE OF PUBLIC FAITH
Washington D. C.: Georgetown University Press, 2003, 390 pp.
Reviewer: Ugo Nweke, S.J.
The Global Face of Public Faith explores the interplay between religious belief
and public discourse. Though it acknowledges the difficult complexities involved in
this interplay in a pluralistic world, the book is hopeful that humans, through dialogue, can break through these obstacles. The author largely draws from the Catholic Christian tradition, in dialogue with other traditions, in search for solutions to a
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course. The book is divided into three parts of twelve independent but thematically
related chapters.
The first part, FUNDAMENTAL MATTERS, covers the general perspectives that
influence the interaction between religion and politics. This part is subdivided into
four chapters.
The first chapter, “Faith in Public,” presents epistemological, socio-political and
theological reasons for religious engagement in the public space. Basing himself on
Vatican II’s Declaration on Religious Freedom, he proposes dialogic universalism as
a method of encounter between religion and the pluralistic society within which
religious faith finds itself.
The second chapter, “Tradition, Historicity, and Truth,” makes a case for a dynamic understanding of tradition and truth. Relativism is rejected for making dialogue and public discourse impossible. On the other extreme, moral absolutism is
rejected, based on historical experiences of doctrinal changes in the Catholic Church
and faith in God. Hollenbach argues for Christian ethics in via, on pilgrimage,
trusting in the continued guidance of the God of history (34-35).
The third chapter, “Virtues and Vices in Social Inquiry,” argues for epistemological humility and intellectual solidarity as important moral virtues needed by the
social inquirer today (40). Hollenbach notes that epistemological humility and intellectual solidarity encourage attitudes of mutuality and equality in social inquiry
(48). Given the violent conflicts that characterized the last century, and the September 11th terrorist attack, the book argues that social ethics in the western world is
facing a crisis of identity. This dilemma, it believes, is due to “a loss of self-confidence by the western tradition of humanism” (54).
In the fourth chapter, “Social Ethics Under the Sign of the Cross,” Hollenbach
turns to the Christian sign of the cross, which is an embodiment of God’s compassionate solidarity and friendship with human beings and their suffering, as a way
forward. He argues that contemporary social ethics in the west — Hume’s, Rawls’
and Jürgen Habermas’ — fall short because they lack this humanistic compassionate
solidarity with the suffering of the world (67).
Part two, THE CHURCH IN AMERICAN PUBLIC LIFE, is the largest part and
contains five chapters. This part focuses on the United States of America and the
contemporary debates on the interplay of religion and politics in public life (ix).
The fifth chapter, “Religion, Morality, and Politics in the United States,” explores
the theoretical and theological foundations for the American Christian churches’
involvement in politics. Basing himself on the Catholic tradition, his evaluation
leads him to suggest a “common good” driven “public virtue” characterized by
personalist communitarianism (solidarity) and vigorous commitment to moral reason in public debate (94).
Chapter six, “Religion and Political Life,” scrutinizes the theoretical foundations
– in philosophy and jurisprudence — that underlie the varying reactions to the
relationship between religion and politics. Hollenbach’s analysis leads him to reject
liberal theories that encourage privatization of religion and to opt for the involvement of religious convictions and meanings in public discourse. He gives philosophical, socio-political and legal reasons for his position.
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In chapter seven, “Freedom and Truth,” he interprets Vatican II’s “Declaration
on Religious Freedom” as a positive right that empowers Christians to be actively
involved in shaping the society they live rather than as a negative right that relegates religion to the private sphere because of the fear of a plurality of truth claims
(xiv). He comes to this conclusion through his analysis of the writings of John
Courtney Murray. He argues that governments are meant to create the atmosphere
for the exercise of religious freedom and enhancement of public order; it is not their
duty to protect or advance religious truths. Chapter eight, “The Context of Civil
Society and Culture,” tackles the question “What is the role of religious convictions
in public policy formulations and decision making” (165). He argues that religion
has an indirect, rather than a direct impact on politics and policy formulation through
building civil societies and influencing cultures (161-163). Based on his analysis of
the Catholic Christian tradition, Hollenbach argues against the Rawlsian “method of
avoidance” (161-162) and contends that both religion and politics will benefit from
a free inter-cultural exchange of intellectual solidarity and dialogue of a pluralistic
society over the “human good” (162).
Chapter nine, “Politically Active Churches and Democratic Life,” argues that the
problem of decline in political participation in the American society is due to a
decline in civil associations in the nation’s life. Basing himself on the research of
contemporary social scientists, Hollenbach demonstrates that religious communities
are important civil societies that encourage political participation by providing her
members with motivation for political participation and helping them build the
capacity for political activism (180). He cautions religious groups against hegemonic
domination of public life, and instead, argues for dialogue in search of the truth
(189).
Part III of the book, GLOBAL ISSUES, is the smallest of the three parts and it
gives the global implications of the interaction of religion and politics developed in
parts I and II.
Chapter 10, “Christian Social Ethics After the Cold War,” points out the failures
of communism and thoroughgoing capitalism as humanistic socio-political and economic systems. In Centissimus Annus, Hollenbach sees an alternative humanistic
model of socio-political and economic organization of states based on solidarity
and “the human capacity for self-transcendence and for justice” (213).
Chapter 11, “Human Rights and Development: The African Challenge,” claims
that current developmental policies based on economic liberalization undermine
human rights and democracy on the continent. Hollenbach argues that economic
liberalism can only be a midwife to democracy and development if the growing
emphasis on political and civil rights as “pre-conditions for social development” on
the continent go hand in hand with a call for “social and economic rights” as the
necessary condition people need to be active politically (227).
The last chapter, “Faith, Culture and Global Ethics” asserts that cultural and
religious differences in our pluralistic world are the greatest challenges to the
construction of a universally meaningful global ethic, since such attempts can run
the risk of moral and cultural domination. Hollenbach states that such a global
ethic should be built on universally shared moral “consensus” and “shared practical reason” as its foundation (242, 245). He suggests the Golden Rule and the
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Kantian principle as examples of such consensus and shared practical reason (245246). He ends the chapter by exploring when the use of persuasion, coercion or
external military intervention will be necessary to protect such a global ethic (252253).
The Global Face of Public Face is a convincing, bold and timely publication in
our pluralistic world where religious fundamentalism is casting a dark shadow over
any hopes of mutual dialogue and understanding. Public policy makers as well as
students of politics, religion, ethics and philosophy will find this book both challenging and insightful. The rich bibliography, and the vast exploration of contemporary thoughts on state-religion relationship are invaluable resources for further
studies. Though the book is generally well edited, there is a noticeable typographical error in the second paragraph of page 245.
Gerard O’Connell
GOD’S INVISIBLE HAND
Nairobi:PaulinesPublicationsAfrica,2003,398pp
Reviewer: Tang Abomo Paul Emile, S.J.
The book is an exhaustive interview with Francis Cardinal Arinze, which takes
one through the life and career of this Nigerian Cardinal. With simplicity Cardinal
Arinze presents how he discerns Divine Providence or the ‘invisible Hand of God’
in his life. He was born into a farming family in a little village of Anambra State,
Nigeria in 1932. He grew up in a non-Christian religious family that believed in
God, but did not believe in Jesus. Arinze’s family believed in one God, the Creator
who was always good and who never did harm; in spirits (good or bad) and in
ancestors. He became a Christian when he joined the nearby Catholic school ran by
Irish missionaries at the age of nine. The young Arinze felt no contradiction between his native religion and his new faith; rather, Christianity was in continuity
with the former.
After his senior seminary education in 1955 he was sent to Rome. Three years
later he was ordained a priest on the 23rd of November 1958. In 1960 he took his
doctorate in theology and went back home to Nigeria for three years. Later on he
was sent to London for a diploma in education. After pastoral work, on 6 July 1965,
he was made a bishop at the age of 32. This made him the youngest bishop in the
world at his ordination. On the eve of the third session of Vatican II, he was invited
to attend the Council meetings.
Archbishop Arinze was a pastor in the Archdiocese of Onitsha for nineteen
years (1970-1984). In those years too, he also participated in the work of the Universal Church by attending the Synods of Bishops in Rome. From 1979 to his coming to
Rome in 1984, he was President of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference in Nigeria. In
1984, when Pope John Paul II brought a number of diocesan bishops to work in the
Vatican, as a further internationalization of the Roman Curia, Arinze was invited too
and appointed the head of the Secretariat for Non-Christians, now called the Pontifical Council for Inter-religious Dialogue. This secretariat was rooted in the recogniHekima Review, No. 31, May 2004
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tion that God’s invisible hand also works outside the Christian community. The
invitation came as a surprise to Arinze, but he did not hesitate. One year later, on
the 25th of May 1985, he received the news that he was to be created cardinal. Since
then, he has been working closely with the Pope, traveling with him and representing the Holy See in the highest spheres of decision making in the world. He is
currently the head of the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of
Sacraments.
Besides these high points in his life, the Cardinal also went through difficult
times. One of these, was the Nigerian civil war. One week before the Nigeria civil
war broke out, he was appointed archbishop of Onitsha. That part of the country
declared itself politically independent and faced the rest of the federation in a three
year long dreadful war. He was nearly killed himself. With the help of Caritas
Internationalis, the Secretariat of State and the people of Germany, he provided
humanitarian and spiritual assistance to the needy. The church came out of this
experience reinforced with the conviction that she must be an instrument of acceptance between people of varying ethnic groups. Through suffering people learned
much about the meaning of life and were drawn closer to God.
When the war ended, all the missionaries were ordered to leave the country.
The young bishop was left with very few young and inexperienced priests. With
much determination, he set about mobilizing the native clergy, religious and laity in
the work of evangelization and community building. God blessed all these efforts
with considerable fruits. By the time he left for Rome in 1984 the number of Catholics had practically doubled and the ‘vocations boom’ was in full flood. God’s invisible hand was at work.
In the Vatican he worked closely with non-Christians in general (Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, Jews and adherents of traditional Religions). For him the same God
creates all human beings, and all of them are redeemed by the same Christ and
called to the same heaven. Arinze believes that since God wants everyone to be
saved, we must take every human being seriously. The aim of his involvement in
dialogue with other religions is to foster mutual listening and understanding on
common issues like justice, peace, family and society. Could Arinze be the next
Pope? For him, it is more important responding to God’s will and invitation to serve.
God’s Invisible Hand is a readable biographical interview with Francis Cardinal Arinze. The Cardinal also responds to some theological questions. His conception of the Church’s involvement in social matters raises some questions. On page
86 we read “but as for political formulae we have no mandate from Christ. As
individuals we can have opinion, and that is right, but as bishops we have no
opinion.” Should the church keep quiet when political greed and selfishness threaten
human lives?
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George O. Ehusani
A PROPHETIC CHURCH
Nigeria:StPauls,2003,141pp.
Reviewer: E. Kelechukwu Egonu, S.J.
Few authors are gifted with as much passion as Ehusani exhibits in A Prophetic
Church. Leafing through the work, one cannot but feel—almost touch—the fire that
propels him to reflect on and confront in no uncertain terms the ills that plague
Nigeria. A priest of the Diocese of Lokoja and the General Secretary of the Catholic
Secretariat of Nigeria, the author has endeavored to comprehensively articulate his
penetrating insights into the ways in which the Church can best respond to its call to
be the veritable conscience of Nigerian society.
How does he do this? Basically, he tries to bring the Catholic social teaching to
bear on the Church’s attitude toward the socioeconomic and political landscape of
Nigeria. Crucial to his thesis are “the common good” and the Church’s “preferential
option for the poor.” The thrust of his essay, therefore, is to critically x-ray the many
ways in which the human, economic and social resources of the country have been
greedily appropriated and exploited by an elite few, the superrich and the ultrapowerful of Africa’s most populous nation. This is with a view to persuading the
latter to give up on their greed and to live in solidarity with their fellow Nigerians.
Ehusani does this in eight easy-to-read chapters, beginning with a detailed overview of the sociological milieu of Nigeria. Very remarkable is his portrait of how
poverty, homelessness, extra-judicial imprisonments, killings, etc, have existed side
by side with the affluence and superfluous comfort of the politicians, military or
otherwise, many of whom have utterly plundered and salted away the resources
meant for the entire populace. He laments the ugly fact that the ordinary people,
quite unwittingly, have given in to a certain military mentality, and have frequently
become praise-singers of the very people who exploit them—all in a bid to earn
their daily bread!
What is the Church expected to do in the face of this regrettable scenario? The
author contends that the Church’s task is very exigent. Especially given that Nigerians are naturally “very religious” and look up to their pastors for solutions to their
day-to-day plights. But the Church, he maintains, is not quite living out its vocation
to be “the salt of the earth” and “the light of the world.” Why? Because the Gospel
is not yet incarnated within the context of the current state of misery and distress
that Nigerians continually stomach. After the manner of the Word who assumed our
human nature with all of its circumstances, the Church’s evangelization, the author
argues, ought to be enfleshed in the Nigerian economic and socio-political predicament. Theology in Nigeria, he rightly observes, has been pretty much abstract and
unduly intellectualized. It is high time the Church responded more ardently to the
emotional as well as material needs of her adherents. This is the only way it can
maintain relevance.
Ehusani draws immensely upon the Catholic social doctrine, dating as far back
as 1891 when Leo XIII issued his epoch-making Rerum Novarum, in which he
challenged the exploitation of workers at the dawn of modern industrialization.
Each of the documents is a pearl. Quadragesimo Anno, issued by Pius XI in 1931,
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affirmed that “wealth must be distributed in such a way as to satisfy the needs of
all.” In issuing Mater et Magistra in 1961, John XIII warned that the enormous
wealth and luxury of the privileged few “stand in violent and offensive contrast to
the utter poverty of the vast majority.” In Pacem in Terris of 1963, the same pope
stated that peace can only be founded on truth, justice, charity and freedom. Both
Gaudium et Spes (1965) of Vatican II and Populorum Progressio (1967) of Paul VI
spoke of the integral development of the human being, while the 1971 Synod of
Bishops, which dealt with the intrinsic link between evangelization and the struggle
for justice, called on Christians to first embody justice in their own lives.
Based on these documents and on the situation in the country, the author
proceeds to proffer concrete pastoral proposals aimed at shaping into being a more
humanized Nigeria. He begins by drawing attention to prophetic action as the one
area of ministry in which the Church is found wanting. Prominent among his suggestions is that the time has come for Christians to demonstrate their faith by nonviolent confrontation of unjust structures in society. For this to be successful will
require civic education with the goal of conscientizing the people regarding the evil
nature of such structures. Basic Christian Communities could provide the suitable
ambience for this. The author also suggests that the Church teams up with other
churches and well-meaning human rights organizations like the Civil Liberties Organisation, in stamping out corruption from the land. However, he warned that in
such struggles the Church must be ready to pay the price, since “freedom is never
given on a platter of gold.”
This book is definitely a clarion and a very stimulating call to translate faith into
action. The author is, as it were, like the ancient Socrates who envisioned himself as
a gadfly to awaken his fellow Athenians from their slumber. Needless to say, Christians in Nigeria have been in slumber, in deep slumber. Their spirituality is such that
much emphasis is placed on the hereafter, to the neglect of the present dispensation. Ehusani’s prophetic intervention is thus timely. His book is a tremendous
resource for anyone wishing to tackle injustice in Nigeria as well as elsewhere. It
makes very good reading.
However, I find the stress on the socio-political matrix a bit emphasized, giving
the impression that the evil in question is generated solely from without. What
ostensibly is not sufficiently drummed up is the fact that the ordinary people themselves are also at the heart of the mess everyone suffers from, actively enhancing it.
It is often said that the corrupt leaders of a society mirror its debased values. This is
not untrue regarding Nigeria, where many feel uncomfortable when things work
not in chaos but in harmony, where quite a lot of “Christians” stick to the mere
ritualism and individualism that are constitutive of the bane of their relationships
with God. If their social engagement is to be genuinely fruitful, it is only apt that
Nigerians first look within, ardently examine their ideologies, and seek conversion
of heart.
Joe Komakoma
THE SOCIAL TEACHING OF THE CATHOLIC BISHOPS AND OTHER CHRISTIAN
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LEADERS IN ZAMBIA: MAJOR PASTORAL LETTERS AND STATEMENTS (1953 2001)
Ndola:MissionPress,2003,462pp.
Reviewer:PatrickMulemi,S.J.
“Why has the Catholic Church become vocal all of a sudden?” Thus begins the
general introduction to Joe Komakoma’s book, The Social Teaching of the Catholic
Bishops and other Christian Leaders in Zambia. The question was apparently raised
in 1993, a particularly tense socio-economic period, and also a period of political
uncertainty in Zambia. The Catholic Bishops had just published a nail-biting Pastoral Letter titled Hear the Cry of the Poor. The bishops were calling upon the government to rethink the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) that was creating an
“economic apartheid” by widening the gap between the rich and the poor.
The question could in fact be rephrased to read, “Why has the Catholic Church
been so quiet in the light of socio-political and economic upheavals in the country?”
Joe Komakoma responds to this, and other similar questions, with a well compiled
462-page volume.
The book is divided into four periods or epochs, corresponding to the major
times in the socio-political history of Zambia. And during these important periods,
Komakoma shows how the Church in Zambia read, and continues to read, the signs
of the times, and responded, and continues to respond, to the challenges facing the
people. Without being exhaustive, Komakoma has carefully selected the most important statements. It is possible that there are other very important documents that
he has not included in this volume. This, in my view, challenges the readers of the
current volume to point them out for subsequent publications.
The four sections of the book correspond to, (1) The Colonial Period, 1924 1964; (2) The First Republic, 1964 - 1972; (3) The Second Republic, 1972 - 1991; and
(4) The Third Republic, 1991 to-date. Altogether, Komakoma has put together thirtynine (39) of the most important pastoral letters and statements, dealing with three
major themes namely Socio-Political Issues, Economic Justice and Development
Issues, and Moral Issues.
In the first period, 1924 - 1964, three major documents appear in the book.
Perhaps the 1953 letter of the Bishops, which is also the earliest in the compilation,
needs to be highlighted. It dealt with the pertinent issues of social rights of the
Africans, the dignity of man—irrespective of the race to which he belongs—and
discrimination or segregation (more particularly, the letter challenged the issue of
separate Churches for Africans and Europeans and the industrial colour bar). In
short, the letter faced head-on the unjust laws of the time.
In the First Republic period, a notable statement is the Declaration of the Zambia Episcopal Conference on Abortion (1972). This declaration was made in reaction
to the Termination of Pregnancy Act (1972) that had just legalized abortion in Zambia. The statement called upon the Catholic faithful to desist from participating in
the procurement of abortions as that went against the teachings of the Church.
In the Second Republic Period, Komakoma selected 11 pastoral letters and
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anity (1979), Choose to Live: Reflections on the AIDS Crisis by the Christian Churches
in Zambia (1988), and Economics, Politics and Justice (1990). Perhaps the 1979
statement deserves a short comment. It was made at a time that the government of
Zambia was on the verge of introducing the compulsory study of Scientific Socialism in all institutions of learning, i.e., from primary school to university. Fortunately
for the nation, reason prevailed, and Scientific Socialism was never introduced in
the institutions of learning.
From the Third Republic Period, twenty-four (24) Pastoral Letters and Statements are included in this book. Some of the notable ones include Hear the Cry of
the Poor (1993), Statement on Agriculture and Food Security (1994), Statement on the
Constitutional Debate (1995), Choose Life: The Sacred Value of Human Life and the Evil
of Promoting Abortion (1997), and I was a Stranger and You Welcomed me: World Day
of Refugees, June 20, 2001. The statement on agriculture and food security is very
significant given the current debate on Genetically Modified Organisms in Zambia.
While the 1997 statement on life reminds the reader that the Church has remained
steadfast in her teaching on abortion since the publication of the earlier declaration
on the same topic in 1972, it also explores the extent of the problem. And the statement on refugees is very important given that Zambia plays host to refugees from
various countries. It tackles especially the problem of xenophobia, as well as challenges the legislation that makes life difficult for refugees in Zambia.
It is remarkable how issues that were current as far back as 1953, are still being
dealt with in Zambia today like issues of human dignity, human rights, political and
social integrity. The Church has spoken, and still speaks today. Joe Komakoma has
indeed shown us how the Church has been and still is the voice of the voiceless. With
careful analysis, Komakoma gives a brief introductory comment on each of the 39
pastoral statements, giving the background and context within which each statement was written. Thus the reader is made aware of the issues that the Church was
addressing.
However, because some of the letters and statements challenged policies of the
government, perhaps Komakoma should have given the reader what impact, if any,
these letters had in Zambia. Have the bishops been speaking in a vacuum? For
example, does the fact that Scientific Socialism was not introduced in Zambia have
anything to do with the bishop’s statement of 1979? The reader is left to come up
with his/her own conclusion. On the whole, nonetheless, Komakoma has put together an important compilation that will be good for anybody interested in the
Church’s Social Teaching in Zambia, and perhaps elsewhere in Africa.
When Pope Leo XIII wrote the encyclical Rerum Novarum in 1891, he was
responding to the social questions of his day and time. Little did he know that he
was opening a Pandora’s box in the Catholic Social Teaching (CST). And what a box
it was, when it was opened. However, most of the CST went under the carpet over
the years, prompting Peter J. Henriot, Edward P. DeBerri and Michael J. Schultheis
to write, The Catholic Social Teaching: Our Best Kept Secret (Maryknoll, New York:
Orbis Books, 1987). Joe Komakoma has taken up the challenge of ensuring that the
Social Teaching of the Church in Zambia does not remain ‘our best kept secret.’
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Book Reviews
FrancisA.Eigo,O.S.A.,ed.
ETHICAL DILEMMAS IN THE NEW MILLENNIUM (I)
Villanova:TheVillanovaUniversityPress,2000,204pp.
Reviewer:MarcellinMugabe,S.J.
Published as the thirty-second volume of the Proceedings of the Theology Institute of Villanova University, the volume gathers six valuable contributions from
prominent moral theologians who draw together from a wide spectrum of experiences and different academic traditions. The result is a wide ranging and thoroughgoing exploration of the rich complexities of the topics which dominate the ethical
debate at the beginning of the new millennium.
The first and introductory essay, “Fundamental Theology in the New Millennium,” by James F. Keenan, assesses the fundamental question – raised earlier by
Charles E. Curran — whether what the Church teaches (or practices) in moral related issues is ethical or not. Many moral theologians have a tendency to emphasize
the official moral teaching of the Church instead of exploring what ethics requires
of them as Christian moral agents. Keenan attributes this problem to what he describes as the fundamental dualism in practical theology, a consequence of the
substitution of the ascetical theology by the manuals of moral theology, which
occurred in the Church towards the end of the Middle-Ages and still characterizes
the moral teaching of the Church today. The challenge of the new millennium is to
achieve an integrated moral theology that, firstly, upholds individual conscience
and freedom, secondly, remains profoundly ecclesial and profoundly relational,
and thirdly, promotes cross cultural dialogue. To achieve this requires resituating
morality in spirituality. In that sense, insights from three contemporary moral trends,
namely autonomous ethics, virtue ethics and liberation ethics, are surely healthy.
The second essay, “Sexual Morality in the New Millennium,” by Christine E.
Gudorf, explores the impact of three important factors, namely (i) population growth,
(ii) AIDS pandemic and (ii) the collapse of the sexual dimorphism, on sexual morality. (i) Our planet is likely to surpass its carrying capacity in a foreseeable future due
to over population and consumerist culture. Therefore we have to move human
society toward voluntary family planning as normative. To prevent this normativity
from becoming coercive, we should overcome the old conception whereby sex is
an unlimited prerogative of men. (ii) On its part, AIDS pandemic revives the conflict
between two fundamental principles, i.e., the obligation to preserve one’s life and
the marital obligation to share intimacy with one’s partner. Gudolf suggests a covenantal model of marriage whereby it is the quality of marital relationship, not
universal standards set by the Church or any other external entity, which should
determine how much risk spouses should assume in marital sex. (iii) The collapse
of the sexual dimorphism, a consequence of the discovery of five other physiological determinants of maleness or femaleness (instead of the sexual organ alone) and
the predominance of unisex culture in the world today, puts Christian morality to
the test. Which determinant of sex should the Church use to interpret the sex of
those who present themselves for marriage? With the population crisis in mind,
Gudorf dismisses the attitude of reading sexuality solely through the lens of human
reproduction.
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Book Reviews
The third essay, “Bioethics in the new Millennium,” by Kevin Wm. Wildes,
begins by ascertaining the failure of the project to find one secular bioethics which
could come to terms with the multiplicity of religious bioethics and speak across
denominational lines. The efforts to find one secular bioethics resulted in a continuing multiplicity of secular bioethics. The challenge in the new millennium is to
understand the way individuals with different moral views can recognize some
common web of morality and authority that can give guidance and legitimacy for
secular health care policy. On his part, Wildes suggests a procedural method whereby
the moral authority comes from the consent of the people involved. The whole of
the people involved might not only include health care professionals and patients
but also organisations and institutions that are concerned with health care delivery.
The fourth essay, “Social ethics in the New Millennium,” by Judith A. Merkle,
raises the question as to what policies and institutions are required to build a just
society, given the complexity of the earth, the people, economics, religion and
politics. According to Merkle, ethicists cannot approach this complex society without taking into account the role of religion in social ethics. This role consists basically in linking transcendental truth to history. Without a sense of an ethical absolute, there will be no social ethics, and actions will be abandoned to total arbitrariness or modern utilitarianism. In its task of linking truth to history, religion has to
avoid both fundamentalism and relativism. Hence the necessity of a new understanding of freedom as the capacity not just to do what we like, but what is right.
However, religion cannot go it alone. It has to work with the social sciences to
construct tools by which communities can determine whether both ends and means
are in harmony with values to be promoted. Combining the contribution of religion
and social sciences, we can hope to build a community-based society in which we
live a sustainable relationship with the rest of the earth, and in which the real
individuality of every person is recovered. Such community is based on human
qualities such as participation, identity, responsibility, mutuality, plurality, equity,
autonomy, sufficiency, integration and intimacy.
The fifth essay, “Feminist Ethics in the New Millennium,” by Anne E. Patrick,
gives directions by which feminist ethics can achieve its ultimate goal, i.e., the
recognition of women as fully human and fully capable of moral decision making,
sacramental leadership, and Church governance. Feminist ethics is coherent with
the call of the Church to consider the preferential option for the poor and the
oppressed as an integral component of justice. Hence the crucial importance of the
value of solidarity, understood not as a mere feeling of compassion but rather as a
firm and persevering determination to commit oneself to the common good (Pope
John Paul II). Patrick recommends the inclusive feminism (as opposed to the womencentered feminism) that involves men in the struggle, because she believes that for
anyone not to be committed to feminism is to be an accomplice in sexism. Thus the
contribution of Richard McCormick, considered as the forerunner of feminist ethics
in the Catholic Church in the early 70s, is highlighted. The author also pays tribute
to women who have made important contributions to feminist ethics and who are
seen as harbingers of hope in trying to implement the virtue of solidarity in our
society. They include Ada María Isasi-Diáz, Margaret A. Farley, Patricia Beattie Jung,
Barbara Hilkert Andolsen, M. Shawn Copeland and Rosemary Radford Ruether. As a
recommendation for the new millennium Patrick suggests that feminist ethics should
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Book Reviews
strive to remain ecclesial, and also strive to gain a public voice by contributing
directly to the education of young people.
The last essay, “Ethics/Civil Law in the New Millennium,” by M. Cathleen Kaven,
examines the relationship between law and morality. Not every activity that is immoral can or should be made illegal. Which part of morality should be backed by
sanctions of law and which should not? There are two different answers to this
question depending on whether legal theorists consider the law metaphorically, as
a police officer (liberal legal theory) or as a teacher of virtue (Thomistic legal theory).
Given the limitations of the predominant liberal legal theory, the major challenge to
jurisprudence in the new millennium is to retrieve the pedagogical function of law.
Human law cannot be restricted to regulating legal justice as suggested by the
liberal legal theory, because every understanding of the virtue of justice is interlocked with other virtues. However, if we allow the Thomistic view of law, what
will prevent the majority from unjustifiably imposing its morality on minorities? With
regards to this observation, Kaven argues that the overarching virtue which law
should teach is justice understood as solidarity in the perspective of Catholic Social
Thought, a perspective that enhances community
This volume, though issued four year ago and somewhat contextual (all of the
six contributions approach the issues from a Western perspective), still stands as a
substantial contribution to the current research and thinking about vital ethical concerns that affect the Catholic moral teaching. Therefore it is a must read and a
valuable resource for serious students of social ethics.
Peter Kanyandago, ed.
THE CRIES OF THE POOR IN AFRICA. QUESTIONS AND RESPONSES FOR
AFRICAN CHRISTIANITY
Kisubi: Marianum Publishing Company Ltd., 2002, 212 pp.
Reviewer:PaulChristianKiti,S.J.
This book is born from the meeting of the Ecumenical Symposium of Eastern
Africa Theologians (ESEAT) who met between 25 - 29 April 1998 in Sagana, Kenya.
Eleven essays presented by different authors at this meeting contributed to its making: An African Approach to the Acquisition of Wealth and Dealing with Poverty (by
Adam K. Chepkwony), Rich but Rendered Poor: A Christian Response to the Paradox
of Poverty in Africa (by Peter Kanyandago), Globalization and Economic Fundamentalism in Africa: On Politics that intensify the Cries of the Poor (by Emmanuel
Katongole), Neglected Dimensions of Biblical Interpretation in the African Context:
Equipping the Church to Respond to the Cries of the Poor (by Gerald West), Biblical
Understanding of Poverty: Implications for the Church Today (by Theresa
Tinkasiimire), Christian Teachings and the Concept of Poverty (by Nehemiah M.
Nyaundi), Demography and Poverty in Africa (by Nahashon W. Ndungu), Poverty
and Children in Africa: A Case Study of Western Kenya (by O.M.J. Nandi), Ensuring
Sufficiency of Food in Africa (by Peter Gichure), Pastoral Options for the Poor (by
Carrol Houle), The Cries of the Poor: Response of the Church (by Philomena Njeri
Mwaura).
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A key question that directed the reflections of the authors is: “What has gone
wrong on the African Continent?” (1). This main question is motivated by two
shocking observations. Endowed with scandalous natural resources, the African
continent appears as one of the most blessed by God. In spite of this, poverty in
Africa is still getting worse and generating a lot of suffering and cries. This paradox
leads to an emergent concern for the African Christian Theologians: How can Christianity address the issue of poverty, and give witness in a prophetic way to the
liberation message of the gospel in Africa?
The reflections in this book are very insightful and challenging. The essay of
A. Chepkwony gives an anthropological ground to the other essays and proposes “a
corporate approach to the acquisition of wealth” (31) in Africa. The essays of P.
Kanyandago and of E. Katongole systematically situate African poverty at the global
level. They also challenge today’s elite and those “Moses who are willing to hear the
cries of the poor” (33) and denounce the capitalist “economic fundamentalism”
into which Africa has been powerlessly forced by the Bretton Woods Institutions. The essays of G. West, T. Tinkasiimire and N. Nyaundi try to re-read and
to analyze the concept of poverty in the Scripture whose interpretation has
sometimes been inadequate in the history of the Church. They then call for the
reconstruction of “the Mosaic theological trajectory” (95), a new and liberating
understanding of religious poverty which could help religious people to be
more efficient in Africa. The essays of N. Ndungu, O. Nandi and P. Gichure deal
with specific and alarming sociological issues which render more complex the
problem of poverty in Africa. Finally the essays of C. Houle and P. Mwaura
tackle more of the pastoral challenge that poverty constitutes for the Church in
Africa. They emphasize “presence” (183) and “the value of connectedness” (191)
to others as means of ministering to the poor. P. Mwaura personally believes
that “to reduce or to eradicate poverty, the concerted efforts of individuals,
governments, Churches, other organizations and the private sector are required”
(210). Nevertheless, she puts a strong emphasis on the “prophetic capacity” (210) of
the Church to fight poverty.
This book raises one’s consciousness about the practical and paramount problems which the African continent faces today. It also gives proposals which seem to
be workable. I highly recommend its reading, which is user friendly. Nevertheless,
some major questions surface: Can we solve the problem of the material poverty
without solving first the problem of what Engelbert Mveng called “anthropological
poverty”? When are we going to stop speaking of poverty and begin to deal concretely with poverty itself? Are not dignity, justice, bread, water and education what
we first need?
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Poetry
MyBackstreet.
By Letty Awuor*
I have never seen my parents
Are they alive, part of the living
Are they together, happily married?
Did I ever cry at birth?
As I waved out of mother’s womb
Emptied my bowels on her dress
As babies do to their mothers?
Comrades, if you see them,
Tell them I’m in the backstreet
Eating in the dustbins
I’ve known no showers for decades
My toes, ha..ha..ha they laugh I tell you!
A cradle of jiggers
And I stink like all the septic tanks in Nairobi
I sniff gum and smoke marijuana
Picking peoples’ pockets risking
My precious life or at times
Being whisked to those strong stone walls
Comrades, tell them I long to know them
Yes…I long to see them
Tell them I’m safe at home
In my backstreet.
* Letty is Kenyan. She completed her form four this year and hopes to read journalism at the
university. Though Letty has written a lot of poems, this is her first publication.
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Poetry
Packaged Misery
Ugo Nweke, S.J.*
Paparazzi forever!
I live by it,
Been on 1001 clicks,
Seen hundreds of interviews
Performed at Harambees
Shown off, advertised, commodified.
How do I differ from the Coca-Cola billboard?
I’m told
For my own good the packaging.
Like Pavlov’s bell
Rung to elicit empathy, remorse, support
Poor me, a victim needing public sympathies
A gift here, a dollar there and love elsewhere
All for me!
Truly my own good?
My adolescent heart queries.
More clicks, more lights, more cameras
A celebrity of sorts
Another lost adolescence
Utterly naked in the sea of public glare
Decomposing in the aloneness of my hopelessness
And still
Much more clicks, more lights, more cameras
MD’s cheque gets even fatter
And sanctifying plaques too.
Meanwhile, mums-like-mine multiply
Proportionately to the wreaths of the boss
…and yet another suckler
crudely torn away from her mother’s breast
ends up in the dump.
And
The clicks are mine, they are…
Are they?
Packaged, for funds to entertain,
Political points, to score
Nasissus’ guilt to assuage
…child abuse they cry elsewhere
Too naïve to know the abuser for real
And while my loathsome packaging continues
My depth tells me and the She attests
*
Ugo is a Nigerian Jesuit in his second year of theology at Hekima College.
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Poetry
Mama yangu would not me have dumped
If the herb of life did get
At real time
Un-dollarly
For my life
And hers
To spare.
Passage, I Plead
By Joseph Arimoso, S.J.*
Passage from my ancestors
Lead me from the shadows
Of a history distorted.
From a mocking past
Of values plundered, rejected
Guide my hallowed passage
Through the predicament
Of borrowed values.
Through this quagmire
Of false virtues, imposed
Passage of my destiny
Deafen me to echoes
Of my harrowing past.
Navigate my desires
Through ideological snares
And propel my dreams
Against this wayward gale
Oh, passage from ancestors
Passage to my Dream.
*
Joseph is a Zimbabwean Jesuit priest working at the Makumbi Missions in Harare.
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Books Received
From Gujarat Sahitya Prakash
ARROYO, M. Education and Learning (2003).
JACOB, Pierre. The Inspirational Sources of Jesuit Charism (2003).
BERMEJO, Luis. Into His Dazzling Splendor (2003).
LEWIS, Hedwig. Profiles in Holiness (2003).
STOCKMAN, D. Spiritual Exercises for People of All Faiths (2003).
VALLES, Carlos. Why Do I Suffer When I Suffer (2003).
COUTINHO, Paul, ed. IGNIS: Ignatian Spirituality: South Asia (2004).
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