Jeunesse du Liban, lève toi et marche ! Numéro 12 – Novembre 2013

Numéro 12 – Novembre 2013
Jeunesse du Liban, lève toi et marche !
L’Echo du Cèdre, est un journal par les jeunes et pour les jeunes. Le journal est destiné aux libanais qui rêvent d'un Liban meilleur, où qu'ils soient dans le monde. C’est un mensuel de langue française d’information économique, sociale et culturelle, fondé en novembre 2012 par deux étudiants franco-­‐libanais nouvellement installés en France. Il a pour objectif de rassembler les jeunes libanais de France et de la diaspora. L’Echo du Cèdre cherche à encourager ces derniers à partager leur vision du monde et à faire découvrir à tous ceux qui l’ignorent la grandeur culturelle et intellectuelle de leur pays d’origine. L’Echo du Cèdre is a monthly electronic newspaper in French and English, featuring economic, social, cultural, and political information from Lebanon. It was founded in November 2012, by two Lebanese students who had moved to Paris to pursue their studies. L’Echo du Cèdre targets those students living overseas who are proud of their ancestry and who are willing to contribute time and effort in building a new and modern state. Its main objective is to bring together the NextGen Lebanese diaspora and provide them with an interactive platform where they can share their vision and exchange their views freely. …ً "#$"% &'() *'+
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Rede/ining and reinventing the Middle East in the 21st century globalized world Unlike what most people think, the Middle East has not always been a divided land. There was a time when that region was praised and admired by the world for its strength, unity and inTluence in the post-­‐
colonial world. I am referring to the late 1950’s, when Arab nationalism was living its moments of glory. Following the Second World War, Syria became independent in 1946, as well as Jordan, while Egypt and Iraq has already achieved colonial freedom. Libya acquired its independence in 1951, and the Maghreb countries a couple of years later. It is in this context that Arab nationalism started to grow. Using as a basis the fact that all Arabs speak the same language, have the same culture and the same history, a pan-­‐
Arab current emerged in a majority of Arab States. The leading Tigure of this pan-­‐Arab movement, which lasted from 1950 to 1970, was Gamal Abdel Nasser; who lead Egypt from 1954 to 1970. He took advantage of the strong anti-­‐
Zionism sentiment that prevailed following the creation of Israel, and the strong rejection of the West, and attempted to unite Arabs around a socialist and secular ideology. He tried several times to merge the Arab States under one umbrella, and aspired to create a secular Arab federation, but to no avail. -­‐ From 1958 to 1971, Egypt and Syria merged into the United Arab Republic. -­‐ From 1971 to 1984, Egypt, Syria and Libya created a confederation referred to as the Union of Arab Republics. It remained however, embryonic. -­‐ In 1958, Jordan and Iraq also attempted to unite into what was known as the Arab Federation of Iraq and Jordan. Such unity lasted only six months. After all these failed attempts, Arabism gradually ran out of steam, especially after the death of Nasser and the islamization of the GaddaTi regime in Lybia. Despite these failures, one ought to remember that the pan-­‐
Arab ideology was a modern and progressive idea; perhaps though, not progressive enough. Arabism was not a simple nationalist movement that resembled the nationalist movements of Europe after the World War I, instead, it was an ideology that advocated a Third Way, in the context of the Cold War. Nasser’s Arabism was primarily a socialist movement. It did not advocate for either Western capitalism, or Eastern communism. What Nasser actually wanted was to achieve total independence from the West, while developing the economy of his country and that of the Arab world. In this regard, he nationalized the Suez Canal in 1956 (the matter that led to a war with Britain and France) and later planned for major projects, such as the Aswan Dam. Unfortunately, Pan-­‐Arabism, as deTined by Nasser, was doomed to fail. Today, in the wake of 21st century globalisation, a new tendency is emerging. It advocates for the redeTinition and reinvention of a Middle-­‐Eastern regionalisation. It promotes a cooperation that would transcend Arab States and take a regional dimension. It refers to a “Pan-­‐
Orientalism” that goes beyond Nasser’s ideals of Arab secularism and political independence, and instead offers a regional cooperation based on a common economic and political understanding. Taking as a model Europe after the Second World War, “Pan-­‐Orientalism” would favour cooperation and uniTication; a means of fostering peace and the creation of wealth. It would create a system of economic and political interdependence, and would start with reconciling the “Levant” referred to in Arabic as “Bilad al Sham” (Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine and Israel). Indeed, the Middle East is one the richest regions in the world. Not only in terms of natural resources but mainly in terms of culture and heritage. The Middle East is a land where Jews, Christians and Muslims have been cohabitating for centuries. It is the land of Moses, Jesus and Mohammed, where all of God’s children can feel at home. Our region must regain its place as a centre of harmony and tolerance. It is time we turn the page of war and embark on the path of justice and peacebuilding. To ensure an ever-­‐lasting existence of our identity, secure our resources (human, cultural, Tinancial) and leave a sustainable legacy to the future generations, there is no alternative but to establish permanent peace; a just peace. In the words of Anwar al Sadat: “peace that is not shaken by storms, swayed by suspicion, or jeopardized by ill intentions; but permanent peace based on justice.” The battle for peace and cooperation has yet to begin; but one day, soon enough; justice, freedom and democracy will reign over a united Middle East. E.C A Proposal Recently, Switzerland has been considering a new welfare program for its citizens. It entails a minimum income transfer to every citizen regardless of their income level, age and employment status. The only prerequisite is to be a living Swiss citizen. Many economists and policy-­‐makers have always been divided over the issue of minimum income transfers. In this case, minimum income transfers refer to the minimum amount of income required to achieve very basic standards of living. Some economic theories suggest that government transfers often generate a disincentive to work, increase unemployment and lead to free-­‐riding of welfare beneTits. Above all, they are often costly to implement. Despite these criticisms, a basic minimum income policy for every citizen would allow for unprecedented levels of economic development in a state, if some conditions are met Tirst. Now, I am sure you are wondering what Lebanon has to do with current affairs in Switzerland, but, let me paint an interesting proposal for you. The interesting thing about Switzerland is that it is not very large in size; it also has a very popular and secure banking system and a very neutral and stable role in its political life. Small states present a more favourable climate for administering income transfers, they are easier to facilitate, monitor and to distribute across the population. It is rational to say that Lebanon Tits this criterion of a ‘small state.’ Also, the Lebanese banking system is one of the most stable banking systems in the Middle East. It is still able to absorb remittances from abroad despite the Syrian civil war across the border. Now, for the Tinal and most vital property: a stable and neutral political life in Lebanon? Out of the question. But isn’t it absurd? Switzerland faced two world wars across its borders and lives on the doorstep of today’s Eurozone crisis. Also keep in mind that Switzerland has three main ethnic groups among its citizens: German, French and Italian. If the Swiss have the capacity to consider such a proposal to beneTit its people, diminish its poverty levels and improve its standard of life, then why is it so irrational to think that maybe Lebanese politicians should discuss the same beneTits for its citizens? Federal administrations could decrease (for example: Daman), less subsidies and unemployment beneTits would need to be provided. Fears of labour disincentive would be negligible because the transfer would only cover the bare minimum. It would entail a short term cost, but could reward us with a long term beneTit. An experiment was carried out on a small town in Manitoba, Canada that provided minimum monthly income to all its citizens. Results showed that hospitalization rates decreased, poverty declined and rates of high school drop outs also decreased. Given the current state of affairs in domestic and regional politics, I admit this proposal is very far-­‐fetched, not to mention the poor Tinancial state of the Lebanese government. There are many, many, many loopholes left in our social system that still needs to be addressed before such a policy could follow through. I am aware that this proposal might not be feasible or even effective in Lebanon, but there is no harm in discussing it. I think we can all agree that our social system needs development and improvement. The ‘take home’ idea is that, perhaps, considering this ideology of social welfare could help diminish the single and most toxic threat to daily life in Lebanon: sectarian strife. Sectarian groups are looking for relative gains rather than absolute gains. It is preferred to gain at the expense of your opponent than for both you and your opponent to become better off; a zero sum game. If policy-­‐makers choose to remain in this mindset then the chances of lubricating engines of economic development are quite slim. The Lebanese economy follows a relatively laissez-­‐faire system, but this system has not proved to be very fruitful. The income levels are unequally distributed, leaving a large gap between rich and poor. Furthermore, the middle class accounts for a minimal proportion of the population. Provision of a basic transfer to every Lebanese citizen, residing in Lebanon, regardless of status, could harmonize social values across the state. It sounds like utopia. However, it requires a very vigorous study of the Lebanese economy and I encourage such an endeavor. But for now, it is just a proposal to change a mindset, some food for thought. At the end of the day, I would like to ask: Why not discuss it? N.C Le don d’organes au Liban, développement et marché noir C’est l’histoire de réfugiés syriens désespérés, d’une population pas assez impliquée et de médecins corrompus. Le don d’organes au Liban est un sujet peu étudié car son développement vient de se mettre en place. Le Comité national libanais pour le don et la greffe des organes et des tissus (NOOTDT -­‐ National Organization for Organ and Tissues Donation and Transplantation), directement afTilié au ministère de la santé publique, estime qu’environ un millier de personnes ont subi une greffe d’organes au Liban. Cependant, l’offre d’organes ne satisfait que très peu la demande. En effet, il n’y avait aucun donneur d’organe au Liban en 2009, contre onze donneurs d’organes en 2012 (et trente-­‐quatre donneurs de cornées). Au Liban, les médecins cherchent surtout à promouvoir le don après la mort, tout en sachant que le donneur doit être en état de mort cérébrale (condition nécessaire au don après la mort car les organes doivent rester fonctionnels au moment du prélèvement). D’où le problème de l’offre, ce type de décès étant très rare, d’autant plus que la loi libanaise dispose que le don d’organe doit être gratuit et sans conditions particulières. La situation instable du Liban et le problème d’offre dû à la nouveauté du don et à la rareté des conditions pour pouvoir donner ont ainsi engendré un traTic d’organes dont les détails sont peu connus au Liban. Ce sujet a refait surface en novembre 2013 dans l’hebdomadaire allemand Der Spiegel par le biais d’un article écrit par Ulrike Putz. Il rapporte ainsi que les réfugiés syriens font des dons d’organes illégaux pour assurer leur survie, se basant sur le témoignage d’un réfugié syrien qui aurait vendu un rein à 7000 dollars. Il informe de même que les traTiquants concernés auraient vendu 150 reins en 12 mois pour un prix pouvant atteindre 15 000 dollars par rein. Le donneur, Raïd, 19 ans, aurait été complètement négligé suite à son don dans une clinique clandestine et les médecins lui auraient même dit avant l’opération que son rein avait une chance de repousser. Le témoignage en soi et le fait que le traTic d’organes prospère grâce aux réfugiés syriens (et parfois les réfugiés palestiniens) n’est que très peu surprenant dans un cadre d’informations vagues et d’application difTicile de la loi. Cependant, à la Tin du mois de novembre, l’article se voit réfuté par la communauté médicale libanaise et la NOOTDT, contestant avant tout la légitimité du témoignage de Raïd et des chiffres donnés. Quoi qu’il en soit, le traTic d’organes reste une réalité au Liban dont l’amplitude est encore incertaine. Jusqu’où va la corruption ? Qui gère ce commerce malsain ? Le don d’organes légal connaîtra-­‐t-­‐il un essor ? Les réponses à ces questions sont essentielles pour déterminer le développement futur du pays, mais la situation actuelle est loin de permettre de les obtenir. C.G Youth of Lebanon, rise and move forward !
L’Echo du Cèdre … Information Consultez notre site web: http://echoducedre.weebly.com Consultez notre page facebook: https://www.facebook.com/lechoducedre Contactez nous: [email protected] ou [email protected] Composition de la rédaction / Editorial Team -­‐ Erik Chiniara, Étudiant à l’Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris -­‐ Cyril Ghanem, Étudiant en Bachelor à l’ESSEC -­‐ Béatrice Chédid, Étudiante en Économie à l’USJ de Beyrouth -­‐ Nour Chehabeddine, Étudiante en Relations Internationales à l'University of Toronto