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ECPR DK, 14-19 April 2000.
Workshop : Gender and local politics or governance: structural and institutional
changes in the 90s.
Michel-Alexis Montané
PhD Doctor in Political science
CERVL-IEP de Bordeaux
BP 101
33405 TALENCE CEDEX
FRANCE
00 33 5 56 84 42 91
[email protected]
More women politicians but not so many women leaders ?
The double-level gender gap in French local politics
This paper is about the link between the lack of democratisation within the
French political parties, the number of women elected into local politics, and the
number of women who participate to local and meso leadership. We will try to
demonstrate that the feminisation of the whole political system (including every level of
power and influence) requires a reform of the meso government. The coming
democratisation of political parties may well be be insufficient, in part owing to the new
context of local "governance", which tends to reinforce the power and autonomy of
leaders and experts in office.
This new subject of research is derived from the background I accumulated in the field
of local leadership during my PhD thesis. This paper is based on present and innovative
personal research about women elected into local politics and their political careers.
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Women in French politics : the present situation
In France, the situation of women in politics depends on the voting system and the level
of government. Schematically, they are more numerous with a list system (Euro MPs
deputy ; city councillors) than with a district election system (general counsellor), with
a one-round proportional scheme (regional counsellor) than with an election on a
majority basis and uninominal system (MPs). This phenomenon is not specifically
French. The next steps of our cogitation will rely it to the role of political parties and the
selection of political staff.
Women in French local and national politics (1999)
Mandate
Total of seats
Elected women
Feminisation %
Minister or secretary
28
9
32
(national government)
Euro MPs
87
26
30
MPs
577
63
10.9
(National Assembly)
Regional councillor
1 829
442
24
(representative)
General councillor
4 048
320
7.9
(the representative of
the département)
Municipal councillor
489 000
108 570
22
(city alderman)
Mayor
36 590
2 781
7.6
Source : Le Point and Ministère de l'Intérieur.
We already notice two strange results, which justify a further interrogation :
1) First, in a parliamentary democracy, most of ministers are appointed from the
Parliament, but we can see that there are proportionally three times more woman
ministers than deputies. However, the selection of governmental staff is harder
compared with the access to Parliament. This is very paradoxical, n’est-ce pas ?
2) Secondly, we notice that, if the mayor is always elected by the town council, there
are fewer women at the top of the town hall (commune) than in the councils. This is the
contrary of the previous remark made about government and Parliament. Nevertheless,
it would seem a priori easier to become a mayor than a minister…
The gender gap in French politics is complex, and before we see that a partial
explanation is to be found in local politics and meso government, lets have a look at the
new trends, in both local and central government.
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Women in French politics : new trends
There is a process of feminisation at the top of French politics, without noticeable
repercussions on the political system as a whole, particularly in the "meso" government,
which is a crucial element of a decentralised democracy.
During Alain Juppé's government (right coalition 1995-1997), there was a short
experience (1995-1996) of feminisation of the cabinet. Unfortunately for them, the
women ministers didn't have enough political resources (local leadership and political
power base, party support, fame and reputation) in order to manage their sector of
public policy, and also of course to withstand the pressure of other (male) politicians. In
the early months of 1996, after a huge social crisis in November 1995, the prime
minister Alain Juppé, in agreement with the President Jacques Chirac, decided to
slimdown his government. The first victims of this cabinet reshuffle were the women,
because of their "political inconsistency", said a right leader. They were most
convenient scapegoats. Only one woman secretary remained after 1996. Previously
there had been 8 women ministers/secretaries.
Women MPs in the National Assembly (1945-1997)
Elections (selection
Total number of
Number of women
% of women
from 1945 to 1978)
MPs
Oct-45
586
33
5.63
Juin-51
627
22
3.51
Nov-58
586
9
1.54
Juin-68
487
8
1.64
Mars-78
491
18
3.67
Juin-81
491
26
5.30
Mars-86
577
34
5.89
Juin-88
577
33
5.72
Mars-93
577
35
6.07
Juin-97
577
63
10.9
Source : Union interparlementaire.
The elections of 1997, and the victory of the left at the Assemblée Nationale, were a
more serious experience of feminisation. First, the left parties (in practice, their national
leaders) decided to run a consequential proportion of women candidates. The local
leaders and bosses of each party were often reticent, but in the end there were a lot of
women candidates on the left. The most important change was among the socialist
candidates, not exactly parité1, but 30 % of women nethertheless.
Secondly, the women candidates won a string of local victories. There were many fewer
women elected : 10.9 % (right and left combined). Some of these women were running
for unassailable seats (result of the influence of local leaders of the parties). However, it
was the first real feminisation of French Parliament. We can notice that this is not a big
result compared to the other European parliaments (better than Greece and Portugal ;
worse than all the others).
Thirdly, the new government, led by the socialist prime minister Lionel Jospin,
including green and communist ministers, has made a real place for women, for the first
time in French political history. They have accessed to major ministerial departments,
such as social policy and employment (Martine Aubry), justice (Elizabeth Guigou),
1
What we refer to as parité which is a sort of positive discrimination to include women in the political
scene on a fifty fifty basis.
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environment (Dominique Voynet, the green party leader) or culture (Catherine
Trautmann, ex-mayor of Strasbourg). The change comes from the left.
Major parties
Communists
(left)
Socialists
(left)
Green
(left)
UDF
(moderate right)
RPR
(right)
Total Assembly
(including small
parties)
National Assembly (French Parliament) after 1997
Men
Women
Total
32
5
37
%women
13.5
204
42
246
17.1
5
3
8
37.5
102
7
109
6.4
134
5
139
3.6
514
63
577
10.9
Source : Women Right Service.
We should point out that in France, a member of the National Assembly, called deputé,
is both a national representative and a meso and local political leader : he or she is
elected in a state legislative constituency which is also a slice of a département. In this
département, the député participates to the meso government. He or she often holds
more than one office at the same time : this is an example of the famous French
"plurality". So, the question of the gender gap in the Parliament is linked to the gender
gap in local politics and meso government.
The women ministers of the French left, such as Martine Aubry, Elizabeth Guigou
(Socialists) or Dominique Voynet (Green), have the resources for building a political
leadership. For example, Martine Aubry expects to conquer the City of Lille in 2001.
We could add the women junior ministers or secretaries, the communist Marie-George
Buffet (Youth and Sport), the socialists Nicole Péry (Women Rights) and Ségolène
Royal (Education), who already rule local party structures, and are running for a meso
government.
The most recent sign of feminisation, the new president/leader of the biggest party on
the right, the RPR (neogaullist) Michèle Alliot-Marie, was recently elected after a dead
heat. She is the first woman who has risen to the leadership of a major political party in
France. But the RPR is still very male-dominated throughout its entire hierarchy.
For the future, and particularly the forthcoming municipal elections (2001), the new
legislation on parité will oblige the political parties to field one man to one woman
basis on the list of candidates. But these proportional list elections are already more
advantageous for women. What will happen at the other elections is not entirely
legislated as yet. Above all, we don't know if the legislation will help women to access
municipal leadership, and, more generally, to the meso government.
This feminisation at the top is not a feminisation of the whole political system. For
example, when she entered the government of Lionel Jospin, Catherine Trautmann had
to resign from her municipal mandate in Strasbourg. She was the only woman heading a
city of more than 100 000. So, at this present time, not one single woman is mayor of a
major French city.
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The impact of new trends in local politics and meso government
In France, even if we are far away from gender balance, women are more and more
represented in the city councils, or in the regional assemblies (this level has been
directly elected from 1986).
Recent elections
1983
1989
1995
1986
8.5%
Women in municipalities (Conseils municipaux)
Member of Council
Mayor
14%
4%
17.1%
5.5%
22%
7.6%
Women in regional assemblies (Conseils régionaux)
1992
1998
12.3%
24%
Source : Ministère de l'Intérieur.
However, in the conseil général, at the territorial level of départements (between
regions and municipalities), an important structure of the French political system, there
are still very few women.
1985
4.2%
Women in départements (Conseils généraux)
1988
1992
4.1%
5.6%
1998
7.9%
(Recent elections) Source : Ministère de l'Intérieur.
In all those structures or local assemblies, women have (usually) a perfunctory role. The
leadership if monopolised by the men, who climb to the top of each political structure,
compose the inner circle of the leader, and share the elected offices. In the
administrative services, too, the most influential technocrats are mainly the men. So, the
leadership teams/staffs (Bailey, 1971) include very few women.
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Mandate
Regional councillor
(Conseil Régional)
General councillor
(département)
Senator
(national Parliament)
President of Region
(Conseil Régional)
President of General
Council
(Head of département)
Women in meso government (1999)
Total of seats
Elected women
Feminisation %
1 829
442
24%
4 048
320
7.9%
321
19
6%
22
1
5%
100
1
1%
Source : Le Point.
Here, we take the case of senators, who are national representatives, but, in fact, are
locally elected by the mayors : consequently, the profile of the senators is a good
indicator of the situation of local leadership. Particularly at the local and meso level, in
the non urban zones (the rural mayors are numerous), where the leadership is based on
the network of rural municipalities. We can notice that the French Senate is largely
composed of the members of the rightwing parties (UDF and RPR). However, there isn't
a simple correlation between a rightwing majority at a level of government, and the
gender gap in politics : the right rules the majority of the hundred départements (with
only one woman president, in the Calvados) ; but the left holds the medium-sized cities,
with very few mairesses.
The meso government, an intermediate level of government between the centre and the
basic municipal or communal level (Sharpe, 1993), is a crucial element of both a
decentralised democracy or a federal state, which are developping policies and politics
at this intermediate level.
In France, the meso government takes the form of urban (group of municipalities called
urban communities), regional and départemental elected governments exercising
executive powers. When we speak of local leadership, this could mean a rural power, a
city power, or part of the meso government.
The département was, before 1982, an essentially administrative level, but it has, thanks
to the decentralisation, become a political structure representing the rural areas and
middle-sized towns of the country (Ohnet, 1996). It's assembly is the Conseil général.
Likewise, in 1986, the regional level became for the first time the scene of a direct
election. It's assembly is the Conseil régional. All these structures have benefited from
decentralisation : fortunately, they now have plenty of bureaucratic services, and
extended powers.
In France, meso government or local powers are, traditionally, important elements of
the whole political system. The French specialists of the local power (Birnbaum, 1973),
under the influence of the American local studies (notably Who Governs ? by Robert
Dahl), have explained in the 1970's the interrelations between local and national politics
(Lagroye, 1977, 1993), and proved that the local power is not a secondary element of
the political system (Crozier, Thoenig, 1975 ; Grémion, 1976). The French decision to
decentralise (1982) have reinforced this reality. For example, the central administrations
of the national state still strike bargains with local political leaders and private interests
(Rondin, 1985) ; more and more policies are elaborated or implemented by local
authorities and meso governments (Wachter, 1987).
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In the sphere of politics, the leaders of the départements, the cities and the regions,
control the local and departmental structures of political parties, and are able to
influence the national leadership. The choice of the candidates for all the elections, the
use of political and financial resources, the possibilities of political implantation, are
under the control of the politicians who also run the meso government institutions.
The double-level gender gap : the problem of accessing leadership.
Women can be elected, but this is not sufficient to become leaders. To be selected by
the party for an election is a real problem, but less of a problem than to become leader.
Perhaps we could say there is a double level gender gap in politics?
The situation in the cities is very clear : the more we climb in the hierarchy of political
power, scale and influence, the less we meet women in office.
Mandate
Municipal councillor
Mayor
Mayor (city of more
than 30 000)
Mayor (city of more
than 100 000)
Women and the urban leadership (1999)
Total of seats
Elected Women
Feminisation %
489 000
108 570
22.2
36 590
2 781
7.6
226
11
4.9
35
0
0
Source : Halimi 1999.
It is necessary to do research about the second level of access to political power : the
access to leadership, to the networks of leaders and followers who run organisations and
take part in public decisions making, in the new context of “governance”.
In the following table, we indicate the proportion of women among the party members,
knowing that this data is given by the parties themselves. A party may claim to have
100 000 members, when they are only 50 000. Yet, the simple observation of a partisan
meeting shows that women are indeed numerous in the grassroots.
Communists
40%
Women members of the major parties (1997)
Socialists
Liberals
Gaullists
30%
50%
30%
Source : Mossuz-Lavau 1997.
In addition, the scientific studies on the most recent national elections demonstrate that
the women candidates didn't suffer a reverse : in equal conditions, their electoral results
were the same, even better compared with men (Mossuz-Lavau, 1997). So, the voters
are ready to vote for a woman. There are plenty of them in the parties, and, already
elected, among the city councils.
Consequently, the source of the double-level gender gap lies in the parties and the
politics, not in the lack of potential women candidates or interested in leadership. To
prove this, in spite of the fact that there are more and more women in local councils,
their number as big cities mayoresses is lagging sadly behind.
8
Women in municipalities
30%
25%
20%
Member of
Council
15%
Mayor
10%
5%
0%
1983
1989
Recent elections
1995
The head of the political structures or organisations is reserved for the specialists of the
"political craft" (Gaxie, 1973) or to the political profession. Access to leadership is
made of co-optation, selection and struggle. Alone, it's impossible to seize power or
assume the leadership. The role of existing (male) leaders is fundamental, linked to the
influence of political networks and teams of leadership (Montané, 1999). A candidate
needs resources to give him/her bargaining power within the party : in the party, the
vote of the activists has less clout than the influence of leaders and other professionals.
Among these indispensable resources, influence in the non-political spheres of the
society (professions, interest groups, trade unions, etc.) is of course very useful. Then, it
could be very interesting to explore the actual link between gender gap in politics
(specially in leadership) and gender gap in profession, business or trade unionism.
There are easier (and narrower) channels by which to do this, i.e. from economics (high
schools) to politics (governmental offices), or from political communication and media
(TV) to professional politics (mayors). Your competence or celebrity helps you to rise
in the party hierarchy (Dulong, 1996 ; Legavre 1996). But globally, the access to power
and influence is very elitist and competitive.
On one hand, the other professionals of politics of your party have to bet on you : they
would choose the leader, man or woman, which could lead them to electoral victory,
institutional power, and detention of resources. On the other hand, there are many
elected or non-elected politicians who want to become leaders, and the competition is
very tough for both women and men.
Without democratisation of the inner structures of the parties, we can bet that the second
level of gender gap will remain, particularly in the technocratic and non-transparent
meso government.
The reduced role of parties in local leadership ?
The methods of new public management (NMP), as they are implemented in the French
meso government, are intensifying the organisational links between politicians and civil
servants, office holders and technocrats. These methods spot efficiency and best quality
of service, but largely out of the sight of citizens or party hacks. There is a problem of
accountability, and political responsibility, in the meso government (Montané, 2000).
The NMP does not improve the participation, and hence local democracy.
However, public concern and the consultation of citizens were formerly part of the new
methods of government (at least theoretically). But the present rulers have very little
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interest in changing the political game, and the effect of the new civic or political
culture (Clark, Hoffmann-Martinot, 1998), as well as the pressure of the new social
movements on public authorities, is presently a limited phenomenon.
In the 1980s & 1990s, the more flexible organisation in local government coupled with
the establishment of private companies ensuring public service, might have
marginalised the party hacks and the activists (men and women). This new context of
meso and local public policy, called governance (Stoker, 1996), is characterised in
France by the weakening of the imaginary frontier between public interest and private
interests (which is crucial in the traditional state policy), and by the actual confusion of
public and private actors, organisations and financial assets, in the policy-making
processes. We have to notice that the institutional and territorial sphere of French meso
government is very complex and opaque : the reforms of decentralisation have added
new levels of election or government (often distinct) without getting rid of any existing
ones.
The whole system is therefore non-transparent, and the role played by election and
partisan debate is weakened. The newer levels of meso government are indirectly
elected, e.g. urban and municipal communities, far from the grassroots, e.g. the region,
or non-representative of their entire territory, e.g. the département. They are, also, the
most important policy-makers. Political leaders and networks control them. The citizens
and the parties' structures have therefore little influence on meso government or local
governance (Montané, 1999).
The democratisation of parties : is it too late to hope for female leadership ?
The trend of internal democratisation of French political parties enhanced a trend of
feminisation of elected political personnel, the latter justified by reasons of
representivity and electoral expendience. First experience of this democratisation : in
1995 Lionel Jospin was directly elected candidate for French presidency by the majority
of the approximately 70 000 members of the socialist party. This old American
mechanism is still very rare in the French parties. Today, only the president of the
Gaullist party (RPR) is elected by the members of its party.
The major parties are very gradually introducing internal reforms, to screen candidates.
The local and meso levels of the political system are the last affected, because their
leaders defend their influence and autonomy.
Nevertheless, the democratisation of parties is balanced by the effects of the new
context of governance. If, at the same time, activists and parties yield territory for the
benefits of public and private technocrats, so that the new leadership remains essentially
male. We said that there are very few women at the top of the private sector, and they
lack the resources which would enable them to occupy the new power positions. It's the
same in the technocratic structures. Yannis Papadopoulos has pointed out the danger of
the substitution of democracy for governance : policy networks can particularise and
make political outputs more technocratic, wich could give rise to a populist reaction
within the electorate (Papadopoulos, 2000). Women as voters and party candidates,
would be the first victims of such an evolution.
Conclusion
The problem of the gender gap in politics can be compared with the situation of all
"minorities" or dominated groups in society. Only the most privileged are always
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represented both at the election and the political leadership. The political class is not
representative of the society : the political power circles no longer reflect social
diversity (Dogan, 1999). Today’s debate on the gender gap could well be situated in the
analysis of problems of representivity.
11
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