The Dakar 2015 Report - Forum International sur la Paix et la

Transcription

DAKAR FORUM 2015
Dakar international Forum
on peace and security in Africa
Dakar, Senegal
8-10 November 2015
DAKAR FORUM
2015 REPORT
Dakar international Forum
on peace and security in Africa
Dakar, Senegal
8-10 November 2015
1
Dakar International Forum
on Peace and Security in Africa
CONTENTS
WELCOME ADDRESS by Mankeur Ndiaye . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
A WORD from Jean-Yves Le Drian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
THE 2015 FORUM PROGRAMME . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
HIGH-LEVEL PANEL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
OPENING SPEECH by President Macky Sall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
DEBATE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Daniel Ona Ondo, Premier ministre, Gabon
Komi Sélom Klassou, Premier ministre, Togo
Jean-Yves le Drian, ministre de la Défense, France
Hervé Ladsous, sous-secrétaire chargé des opérations de maintien de la paix,
Chef du Département des opérations de maintien de la paix – United Nations
Statements by : Moussa Faki Mahamat, ministre des Affaires étrangères,
Chad Ramtane Lamamra, ministre d’État, ministre des Affaires
étrangères et de la Coopération internationale,
Algeria Hamdi Loza, vice-ministre des Affaires étrangères, Egypt
PLENARY SESSIONS, CONFERENCES AND THEME WORKSHOPS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
SESSION 1 Evolution of security risks and threats . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Plenary session 1 • Conference 1 • Workshop 1, 2 & 3
SESSION 2 African responses: new strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
49
SESSION 3 Optimizing the international community’s support. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
69
TO CONCLUDE… by Cheikh Tidiane Gadio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
CLOSING SPEECH by Mohamed Boun Abdallah Dionne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
2015 DAKAR FORUM
Dakar Forum in the media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Partners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Organisers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Speakers’ who’s who . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
List of participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Dakar online . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
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WELCOME ADDRESS
by HE Mankeur Ndiaye
Minister for Foreign Affairs and Senegalese Abroad
On behalf of the President of Senegal, HE Macky Sall, I would like to start by wishing you
a very warm welcome to Dakar. It is with great pleasure that the Senegalese government
and people offer you their hospitality, the traditional Senegalese “Teranga”. I would also
like to thank you for your massive response to Senegal’s invitation, and at such a high
level. Your response testifies to your commitment to tackling common peace and security
issues in Africa, and to the strong ties that each of your countries has with Senegal. We
were expecting 350 to 400 participants, and 800 people have come. Therefore, I would
like to express my sincere regrets to our friends who have unfortunately not been able
to attend this year, due to a lack of space.
So here we are in Dakar again for the second edition of the Forum on peace and security
in Africa, following on from the relevant decisions taken at the Élysée Summit hosted by
French President François Hollande in December 2013. This is a perfect opportunity for
me to pay tribute to the vitality of our partnership with France, which co-hosts the Forum
and is represented here by Mr. Jean-Yves Le Drian, Minister of Defence, to whom I offer
my deepest regards. I would also like to express my gratitude to all the public – and
private – sector partners in Senegal and France, whose valuable support is a further
illustration of the importance of this meeting, which is taking place at a time when the
world is facing immense challenges in regard to peace and international security. I am
referring in particular to cross-border and universal threats like terrorism in all its forms –
which is the subject of the first panel - and the violent radicalism and extremism that are
developing all over the world. As evidenced by the success of the first edition, which took
place on 15 and 16 December 2014, the Dakar Forum is an opportunity to develop the
strategic dialogue between African stakeholders and international partners, to discuss
a joint policy on the threats facing Africa and to examine the most appropriate solutions
to current issues.
The Forum also provides an opportunity to discuss ways of supporting the progress made
through African peace and security initiatives, thanks to the highly topical subjects on the
agenda –the growing security risk, the increasing level of threat, African solutions, new
strategies and international support for security in Africa – and the high-level panel this
afternoon, led by decision-makers, key stakeholders and experts. We will ensure that
this year’s Forum is a valuable arena for productive discussion and debate on challenges
relating to security and peace in Africa, the results of which will naturally have positive
repercussions on other parts of the world.
Welcome once again to the Dakar Forum, and thank you for your attention.
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A WORD
from Jean-Yves Le Drian
Ministre de la Défense, France
Mesdames, Messieurs,
Lors de la première édition, le Président Macky Sall avait souhaité que le Forum de Dakar
sur la paix et la sécurité en Afrique devienne un événement annuel. Grâce à son implication
personnelle, au soutien des partenaires internationaux du Forum, cet engagement a pu
se concrétiser et le Forum de Dakar est désormais devenu cet espace de réflexions et
d’échanges informels de haut niveau que le président sénégalais avait appelé de ses vœux.
Par son format, par la diversité des profils des participants, la deuxième édition du Forum
de Dakar a de nouveau marqué les esprits comme le lieu de dialogue informel entre acteurs
institutionnels et chercheurs sur les défis sécuritaires auxquels le continent africain est
confronté. À côté des réunions officielles et bien entendu des Sommets des chefs d’État
et de gouvernement, cet événement a une fois encore montré toute sa pertinence pour
renforcer la réflexion stratégique en Afrique.
Nous avons constaté lors de ce Forum la nécessité de continuer à renforcer les capacités
des armées africaines, de contribuer à les moderniser et renforcer leur interopérabilité. Mais
nous n’en sommes pas restés là. En 2015, le Forum de Dakar a permis d’élargir encore
le spectre de nos réflexions et de noter l’importance cruciale d’une approche globale des
questions de sécurité collective. La radicalisation idéologique comme ferment des risques
sécuritaires a été explicitement évoquée par de nombreux intervenants et les événements
dramatiques qui ont touché le continent africain depuis lors ont montré la pertinence
des analyses et l’urgence de l’action. Nous devons réfléchir aux outils et aux méthodes
à développer ensemble pour faire face à ces menaces. Si les combattants circulent,
parfois d’un continent à l’autre comme au large de la Corne de l’Afrique, le message des
terroristes circule plus vite encore. Cela nécessite de notre part une très grande vigilance
et une capacité non moins grande d’agir collectivement pour mettre en échec un ennemi
faible mais fugace et déterminé.
Cette année encore, des thèmes novateurs ont été discutés, tels que les défis sécuritaires
de la croissance économique et la sécurisation des projets industriels et énergétiques.
Le grand intérêt rencontré pour ces discussions a souligné à nouveau la particularité du
Forum de Dakar qui offre l’opportunité d’aborder des sujets jusqu’ici largement délaissés
dans de telles enceintes et qui sont pourtant au cœur des préoccupations des acteurs de
la sécurité en Afrique.
Une fois de plus, sur ces sujets comme sur les autres, les discussions qui ont eu lieu dans
le cadre des ateliers et conférences du Forum de Dakar nous ont fourni, à nous décideurs
politiques, des perspectives issues de la mise en commun des expériences des participants,
aussi variées que les institutions ou les entreprises qu’ils représentaient.
Il nous revient de convertir désormais nos réflexions et nos échanges en pistes d’action,
ce qui est notre engagement quotidien, à nous qui sommes aux responsabilités politiques
de nos pays respectifs, engagés en faveur de la sécurité et de la stabilité de long terme de
l’Afrique, du développement et de la coopération par-delà les cultures et la géographie. Cet
engagement d’action est le trait d’union d’un Forum à l’autre et je souhaite vivement que
nous puissions nous retrouver avec le Président Macky Sall et le Ministre Mankeur Ndiaye
à nouveau en 2016 pour marquer ensemble une nouvelle étape du Forum de Dakar.
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DAKAR FORUM 2015
PROGRAMME
Sunday, November 8th 2015
Radisson Blu Hotel
Monday, November 9th 2015
King Fahd Hotel
Tuesday, November 10th 2015
King Fahd Hotel
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9
WORKSHOPS AND CONFERENCES
PROGRAMME
Sunday, November 8th
Radisson Blu Hotel
Workshop 1
Welcome cocktail
8:00 pm
Chair: Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, Président –
Centre des stratégies pour la sécurité du Sahel Sahara
Speakers:
Andreas Eshete Tessema, Advisor to the Prime
Minister - Ethiopia
Alain Bauer, Président – Conseil Supérieur
de la Formation et de la Recherche Stratégiques
Zacharia Yusuf, Analyst – International Crisis Group
(ICG)
Ashraf Swelam, Director of the Cairo centre for conflict
resolution and peacekeeping in Africa – Egypt
Monday, November 9th
King Fahd Hotel
Greetings of participants
From 08:30 am
9:00-9:30 am
by Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, Président de l’Institut Panafricain de stratégies (IPS)
Welcome address
by Mankeur Ndiaye, Ministre des Affaires étrangères et des Sénégalais de l’extérieur
1ST SESSION
9:30-11:30 am
EVOLUTION OF SECURITY RISKS AND THREATS
PLENARY
SESSION 1
Workshop 2
The challenges raised by terrorism in Africa
CONFERENCE 1 Security challenges and economic growth
Workshop 3
Speaker: Claudia Gazzini, Senior Analyst –
International Crisis Group (ICG)
case study: Libya
Speaker: Emilio Manfredi, Independent
Analyst
Growing radicalization: Local, regional and international dynamics
Chair: Nana O. Touré-Sy, Directrice régionale du PNUD
pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest et du Centre – United Nations
Speakers:
Mahamadou Abou-Tarka, Président de la Haute
Autorité à la Consolidation de la paix – Niger
Louis Gautier, Secrétaire général de la défense
et de la sécurité nationale – France
Bakary Sambe, Coordinateur – Observatoire
des radicalismes et conflits religieux en Afrique (Orcra)
Mehdi Taje, Institut tunisien des études stratégiques
Discussant: Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem Denna,
Professeur – University of Nouakchott
Chair: Kadré Désiré Ouédraogo, Président
de la Commission – Ecowas
Speakers:
Betty BIGOMBE, Former Minister - Uganda
Babacar Ndiaye, Ancien président de la Banque
africaine de développement (AfDB)
Raymond Gilpin, Academic Dean - Africa Center
for Strategic Studies
Alexandre Marc, Spécialiste en chef pour les questions
de fragilité, de conflit et de violence – World Bank
1:00-2:30 pm
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case study: Libya
African migration issues:
Migration flows to Europe, intra-continental movements,
human trafficking
Chair: Dileita Mohamed Dileita, Ancien Premier
ministre de Djibouti, envoyé spécial pour la Libye –
African Union
Speakers:
Ndioro Ndiaye, Ancienne ministre du Sénégal,
présidente de l’agence pour la migration, le leadership
et le développement
Patricia Danzi, Directrice régionale des opérations
pour l’Afrique – ICRC
Petra Hueck, Head of Office – International Catholic
Migration Commission (ICMC Europe)
Alphonse Seck, Secrétaire général – Caritas Sénégal
Discussant: Cristina Barrios, Conseiller politique,
Service européen pour l’action extérieure (EEAS) –
European Union
Chair: Tiéman Hubert COULIBALY, Ministre
de la Défense et des anciens combattants – Mali
Speakers:
General Mohammed Babagana MONGUNO,
National Security Adviser – Nigeria
Masakazu Hamachi, Vice-ministre parlementaire
pour les Affaires étrangères – Japan
Général Pierre de Villiers, Chef d’État-major
des armées – France
Elissa Slotkin, Acting Assistant Secretary, Department
of Defense – USA
Mongi Hamdi, Représentant spécial du Secrétaire
général au Mali et chef de la Minusma – United Nations
11:15 am1:00 pm
Evolution of the terrorist threat:
transnational and transcontinental dimensions
Lunch
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3:30-5:30 pm
HIGH-LEVEL
PANEL
Opening speech by Macky Sall, Président de la République du Sénégal
DEBATE
Workshop 4
Chair: Soumeylou Boubeye Maïga, Ancien ministre
du Mali, Envoyé spécial pour la lutte contre
le terrorisme – African Union
Intervenants :
Mahamat Saleh Annadif, Former Minister of Chad,
African Union former Special Representative for Somalia
Abdoullah Coulibaly, Vice-President – Fondation du
Forum de Bamako
Hassan Baage, Deputy Director of the Assessment and
Technical Assistance Office of the UN Counter-Terrorism
Committee Executive Directorate (CTED) – United
Nations
Discussant: Pierre René Eugène Lapaque,
Représentant régional – United Nations Office of Drugs
and Crime (UNODC)
Daniel Ona Ondo, Premier ministre, Gabon
Komi Sélom Klassou, Premier ministre, Togo
Jean-Yves Le Drian, Ministre de la Défense, France
Hervé Ladsous, Sous-secrétaire chargé des opérations
de maintien de la paix, Chef du Département
des opérations de maintien de la paix – United Nations
2NDSESSION
5:45-7:30 pm
AFRICAN RESPONSES : NEW STRATEGIES
PLENARY
SESSION 2
African mediations: lessons learnt in terms of crisis prevention
and management?
Chair: Saïd Djinnit, Envoyé spécial du Secrétaire
général pour la région des Grands Lacs – United
Nations
Speakers:
Ramtane Lamamra, Ministre d’État, Ministre des
Affaires étrangères et de la coopération internationale
– Algeria
Abdoulaye Bathily, Représentant spécial du Secrétaire
général et du Chef du Bureau régional pour l’Afrique
centrale – United Nations
Haile Menkerios, Under-Secretary General, Special
Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan and Special Representative to the African Union – United Nations
Gilbert Khadiagala, Professor of International Relations
– Witwatersrand – Johannesburg
Landing Savané, Vice-président – Institut Panafricain
de Stratégies (IPS)
8:00 pm
Workshop 5
Reception at the Residence of the Ambassador of France
Workshop 6
12
Chair: Paul Koffi Koffi, Ministre de la Défense –
Côte d’Ivoire
Speakers:
Kabiné Komara, Ancien Premier ministre de Guinée,
Haut-commissaire – OMVS
Ahmed Mecheraoui, Ancien conseiller au ministère de
l’Énergie – Algeria
Benjamin Augé, Chercheur – Institut français des
relations internationales (Ifri)
Alex Vines, Head of Africa Programme – Chatham
House
Guy Sidos, Président directeur général – Vicat
Speaker: Iimura Tsutomu, Directeur au département
Afrique – Agence japonaise de coopération
internationale (JICA)
12:30 am2:30 pm
Speaker: Ali Abdel-Rhamane Haggar,
Recteur – Université de N’Djamena
case study: G5 Sahel
Speaker: El Hadj Mohamed Najim,
Secrétaire permanent – G5 Sahel
Modernization of African Armed Forces and Security Sector Reform (SSR)
Chair: Général Lamine Cissé, Ancien ministre
du Sénégal, Président du conseil d’administration –
Partners West Africa
Speakers:
Sam Gulube, Secretary for Defence and Military
Veterans – South Africa
Général David Muhoozi, Commander of Land Forces
– Uganda
Mamadou Aliou Barry, Conseiller sécurité au Ministère
de la Justice – Guinea
Knox Chitiyo, Associate Researcher – Chatham House
Discussant: Thomas Mandrup, Lecturer – Royal
Danish Defence College
industrial and energy projects in Africa facing security
CONFERENCE 2 Major
challenges
case study: Boko Haram
New approaches against extremist groups: regional solutions
and ad hoc Responses
Chair: Hiroute Guebre-Sellassie, Envoyée spéciale du
Secrétaire général pour le Sahel – United Nations
Speakers:
Général Iliyah Isah Abbah, Commander of the Multinational Joint Task Force – Nigeria
Wullson Mvomo Ela, Directeur du Centre de recherche
et documentation – Eiforces Cameroun
Wafula Okumu, Executive Director – The Borders
Institute
Discussant: Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Professor – King’s
Western University Canada
Tuesday, November 10th
10:0012:00 am
An African strategy against terrorism: the fight against illicit funding
and transnational threats
case study: Modernization and involvement
in PKO: Burundian and Ethiopian armed
forces
Speaker: David Ambrosetti, Directeur
et chercheur – Centre français des études
éthiopiennes (CFEE)
Lunch
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3RD SESSION
2:00-3:45 pm
OPTIMIZING THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY’S SUPPORT
CONFERENCE 3 Maritime security: Supporting an African strategy
Chair: Stanislas Baba, Ministre-conseiller mer
à la Présidence – Togo
Speakers:
Habib Kambanga, Head of the Regional Early Warning
Centre – SADC
Jean-Paul Malan, Conseil national de sécurité –
Côte d’Ivoire
Joao Queiros, Directeur Afrique subsaharienne –
Ministère des Affaires étrangères – Portugal
Discussant: Marie-Hélène Maysounave, Ambassadrice
spéciale pour la lutte internationale contre la piraterie –
Maedi – France
Workshop 7
Workshop 8
4:00-5:30 pm
Chair: Smaïl Chergui, Commissaire Paix et Sécurité –
African Union
Speakers:
Alain Le Roy, Secrétaire général du Service européen pour
l’action extérieure (SEAE) – European Union
Alfredo Tijiutimo Hengari, Senior Research Fellow – South
African Institute of International Affairs
Cyriaque Agnekethom, Directeur Maintien de la Paix et
Sécurité régionale – ECOWAS
Discussant: Damien Helly, Chargé de programme adjoint
pour l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne – EcDPm
PLENARY
SESSION 3
Case study: The French defence cooperation
Speaker: Général Pascal Facon,
Commandant des Éléments français au Sénégal
(EFS)
What kind of international support to security in Africa?
Chair: Mankeur Ndiaye, Ministre des Affaires étrangères
et des Sénégalais de l’extérieur
Speakers:
Raychelle Omamo, Minister of Defence – Kenya
Pedro Morenes, Ministre de la Défense – Spain
Mohamed Ibn Chambas, Special Representative
and Head of the United Nations Office for West Africa –
United Nations
Alain Le Roy, Secrétaire général du Service européen
pour l’action extérieure (SEAE) – European Union
Dong hwan Choi, Special Envoy for the Government –
Republic of Korea
case study: The use of force (MINUSMA)
Speaker: Mongi Hamdi, Représentant
spécial du Secrétaire général au Mali et chef
de la Minusma – United Nations
The EU-Africa partnership: fostering a better adaptation of European
support to African security needs
International operational support to African capabilities
Chair: Sam Gulube, Secretary for Defence and Military
Veterans – South Africa
Speakers:
Vice Admiral Michael Franken, Deputy to the Commander
for Military Operations – Africom – USA
Général Babacar Gaye, Ancien Représentant spécial
du Secrétaire général pour la MINUSCA – United Nations
André Roux, Peacekeeping and Defense Analyst –
South Africa
Discussant: Comfort Ero, Africa Programme Director –
International Crisis Group (ICG)
Report by the High-Level independent panel on UN peace operations:
evolution of the UN peacekeeping doctrine and African perspectives
hair: Hervé Ladsous, Sous-secrétaire chargé
C
des opérations de maintien de la paix, Chef du Département
des opérations de maintien de la paix – United Nations
Speakers:
Youssef Mahmoud, Conseiller principal – International
Peace Institute
Philippe Errera, Directeur général – Direction générale des
relations internationales et de la stratégie (DGRIS) – France
Abdel Fatau Musah, Director of Political affairs – ECOWAS
Discussant: John KARLSRUD, Senior Research Fellow –
Norwegian Institute for International Affairs (NUPI)
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Workshop 9
5:30-6:00 pm
To conclude… by Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, Président
de l’Institut Panafricain de Stratégies
6:00-6:30 pm
Closing speech… by Mohamed Boun Abdallah Dionne,
Premier Ministre du Sénégal
case study: African Peace Facility (APF)
Speaker: José Costa-Pereira, Conseiller
Politique au Service européen pour l’action
extérieure (EEAS) – European Union
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HIGH LEVEL PANEL
Monday, November 9th 2015
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OPENING SPEECH
by HE Macky Sall
President of Senegal
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The Senegalese people and their government are delighted to welcome you once again
for the second edition of the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa.
I wish you all a warm welcome and a very pleasant stay in Senegal.
I would especially like to thank all those who have travelled to Dakar from Asia, America,
Europe and Africa.
To perpetuate this important conference on peace and security in Africa, we have decided
to make it an annual event. This decision confirms our joint commitment to continued
cooperation and to taking a global, inclusive and proactive approach to Africa’s complex
security issues; especially since crises are more difficult to resolve once they have come
to a head.
For this reason, we must adopt a preventive approach and anticipate future threats to
peace and security, rather than take corrective measures once the harm has already
been done.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We are all familiar with the classic typology of peace and security threats in Africa:
struggles to control political power or natural resources, cross-border and identitarian
conflicts, separatism, etc. Unfortunately, other causes of instability have been added
to these roots of evil. I am referring to drug trafficking, maritime piracy, organized crime
and terrorism in particular.
These sources of instability are even more widespread and therefore more difficult to
understand and to deal with; especially since they can develop outside of Africa and
have a negative impact on stability and development in the continent.
This means that we are facing a whole gamut of challenges, especially since terrorist
movements tend to take refuge in Africa because their leaders, who act in networks,
see the continent as the soft underbelly of the international system.
This is why traditional prevention and peacekeeping methods are not really appropriate,
not to say ineffective. The conflict in Mali is an eloquent example of this.
Due to the nature of the risks, peacekeeping missions have become more complex.
When one is dealing with a heavily-armed and determined group of people, who fear
neither God nor man, the response must be forceful and equally determined.
Strategies fit for the circumstances, precise rules of engagement and adequate equipment
are all essential in preventing our countries from becoming easy targets without the
means to defend themselves.
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Effectively fighting terrorism in Africa also means developing regional solutions as part of an
approach that reconciles the opening up of borders - which is an inherent part of the African
integration process - with the vigilance required to combat transnational crime and terrorism.
Therefore, we must step up cooperation between different services: intelligence, information
exchange, data collection and surveillance of cross-border crime networks.
This is the only way to more effectively and sustainably combat the threats that no country
alone can eradicate.
I hope that the upcoming ECOWAS-ECCAS Summit on counter-terrorism will investigate this
aspect of inter-regional cooperation in depth.
But peace and security in Africa also influence peace and security worldwide. To a certain extent,
what affects Africa also affects the rest of the world.
The Jihadi movement is a prime example, driven by a radical rhetoric that pushes young people
to commit terrorist attacks or to go abroad to fight. Think about all the young people recruited
in various countries to fight in Syria, Afghanistan or other theatres of armed conflict.
Consequently, we must continue to work with partner institutions and countries to prevent and
resolve crises and to maintain and consolidate peace.
We must continue to fight against the root causes of instability by promoting the rule of law,
education, training and employment, in order to give young people hope and to guard them
against the forces of obscurantism and extremism that lead to violence.
We must, because ignorance, poverty and social exclusion provide fertile ground for the growth
of instability.
The seeds of evil must be eliminated to foster the development of a more cohesive peace and
security policy for Africa. Otherwise, we will be treating the symptoms but ignoring the causes
of the disease.
I now declare the 2nd Dakar Forum on Peace and Security in Africa open.
Thank you for your kind attention.
DEBATE
The first question is for the President of Senegal:
What are your thoughts on the three topics addressed
by this forum, namely terrorism, African solutions and
external partnerships?
HE Macky Sall
President of Senegal
First of all, I would like to thank the
organizers for their seamless planning
of this Forum.
In my opinion, there is no doubt that terrorism is
connected with poverty and social exclusion.
Terrorism prospers where Jihadi propaganda
is most effective. Terrorist groups recruit
in disadvantaged communities where people feel
excluded. Therefore, military intervention is the
least effective solution to the problem. We need to
focus on creating a brighter future for young people
in Africa so that they aren’t drawn in by Jihadi
propaganda. We must fight social exclusion and
develop inclusion policies. Our first step should be to
reduce inequalities between urban and rural areas, as
well as discrimination against women, young people,
etc. To achieve this, we need to develop integration
and employment policies.
I believe that what Africa needs most from its partners
is not more fighting strength, but help in tackling its
problems, notably by building armed forces, Special
Forces and so on. Of course we need cooperation
and training but considerable improvements are
still required in other areas, such as the funding
of peacekeeping operations. Mali is an excellent
example of this. When Mali was attacked, other
African countries decided spontaneously to come
to its assistance. They sent in troops without being
asked, out of pure solidarity.
“We have men who are willing
to die for Africa and soldiers
who are willing
to give their lives for peace
and security in Africa. But
we also need more resources ”
Let me add that, by armed forces I mean military
forces who serve their country and promote peace and
security across the world, not the tribal and political
forces that sometimes exist in Africa.
HE Komi Sélom Klassou
At the same time, we must establish a philosophical
and theological strategy.
Prime Minister of Togo
“We must supervise the
training of imams to make sure
that they preach the brand of
tolerant Islam that has always
been practiced in West Africa”
First of all I would like to thank
HE President Macky Sall for the warm
welcome I have received and convey to him
the fraternal greetings of his counterpart, friend and
brother in Togo who, regrettably, is unable to take
part in the debates due to last minute circumstances.
This is not only a matter for government, but for
the whole of society too. The Burka, for instance,
is not part of our culture, our traditions or even our
conception of Islam. We must find the courage to fight
the excessive form of Islam that extremists are trying to
impose on us. The responsibility for defeating terrorism
lies firmly with our civil society and our politicians. Our
country, our lives and our belongings are at stake.
We must make it clear to everyone that we will not
tolerate extremism.
The President has thoroughly answered the question
put to him, addressing each topic from the viewpoint
of the great military strategist that he is.
The fight against terrorism calls for close cooperation
between Africans since we are all part of an integrated
area in which goods and people move around freely,
20
facilitating cross-border crime and the free circulation
of terrorists. We must continue the integration process
which can no longer be reversed but, at the same
time, we must introduce border and internal controls.
“Terrorism is an evil that
spares no country. It takes
on many sophisticated forms
and is spreading unchecked,
to the extent that it is
threatening us on land,
at sea and in the air”
21
We must join forces to fight this evil more effectively.
There is a clear link between terrorism and poverty. The
migration we are seeing today is proof of that. If we
reduce poverty, terrorism will become less attractive.
Having said that, we must establish exactly how much
cooperation is needed. No single country can fight
terrorism alone. Therefore, we need the expertise
and the experience of our partners, especially when
it comes to defeating piracy. Right now, Togo is
preparing to fine-tune its anti-piracy strategies with
the help of the AU. 90% of trade is conducted by sea
and, on average, there is one attempted piracy attack
in the Gulf of Guinea every week. A meeting will be
held in Lomé in the first quarter of 2016 so that we
can continue these talks and find a way to defeat the
indiscriminate evil that is terrorism.
Cheikh Tidiane Gadio
Prime Minister of Gabon, two countries in your subregion — Chad and Cameroon — have joined the fight
against Boko Haram in Nigeria.
Does that mean that Africans are now prepared to make
a transregional effort?
We need an African solution but the problems are so
far-reaching that outside support will also be needed.
Naturally, I agree with everything that President Sall
said. But counterterrorism requires considerable
means, and our resources are too meagre to fight
both terrorism and poverty. We need to tackle this
problem head-on and we cannot do that alone. We
need the international community.
Gabon has always responded to conflicts in Central
Africa. It is involved in every single programme
concerning the Central African Republic and has
troops stationed there too.
“We believe in sharing
resources. As we say
in Africa, when your
neighbour’s house is on fire,
you can’t just let it burn
because your house
might be next”
We are keeping a very close eye on terrorist activities
in and around our neighbours’ countries, and we are
participating actively in the fight against Boko Haram
in the region.
Is this the start of a new era in Africa?
In other words, will the pooling and reinforcement of
national capabilities go hand in hand with a regional,
inter-regional or transregional approach?
HE Daniel Ona Ondo
Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, allow me to quote General
Pierre de Villiers — France’s Joint Chief of Staff — who
has made two important statements at this forum: Firstly,
“we have to find a long-term solution to terrorism” and
secondly, “winning the war against terrorism is good but
winning peace by tackling development and governance
issues is even better.”
Prime Minister of Gabon
I would welcome your remarks on these two statements
Having listened to your remarks, I would
like to apologise for HE Ali Bongo, President
of Gabon who, for reasons out of his control, has not
been able to make the trip to Senegal. I would also like
to thank HE Macky Sall for the wonderful hospitality I
and my team have received since we got here.
Terrorism has reached crisis proportions in Central
Africa. In Gabon, terrorists are helping themselves
to our resources. There is a border area between
Cameroon and Togo where organized groups are rife
and are operating without government interference.
They are involved in human and raw materials
trafficking, and other criminal activities that no
government can ignore. What can we do about it?
22
Jean-Yves Le Drian
French Minister of Defence
France’s Joint Chief of Staff no doubt
agrees with his minister, so his minister
can only agree with him.
Before I answer this question, I would like to go back
to two of the remarks made by President Macky Sall,
first of all about using the media and religious authorities
against indoctrination: it really will be a long-term battle.
What strikes me most is that I hear Muslim leaders in
Africa, the Middle East and France saying exactly the
same thing. At some point, they are going to have to
join forces and promote the real — moderate — Islam
through the same media and religious channels in to
counteract the caricatural but highly technological
methods used by terrorist groups to recruit generations
of young people who are not necessarily poor. Poverty
provides a fertile ground for teaching theoretical and
theological principles, but it is not necessarily Muslim
leaders who are doing the teaching.
The question is, what should we do about it? The
French Prime Minister Manuel Valls and I recently visited
Al-Azhar University in Egypt, where the Vice-Chancellor
said very much the same thing as Macky Sall. One of
the questions we have to address is how to coordinate
initiatives to promote peace and security in Africa.
This question does not fall under the direct remit of
France’s Minister of Defence, but it does have major
implications for the future.
Terrorism can only flourish where the state is weak;
in other words, where there are inherent territorial or
governance flaws. Weak or failed states fall prey to
terrorist groups. We saw this in Mali where the state
was in decline; we are seeing it in the Central African
Republic where the risk level is high; and in Libya where
the state has collapsed and ISIS and other terrorist
groups are thriving.
“If we want states to stand
firm, then they need sound
and cohesive military
structures, not armies made
up of clans and tribes”
One of the decisions taken at the end of last year’s
Forum was to make sure that African armies are
sound, structured and operational. To achieve this,
Africa needs bilateral support, and that is exactly what
France and other countries are providing. But countries
like Mali and the Central African Republic also need
multilateral support from the European Union and the
African Union. Training and equipment are priorities.
President Macky Sall’s concerns about peacekeeping
operations are shared by many people. Mr. President,
now that Senegal has been elected with such shining
success to the Security Council, you will be able to
make your arguments to an appropriate audience.
How do we renovate peacekeeping partnerships between
African countries and the United Nations system?
Hervé Ladsous
United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations,
Head of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations
Before I begin, please accept the regards
of the UN Secretary General, Mr. Ban Kimoon, who is extremely busy getting ready
for COP21 but is very grateful for this forum, which
has become a foremost pan-African event.
At his request, intensive talks have been held in 2015
on the future of peacekeeping fifteen years after the
Brahimi report. Three important factors have emerged
from these talks: populations, the role of politics and
partnerships.
The primary purpose of peacekeeping is to help
populations recover from major crises, most of which
are caused by governance and development problems,
poverty and despair. Terrorism is to some extent caused
by governance crises in Africa, which obviously cannot
be resolved overnight.
So a political approach is also needed to sustainably
resolve these crises. Peacekeeping is often symbolised
by the blue helmets of United Nations peacekeepers
on the ground, simply because they are its most visible
representation. However,
“Peacekeeping operations
must be part of a political
strategy. Without such
a strategy, any action taken
would be ineffective
and needlessly expensive”
Over the years we have developed partnerships with
several organizations. The time has come now to
look at what we have achieved and think about how
we can do more. It is all the more important to do
this in Africa because nine of the United Nations’
peacekeeping operations are located there, along
with 80% of its peacekeeping forces. Africa provides
more than half of these soldiers, not only in Africa
but in other parts of the world too. Its generosity is
admirable.
23
I am not a man of theory but a man of action. Over the
years, we have accumulated a range of experiences
that we should learn from and build on in the future.
To do this, we need to look at the different kinds of
peacekeeping operations carried out in Africa:
UNAMID is a joint or hybrid operation conducted by
the United Nations and the African Union in Darfur.
Although it is difficult to implement at times, it works.
AMISOM, the African Union Mission in Somalia, is
notable because it is extremely robust and, above
all, because it is run by the AU with the support
of the European Union, the United States and the
United Nations.
Peace Facility, the United States and its Global
Peace Operations Initiative (or GPOI), Japan and
its recent programme to train and equip African
engineer battalions (which is currently based in Kenya
but should extend to other countries in the future),
and many others. I believe that all of these initiatives
are important in that they reconcile human military
capability in Africa with 21st-century peacekeeping
tools.
Moussa Faki Mahamat (Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Chad),Ramtane Lamamra (Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Algeria) and Hamdi Loza (Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs
of Egypt) would like to make an intervention from the floor.
There are also similar types of operation with nonAfrican partners, such as operations Serval, Barkhane
and Sangaris.
The participants in these operations have been given
different but complementary mandates. They carry
out their missions separately but the coordination
between them is exemplary.
Sequencing is another important factor that has
emerged during recent operations. The sub-regional
organizations initially engaged in peacekeeping
operations eventually hand over to the African Union,
which in turn passes the baton to the United Nations.
This has happened in Mali and in the Central African
Republic, where the ECOWAS and ECCAS have
completed the first transfer of authority. Under this
system, troops can be deployed urgently if necessary.
Our African colleagues are able to do that much
faster than the United Nations.
I would also like to say how important it is to
us to support the efforts made by sub-regional
organizations and the African Union to establish an
African standby force, a rapid response capability
and so on. A great deal of brainpower and experience
have been invested in these initiatives in recent years,
for example the military planners and the logistics
specialists sent to the African Union headquarters
in Addis-Abeba and the ECOWAS headquarters in
Abuja. This will prevent us from making the same
mistakes twice, and will help us to act more effectively
all over Africa.
Finally, I would like to say a few words about the
three-way partnership between African countries,
the United Nations and the main donor countries.
These include the European Union and its African
24
Moussa Faki Mahamat
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Chad
First, Mr. President, I would like to
apologise on behalf of President HE Idriss
Deby, who is unfortunately unable to take part in this
second edition of the Dakar International Forum.
He asked me to reiterate his support for you, the
organizing team and this event on peace and security
in Africa.
Let me tell you what Chad has learnt from
recent events. The first lesson is that military
action costs a lot of money. Chad has sent
2,500 soldiers to Menaka and Kidal in Mali, almost
2,000 miles away. We believe our intervention was
necessary, but such operations require considerable
financial and material resources. The commitment
to act must come not only from individual states,
but also from regions, Africa as a whole, and the
international community. No country in Africa has the
means to tackle terrorism alone. For several decades,
Chad had problems of its own and fought in areas
that are now occupied by terrorists, so I know that
a great deal of support is required. .
“Promises and grand
announcements are not
enough. Where there are
troops on the ground,
the logistics must be equal
to the task”
The second lesson is that coordination is vital at
operational level. Which brings us to the following
question: What sort of peacekeeping mission is
required? Hybrid missions like in Darfur? Missions
with a combination of United Nations peacekeepers
and other soldiers provided by our partners and
national armed forces, like in the Central African
Republic (MINUSCA) and Mali (MINUSMA)? In
autumn 2015, communal and inter-religious violence
killed several dozen people in Bangui. How can we
let this happen?
The third lesson is that the fight against terrorism
is a multi-faceted and long-term process. Terrorist
groups have significant resources; they have access
to weapons, money and drugs. They even believe
they have access to heaven. We have to find an
effective response to their ideology.
These are just some of the lessons we have learnt
from experience.
Ramtane Lamamra
Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Algeria
Before I begin, I would like to convey
the fraternal greetings of President
HE Abdel Aziz Bouteflika to HE Macky
Sall, and tell you how delighted I am to be
able to take part in this second edition of the forum.
Unfortunately, Algeria has had its own personal and
particularly deadly experience of terrorism. Today,
however, we can confidently say that our country
has — from a strategic perspective — defeated
terrorism by waging war against it for a full decade.
At the time, our actions were misinterpreted as acts
of political violence. Algeria retaliated by stepping up
military action and security measures, which were
fine-tuned over time as we acquired more resources,
experience and training. Its own people also rallied
to the cause, with groups of patriots springing up all
over the country and doing what they could to push
back terrorism. Meanwhile, the government enacted
civil concord legislation offering pardons to people
who had been lured into terrorism and a Charter for
Peace and National Reconciliation which won landslide
approval in a national referendum.
The Algerian government tackled the root causes
of terrorism, in other words the factors that could
be exploited by extremist groups to recruit new
members. It focused its attention on young people,
the training of imams, the family and the media in
order to spread the true Islam, rather than an Islam
distorted by extremists.
Deradicalisation should be a continuous process
supported by the whole of society.
Not only individual countries, but also Africa as a
whole would benefit hugely from past experience to
ensure that inter-African and international cooperation
is able to mitigate certain shortcomings.
Let me give you a modest example: on the initiative
of the Algerian Minister for Religious Affairs, an
association of imams and preachers has been set
up in the Sahel region. It has a very promising role
to play in deradicalisation.
Lastly, the AU has created an African Centre for
Studies and Research on Terrorism, which is based in
Africa and is supported by the United Nations and the
European Union. A lot of measures are being taken.
“Africa will not be a soft
underbelly for terrorism, it will
be a leading player against it;
it will go down in history for
defeating terrorism. The price
will no doubt be high but
terrorism will be defeated
because it goes against
fundamental human values”
Hamdi Loza
Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Egypt
On behalf of the Egyptian delegation, I
wish to express my gratitude for the forum’s
support.
I would like to go back to what the French Minister
of Defence said about fighting indoctrination through
the media and religious authorities. We must not let
moderate religious leaders fight radicalism alone.
Nothing is more dangerous than a single-minded
belief. Fundamentalists believe that they are better
than other Muslims, not to mention non-Muslims. They
believe that they must impose their interpretation of
Islam on the whole of society. We must not let them
do that. They believe that democracy and tolerance
are concepts invented by outsiders, that the national
flag and anthem do not deserve respect.
25
“All of these beliefs have
to be tackled with courage,
not only by moderate religious
leaders but by the whole
of society, including education
and culture ministers
and artists”
it and other major powers can organize their actions
— notably their financial support — on a long-term
basis. At the Dakar Forum, we must identify longterm solutions to this problem, which we can then
put forward to the international community.
When fundamentalists claim that music and dance are
sinful, the whole of society must be prepared to rise
up in protest against them. Thank you.
Terrorism takes many forms. Only by working together
will we be able to combat all the different ways of
creating instability within our countries, for example
terrorism and piracy.
As the three main themes ofthe forum, namely the
development of the terrorist threat, African solutions and
international support have been addressed with the gravity
and experience they require, I will now hand over the task
of closing this session to the panelists.
HE Macky Sall,
President of the Republic of Senegal
I would just like to say that, as far as training imams is
concerned, we must work with countries that have the
same values, the same understanding of tolerant Islam.
Academies need to work together so that imams are
trained to interpret Islam in a way that is compatible
with society. The Islamic faith needs to adapt to who
and what we are. It is practiced differently, for instance,
in the Middle East, the Maghreb and Senegal.
“We also need to train
the elites if we are to wage
and win the psychological war ”
As far as peacekeeping missions are concerned,
some are perfectly adequate for low-intensity conflicts.
However, some armed groups, in northern Mali for
example, have a complete disregard for national unity.
They attack the peacekeepers and kill people on a
daily basis. So a change of approach is needed. In
such cases, the notion of “keeping” peace no longer
holds. We have to impose peace. I firmly believe that
some theatres require a different kind of mission.
Then there is the question of partnerships. France has
done a lot and we are grateful for that, but it cannot
provide the kind of support we need on its own. We
must turn to the European Union too, and see how
26
HE Komi Sélom Klassou,
Prime Minister of Togo
“We have to tackle the issues
of youth unemployment
and of administrative,
economic and political
governance (including
corruption)”
We must find mechanisms that enable us to make the
transition from words to action. Our partners, whose
help we need so much today, can rest assured: We are
determined to find a solution. If France had not intervened
in Mali, we don’t know what situation Africa would be in
today. We would also like to thank all our international
and regional partners, with whom we must work closely
to give African people new hope.
Jean-Yves Le Drian,
French Minister of Defence
Allow me to say four things.
First of all about peacekeeping operations: the fact
that there are several types of mission is inevitable.
Some need to be more robust than others, which
obviously has drawbacks in terms of resources.
Secondly, I am a firm believer in the regionalisation
of action; the G5 Sahel, the Multinational Joint Task
Force that is being set up around Lake Chad to fight
Boko Haram, etc. These are recent but very important
developments, which we must support to encourage
the interoperability of African armed forces.
Moreover, we are seeing far fewer victims today for
the same number of attacks. We must continue to
invest in strong, high-tech equipment. We must also
increase investment in intelligence, which is something
I am trying to do within the United Nations and which,
since we entered Mali, is gradually being accepted
as necessary in New York.
However, this does not prevent us from thinking about
the medium-term future. Therefore, eighteen months
ago I asked my staff to work on developing a strategy
to defeat piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. I can’t say that
the Security Council members that I discussed it with
at the time were very enthusiastic. They claimed it
would cost a lot of money. I replied that it will cost
a lot more in a few years’ time if we fail to act now.
We all know that terrorists and organized crime
networks are working together more and more,
especially when it comes to trafficking. So I agree
with the Prime Minister of Togo, Mr. Klassou, that
fighting terrorism means fighting piracy too.
I would like to thank all the panelists, speakers
and delegates for their participation and their interest
in this debate.
Finally, I would like to go back to a remark made by
Chad’s foreign affairs minister, Mr. Faki.
“When a country goes
to war, at some point everyone
has to realise that they must
return the favour”
HE Daniel Ona Ondo,
Prime Minister of Gabon
Hervé Ladsous,
I have three short remarks to make. The first concerns
the training of African armed forces and military elites,
which is crucial to establish peace and security. I
would like to thank France for its help and support
in this area.
Secondly, I believe that poverty breeds the ideal
conditions for terrorism to thrive. So we must reduce
poverty and social exclusion if we are to combat
terrorism effectively. Because, as we say in my tribe,
“poor people have nothing to lose.”
Lastly, to defeat terrorism, we need to address the
essential question of how it is funded. No solution can
be effective unless we pool our resources.
United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations,
Head of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations
We are dealing with increasingly difficult situations,
with increasingly robust mandates. I often take the
mandate of MONUSCO in the DRC as an example
because it clearly states — in black and white —
that the United Nations peacekeepers’ mission is to
neutralise armed groups.
“All too often, we are not given
the political tools
to follow through. I can assure
you that we are doing our
utmost every day
to increase and strengthen
our resources and equipment”
27
SESSION 1
PLENARY SESSION 1
EVOLUTION OF SECURITY RISKS
AND THREATS
THE CHALLENGES RAISED BY TERRORISM IN AFRICA
Conference 1
Security challenges and economic growth
Chair: Tieman Hubert Coulibaly
Ministre de la Défense et des anciens combattants – Mali
Speakers:
General Mohammed Babagana Monguno
WORKSHOP 1Evolution of the terrorist threat: transnational
and transcontinental dimensions
Case study: Libye
National Security Adviser – Nigeria
Masakazu Hamachi
Vice-ministre parlementaire pour les Affaires étrangères – Japan
Général Pierre de Villiers
Chef d’État-major des armées – France
WORKSHOP 2African migration issues:
Migration flows to Europe, intra-continental movements,
human trafficking
Elissa Slotkin
Case study: Libye
Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général au Mali et chef de la MINUSMA – United Nations
Acting Assistant Secretary, Department of Defense – USA
Mongi Hamdi
WORKSHOP 3Growing radicalization: local, regional and international
dynamics
28
29
While it was for a long time viewed as an exogenous
phenomenon, the development of a strictly speaking
African terrorism in the last decade has radically
changed the security situation on the continent.
While groups like Al-Shabab or AQIM regularly target
Western interests, the majority of victims of terrorism
in Africa are African civilians, and symbols of the State
(security forces, administration) are frequently targeted.
The resilience of terrorist groups is due to their ability
to take advantage of structural weaknesses in certain
States: limited State control over national territory and
borders, anchored illicit economy, regional inequalities,
etc. To face terrorism, a robust and comprehensive
security response, combining intelligence services
and operational capacity, is necessary. Terrorism
being today a transnational threat, the security
response must be organized by the State, but also
included in a regional framework. Finally, the security
response must be accompanied by political and socioeconomic measures in the long term, to minimize the
attractiveness of extremist speeches.
Is Africa a prime target
for terrorist groups?
Although the continent has been peaceful for some
years, and has forged a path towards development
and strong performances thanks to significant
economic progress with a growth rate in the region
of 5%, terrorism is a reality in Africa today.
A marginalized continent, Africa is much coveted
and has become a prime target for terrorist groups.
TIEMAN HUBERT
COULIBALY
«The 2014 Dakar Forum
conclusions must be welcomed,
because they have established that
transnational issues necessitate a common
vision.
Common solutions should rely on capacities
at a state or subregional level. This is why
reviewing the African Peace Architecture is
more crucial than ever.
By attacking States going through emerging
democratic process, terrorist groups attack
our way of living which is based on freedom,
freedom of belief and of enterprise.»
30
From Mali, Nigeria, Cameroon and the Central African
Republic to Chad, Somalia, Kenya, Egypt, Tunisia
and Libya, the African continent is suffering from
a rise in violence that combines criminality and the
instrumentalization of religion. The scourge of terrorism
has slyly shifted its focus to the Sahel region.
This extreme violence, experienced daily for the
first time, forms part of a strategy of disruption and
escalating terror, which is reflected in the modes of
action put in place by often residual gangs, armed
terrorist groups in the Sahel region and pseudoarmed groups who claim to administer territories,
such as Boko Haram, Al-Shabab in Somalia and
Daesh. All show signs of greater mobility, reactivity
and adaptability.
The cross-border, transnational nature of this terrorism
exploits the porosity of Africa’s borders in order to
cross them, and also establish itself in areas that are
often difficult to control.
Mali is an edifying example of this, to the extent that
it offers the international community an opportunity
to analyze the concurrence of political upheavals
that can pave the way for a terrorist plan aiming to
replace the conventional system of government with
a mafia government.
What should be done to tackle the complexity of this
worrying phenomenon to maintain peace and security
in Africa? Where and how should the necessary
resources be directed in order to put in place a rapid
response to this threat?
MONGY HAMDY
«At MINUSMA, we have
been striving with our partners,
led by the Malian authorities, to secure the
peace process and ensure reconciliation,
to establish stability and also to ensure that
schools are re-opened all over the country,
even in Kidal.»
ELISSA SLOTKIN
«Up until now, the initiatives
taken in the aftermath of
11 September 2001 gave us the sense that
the international community had succeeded
in dealing a heavy blow to
Al-Qaida’s leadership. However, terrorist
groups today are more numerous, more
diffuse and more autonomous. Their
structure has evolved and
is less hierarchical.»
Implementing a coordinated
African security response
with the support of
the international community
every country on the continent – and even beyond
that, receives the consensus of all the participants
and speakers at this first plenary session.
There are solutions to terrorist threats in Africa, despite
the challenges they represent. Some of these have
already been put in place by the countries affected
in close collaboration with their neighbours, regional
authorities and international institutions within the
framework of bilateral and multilateral cooperations.
Military solutions in particular have been proposed
to combat terrorism. For this, the various countries
concerned must work together in a broad partnership.
The G5 Sahel is an operational example of this.
The second solution calls for better cooperation in
matters of intelligence and also between special
forces, where there is still scope for improvement.
The third solution recalls the need to keep the following
operational trio in mind: «intelligence, monitoring,
neutralization».
Finally, the last solution concerns the need to continue
work carried out by local, international and United
Nations forces. This is already the case in Mali where
Malian forces are cooperating closely with G5 Sahel
and MINUSMA with a view to stabilizing the country.
However, an exclusively security-led solution does
not appear to be entirely satisfactory. We must not
only respond, but also and above all, prevent these
threats and tackle the challenges of terrorism in depth
across the continent.
It is not enough to win
the war, we must win peace
As can be seen in Iraq and Libya, simply winning the
war is not enough. Without social policies to fight
against poverty and corruption, without the equitable
distribution of resources and without effective social
justice, Africa will not achieve peace.
This goes beyond stability and raises the question of
the rule of law at the heart of this debate, in which
stakeholders view prevention and repression as
equally important. One cannot be achieved without
economizing on the other, which is why we must
further mobilize our resources in order to respond
to these needs both in terms of governance and
development.
Cooperation must therefore be fully implemented
across all sectors in each country, from the government
to local authorities and also between each member
of civil society.
The need for a common approach in terms of security
to counter the global threat of terrorism – which affects
MASAKAZU HAMACHI
«We are determined to
become more involved in the
debate surrounding peace and security in
Africa through the G7 Summit and the UN
Security Council, of which Japan will hold the
presidency from July 2016, and TICAD VI.»
GENERAL MOHAMMED
BABAGANA MONGUNO
«It is necessary to renew the
social contract, which should be
based on trust and inclusion in a rule of law. »
GENERAL DE VILLIERS
«As military officials,
we understand the need
to pursue our actions long term: it takes on
average 15 years of endurance, perseverance
and commitment to resolve a crisis. Let’s
pursue our actions long term, with mediumterm and long-term strategies.»
31
Today, the state must not become the enemy of certain
fringes of its society, notably young people excluded
from the development process.
At the same time, we can move beyond social
progress and further towards peace through discourse.
Meaningful discourse is able to change perceptions,
faced with an enemy who knows exactly how to
manipulate every means of communication available
to them thanks to the globalization of media such as
YouTube, Facebook and Twitter. These messages
can be accessed everywhere and by everyone, and
place violence at the heart of our societies.
This multifaceted and particularly complex fight is
the only way to tackle the challenges of terrorism in
Africa, and requires a constant flow of investment to
defend the shared values of security and peace in
Africa and around the world.
CONFERENCE 1
SECURITY CHALLENGES
AND ECONOMIC GROWTH
Chair:
Kadré Désiré Ouédraogo
Président de la Commission – ECOWAS
Speakers:
Betty Bigombe
Former Minister – Uganda
Babacar Ndiaye
Ancien président – Banque africaine de développement (AfDB)
Raymond Gilpin
Academic Dean – Africa Center for Strategic Studies
Alexandre Marc
Spécialiste en chef pour les questions de fragilité, de conflit et de violence – World
Bank
32
33
For a decade, an increasing number of African
countries have benefited from significant growth
rate, fuelled by a strong international demand in raw
materials, and the growing interest on the part of
trade partners. Some countries even show several
indicators of emergence: a growing middle class, the
development of the service sectors, etc.
However, economic growth can also lead to the
emergence of new risks. Indeed, the current structural
changes (demographic, economic, social, territorial)
occur in sometimes failed political and institutional
contexts, in State structures unprepared to efficiently
manage economic flows and growing incomes. The
unevenly distributed and unequal growth can create
socio-economic and territorial distortions, leading
to instability. Marginalized regions, rural exodus and
overhasty urbanization, enhanced social inequalities,
economic dependency to raw materials prices, social
claims, rising aspirations of the civil society: African
States and organizations need to engage into a
collective reflection on those challenges to match
growth and security.
No development without
security, no security
without development?
Today, Africa is more attractive than ever. Economic
growth over the past 10 to 15 years has been
phenomenal, with some countries achieving 9%
growth despite the international financial crisis that
has had a lasting effect on the rest of the world. It
is attracting not only foreign direct investments (FDI)
but also investments at regional and national level.
RAYMOND GILPIN
“We must coordinate
national and international
initiatives with the reality of security threats.
We must invest more in measures that
take account of non-state actors, since
they represent the main threat to peace and
security.”
34
How, then, can we explain the quasi-concurrent rise in
violence and conflicts across the continent? Economic
indicators cannot explain this phenomenon alone. It
is essential to take into account political and social
factors to better understand the complexity of the
link between security and economic growth, and also
the broader link between security and development
in particular.
While Africa’s rich natural resources – such as minerals,
oil, gas and agriculture etc. – are an obvious source of
growth, more than 50 billion dollars leave the continent
illegally every year, according to the African Union. This
is considerably more than the amount of foreign aid
given to Africa, and raises the issue of governance.
Economic growth is
not the same as development
In reality, Africa is not suffering due to growth but as
a result of its redistribution, since economic growth
without good governance does not contribute to
security. The World Bank’s statistics show a strong link
between violence and inequality between individuals,
and also between sub-regions within the same country,
which leads to conflicts. The source of poverty and
conflicts is the same: weak institutions.
The weight given to each of the elements of governance
may make governments feel uncomfortable as there is
no universal solution for calculating this. It is necessary
to look at where growth stems from and how it is
composed in each country. “Man cannot live by
growth rate alone”; we live off what is produced by
KADRÉ DÉSIRÉ
OUÉDRAOGO
“Does Africa have the means
to ensure its development and
thus its own security?
Economic growth can be part
of the response to the crisis but is not enough
on its own.”
BETTY BIGOMBE
“Until now, democracy
has appeared to be the
solution to all Africa’s troubles. We
need to develop a new way of thinking based
on a comprehensive approach that connects
economic growth, development and matters
of security. I also call for organizers to take
account of the role of women in peace and
security. Nothing can be achieved without
women. They are the pillars of our families
and communities.”
this growth. Since there is no overall solution to the
problem of redistribution, African governments are
invited to communicate their countries’ specific needs
at this level to regional and international partners.
At continent level, economic development can prove
insufficient to guarantee peace and security. One
of the major obstacles that can potentially hinder
economic development is the impact demographic
growth has on development. In fact, this exponential
growth constantly throws into question any progress
that can be made by policies for access to drinking
water or land access, for example. As a result, failing
to control demographic growth is a stress factor that
must be taken into consideration.
The need to invest
in human security
African societies will only be able to face challenges
to their security by adopting an innovative holistic
approach to economic growth, development and
security. Development policies in Africa have, until
now, been essentially focused on growth and the
reduction of poverty, which has proved insufficient.
The aim of stability must be integrated in development
policies. There should also be integration between
politics, the economy and the military.
In reality, conflicts are not created overnight. They are
the fruit of existing inequalities in relation to social justice,
education and health care. These factors of inequality
lead to conflicts. We cannot afford to ignore these
factors today.
In the same way, security is not the exclusive reserve
of states; it also affects populations. Peace is a mode
of behavior that must be taught and in order to achieve
this, it is vital to place women at the heart of the
debate on security and building peace. The regional
platform and national cells put in place within the G5
Sahel framework are therefore to be commended.
Point 16 of the United Nation’s sustainable development
goals: «Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for
sustainable development, provide access to justice
for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive
institutions at all levels», brings hope in terms of
building concrete partnerships to tackle this issue.
Moreover, while the focus has been on emerging from
conflicts and rebuilding countries for many years, the
question of prevention is now of primary importance.
The Economic Community of West African States’
Lomé agreement tackles precisely this issue.
ALEXANDRE MARC
“Conflicts in Africa arise as a
result of cross-border dynamics.
The priority is to reinforce regional institutions
such as ECOWAS in West Africa. ECOWAS
is a global model for the management of
regional conflicts.
According to the OECD, 40% of the world’s
poor live in countries affected by violence
and conflicts; in 2030, this figure will rise to
60%. The poor will essentially be found only
in countries affected by violence and conflict.”
BABACAR NDIAYE
“Development can be the
result of peace and security
as well as the driving force behind them.
Studies show that conflicts affect economic
growth by between 1% and 10% in the
countries concerned. Resolving a conflict
takes an average of seven years, which has
an enormous impact on economic growth.
Not to mention the human lives lost, which
also leads to an enormous loss of potential.”
35
WORKSHOP 1
EVOLUTION OF THE TERRORIST THREAT:
TRANSNATIONAL AND TRANSCONTINENTAL
DIMENSIONS
Chair:
Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah
Président – Centre des stratégies pour la sécurité du Sahel Sahara
Speakers:
Alain Bauer
Président – Conseil Supérieur de la Formation et de la Recherche Stratégiques
Zacharia Yusuf
Analyst – International Crisis Group (ICG)
Discussant:
Ashraf Swelam
Director of the Cairo centre for conflict resolution and peacekeeping in Africa – Egypt
Case study:
Claudia Gazzini
Senior Analyst – International Crisis Group (ICG)
36
37
Abstract
Given the rising activity of Boko Haram, Sahelian
extremist groups and Al-Shabab exactions, Africa
has become, in the past few years, one of the
strongholds of Islamist terrorism, to the extent that it
is now generally accepted to speak of a “Crescent of
Crisis”, extending from the Sahel region to Somalia.
Those groups are now more and more interconnected.
As a consequence of the allegiance of some African
terrorist groups to Al Qaeda and Daech, as well as
potential new outcomes of the crisis in Yemen, African
radicalism now falls within international jihadism.
However, most of the African terrorist groups define
themselves as rooted in a local agenda oriented
towards local political, identity or socio-economic
preoccupations.
An evolving threat
The rise of African terrorism and its transnational
aspect requires a quick security reaction, both at a
national (reinforcement of the capacity of security
forces) and regional level (joint military operations,
information sharing, etc.). In order to effectively fight
against this threat, one of the main priorities should
be to restore State authority, and more specifically
to redeploy public services, in areas where terrorist
groups are more present. Institution reforms may also
be required to bind peripheral regions to the State
structure anew.
Several key aspects of the evolution of the terrorist
threat have emerged. First of all, while terrorism in the
past such as Al Qaeda in the 1990s and 2000s sought
to attack and destroy the State, terrorism today seeks
to build its own State. IS has reintroduced the goal of
the caliphate and has adopted an essentially territorial
approach by seeking to conquer and administer an
increasingly vast area. Thanks to establishing its own
State – an area that is permanently under its control
– IS has been able to build legitimacy and structures
to attract new recruits.
- Can interconnections between African terror groups
lead to the development of a common agenda
between them?
Ultimately, terrorism has become a truly global
phenomenon with Islamic State. Al Qaeda claimed
to be an international organization, but was in fact
a very geographically confined structure (occupying
an area on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border) with
international affiliates. IS has built a new organizational
model with local branches, notably in Africa. It remains
to be seen whether or not IS will manage to become a
geographically diffuse organization while also seeking
to maintain a centralized command.
- What are the implications for strategies against
terrorism?
Case study: Libya
The second part of the workshop focuses on Libya.
Being a failed State in the heart of North Africa,
Libya has become a crossroads of African jihadism,
connecting groups of the Sahel, Maghreb and Egypt,
and is now the entry point of Daech to the continent.
38
The evolution of the terrorist threat in Africa today
is characterized not just by its transnationality, but
also by its transcontinental dimension. Local African
terrorist groups such as Boko Haram and Al-Shabab
have strengthened their regional influence over the
past year and are building ideological, operational and
personal links with each other. Above all, it appears
that African extremism – through the establishment of
Islamic State (IS) in Libya and Egypt, and the regional
impact of the crisis in Yemen especially – is now more
in step with global jihadist movements. How far do
national movements, arising notably from the failure
of the African state, influence these developments?
What new concrete solutions can be put in place
at local, regional and international levels to stop the
spread of terrorism?
Criminal networks and terrorist groups are also
becoming more interconnected, taking advantage
of political instability and the weak rule of law in order
to build ever closer relations. Finally, contemporary
terrorist groups, and IS in particular, are characterized
by their mastery of communication and marketing
tools that are far more sophisticated than those used
by most African states.
Terrorist groups on the ground
The movements outlined above are thriving in the
Sahel region, due to blocked political systems, indigent
administration and security forces, captive and informal
economies and poorly managed growing urbanization.
It has become a breeding ground for training organized
and well-equipped armed groups. Counter-terrorism
in the Sahel region is therefore chiefly about fighting
armed groups, which include strong groups who carry
out military action and weak groups who resort to
terrorist and asymmetric modus operandi.
Rivalries between the two governments in Libya
have allowed the local branch of IS to pursue the
same strategy employed by the organization in Syria
and Iraq, and consolidate its territorial control in the
Sirte region thanks to a tacit agreement with local
tribes, who are frustrated by the lack of security. The
competition between the two Libyan governments
prevents any form of local strategy to fight IS, with
each government accusing the other of exploiting
IS for political gain. To formulate a strategy against
IS, a common goal with regards to what IS is and
the threat it represents must first emerge within the
Libyan political arena; the international community
must encourage dialog between the two Libyan
governments on this subject.
As far as Al-Shabab in Somalia is concerned, the
diagnosis is irrefutable: initially a movement with an
agenda restricted to Somalia, Al-Shabab is now
a regional threat, using terrorist modus operandi.
Although AMISOM’s operations and targeted
strikes by the US have permanently weakened the
organization over the past two years, they are now
capable of carrying out large-scale terrorist attacks
on neighbouring countries, thanks to their subregional
networks and relations with “brother” groups. While
they remain officially affiliated with Al Qaeda, IS is
now trying to win their allegiance. Faced with the
development of movements connected to Al-Shabab
in their own territories, surrounding countries such as
Kenya cannot rely on a security-led response, and
should take measures to tackle the preoccupations
of their Muslim populations
Possible solutions
ability to establish local roots, by adapting their radical
Islamist rhetoric in an ad hoc manner based on the
needs, interests and cultures of local communities.
Their evolving nature presents a problem for state
apparatus, which is often rigid and slow to react.
This regularly causes difficulties in adapting public
policy, defence strategies and legislative powers to the
changing terrorist threat. Their transnational dimension
is also a challenge for governments and armed forces
used to working in a national context.
Faced with these challenges, it is imperative to
put in place fully comprehensive strategies. The
majority of states aim to develop such strategies.
However, security solutions remain very dominant in
practice, and relatively few resources are dedicated
to prevention, the fight against radicalization or the
political and economic integration of marginalized
regions. A truly comprehensive strategy involves
the concerted efforts of all ministries as well as the
involvement of all sectors of society by the government
(local authorities, religious associations etc.).
Prevention, in particular, should be developed
further. It is essential here for the state to rely on
local communities, who are in direct contact with
extremist groups and are familiar with the local social
fabric. Faced with extremist groups who use religion
to mobilize new recruits in particular, it is vital that
states and the highest religious authorities provide
local opinion leaders with theological arguments to
counter the rhetoric of Islamist groups.
Finally, security-led responses must be adapted to
suit the context of African states. In some weak states
where territory is left uncontrolled, the army takes over
responsibilities normally assigned to the police and the
gendarmerie. Military-police approaches to the fight
against terrorism should take account of this specific
situation. Mechanisms must therefore be established
to facilitate cooperation between armed forces, the
police and the gendarmerie (operations, intelligence
sharing etc.). The international community must also
take this into account in offers of cooperation and
training; partners must focus more on the action rather
than the type of enforcement, and place emphasis
on cooperation with armed forces.
The strength of these terrorist groups lies in their hybrid
nature, which allows them to develop a flexible and
adaptive approach in order to exploit conventional
military action and asymmetric and terrorist warfare,
depending on their situation, and also develop their
strategies. These groups have also demonstrated their
39
WORKSHOP 2
AFRICAN MIGRATION ISSUES:
MIGRATION FLOWS TO EUROPE, INTRA-CONTINENTAL
MOVEMENTS, HUMAN TRAFFICKING
Chair:
Dileita Mohamed Dileita
Ancien Premier ministre de Djibouti, envoyé spécial pour la Libye – African Union
Speakers:
Ndioro Ndiaye
Ancienne ministre du Sénégal, Présidente de l’agence pour la migration, le leadership
et le développement
Patricia Danzi
Directrice régionale des opérations pour l’Afrique – ICRC
Petra Hueck
Head of Office - International Catholic Migration
Commission (ICMC Europe)
Alphonse Seck
Secrétaire général – CARITAS Sénégal
Discussant:
Cristina Barrios
Conseiller politique au Service européen pour l’action
extérieure (EEAS) – European Union
Case study:
Emilio Manfredi
Independent Analyst
40
41
Abstract
Migration flows to Europe have greatly increased in
the past few months. Even if many African migrants
flee from conflict zones (Somalia, Sudan, etc.), the
demographic growth and the non-existing economic
opportunities for young graduates still represent the
main factors of migrations to Europe.
However, most African migration flows are intracontinental movements. When the receiving
countries are unprepared, local tensions may emerge
(xenophobia, vying for access to resources). Finally,
when people are fleeing conflicts or crises (Nigerian
populations threatened by Boko Haram for example),
the scale of these movements can destabilize the
host country.
Regional migration policies, involving countries of
origin as well as transiting and receiving ones, appear
necessary to manage migration flows in the best
possible manner, to incorporate migrants into the
receiving societies, and to fight against prospering
criminal networks.
– Which African-European strategy towards the
migration crisis?
– Which national and regional policies to handle the
intra-continental migrations?
Case study:
Libya has become in 2012 a major transit route
for African migrants trying to reach Europe by sea.
Criminal groups are exploiting the disturbed political
and security context of Libya to settle elaborated
smuggling rings.
Migration is one of the principal preoccupations of
African governments and the international community.
This is both a historical and current day issue that
is particularly difficult to address both politically and
in terms of security. Facilitated by globalization,
the movement of populations today is increasing
exponentially and poses numerous challenges:
issues relating to human rights, labour shortages and
unemployment, a brain drain, the safety of migratory
routes and social inclusion. What are the solutions for
managing the issue of migration when Africa lacks the
physical, material and financial means? How can we
place Africa at the heart of prevention, through the
management of African borders and the elaboration
of a genuine common policy in particular? How can
Africa cooperate with its external partners?
42
Migration and human rights
With 214 million migrants worldwide since 2014,
all states are now affected by the displacement of
populations. The demographic and urban explosion,
armed conflict, increased controls and the gradual
closure of legal migratory routes north have led to a
massive increase in migration. More than 50 million
migrants today could be African, and experts predict
an intensification of migratory flows.
Job shortage or even wages that are too low prompt
numerous inhabitants to look for a better life elsewhere.
However, migrant workers receive a particularly
precarious welcome, and social inclusion is often made
impossible due to discrimination and the mistrust
of local populations. Human rights are not always
respected throughout the migratory process (crossing
difficult borders, violent practices, disproportionate
repression and a rise in the phenomenon of human
trafficking), especially given the absence of a clear and
harmonized legal framework. The migratory population
is also particularly vulnerable; women and children
especially are often the victims of sexual violence.
Many die during the journey, in the Sahara desert or
drown in the Mediterranean.
Certain humanitarian organizations, such as the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC),
aim to provide relief (water, food) and also reestablish
contact between migrants and their families. Many
suffer difficult detention conditions. They are often
mixed with the common law prison population in the
receiving country, and many are left traumatized by
the process.
Border security and management
Countries in Africa and Europe do not have the
physical, material or financial means to enforce border
controls, leaving extremely porous borders that are
thousands of kilometres long. Personnel assigned to
border points lack the necessary training to ensure
the effective management of migrating populations
and buffer zones, especially in terms of security. In
certain countries (Mali, northern Niger, Cameroon and
Nigeria), border management is currently disrupted
by the incursion of radical elements and terrorism.
Interregional cooperation
While Ghana and even Nigeria have now adopted a
migratory policy, other developing countries have yet
to coordinate a genuine, coherent and inclusive policy
on migration. All countries in Africa and Europe are
driven by their own interests and current priorities.
Although there is a dialog between the African
Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) (Cotonou
Agreement), interregional cooperation remains
insufficient. Labour migration in particular is a subject of
disagreement between home countries and receiving
countries. The formulation of a comprehensive policy
has become essential in order to respond to all the
challenges posed by this migratory phenomenon.
Libya, a migratory crossroads
The situation in Libya is a major concern: its strategic
geographical position and state weakness means it is
now one of the busiest transit points. Although there
are no exact statistics on the number of migrants
in Libyan territory, the International Organization
for Migration (IOM) estimates that more than
35,000 people have crossed the Mediterranean from
Libya since January 2015. As a result of the fall of
Gaddafi’s regime, numerous clandestine and very
lucrative immigration channels have emerged. The
absence of state structures has paved the way for
criminal groups who profit from human trafficking.
all the services of the states involved (security forces,
border control, local governments etc.).
Better cooperation between the EU and African states
and organizations also appears to be essential for the
shared management of migratory flows from Africa to
Europe. The Valetta Summit showed promising steps
towards this, but declarations of intent alone are not
sufficient. The response to the complex challenge of
migration is multifaceted and multi-dimensional, across
political, humanitarian and socioeconomic levels. A
strictly security-led approach is therefore inadequate;
only a universal approach that combines security
cooperation, development aid and humanitarian
assistance will be able to tackle migratory issues
once and for all.
What are the African solutions?
The solution to this problem is essentially African. Better
management of migratory flows can only be achieved
through a broad awareness of the human, economic
and security issues surrounding migration and the
political willingness of governments and sub-regional
organizations. Building a common understanding in
Africa of the phenomenon of migration, its challenges
and also the opportunities it represents are therefore
an essential prerequisite for putting effective measures
in place.
States must quickly develop adapted and consistent
migration policies and legislative provisions; this
requires specific expertise and experience that
international partners – including large associations
specialized in this area – should provide in the form
of advice or expert missions. In countries where
immigration is a particularly sensitive and polarizing
issue, awareness campaigns could also be put in place
to ensure that any xenophobic attitudes which may
exist do not spill over into violence. Security forces
must also be made aware of the question of migrant
management.
A harmonized regulatory framework must be created
at regional level in partnership with receiving countries,
home countries and transit countries, based on the
framework ECOWAS is starting to put in place.
Measures will need to be correctly implemented,
which requires the concerted and appropriate action of
43
WORKSHOP 3
GROWING RADICALIZATION: LOCAL, REGIONAL
AND INTERNATIONAL DYNAMICS
Chair:
Nana O. Touré-Sy
Directrice régionale du PNUD pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest et du Centre – United Nations
Speakers:
Mahamadou Abou-Tarka
Président de la Haute Autorité à la Consolidation
de la paix – Niger
Louis Gautier
Secrétaire général de la défense et de la sécurité nationale – France
Bakary Sambe
Coordinateur – Observatoire des radicalismes et conflits religieux en Afrique (ORCRA)
Mehdi Taje
Institut tunisien des études stratégiques
Discussant:
Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem Denna
Political advisor – SEAE-UE
Case study:
Emilio Manfredi
Professor – University of Nouakchott
44
45
Abstract
Radicalization thrives on political, economic and
social exclusion, which makes youth more receptive
to extremist speeches. It is also made possible by the
State’s shortcomings in certain key sectors, particularly
education, which may be filled by non-State actors (local
and foreign) and proponents of radical interpretations
of Islam.
least two different forms of radicalization can therefore
be distinguished; the first is «cognitive», which means
that it triggers the spread of radical ideas and beliefs
held by individuals or groups, while the second is more
«operational», in the sense that radical beliefs and ideas
generate actions of a violent and coercive nature, which
can be similar to terrorism.
Factors in the emergence
The prevention of radicalization is complementary to and progression of radicalization: local,
counter-terrorism initiatives. However, some States regional and international movements
often develop strategies against extremism based only
on security. Comprehensive national policies against
radicalization appear necessary: institutionalized
dialogue between religious leaders, local and
governmental authorities; fight against discrimination,
equal access to the work market, freedom of religion;
investments in the education sector, etc.
- How to respond to the implementation of radical
ideologies at the State level?
- What kind of common regional strategies should be
foreseen?
Bamako, Paris, Tunis, northern Nigeria: the attacks of
November 2015 are a sad illustration of the fact that
radicalization and the shift towards violent extremism
are among the major threats to peace and international
security today. In Africa more than anywhere, the
phenomenon is constantly growing and affects vast
areas of the continent, fuelled by political, economic and
social exclusion. The multiplication and reinforcement of
radical Islamist groups in recent years (such as AQIM,
Boko Haram, Al-Mourabitoune and Al-Shabab etc.)
with a real ability to do harm, has rekindled the debate
surrounding the factors and underlying causes of this
radicalization in Africa and the ways to combat it. What
are the factors, at local, national and regional level, that
drive individuals or groups to become radicalized? What
common strategies can be envisaged on a regional
scale to fight against this borderless phenomenon?
What is radicalization?
46
The very notion of radicalization is complex and
controversial. There is no universally accepted definition
either in academic circles or at governmental or
intergovernmental level. While the collective imagination
tends to associate the concept of radicalization with
the world of religion and jihadist ideology especially,
in reality radicalization is a much more complex and
multifaceted phenomenon brought about by numerous
causes and factors. These are of a political, economic,
social, cultural and even psychological nature. At the
same time, it is important to clearly distinguish between
radicalization and terrorism. While terrorism is often the
result of a process of radicalization, the reverse is not
always true. In other words, radicalization does not
lead to terrorist action and violence systematically. At
Any process of radicalization is the result of a
combination of complex appeals (pull factors) and
triggers (push factors) that generally fall within local,
regional and international dynamics. While specific
geographical features are important in the analysis of
the underlying causes of radicalization, it seems that
certain key questions extend beyond the local and
national context. Generally speaking, radicalization
is fuelled by any form of exclusion, whether this is
political, economic, social or cultural. These forms
of exclusion are partly down to the state’s failure to
establish governmental functions (education, justice
and basic social services etc.) and respect the social
contract that binds it to citizens. This exclusion mostly
affects young people, women and marginalized groups.
of the Libyan crisis in the Sahel region. We’re also
seeing an increasing interconnectivity between armed
Islamist groups, which contributes to the spread
of the jihadist phenomenon across the continent,
facilitated by combatants’ high level of mobility, the
porosity of borders and the use of modern means of
communication. Radicalism has now reached a new
scale, to the extent that it now represents a greater
threat to peace and security on the continent.
Tackling radicalization: What common
strategies can be put in place at regional
level?
Along with their partners, African states and regional
and sub-regional organizations have invested heavily
in the fight against radicalization and violent extremism
over the past few years. Following the example of
actions for the socio-economic rehabilitation of
populations in the Lake Chad region led by Niger’s
High Authority for the Consolidation of Peace, «deradicalization» initiatives have become numerous and
widespread at continent level. However, policies to
fight against radicalization are lagging behind in the
face of the evolution of radical groups. Some experts
now fear a «collision of extremes» (radical Islam vs
evangelical Christianity) in the years to come, against
a background of aggravated ethno-religious tensions.
Since radicalization is invariably complex (caused by
multiple factors), there is now a consensus on the need
to adopt a multi-dimensional, universal and sustainable
approach to fight effectively against this phenomenon.
While military strategies for combating radicalization are
vital in order to contain the threat, the long-term solution
will inevitably involve structural programmes that place
emphasis on prevention and integrate security, political,
economic, social and cultural dimensions. Moreover, the
transnationality of the radical threat requires increased
cooperation between states for the creation and
implementation of these programmes. This approach
can be executed at national and regional level, notably
through implementing monitoring and early warning
mechanisms, strengthening the capacity of judicial
institutions and harmonizing national legal frameworks,
promoting educational programmes and the socioeconomic rehabilitation of young people in particular,
and even by consolidating women’s organizations and
religious authorities as strategic players in the prevention
of radicalization.
The expansion of Boko Haram in the Lake Chad region
and Al-Qaeda in the Sahel region are examples of
radicalization processes that affect a huge number of
young people in particular, who are often disaffected
and jobless. This type of radicalization is largely
economic, and is less concerned with religious or
ideological factors. These conclusions mirror those
formulated during the first Dakar International Forum
in 2014, during which the deficit in states’ political and
economic governance, and the disaffection of central
and local authorities in the social arena, had already
been identified as contributing factors to the spread
of radicalization. The dissemination of radicalization
mainly depends on the ability of sub-state actors to fill
the void left by political, social or religious authorities,
particularly in the peripheral regions of each state.
These figures often evolve under the influence of the
Gulf states.
Beyond these local and national dynamics – which are
key to explaining the process of radicalization, a dual
phenomenon of regionalization and internationalization
of radical ideologies is taking place across the African
continent. In this way, radicalization can also be
explained by the interaction between global trends
towards radical Islam – and the diffusion of Wahhabi
fundamentalism in certain African countries in particular,
through significant funding deployed by Gulf states
– and regional circumstances, such as the influence
47
SESSION 2
PLENARY SESSION 2
AFRICAN RESPONSES: NEW STRATEGIES
AFRICAN MEDIATIONS:
LESSONS LEARNT IN TERMS OF CRISIS PREVENTION
AND MANAGEMENT?
CONFERENCE 2
Major industrial and energy projects
in Africa facing security challenges
WORKSHOP 4An African strategy against terrorism: the fight against
illicit funding and transnational threats
Case study: Boko Haram
WORKSHOP 5New approaches against extremist groups:
regional solutions and ad hoc responses
Case study: Le G5 Sahel
WORKSHOP 6
odernization of African Armed forces and Security Sector
M
Reform (SSR)
Case study: M
odernization and involvement in PKO:
Burundian and Ethiopian armed forces
Chair:
Saïd Djinnit
Envoyé spécial du Secrétaire général pour la région des Grands Lacs – United Nations
Speakers:
Ramtane Lamamra
Ministre d’État, Ministre des Affaires étrangères
et de la Coopération internationale – Algeria
Abdoulaye Bathily
Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général et du Chef
du Bureau régional pour l’Afrique centrale – United Nations
Haile Menkerios
Under-Secretary General, Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan and Special
Representative to the African Union – United Nations
Gilbert Khadiagala
Professor of International Relations - Witwatersrand - Johannesbourg
Landing Savané
Vice-président – Institut Panafricain de Stratégies (IPS)
48
49
The prevention and mediation of crisis and conflicts
are core activities of the African Union (AU) and the
regional economic communities (REC). The AU and
RECs have acquired distinctive crisis management
mechanisms. Increasingly involved in the intra-State
crises, those mediations have the means to tackle
complex issues, such as the State model, powersharing or the reorganization of security forces.
African mediations are seen as a flexible and efficient
tool to be used in crisis management and resolution.
However, they sometimes have shown some limits in
several aspects, as illustrated by the difficult repartition
of the missions - or even overlapping mandates between the AU or the RECs, mediations stunted
by dissensions among member States, regional
organizations hesitating to use coercive methods (such
as sanctions) towards actors of the crisis, and weak
cooperation with local actors (religious organizations,
civil society representatives, etc.). Facing those
challenges will contribute to the emergence of a clearly
defined African model of prevention and mediation,
both reactive and efficient.
Expertise that has been tried
and tested on the continent
Africa has gained remarkable experience in the area
of mediation. Since the 1990s regional bodies have
equipped themselves with mechanisms for preventing
and managing crises, and there are many examples
of mediations of varying structure.
For a very long time, mediation was the work of leading
figures and was carried out in the greatest secrecy.
A change can be seen with the second generation
of mediation, with more multilateralism and more
inclusiveness.
With the exception of Libya and Sudan, where
mediations are being conducted by the United Nations
and the European Union, recent conflicts in Africa have
had the benefit of mediation led by regional institutions.
Indeed, since countries of the region possess a better
understanding of the politico-economic and cultural
reality, they have greater influence over the parties
to the conflict. Moreover, they have more to lose
if the conflict spreads to their borders, resulting in
consequences such as refugee flows, arms transfers
and acts of violence. Because of this, pressure and
sanctions are rarely effective if the border countries
are not involved in the negotiations. Lastly, they are
able, if necessary, to deploy troops much more quickly
than international institutions.
What kind of mediation
is needed given the increasing
complexity of conflicts?
Stakeholders from civil society
for more inclusive mediation
processes
Since the national liberation struggle for independence
in which two visions clearly opposed each other,
from the 1980s onward we have seen new sorts
of movements on the continent characterized by a
demand for the recognition of a religious, ethnic or
regional identity.
The regional and international expertise that has been
accumulated over the years of mediation in Africa
no longer seems to suffice for comprehending the
unconventional threats that the continent faces today.
How can the mediation infrastructure be reinforced?
Two proposals stand out.
The attempt to build the nation state was not finished,
and this continues to give rise to conflicts in Africa.
Thus, conflicts now pit segments of a single nation
against each other, challenging peaceful coexistence.
Africa is experiencing a period of democratic transition
in which governance is being called into question by
larger and larger portions of society.
The first could be summarized by the slogan used by
the Gbagbo government in Côte d’Ivoire following the
failure of the Marcoussis negotiations: “Let us sit down
and talk”. Dialogue with society, but even more so
mediation by society itself, appears to be a promising
approach for dealing with the tensions that directly
affect it. Additionally, for example, national discussions
on, and not against, terrorism might help to establish
an antidote to this phenomenon. The role of expert
mediators would be undeniable. It would appear that
African societies possess enough resources within
themselves to help spread the idea that peace and
tolerance are values that should be defended.
Although the regional aspect is essential in conflict
resolution, involving international bodies is often useful
in terms of both human and material resources. This
applies from the first signs of a crisis to the negotiation
itself and the implementation of agreements on the
ground, on condition that the negotiation be held in
a climate of trust between the parties involved in a
process that may extend over several years. Joint
actions should thus be favoured in the long term.
Here factors of governance, national identity (which
is often perceived differently by the various parties to
the conflict) and the nature of the mediation come into
play. The danger of the many faces of these demands
is that we increasingly have to deal with overlapping
mediations, which poses the risk of losing the unity
necessary for successful mediation.
These multi-stakeholder mediations are becoming
increasingly difficult as conflicts become more
complex, so it is reasonable to examine the usefulness
of this expertise for responding to the new security
threats affecting Africa.
The emergence of citizens’ awareness cannot be
ignored by mediation. A hunger for social justice,
governance and the recognition of multiple identities
echoes across the entire continent and often leads,
because of an absence of access to institutions, to
identity-related violence, frequently of a cross-border
nature.
RAMTANE LAMAMRA
Secondly, in the same vein, the role of women should
be confirmed as a factor of mediation and social
cohesion, and much more clearly than it is at present.
United Nations resolution 1325, which recognizes
women as a factor for the maintenance of peace
and for national construction or reconstruction, is
particularly vital for guaranteeing the success of
African mediations in terms of both the prevention
and management of crises.
ABDOULAYE BATHILY
HAILE MENKERIOS
SAÎD DJINNIT
“There are still in Africa
governance issues that we
shall worry about.”
LANDING SAVANÉ
“So long as society is unable
to find the remedies needed to heal
its ills, external intervention will find it difficult
to fulfill this role. Our African societies have
already shown this ability during sovereign
national conferences, for instance.”
50
GILBERT KHADIAGALA
“To face unconventional
threats, we need to bring in
mediation unconventional mediators such
as elders, youth, women and have a more
bottom up than top-down approach to
mediation”
PROFESSEUR DIABATE
“Women’s strengths are
production, the transmission of
values, alliances and, most importantly, they
are an electoral force since they represent
64% of voters in Africa. […] The leadership
of women must be reinforced because it is
they who will spread the culture of peace.”
“Terrorism is one of the
enemies of mediation. It is in
terrorism’s interests that efforts of good
will not be rewarded with success because
terrorism prospers in situations of confusion
and the absence of government. That is our
major challenge in Mali.
Africa’s efforts have been colossal. The African
Union’s Pan-African Network of the Wise
enables a culture of mediation that complies
with African traditions to achieve the 2020
objective, no more conflict in Africa.”
“We are now facing new
kinds of conflicts; we need to put
new kinds of mediation in place.
Given the legacy of arbitrary colonial
geography, either we opt for the unity of a
territory with all its diversity, or we accept the
break-up of a country. Therefore, tolerance
is a fundamental element in the construction
of the nation state.
The unity of mediation is fundamental on a
regional and international level. Without it, we
will fall into chaos, as in Burundi.”
“The mains drivers of
current conflicts in Africa are
the challenges of exclusion from equitable
sharing of power, lack of equal economic
opportunities, poorly organized constitutional
and electoral processes linked to change
of power and increasing of terrorism and
violence.
Factors enabling regional bodies to
act as mediators are proximity, political
will flexibility and ability to adopt peer
pressure which includes political isolation,
sanctions, peace enforcement etc.”
51
CONFERENCE 2
MAJOR INDUSTRIAL AND ENERGY PROJECTS IN AFRICA
FACING SECURITY CHALLENGES
Chair:
Paul Koffi Koffi
Ministre de la Défense – Côte d’Ivoire
Speakers:
Kabiné Komara
Ancien Premier ministre de Guinée, Haut-commissaire – OMVS
Ahmed Mecheraoui
Ancien conseiller au ministère de l’Énergie – Algeria
Benjamin Augé
Chercheur – Institut français des relations internationales
Alex Vines
Head of Africa Programme – Chatham House
Guy Sidos
PDG – VICAT
Discussant:
Iimura Tsutomu
Directeur au département Afrique – Agence japonaise de coopération internationale
(JICA)
52
53
Securing major economic projects is a key challenge
for African States and regional organizations. These
projects are likely to be targeted by both terrorist
groups seeking to draw attention (the attack on In
Amenas) and criminal networks in search of new
income sources.
The hydrocarbons sector, which is a major economic
issue in Africa, requires large and important installations
that constitute prime targets (platforms, refineries,
pipelines, etc.). The issue of securing facilities and
supply routes is thus a central concern of oil and gas
producing States, which are not always well equipped
to deal with asymmetrical threats. If cross-border oil and
gas pipelines and the joint exploitation of hydropower
plants have become a vector of cooperation and
regional integration, the pooling of security resources
and defence mechanisms remains inadequate.
However, the emergence of new oil and gas producing
regions, as evidenced by the recent discovery of major
resources in East Africa, requires new and innovative
joint solutions.
Industrial and energy projects:
time bombs or social
opportunities?
Africa possesses 10% of the world’s oil and a third
of its mineral resources. Extraction remains a very
important activity on the continent and continues to
attract a great deal of foreign investment. Large-scale
African industrial and energy projects are potential
growth factors and can prove to be exceptional
sources of wealth redistribution on a national level, but,
in cases where the projects are poorly managed, they
can also become sources of crises, or even conflict.
The transformation sector generates social peace
in that it creates jobs, with five jobs being created in
transformation for one created in extraction. Similarly,
extraction operations can be a factor of national
redistribution of wealth, particularly in rural areas.
However, resources like oil can easily become a means
of political blackmail and weapons of war. In this
light, the story of the Niger Delta, where production
was reduced fourfold between 2006 and 2009, is
enlightening.
Additionally, the abundant natural resources of Africa
may be considered by some as a malediction for the
people affected by the impact of these industries on,
for example, fishing and agriculture.
Lessons learnt from
the Algerian experience
of terrorism
and good practices
In Algeria before the advent of terrorism, projects did
not have any special protection like industrial security.
“Without energy, there is no
growth. That’s why we need
to secure the energy and
transport infrastructures.
Securing industrial sites will benefit
companies, their employees but also the
population and the States.”
“ Te r r o r i s m h a s b e e n
defeated in Algeria not only
because of the security
policy and the policy of national
concord, but above all because of the will of
the Algerian people, who opted for peace in
their country.”
54
In 2013, the tragedy involving the Tiguentourine gas
plant at In Amenas, during which more than 800
people were taken hostage, led to the implementation
of new security measures for oil and gas plants and
all the country’s industrial infrastructures, which
progressively enabled socioeconomic development,
as well as the culture and confidence of citizens, to
be re-established.
This sad event reminded us of the need to incorporate
risk assessments into security analyses at an
early stage, as well as of the need to set up highperformance IT systems fed by information supplied
by the local communities, both employees and the
local authorities.
projects they become the best source of protection
against threats. This dialogue should take place from
the impact assessments onward. Indeed, the security
of industrial projects is not only about security and
defence forces. It also relies on the acceptance of
the projects concerned by local populations and the
perception of their consequences.
States and industrialists must ensure that these
consultations take place, otherwise the projects have
very little chance of succeeding. And even if they did
succeed without the consultations, the social and
security risks might prove costly for all stakeholders.
In addition to observing the principle of acceptability,
companies must also respect the spirit of the law in
industrial projects. As for states, they could encourage
the social responsibility policies of companies and
make sure of the utility of the prerequisite agreements
of their communities.
Good practice guides published by the United Nations
and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD) are available on issues of
entrepreneurship and human rights, as well as for
multinational companies.
The responsibility
of stakeholders in these
projects as a means
of preventing security risks
The strong involvement of local populations in
extraction, production and the surveillance of
infrastructures is essential. If they subscribe to these
PAUL KOFI KOFI
AHMED MECHERAOUI
Things have changed since then. Terrorism hit all the
regions; the system of oil production was spared but
not operations.
LIMURA TSUTOMU
“Development has to be
both inclusive, by taking into
account economic, political,
military and social factors, and
resilient before it can be dynamic.»
ALEX VINES
“A study on conflicts over
extractive industries in Africa
over the last 10-15 years
shows that higher commodity
prices equal more violence and competition.
Low commodity cycle now should provide the
opportunity to build institutions and system of
accountability to avoid competition.”
KABINÉ KOMARA
“Stability can only
be founded on good
governance and the rule
of law, which for everyone is a
guarantee of security. However, when states
do not apply their own rules their authority
vanishes, and another takes its place.”
BENJAMIN AUGÉ
“The environmental and
employment issues are vital.
The production regions
need to be developed.”
GUY SIDOS
“The Senegal River Basin
Development Organization’s
experience shows that
collaborative management
of water can be a factor of peace
preservation by facilitating access to the
water and electricity that are indispensable
for industrial development.”
55
WORKSHOP 4
AN AFRICAN STRATEGY AGAINST TERRORISM:
THE FIGHT AGAINST ILLICIT FUNDING
AND TRANSNATIONAL THREATS
Chair:
Soumeylou Boubeye Maïga
Ancien ministre du Mali, Envoyé spécial pour la lutte contre le terrorisme – African Union
Speakers:
Mahamat Saleh Annadif
Former Minister of Chad, African Union former Special Representative for Somalia
Abdoullah Coulibaly
Vice-président – Fondation du Forum de Bamako
Hassan Baage
Deputy Director of the Assessment and Technical Assistance Office of the UN CounterTerrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED) – United Nations
Discussant:
Pierre René Eugène Lapaque
Représentant régional – United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)
Case study:
Ali Abdel-Rhamane Haggar
Recteur de l’Université de N’Djamena
56
57
Abstract
The resilience of the Sahelian extremist groups, Boko
Haram and Al-Shabab raises the question of their
financing methods. Indeed, the Sahel region, as a
crossroads between Northern Africa and Western
Africa, is an area where trafficking and smuggling
(cigarettes, narcotics, weapons, etc.) is constitutive
of the local economy. Local extremist groups partner
with criminal networks, which leads to new funding
sources, mainly based on trafficking. The funding of
Somali Al-Shabab is essentially based on trafficking
(eg. charcoal), but also on the contribution of business
stakeholders seeking for protection, or even on
donations from sympathetic members of the diaspora.
To tackle the extremist groups funding issue, some
States and organizations such as the G5 Sahel are
starting to take actions to control monetary flows,
and try to eliminate some identified funding sources
and channels.
– What perspectives in terms of coordination between
the regional strategies on cross-border or even
transcontinental trafficking?
– How to implement an efficient programme to control
flows, without dismantling the local economic
networks, based on cross-border trade?
Case study: Boko Haram
The second part of this workshop focuses on the
funding sources of Boko Haram. This group is not
as involved as the Sahelian groups in international
trafficking channels. Its main sources of funding and
supplying are rather unsophisticated: bank looting,
hostage ransoms, theft of military equipment, local
smuggling of counterfeit medicines, etc. Neighbour
countries (Niger, Chad) have taken measures in order
to reduce the funding sources of the group.
In the fight against terrorism, combating the illegal
funding of terrorism is a major aspect. Groups such
as Boko Haram and Al-Shabab are resilient because
they have managed to develop durable, sophisticated
and varied funding capabilities. Eliminating these
groups thus means, in addition to the strictly security
response traditionally favoured, tackling their sources
of funding. This is a facet of the fight against terrorism
that has been neglected in Africa. What are the terrorist
groups’ funding mechanisms? To what extent does
the failure of the state give them fertile ground for
economic expansion? What legislative and repressive
mechanisms must Africans put in place?
58
The funding sources of terrorist groups
Terrorism is fuelled by illegal funding of various origins:
kidnappings for ransom, drug and arms trafficking,
the exploitation of natural resources, and donations
from Wahhabite organizations, in particular from the
Gulf states, as well as from the major international
terrorist groups.
In this context, the link between criminal organizations
and terrorists has grown over recent years, especially
in West Africa, a region where close ties have
developed with criminal groups from the Gulf of
Guinea in terms of arms trafficking and piracy. For
example, Al-Shabab and Boko Haram obtain large
resources from their involvement in the illegal trade of
small arms. For al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, it
was said in 2013 that its funding requirements were
more than 2 million dollars a month, or between 25
and 30 million dollars a year. To reach these goals,
groups develop sophisticated criminal economies on
a large scale with methods that are at times similar
to those of states.
Thus, a group like Boko Haram has actually developed
a true criminal economy. The annual income of the
group is estimated to be nearly 10 million dollars. These
funds come from international sponsors, particularly
in the Middle East, but also from kidnapping, bank
raids, agricultural and piscicultural resources, extortion
of populations and taxes directly collected by the
organization in areas that are little controlled by
the state. As with other terrorist organizations, the
funds transit via an opaque system that is outside
the conventional financial system of states.
This issue of illegal funding also raises the question
of the economic and monetary system of states,
because criminal and terrorist organizations exploit
the lack of control, and, thus, traceability, of financial
flows to increase their funding. Economies based on
cash exchanges are more difficult to control, which
allows these organizations to transit their funds using
cash escorts very easily. In Nigeria, only 30% of the
population has a bank account. The problem is to find
a way of formalizing the operation of transactions in
societies without breaking up local economic systems,
as formal and informal economies are closely linked
and interdependent in many countries.
The matter of illegal funding and transnational criminal
networks should be explored from the perspective
of borders, in particular their porosity, especially
in West Africa. The progressive demilitarization of
these areas has resulted in the emergence of many
forms of trafficking, including human, drug, and
arms, among others. These areas on the margins,
far from the capitals, are often characterized by weak
state presence, minimal development and failing
infrastructures. States are not equipped to fight
transnational trafficking. Indeed, the border control
system, particularly of capital, is not at all optimal
at present and does not make it possible to track
criminals.
Border management
intelligence agencies, is central to the fight against
illegal funding and trafficking, and it must consider the
interests of local populations to be effective. With this
in mind, a possible solution is establishing “border
zones”, leading to the creation of infrastructures in
these border areas shared by the countries concerned,
such as schools, health centres, and customs. In this
way, states may be able to regain control of the border
areas and prevent criminal and terrorist networks
from taking root there, where today they prosper in
the gaps left by the state.
Terrorist organizations mainly operate in countries that
possess little knowledge or a weak legislative system
with regard to controlling financial flows. So states
must ensure that the issue of terrorist organization
funding is explicitly mentioned in their antiterrorism
measures. The legal system must be strengthened,
and include provisions relating to the detection and
penalization of organizations that fund these groups.
Such measures must be thought through globally
and implemented locally by factoring in the specific
characteristics of the area. Combating the financial
aspect of terrorism must additionally be part of a
broader fight not just against terrorism but also against
all forms of criminality. It should include provisions
regarding money laundering, which is largely absent
or not currently implemented by states. The provisions
should be incorporated into an institutional state
structure that establishes this fight on a long-term
basis, and not as part of ad hoc reactions, as can
be seen at the moment.
Aside from the legal frameworks previously mentioned,
strengthening the capabilities and competence
of specialized professions (customs officers, for
example) and judicial systems is imperative. Thus,
the importance of cooperation between the financial
control and customs agencies of the states concerned
has been underlined on several occasions. Specialized
cross-sectoral commissions that can offer technical
expertise to the police and judicial departments may
have to be established. This cooperation must be
undertaken on a regional level to ensure that the
different measures are effective and that the systems
set up are maintained across borders. Police and
judicial officers, who are often poorly informed
regarding the fight against money laundering, for
example, must also be targeted with awareness-raising
actions and specific training so that they assimilate
the requirements of the fight against illegal funding.
Strengthening the capabilities at state borders,
in terms of training soldiers, police agencies, and
59
WORKSHOP 5
NEW APPROACHES AGAINST EXTREMIST GROUPS:
REGIONAL SOLUTIONS AND AD HOC RESPONSES
Chair:
Hiroute Guebre-Sellassie
Envoyée spéciale du Secrétaire général pour le Sahel – United Nations
Speakers:
Général Iliyah Isah Abbah
Commander of the Multinational Joint Task Force – Nigeria
Wullson Mvomo Ela
Directeur du Centre de recherche et documentation –
Eiforces Cameroun
Wafula Okumu
Executive Director – The Borders Institute
Discussant:
Thomas Kwasi Tieku
Professor– King’s Western University Canada
Case study:
El Hadj Mohamed Najim
Secrétaire permanent – G5 Sahel
60
61
Abstract
The terrorist threat, led by movements such as the
Sahelian djihadists and Boko Haram, now represent
a transnational threat. Border zones, which are often
areas where the State’s presence is compromised,
are the privileged theatres of those groups. National
reactions aren’t sufficient anymore, and an efficient
approach against terrorism requires the development
of cross-border collaborations and international
strategies.
In the meantime, the fight against terrorist groups
requires quick reactions, which the African Peace
and Security Architecture (APSA) is not always able
to guarantee. In the fight against Boko Haram or
Sahelian extremist groups, ad hoc coalitions emerging
from voluntary States have shown positive results.
– Are the ad hoc measures only temporary solutions
until the African Standby Force (ASF) is fully
operational or should they be made permanent
structures?
– What kind of articulation could be developed with
the APSA?
Case study: G5 Sahel
The second part of this workshop focuses on the G5
Sahel. Created in February 2014, the military branch
of this organization enabled a better cooperation
between the Sahelian countries in the fight against
terrorism. The next challenge this structure will face
is its articulation with other regional cooperation
structures, and notably with the Nouakchott Process.
Ad hoc mechanisms of cooperation:
political progress...
Organized crime and terrorism have prospered on
the African continent because of the division and lack
of cooperation between African states. At the root
of this we find the absence of a common definition
of what is understood by «terrorism», the existence
of mistrust or rivalry between certain states, and the
weak capabilities of the national armed forces.
Despite the persistence of these deficiencies, the
progressive realization that these issues are of a
cross-border nature led African countries to opt for
force-multiplying solutions, on a bilateral or regional
economic community (REC) level. The former proving
insufficient and the latter being slow to materialize,
another approach was initiated by states facing
difficulties in need of a rapid solution: ad hoc
cooperations, in other words outside the RECs, of
which the Mixed Multinational Force and the G5 Sahel
are examples. This kind of alliance also stems from the
fact that the doctrine of peacekeeping, on which both
the United Nations and the African Peace and Security
Architecture are founded, seems outdated since the
conflicts that African forces are now intervening in
war situations, and new approaches are inevitable.
With these ad hoc cooperation mechanisms, it
has become apparent that, once there is a political
will and an identified common cause, states can
overcome their rivalry and effectively join forces. This
is evidenced by Boko Haram’s adopting «desperate»
war methods, such as suicide attacks as opposed
to massive attacks, following the establishment of
the Mixed Multinational Force by the countries of the
Lake Chad Basin.
… but there are practical obstacles
In the Sahel, and more specifically in West Africa,
the permeability of borders and deficiency of state
structures create the ideal environment for the
proliferation of terrorist groups. They have no regard
for borders, and their activities can be defined in some
ways by their transnational nature. To respond to the
threat that they represent, the countries of the area
have organized themselves into an ad hoc coalition
to strengthen their cooperation in terms of regional
security. To what extent does this new approach mark
the emergence of a true African political will? How can
these coalitions be established on a long-term basis?
62
However, the ad hoc cooperations have come up
against several difficulties. One of the challenges of
these ad hoc cooperations will be to endure (or to
pass the baton to a REC or the African Union), in other
words to get this alliance, and the need for it, to last.
The goal is that these cooperations, once they have
brought about stability, also become tools for crisis
prevention, capable of intervening at an early stage
to stop conflict in a neighbouring state, even if not
deemed to be a common threat. Indeed, intervening
after the crisis has taken root, carries with it greater
human, financial, political and socioeconomic cost
than preventive action.
Furthermore, the increasing number of theatres of
operations in Africa, combined with the accumulation
of forces «which are forces in name only», encourages
greater pragmatism, in particular by sharing already
available resources. The inability of African contingents
to be deployed alone in theatres of operations
(because of a lack of certain essential capabilities,
on a logistical level in particular) may worsen given the
deficiencies that have already been painfully noted in
current engagement zones, including things as basic
as feeding the troops.
Lastly, the question remains whether the ad hoc
cooperation mechanisms weaken the African Peace
and Security Architecture because they create an
overlap of forces, or whether on the contrary they
strengthen it as they test the effectiveness of new
approaches. And although the actions undertaken
have led to proven results, they still require the
mobilization of large resources. Yet African states
suffer from shortcomings in capabilities, which implies
an increasing dependence on their external partners,
especially during deployments. It is hypothesized that
the ad hoc mechanisms may create more difficulties
and complexity in an environment that is already
overloaded organizationally. Here, the case-by-case
approach must remain the watchword and the principle
of reality and effectiveness the motivating force.
A necessarily multidimensional approach
to the fight against terrorism, rooted
in the populations
The intensification of cooperation to meet security
threats, mainly terrorism, creates an impression of
increased regional militarization and an excessively
large military element to the response given. But, given
the Iraqi and Afghan examples, it is nowadays accepted
that a bombardment can easily augment radicalization,
promote recruitment into armed terrorist groups, and
even encourage alliances between different groups. A
military response cannot defeat terrorism and violent
extremism if it is not accompanied by a dimension
of «development» and «good governance». This
statement is even truer in the cross-border areas
where both terrorists and civilian populations transit.
Militarization and strict border control, while they can
seem seductive, may not represent a satisfactory
solution for people who disregard borders as much
as they use them to ensure their subsistence.
phenomenon. Although socioeconomic marginalization
is often mentioned, corruption, a symptom of poor
governance, is less so. Yet it is widespread at all levels
of society, and generates a feeling of injustice, impunity
and frustration within a population that is already
debilitated by the absence of minimal subsistence
resources and difficulty in accessing basic services.
So strategies that aim to eradicate the phenomenon
of terrorism must target the civilian populations first.
It is they who accept terrorists, by taking them in,
feeding them, and hiding them, or, conversely, it is
they who reject them. A wedge can be driven between
the civilian populations and terrorists by implementing
appropriate policies that aim to prevent the youth
from turning to jihadism, in other words, to make
jihadism unattractive. The best tool is education from
the earliest age. Rethinking school curricula should
make it possible to promote the social engineering
capable of producing positive social changes, to
develop courses suited to the labour market, and
to give a greater place to religious education so that
the warped message of the jihadists cannot infiltrate
people’s minds.
In this regard, the dissemination of true Islam cannot
happen without the development of a dialogue centred
on local issues and relayed by community and religious
leaders. In Mauritania, for example, a debate between
imams and imprisoned terrorists was retransmitted
and led to 70% of terrorists repenting while also
explaining the content of the Muslim religion to the
Mauritanian people.
To conclude, although to fight terrorism regional
cooperations have achieved a consensus regarding
their necessity, their form (REC forces, hybrid force, ad
hoc mechanism, etc.) continues to be the subject of
debate, as does their doctrine (peacekeeping in war
situations, etc.), despite some proven successes in
the Lake Chad Basin. The need for a global approach
that combines security and development and that
places people at the heart of actions is no longer in
question, unlike its modalities, which are struggling
to produce results on the ground.
Fighting terrorism means exploring and taking action
on the long-term factors, and not only the shortterm ones, that have led to the emergence of this
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WORKSHOP 6
MODERNIZATION OF AFRICAN ARMED FORCES
AND SECURITY SECTOR REFORM (SSR)
Chair:
Général Lamine Cissé
Ancien ministre du Sénégal, Président du conseil
d’administration – Partners West Africa
Speakers:
Sam Gulube
Secretary for Defence and Military Veterans – South Africa
Général David Muhoozi
Commander of Land Forces – Uganda
Mamadou Aliou Barry
Conseiller sécurité au Ministère de la Justice – Guinea
Knox Chitiyo
Associate Researcher – Chatham House
Discussant:
Thomas Mandrup
Lecturer – Royal Danish Defence College
Case study:
David Ambrosetti
Directeur et chercheur – Centre français des études
éthiopiennes (CFEE)
64
65
Abstract
Until recently, African armed forces operated mainly
as part of a national defence mechanism. Nowadays,
the multiplication of peacekeeping operations on the
continent and the increasing participation of African
contingents to missions outside their own territory
introduce a new paradigm in the definition of the
military capabilities needed to meet both old and
new commitments.
To integrate into a UN led mission, African armies
have to reach a given number of criteria, both in the
field of equipment and training.
– What measures can be taken by the national armies
willing to join an international peace operation to
meet these criteria?
− To what extent does the involvement in missions
abroad contribute to the modernization of defence
structures?
Case study: M
odernization and involvement
in PKO: Burundian and
Ethiopian armed forces
The second part of this workshop focuses on more
specifically on the consequences on the Burundian
army of its participation in peacekeeping missions.
Contributing to AMISOM and MINUSCA missions has
enabled the Burundian armed forces, which was the
result of the merging of the former army and the rebel
movements, to professionalize and acquire equipment,
through training and equipment donations from
international partners, and thus become an efficient
and legitimist body.
66
Armies are necessary for the stability of the African
continent. By turns a force to aid the government in
power, an instrument of suppression for internal political
use, or a force for intervention or peacekeeping, the
African armies are becoming, in the continent’s political
and diplomatic agenda, vital players in the peace of
states and processes of crisis resolution. However,
in many countries they are poorly equipped and
are struggling to deal with the transnational threats
embodied by terrorism. Thus, the problem of military
modernization and security sector reform (SSR)
represents a challenge in the response to the crises
that threaten peace on the continent. On a national
level, how can the armies modernize to respond to the
missions entrusted to them by the political authorities?
Why can SSR increase the professionalism of armies
and reinforce political and military institutions? What
challenges must national armies meet in terms of
regional and international cooperation to modernize
effectively without exceeding budgets that are difficult
to safeguard?
The challenge of modernizing armies
through SSR appropriation
and peacekeeping
In the diplomatic agenda of the countries of the African
continent, SSR gives states a standard framework
and governance of the security sector through several
measures, such as the Code of Conduct for Armed
Forces and Security Services, adopted by the countries
of the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) (2015), the ECOWAS Conflict Prevention
Framework (2008), and the additional Protocol on
Democracy and Good Governance (2001). At a state
level, little by little it can be seen that political and
military leaders are taking a more voluntary attitude
to modernizing their countries’ armies without feeling
threatened by them, by either implementing a SSR or
participating as a peace force in regional pacification
operations under the flag of the African Union or the
United Nations. In Burundi, despite a difficult political
context that was marked in 2015 by a revision of
the country’s constitution to facilitate the candidacy
and then victory in July of the same year of Pierre
Nkurunziza in the presidential election, Burundian
peacekeeping soldiers modernized their training,
procured new equipment and restructured their
organization through the peacekeeping operations
that they were able to participate in. The geopolitical
dividends reaped on a national level through their
peacekeeping missions represent a major benefit
for the countries, without forgetting the individual
benefits associated with the positive image of the
soldier turned peacemaker. By intervening in favour
of peace in neighbouring war-torn countries, Burundi
has gained international prestige and converted its
participation in the maintenance of peace into political
influence in regional and international affairs.
Promote the social condition
of the soldier and pool the security
response
Despite the intention stated by the political authorities
of several African countries to modernize their armies,
many challenges need to be met. The first is that of
the soldier’s social condition. Military modernization
is often reduced to its technical aspect, which is
limited to obtaining new equipment and materiel.
But modernizing an army also requires that political
and military decision-makers consider the issue of
improving the soldier’s social condition: in other words,
the recruitment, training, career and return to civilian life.
Thus the modernization process is not just technical. It
also aims to transform the soldier’s social environment
by safeguarding his professional status. The other
challenge involves the indispensable pooling, on a
regional level, of the security response. This implies
military cooperation and political coordination that
goes beyond the regional bodies (ECOWAS, ECCAS)
to meet threats that have taken on a cross-border,
transnational and transregional nature. The countries of
the Lake Chad Basin Commission and Benin showed
their new political and military ambitions in the face
of the transnational terrorist threat by setting up the
Mixed Multinational Force, which comprises soldiers
from Chad, Nigeria, Niger and Cameroon. Lastly, the
success of operations lies in the harmonization of
professional standards and in the ability of African
armies to encourage interoperability. Furthermore,
the modernization process must promote a common
professional culture that enables forces to possess
the same operating standards and to enhance their
ability to conduct military action together.
the Sahel zone to be 15 billion dollars. But funding
for peace and security should be an African affair.
Security is a public good. Economic development
cannot happen without taking security into account.
Yet governments allocate far too small a part of the
budgetary resources of their gross domestic product
to covering security needs and responding to new
threats. Without reducing the economic resources
devoted to education, health, housing and agriculture,
the defence sector must be able to avail of a protected
budget that provides forces with the conditions
required for professionalism and effective action. The
modernization of armies implies safeguarding the
economic resources devoted to the sector.
While military modernization is a process that takes
many forms, combining cultural, political, technical
and social perspectives, it requires political authorities
to commit themselves on a long-term basis so as to
consolidate political and state institutions. All things
considered, modernizing the African armies seems
to be a prerequisite to implementing African solutions
to the security challenges of the continent.
The challenge of safeguarding security
sector budgets
The African continent depends on international backers
to support the African security and military complex.
The European programme the African Peace Facility
provided 750 million euros for the 2014–2016 period.
The United States announced that it would devote
800 million dollars to the aid programme for security in
Africa at the US–Africa Summit in August 2014. At the
G5 Sahel meeting in December 2014 at Nouakchott in
Mauritania, the group estimated its needs for stabilizing
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SESSION 3
PLENARY SESSION 3
Optimizing the international community’s support
What kind of international support towards security in Africa?
CONFERENCE 3
Maritime security: supporting an african strategy
WORKSHOP 7 R
eport by the high-level independent panel on un peace
operations: evolution of the un peacekeeping doctrine
Case study: The use of force (MINUSMA)
Chair:
Saïd Djinnit
Ministre des Affaires étrangères et des Sénégalais de l’extérieur
Speakers
Raychelle Omamo
Minister of Defence – Kenya
Pedro Morenes
Ministre de la Défense – Spain
WORKSHOP 8 T
he eu-africa partnership: fostering a better adaptation
of European support to African security needs
Case study: La facilité de paix pour l’Afrique
Mohamed Ibn Chambas
Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Office for West Africa –
United Nations
Alain Le Roy
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WORKSHOP 9 International operational support to African capabilities
Secrétaire général du Service européen pour l’action
extérieure (SEAE) – European Union
Case study: La coopération de défense française
Dong Hwan Choi
Special Envoy for the Government – Republic of Korea
69
Through the creation of the African Peace and Security
Architecture (APSA), the African Union (AU) and the
African States have adopted tools enabling them to
face continental security challenges. In accordance
with the African stakeholders and in compliance with
the priorities they defined, the international community
strives to support this momentum.
International assistance can take many different forms:
operational support (military interventions supporting
African operations, intelligence, logistics), contribution
to the reinforcement of defence capabilities (training,
equipment, etc.), financial aid. African stakeholders
receive an increasing number of cooperation proposals
in the field of security, from diverse partners: bilateral
defence cooperation contracts, the European Union
action plans, support to regional organizations, etc.
The harmonization and coordination of the partners’
assistance projects on the one hand, and the
adaptation of the type of support to African needs
on the other, are key to improve the efficiency of the
international community’s aid and work towards the
development of the APSA and the reinforcement of
African security capacities.
Assistance dynamics
in an environment where threats
have become globalized
The majority of the solutions to key challenges facing
Africa today can be found at international level: climate
change, migration, the stability of the financial system
and models for development.
The threat of asymmetric warfare has broken down
the boundaries between internal and external security,
and with interdependence now a reality, Africa is one
DONG HWAN CHOI
“The Government of Korea
operates a policy to bring
happiness to the world
village.
The Ebola crisis highlighted the
importance of a policy on world health
security. The Government of Korea is going
to donate 100 million dollars under the banner
'Save life for all' to strengthen countries
affected by Ebola.”
70
of the world regions that receives the most foreign
aid in order to tackle it, since it often lacks the means
to address new threats to peace and governance.
Give people fish, teach them to fish or teach them
make fishing nets? This analogy summarizes the
issues surrounding international support in Africa
today.
The wide appeal
of international aid
By focusing essentially on peacekeeping and security
assistance, Africa is benefiting immensely from
international aid: 98% of the funding for African Union’s
programmes is covered by international assistance.
Of the 16 United Nations peacekeeping operations
around the world, 9 are conducted on African soil,
mobilizing 80% of UN peacekeepers. 70% of the
United Nations’ budget is directed towards Africa.
The European Union is also heavily involved thanks
to the European Development Fund (EDF), devoting
25 billion euros to Africa for the period 2014-2020.
Of the 31 operations conducted since 2003 within
the framework of the Common Security and Defence
Policy (CSDP), 16 were in Africa. Moreover, the
African Peace Facility (APF) has contributed over
1.6 billion euros to security in Africa since 2004, with
a programme dedicated to concretizing the African
peace architecture, among others. The Instrument
contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP) funds civil
operations and provides support for gendarmeries
in particular. Finally, Africa welcomes more than 52
European delegations on the continent.
PEDRO MORENES
“Development can only
be achieved in a security
environment: judicial
security, food security,
maritime and air traffic security,
the security of the supply of raw materials
and investments, and also, naturally, the
physical security of individuals to allow them
to exercise their rights.”
Is this considerable international support enough to
respond to African demands in terms of peace and
security?
The first line of assistance
is to listen to Africa
It is Africa’s time, as has been widely addressed in
previous discussions. But can Africa make her voice
heard – if only on matters that directly affect her? The
example of intervention in Libya and its disastrous
consequences for the security situation in Africa
provides grounds for reflection. This unilateral action
led to the dismantling of the Libyan army, generating
uncontrollable flows of migrants and arms from which
Africa and the rest of the world has not yet recovered.
Listening to Africa is vital in order to achieve peace
and security objectives on the continent and around
the world.
African stakeholders want international support not
just in the form of emergency actions, but also in the
form of complementary actions anchored in the long
term, without which it is impossible to respond to the
security threats facing Africans today.
Towards a new form of immaterial
partnership?
The problematics of sharing experiences and
intelligence between African countries, and perhaps
the experiences of cooperations such as those within
the European Union especially, are particularly relevant
for learning lessons and best practices from peers in
matters of peacekeeping and security. Initiatives such
as this forum, open to all actors concerned with these
issues, is very welcome.
In the same way, immaterial assistance for sharing
information, intelligence and research needed for the
development of qualitative and quantitative studies
to improve crime mapping should be enhanced. This
type of assistance forms the basis for interventions
for peace and security on the continent. In this way,
the participation of Interpol and Europol during future
editions of the Forum to support the action of Police
Chiefs Committees would be very welcome.
Information sharing efforts should also be made to help
find alternative sources of funding, such as innovative
financing and the fight against illegal financial flows, in
order to finance development endogenously.
Actions must be based on development dynamics
as well as security, since, as we saw earlier, there
is a genuine interdependence between these two
essential aspects of prevention and peacekeeping.
Finally, and in concrete terms, Africa demands to
take part in the decision-making process put in place
within the framework of the United Nations concerning
African affairs.
RAYCHELLE OMAMO
“We would not only want to
learn how to fish but how
to build nets.
When will we have enough
capacity? Africa needs to put its house in
order. We need to set priorities prior to getting
support .
Africans must sit around the table together,
otherwise they will be on the menu.”
ALAIN LE ROY
“Europe is here for the
long haul and we hope to
intervene across all sectors.
We have a great many plans
for reforming civil institutions, the police, the
army and border control as well as maritime
monitoring, with one goal in mind: to ensure
these actions are more effective, more
legitimate and more sustainable.
European commitment is immense,
partnership-based, and increasingly focused
on security matters. We are going to continue
in this vein.”
MOHAMED IBN CHAMBAS
“International military
operations, which are
often cited, must be further
reinforced in the fight against
terrorist threats.
It is necessary to respond to emergencies
while also providing sustainable solutions.”
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CONFERENCE 3
Maritime security: supporting an African strategy
Speakers:
Habib Kambanga
Head of the Regional Early Warning Centre – SADC
Jean-Paul Malan
Conseil national de sécurité – Côte d’Ivoire
Joao Queiros
Directeur Afrique subsaharienne du Ministère des affaires étrangères – Portugal
Discussant:
Marie-Hélène Maysounave
Ambassadrice spéciale pour la lutte internationale
contre la piraterie – MAEDI – France
Chair:
Stanislas Baba
Ministre-conseiller mer à la Présidence – Togo
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While maritime piracy in the Indian Ocean is in
sharp decline due to international operations and
measures taken by shipowners, States bordering the
Gulf of Guinea still face an alarming level of maritime
insecurity, evidenced by the persistence of illegal
trafficking, illegal exploitation of fishery resources and
the increasing violence of acts of piracy and maritime
robbery. Being aware of the harmful effects of maritime
insecurity on their sovereignty and their economies,
the countries in the Gulf of Guinea have agreed on a
regional response through the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS), the Economic
Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the
Gulf of Guinea Commission. This response is based
on the development of a maritime security coalition
architecture, which has been gaining momentum
since 2013.
At the same time, coastal States in the area are
gradually acquiring maritime surveillance and
intervention capacities, and need to further progress
on intelligence sharing, harmonization of procedures
(especially in regards to the right of hot pursuit), and
legislation. This synergy aims to expand westward
with the operationalization of the areas F and G, and
Southward and Eastward, in connection with the
Southern African Development Community (SADC)
and the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC). Finally, in
view of the transcontinental nature of illicit flows, a
reflection, including the South American actors, on the
general management of the large Southern Atlantic
area should be encouraged.
STANISLAS BABA
“We need to work in
coordination with the
subregional organizations,
the international coordination on
maritime affairs but also at a national level,
with aninter-ministerial coordination.”
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The strategic importance of oceans is undeniable
and the development of a blue economy is essential
to ensure maritime security and combat piracy. In
fact, 90% of African trade is maritime and 90% of
the ECOWAS population lives by the sea. As an
example, the port of Abidjan accounts for 85% of
Ivory Coast customs revenues and directly employs
60,000 people. We can easily conclude that the seas
and oceans are a source of growth and wellbeing for
a large part of the African population.
This area could also be a pillar of development on
the continent.
However, African maritime space does not appear to
benefit from the same level of security control as land
areas. Maritime security is therefore clearly a concern
that poses a serious threat to the economy, peace
and stability on the African continent.
The question of means: Is African
maritime space a lawless area?
The most diverse forms of criminality proliferate
throughout African maritime space, in the Gulf of
Aden as well as the Gulf of Guinea: illegal fishing,
all kinds of contraband, human beings, arms and
drug trafficking are facts of daily life in these areas.
International Maritime Bureau (IMB) statistics show
151 reports of attacks in the Gulf of Guinea over the
past three years (2012-2014).
HABIB KAMBANGA
“Sovereignty over seas
needs to be exercised as
much as on land.”
JEAN-PAUL MALAN
“Our regional African
partners as well as the
European Union help to
guarantee a rule of law and
contribute to cross-border actions at sea
and on land with our neighbours.”
The political willingness of African stakeholders does
not appear to be lacking – on the contrary, we will look
closely at all the policy initiatives being taken in this area.
However, the same cannot be said for the material means
to implement these policies at national and regional level.
The use of satellites and air assets remains parsimonious
due to the heavy costs involved or the total absence of
these resources.
Since it is impossible to advocate non-reaction, we
vigorously support a collective action that would reduce
the costs.
The necessity of asset sharing
Asset sharing must be applied in three distinct areas:
at national scale within the framework of better interagency cooperation, at regional and transregional scale
and with international partners.
The Ivory Coast is a pertinent example of this at national
level, with the implementation of a comprehensive
approach that takes account of the following factors:
the environment, the economy and tourism. This has
resulted in the strategy for government action at sea,
and the creation of two maritime prefectures as part of
its operational activities. Material means have also been
acquired to reinforce the corresponding administrative
capabilities. This strategy forms part of wider security
sector reforms and is incorporated in the law on military
programming 2016-2020.
JOAO QUEIROS
“African ownership and
capacity building are the
two cornerstones of our
cooperation with the continent.
Development of blue economy is essential
to finding a sustainable solution to maritime
piracy.”
Notable initiatives at regional level include the G7
Friends of the Gulf of Guinea Group and the SADC’s
2011 security strategy. An early warning system has
already been put in place within the framework of the
SADC, along with agreements between Mozambique,
Tanzania and South Africa in order to carry out joint
patrols.
Information and intelligence sharing is also key to the
successful implementation of various operations and
to allow better land/sea coordination in order to fight
against criminality.
At international level, African authorities are calling
for technical and financial support to reinforce
the instruments already in place and enable their
implementation. This involves supporting the Yaoundé
architecture, the African Union’s strategy and that of
the SADC and also the CRESMAO and CRESMAC,
among others. One question that remains is why the
United Nations has no involvement in maritime security
matters when half the world’s population depends on
the sea. Authorities are calling for the Security Council
to tackle this issue.
MARIE-HÉLÈNE
MAYSOUNAVE
“Ownership relies on
training, an increase in
capabilities and the exchange
of information and national efforts, which must
be supported by the international community.
There is a shared willingness to move forward
and I am optimistic that Africans will continue
to identify their needs so that international
partners can help them in the most targeted
way possible.”
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WORKSHOP 7
REPORT BY THE HIGH-LEVEL INDEPENDENT PANEL
ON UN PEACE OPERATIONS:
EVOLUTION OF THE UN PEACEKEEPING DOCTRINE
AND AFRICAN PERSPECTIVES
Chair:
Herve Ladsous
Sous-secrétaire chargé des opérations de maintien de la paix,
Chef du Département des opérations de maintien de la paix – United Nations
Speakers:
Youssef Mahmoud
Conseiller principal – International Peace Institute
Philippe Errera
Directeur général, Direction générale des relations
internationales et de la stratégie (Dgris) – France
Abdel Fatau Musah
Director of Political affairs – ECOWAS
Discussant:
John Karlsrud
Directeur de recherche – Norwegian Institute for
International Affairs (NUPI)
Case study:
Mongi Hamdi
Secrétaire général adjoint, Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général au Mali et chef de la
Minusma – United Nations
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77
Abstract
The difficulties faced on the battlefield, especially in
regards to the protection of civilian populations and
the management of belligerents, have brought to
light certain operational and doctrinal limits to the UN
peacekeeping operations, leading to some necessary
evolutions. The creation of the MONUSCO’s Force
Intervention Brigade reveals the will to give a stronger
response to groups threatening peace and committing
exactions. In the light of lessons learnt and observing
those mutations, the United Nations, with in particular
the Ramos-Horta Report of June 2015, have started
a reflection to adapt the Peacekeeping Operations to
new political and security environments, and to render
them more efficient.
Hence, the equilibrium between political and military
aspects, crisis management, the use of force, the
accountability of military contingents, the role of
analysts and intelligence services, the allocation of
liability between the Peacekeeping Operations and the
regional missions will play a key role in this redefinition.
– Which solutions could be brought to the operational
and doctrinal limits of the Peacekeeping Operations?
– Which applications for Peacekeeping Operations
in Africa? - What kind of articulation between
Peacekeeping Operations and African initiatives?
Case study: The use of force (MINUSMA)
MINUSMA. This mission has been given one of
the strongest and broadest mandates of all the
Peacekeeping Operations. Questions still arise as to
whether or not the mission has been allocated the
proper resources to achieve its mandate and, if not,
how they can be reinforced.
Contrary to predictions made at the end of the 1990s,
the demand for peacekeeping has grown over the past
decade. Today, the bulk of peacekeeping activities
are undertaken across the African continent, where
nine out of the sixteen peacekeeping operations
(PKO) currently in place at international level are
deployed, mobilizing almost 90% of UN peacekeepers.
In return, Africa continues to provide a significant
number of uniformed personnel for UN peacekeeping
78
missions (five of the six largest contributing countries
are African). At the same time, PKOs are facing a
shifting conflict dynamic, characterized by increasing
regionalization and internationalization as well as the
rise in unconventional threats, in particular those
emanating from extremist and criminal groups.
Finally, PKOs continue to face increasing pressure
to implement broader and more complex mandates
against a background of financial, operational and
logistical constraints. 15 years after the Brahimi Report
of 2000, the report of the High-Level Independent
Panel on UN Peacekeeping Operations (HIPPO)
presents a unique opportunity to develop the UN
peacekeeping doctrine towards greater adaptation
to the new demands of the changing international
context, and the African landscape in particular.
Adapting to changing conflicts
and threats: from peacekeeping
to conflict management?
The re-emergence of intra-state conflicts, the collapse
of societies and the fall of state structures, which
has marked the post-Cold War period, are not new
phenomena in themselves. In contrast, the conflicts
and security concerns that threaten international peace
and security today are increasingly subject to regional
and international factors, fuelled by external interests,
and are also affected by the growing involvement,
in qualitative and quantitative terms, of infra-state
transnational groups with considerable means at their
disposal. The ease with which these local groups
connect with powerful global networks, whether
they are criminal or terrorist in nature, differs from
past experience and presents major challenges for a
collective solution. A large number of peacekeepers in
Africa have now been deployed in theatres of operation
where there is open conflict and which have counterinsurgency and counter-terrorism strategies in place,
as well as a number of forces that do not form part
of any peace process. As pointed out in the Report
of the Secretary-General of April 2015: “a majority of
peacekeepers have been operating in places where
there is little peace to keep and where robust action
is often required to implement mandates on the
protection of civilians” 1.
(1) Rapport du Groupe indépendant de haut niveau chargé d’étudier les
opérations de paix des Nations Unies (S/2015/446), « Unissons nos
forces pour ma paix : privilégions la politique, les partenariats et l’action
en faveur des populations », 17 juin 2015
Faced with these new challenges, it appears necessary
to develop or even reform both the doctrine and
practice of peacekeeping at international level.
This is the essence of the work undertaken by the
High-Level Independent Panel on UN Peacekeeping
Operations, whose report was released in the
month of June 20152. In its conclusions, the Panel
highlighted the need to consolidate the foundations
on which peacekeeping missions are based (“the
spirit of peacekeeping”, as outlined by Article 1 of the
Charter) and to ensure that the primacy of political
action prevails, along with conflict prevention through
alternative solutions. Peacekeepers have neither the
means nor the resources to commit to using long term
force, especially for counter-terrorism operations. In
other words, the use of force can only be tactical,
limited and accompanied by a political strategy.
However, while the Panel strongly reminds us of the
basic principles of peacekeeping (impartiality, the
consent of the parties, non-use of force except in
self-defence or defence of the mandate), it believes
that these criteria should be interpreted “flexibly”. This
goes some way towards meeting the needs of certain
states, notably in Africa, to intensify the use of force
by United Nations missions. This is already the case in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where
the United Nations mission (MONUSCO) was given a
peace enforcement mandate by the Security Council,
ordering it to “neutralize” identified rebel groups.
“The era of partnership”: strengthening
cooperation with regional
and sub-regional organizations
As noted on several occasions by the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations, we have entered into an
«era of partnership» in matters of peacekeeping. The
commitment of regional partners, notably thanks to the
African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities
(REC) and the European Union (EU), has now become
more important than ever. Their involvement offers
considerable and specific added value based on the
comparative advantages, whether in terms of the
speed of the response, knowledge of the conflict
(2) Rapport du Groupe indépendant de haut niveau chargé d’étudier les
opérations de paix des Nations unies (S/2015/446), « Unissons nos
forces pour ma paix : privilégions la politique, les partenariats et l’action
en faveur des populations », 17 juin 2015
dynamic or even political willingness. In Mali and
the Central African Republic, ECOWAS and ECCAS
together with the AU intervened at the first signs of the
crisis to calm an explosive situation. In both cases, the
UN would not have been able to provide and deploy
the necessary security umbrella in time. In Africa,
more than anywhere, regional partners are becoming
increasingly involved at all stages of the conflict
cycle together with the United Nations. There are
various models for this multilateral engagement (joint
operations, supporting AU peacekeeping operations,
transition from the AU to the UN etc.), which can
be adapted to suit the specific circumstances of
the crisis concerned. The partnership between the
United Nations and the AU and other sub-regional
organizations should grow over the next few years.
While the African Standby Force (ASF) should become
operational very soon, there is now an unprecedented
window of opportunity for the United Nations to work
hand in hand with the AU to strengthen its political,
institutional and operational capabilities.
The issues of funding and sharing the “burden” of
peacekeeping go hand in hand with the idea of
partnership. In this respect, it will be vital to improve
the predictability, sustainability and flexibility of AU
funding in the future, so that full capabilities are in
place to ensure speedy and effective deployment.
Today, the Peace Fund created by the AU to fund
its operations remains insufficient, and the panAfrican organization mostly relies on contributions
from foreign donors, especially the EU, to finance its
operations. However, efforts are currently underway
to increase financing using its own resources to fund
operations, as demonstrated by the decision made
at the AU Summit in January 2015 to allocate 25% of
Member States’ contributions to the budget for peace
operations over a period of five years. For its part,
the UN has developed different plans to finance the
AU’s operations. Over the next few months, Member
States will be invited to give their opinions on the
various recommendations made by the High-Level
Panel on the support modalities for PKOs led by
the AU with the agreement of the United Nations
Security Council. These also provide for the use of
assessed contributions to the United Nations budget
on a case by case basis, including those used to cover
costs associated with the deployment of uniformed
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WORKSHOP 8
THE EU-AFRICA PARTNERSHIP: FOSTERING
A BETTER ADAPTATION OF EUROPEAN SUPPORT
TO AFRICAN SECURITY NEEDS
Chair:
Smaïl Chergui
Commissaire Paix et Sécurité – African Union
Speakers:
Alain Le Roy
personnel. While these measures will help to improve
the burden-sharing of peacekeeping operations, many
challenges remain. This regards the low level of funding
and reimbursement for operations in particular, which
is the underlying cause of a chronic lack of capabilities.
Experiences gained by MINUSMA
The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated
Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) was established
by Security Council resolution 2100 (April 2013) with
one of the most robust mandates in the history of
peacekeeping operations (PKO). Since its deployment
in July 2013, the mission has been fully engaged in all
areas of its mandate, and particularly with regard to
the involvement of Malian stakeholders in a peaceful
and lasting agreement. Following the signature of the
Algiers Accord between 15 May and 20 June 2015,
MINUSMA’s mandate was extended with the adoption
of Security Council resolution 2227, the chief priorities
of which include the implementation of the peace
agreement and ceasefire monitoring. However, peace
remains fragile despite an improvement in the situation
following the signature of the Accord. Violent clashes
that took place in the months of August and September
2015 near Anefis in the north of the country, and which
constituted violations of the ceasefire, are proof of this.
In this context of instability, MINUSMA peacekeepers
are often directly targeted by asymmetric attacks (more
than forty peacekeepers have been killed since 2013).
While numerous forces attempt to jeopardize the peace
process, MINUSMA is striving to reinforce its capabilities
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in order to fulfill the whole range of its mandate. To
achieve this, it has strengthened its cooperation with
regional partners, including the AU, EU and ECOWAS
in particular, as well as the French Operation Barkhane.
At the same time, the mission is also equipped with new
technologies rarely used until now within the framework
of PKOs, including the use of surveillance drones. In this
sense, MINUSMA can legitimately be considered as
a laboratory of new technologies and innovative forms
of intervention, using the recent emphasis placed on
intelligence as an example.
Secrétaire général du Service européen pour l’action extérieure (SEAE) – European Union
Alfredo Tijiutimo Hengari
Senior Research Fellow – South African Institute of International Affairs
Cyriaque Agnekethom
Directeur Maintien de la Paix et Sécurité régionale – ECOWAS
Discussant:
Damien Helly
Chargé de programme adjoint pour l’action extérieure
de l’Union européenne – EcdPm
Case study:
José Costa-Pereira
Conseiller Politique au Service européen pour l’action extérieure (EEAS) – European Union
MINUSMA checkpoint in Kidal, North Mali.
Source : MINUSMA/ Blagoje Grujic
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Abstract
The European Union (EU) tends to actively support the
capacity building process of the African Peace and
Security Architecture (APSA). In line with the European
Union’s comprehensive approach, the Common
Security and Defence Policy is widely implemented
in Africa, both in crisis resolution and African security
capacity building. Thanks to its important financial
resources and its extensive civil and military expertise,
the EU has become a key partner on many core issues,
such as the security sector reform (EUTM-Mali, EUTMSomalia, EUSEC RDC).
The development of security and defence partnerships,
with African regional organizations (particularly the
African Union) or States is perceived as an essential
prerequisite by the EU.
– How could the European contribution to sustainable
crisis resolution and to the enhancement of African
security capacities be optimized?
– How to ensure better coordination between the
actions of the EU and other international partners?
Case study: African Peace Facility (APF)
African Peace Facility. This European financial support
tool, emerging from the main community assistance
programme, the European Development Fund, aims at
supporting the efforts accomplished by African regional
organizations in terms of peace and security. This makes
the EU the main supporting organization for the APSA.
The European Union is Africa’s principal partner
in matters of peace and security. This partnership
is growing stronger during summits, which are
becoming increasingly regular. However, faced with
the evolving threats that plague Africa (proliferation
of armed terrorist groups, organized crime, maritime
piracy, violence against personnel of international
organizations etc.), it is vital to re-assess this
partnership in order to transfer more responsibility
to Africans and provide more adapted solutions at
European level. What is the nature of the EU-Africa
relationship today? What avenues can be explored
to develop the partnership and adapt it to the new
security context? What solutions can Africans adopt
in order to take ownership of their security?
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The strategic EU/Africa partnership:
The major role of the APF
The partnership between the European Union and
Africa began in earnest with a historic first summit in
Cairo in 2000, during which a more structured dialog
between the two parties was entered into, with the
introduction of regular meetings between high-ranking
officials and ministers. An ambitious plan making
peace and security key sectors was also adopted. This
partnership has grown steadily stronger over the years
and it is now generally accepted that the objectives of
Agenda 2063 (a global vision and also a 50-year action
plan) will be difficult to achieve without EU support. This
partnership for peace and security relies on several
initiatives: the European Neighbourhood Policy, which
strives for peace and security by supporting the SSR
of certain Mediterranean countries, for example, the
doctrine of the EU Global Strategy, which prioritizes
assistance and security, military training missions
(EUTM Mali and Somalia, among others), naval military
operations (Atalanta) and civil operations (EUCAP
Sahel Niger, Cap Nestor).
However, what characterizes the relationship between
the EU and Africa most is the financial aspect of the
partnership. The EU is the largest contributor to
African security, notably through the assistance given
to the African Union. The most significant instrument
in the range of European initiatives is the African
Peace Facility (APF), financed through the European
Development Fund (EDF). This tool was specifically
created for Africa and allocated 300 million euros
for a period of three years. This rose to 450 million
euros soon after. Since 2004, the APF has provided
1.6 billion euros.
It is characterized by:
– Its primary objective, which is to support African
ownership of peace and security efforts. To achieve
this, it provides funding for ECOWAS (up to 5 million
euros), the African Union (covering 80% of its
programmes), and AMISOM, the African Union
Peace Mission in Somalia, with up to 140 million
euros a year. It also finances centres of excellence,
training and exercise programmes (AMANI AFRICA).
– Its capacity to provide an immediate response,
notably due to the rapid response mechanism, which
enables it to release funds quickly in order to finance
the preparatory stages of mediation activities and
information gathering missions carried out by the
EU or RECs, as well as reinforce planning units on a
regular basis with peacekeeping operations in mind.
– The symbiosis it helps create in the short term and
long term, by financing liaison offices in particular.
– Its predictability: it provides systematic support.
In this way, it released 900 million euros for the
period 2014-2016, including a total of 325 million
euros primarily aimed at supporting peacekeeping
operations during 2014.
– Its flexibility: It is open to external involvement
since Member States and third countries can make
contributions.
The APF is joined by other instruments covered by
the EDF, such as the National Indicative Programme
(NIP) and the Regional Indicative Programme (RIP),
which is intended for all Member States of the two subregional organizations ECOWAS and WAEMU. The
latter aims to help reduce poverty through economic
integration and, at times, prevent conflicts at regional
level. It has allocated an initial amount of 350 million
euros for the period 2014-2010.
Redefining the strategic partnership
to respond to new threats
European initiatives and the allocated funding
demonstrates the importance of a strategic partnership
between the EU and Africa. However, faced with
new threats (the expansion of terrorist and criminal
groups among others), it is now necessary to add new
parameters and a new dimension to this partnership.
This raises the question of who receives European
assistance. The African Union is far from being the
largest beneficiary of the APF and is very often
considered as the main contact for European
stakeholders, even when the debates revolve around
regional and/or national concerns. However, bilateral
and regional issues can only be addressed through
pan-African reflexes. In the same way, European
decision-makers must involve regions and African
states more in assistance-related decisions, particularly
within the framework of the NIP and RIP. For regions
that play a vital role in Africa, it is also important to
put forward the regional agenda on a regular basis
during European meetings. These are significant issues
as they focus on the principle of African subsidiarity
and the competition that exists between the AU and
Regional Economic Communities (RECs), which must
be resolved to ensure a more even distribution of
responsibilities and a more effective partnership with
Europe.
Another element to develop is the Union’s capacity
to respond quickly to crises that arise in Africa. If they
exist at all, European instruments are not always
appropriate for the situation. The RIP, for example,
does not provide a fast enough response. The AFP
has the capacity to respond quickly but only provides
support under certain conditions. It sometimes takes
several months of negotiations before financial aid
is released. How can the EU’s capacity to respond
quickly in this cases be improved? The beginnings of
a solution can perhaps be found in the administrative
management of European institutions. There is a
significant turnover of staff at the EDF, which hinders
the effectiveness of dialog and monitoring since each
new team has to start from scratch. To compensate
for this, why not enhance the role of EU delegations?
It is also necessary to ensure European military
responses are consistent with the new African security
context. With this in mind, the UN invites the EU to
utilize European battle groups that would be financed
by compulsory United Nations contributions. At
community level, the question now facing us is how
to define the European initiative Train and Equip, a
programme that finances part of the equipment for
troops trained by the community. Encouraged by
the majority of European, African and international
stakeholders, this initiative is limited by European
Union legislation, which prohibits the financing of
certain military expenses. This represents an obstacle
to the potential supply of lethal equipment to African
armed forces. We therefore need to find a system to
resolve this situation since the current climate and its
evolution require us to adapt to new threats.
Finally, it is vital that EU Member States translate
their commitments into actions by moving away from
national thinking and reinforcing European security
tools, notably in relation to personnel allocations.
Moving away from the donor/receiver
model towards African ownership
Changing the nature of European responses will
not be possible without increasing the transfer of
responsibility to African leaders, since Africans must
take charge of their own security. African leaders must
demonstrate their political willingness to move away
from this support long term by opting for solutions that
foster independence. Evolutions in this area should
be noted: even the tone of the political dialog has
changed. Africans are now more confident and state
that it is essential for African ownership to take shape.
The African Union is proud to report the success of the
AMANI II exercise, which was completed in November
2015, and confirms the possibility of deploying CARIC
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quickly in the even of a crisis. Africans are showing an
increasingly willingness to no longer depend on external
partners to finance their programmes indefinitely, and
to move away from the donor/receiver model. At the
UN, African heads of state are committed to financing
up to 25% of their peacekeeping operations through
the AU; the remaining 75% is provided by compulsory
contributions paid by UN Member States. The Boko
Haram Task Force is a pan-African initiative undertaken
by African states using their own resources. Europe
has contributed 50 million euros and the US has
contributed 5 million dollars for logistics support.
However, autonomy requires a pan-African dynamic
that is slow to become a reality, particularly due to
African Union Member States’ failure to contribute,
despite the proposals put forward.
To reduce their financial dependence and boost
state revenues, leaders of AU Member States have
implemented taxes on air tickets, hotel stays and
SMS messages. A report on the new forms of
financing that could be available to the pan-African
organization is currently being drafted and explores
the ECOWAS model in particular, which has been able
to raise considerable sums thanks to a sub-regional
tax system. The organization is also looking into the
possibility of collecting a proportion of the taxes levied
at sub-regional level (via RECs).
WORKSHOP 9
INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONAL SUPPORT
TO AFRICAN CAPABILITIES
Chair:
Sam Gulube
Secretary for Defence and Military Veterans – South Africa
Speakers:
Vice Admiral Michael Franken
Deputy to the Commander for Military Operations – Africom – USA
Général Babacar Gaye
Ancien Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général pour la MINUSCA – United Nations
André Roux
Peacekeeping and Defence Analyst – South Africa
Discussant:
Comfort Ero
Africa Programme Director - International Crisis Group (ICG)
Case study:
Général Pascal Facon
Commandant des Éléments français au Sénégal (EFS)
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Abstract
In order to contribute to the consolidation of the African
Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), a number of
partners outside the continent have defined support
for its ramp-up as a strategic priority. This support
is implemented through extremely varied means,
ranging from bilateral budgetary assistance to troops
on the ground. The definition of needs is a crucial
phase in the implementation of effective cooperation.
Regarding support for ongoing operations, the legal
and financial framework also requires prior specific
and consensual definition.
– How can international support be most consistent
with an autonomization process on the part of
African institutions and actors working in favour of
security in Africa?
– How can coordination between different actors of
international support be best implemented to the
strengthening of African defence capacities?
Case study: The French defence
cooperation
The second part of the workshop focuses on
French defence cooperation. For the last twenty
years, it has aimed at strengthening local capacity
management and crisis prevention, more particularly
through the reinforcement of national military tools in
African countries. French defence cooperation thus
implements a number of training missions and ensures
the deployment of advisors both within State structures
and sub-regional organizations. To be fully effective,
such cooperation must be adequately matched to
African needs and, while security cooperation has
increased sharply in recent years, better coordinate
with its traditional partners (United States, European
Union, European countries) but also new security
actors in Africa (BRICS in particular).
The majority of African countries – as well as regional
and sub-regional organizations – are not in a position to
arm themselves with strong and sufficiently equipped
armed forces to tackle crises on the continent. The
mechanisms developed by the African Union (AU),
such as the African Standby Force (ASF), the African
Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC)
and AMISOM (the only continent-led peacekeeping
operation), rely on operational support and assistance
from international partners for their existence and
deployment. Today, an additional difficulty exists for
African armies: the changing nature of the threats
they are facing (terrorism, organized crime, violence
against UN peacekeeping forces on the ground, etc.).
This raises the question of whether or not external
support corresponds to the reality of the situation.
How can assistance in terms of external operational
support be adapted to these new dangers? Can
this adaptation take place without making Africans
responsible for their own security? What options are
available for a genuine partnership between Africans
and their allies?
International operational support must be
evolutionary and adaptable
The objective of international operational support for
African armies involves building and/or reinforcing
African capabilities to respond to crises. The nature
of the support depends on various timeframes.
Long-term support covers a wide range of areas,
such as training in the gathering and analysis of
information, understanding a hostile environment
and developing a chain of command and control, a
supply chain of human resources and even an SOP.
It is also useful to focus on reinforcing capabilities
during peace time in order to prevent crises, notably
by helping African countries to equip themselves with
an analytical framework that allows them to identify
triggering factors. In the short term, cyclical operational
support at the pre-deployment stage fulfills the need
for assistance essentially during the planning process
and preparation for deployment (training, equipment
and rehearsal exercises). Once deployed in a theater
of action, African armed forces rely on international
support primarily to provide the capabilities they lack
(health care, air transport, intelligence, etc.) or to
deploy an external force in the event of a «heavy
blow» (following the example of Operations Unicorn
and Serval).
resources, organized crime, groups with sophisticated
military equipment, the use of rape as a weapon of war,
attacks on peacekeepers, child soldiers, etc. These
parameters change the conditions of operational
engagement, with the result that external partners
must renew and adapt their offers of assistance
to African armies. To maximize effectiveness, this
solution must be identified in close collaboration
with the beneficiaries so that both partners share
the responsibility.
Transferring responsibility to external
partners
It is the responsibility of external partners to make
long term commitments in African countries; firstly,
and most importantly, in terms of financial support,
especially since the AU is only able to provide funding
for the African Standby Force (ASF). Secondly, they
must provide training to ensure a gradual evolution
towards ownership of expertise and the ultimate
independence of armed forces. Finally, they must
commit to supplying equipment (notably via transfers)
so that African forces have the means to carry out
their actions.
It is also up to them to coordinate with each other in
order to avoid duplicating the support they offer African
armed forces. The future of international operational
support rests on the division of work accompanied
by the increased specialization of partners in one or
several areas of support.
International leaders are responsible for the relevance
of their operational cooperation. The response must
be composed of solutions adapted to the specific
characteristics of the African continent. For example,
extensions require greater efforts in terms of logistics,
which has led the United States to make proposals
in this regard to eight African countries. Offers of
training should also correspond to the current crisis
theatres and must therefore be adapted. For example,
French military cooperation is based on the legitimacy
of its trainers’ expertise gained in recent theatres of
operations (Serval/Barkhane, Sangaris and Atalanta).
The most effective and innovative type of operational
support must therefore be envisaged and decided
upon through collaboration, in order to meet the needs
of African armed forces as closely as possible.
Transferring responsibility to Africans
A large part of the work to identify and communicate
their needs falls to Africans themselves. The question
of support naturally raises the question of financing,
but we need to go beyond this and refine the analysis;
as beneficiaries, Africans are best placed to draw
up a list at national scale of their shortcomings and
expectations of their international partners.
Africans are also agents of their own security and,
as such, they must establish the contours of the
international support they wish to benefit from. They are
the first to be affected by the changing nature of threats
in theatres of operation. In fact, they have faced the use
of force in the context of robust peacekeeping missions
since the 1990s. This is why they must participate in
the redefinition of the peacekeeping doctrine, which
forms the basis of the United Nations and also the
African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), in
order to adapt to the war situations facing African
soldiers, who often require the deployment of a genuine
response force.
International support cannot be reduced without
transferring more of the responsibility to African
leaders. First of all, these leaders are guilty of allowing
crises to unfold while they stand back and watch,
choosing to remain silent rather than having the
political courage to raise questions about events in
neighbouring countries. However, such an action
would prevent a crisis from unfolding and would also
further limit the costs associated with the deployment
of armed forces of any kind.
African leaders must demonstrate their political
willingness to move away from this support long term
by opting for forward-looking solutions – in other
words, solutions that offer independence and not
just support.
Finally, the competition that persists between the AU
and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), even
within the same region, combined with the absence of
AU control over sub-regional brigades of the African
Standby Force (ASF), cripple their ability to respond
quickly across the continent, and raise the question
of dependence on an external force.
However, the nature of the threats facing African
armed forces has constantly evolved over the past 20
years: ethnic conflicts, terrorism, plundering of natural
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What are the challenges for international
operational support in the future?
Numerous developments have taken place over the
past 20 years, which demonstrates how far African
states have come in order to take charge of their
security across the continent. However, several
pressing issues remain:
The first is undoubtedly institutional memory, which
must be addressed by African regional organizations
since it prevents them from establishing standard
procedures before deployment, building up technical
expertize and gathering intelligence on previous
deployments with a view to improving operations. It
is on the basis of these «lessons learnt» that APSA
will be built as it goes along.
Together, Africans and their partners could also
consider further developing the current trend for
trilateral EU/UN/AU cooperation, whereby Africans
would provide the troops, a UN Member State would
provide expertise (a liaison officer to assist planning,
for example) and the EU would help pave the way for
peace through programmatic funding, all conducted
under a United Nations mandate.
Africans will have to take account of the need for
sustainable operational commitments in their decisions.
In fact, the growing number of operation theatres in
Africa is generating greater human resources, financial
and material commitments, to the extent that national
armed forces are overheating. The solution could be
found in an African «pooling and sharing» approach,
although agreeing to this would require each state to
give up part of its sovereignty.
To conclude…
by Cheikh Tidiane Gadio
Président de l’Institut Panafricain de stratégies (IPS)
Dear Friends,
We are coming to the end of our conference and, as the late President of Benin, Mathieu
Kérékou used to say, “what’s said is said, and what’s said will be done.” So I hope
you will allow me to deviate a little from the usual rules governing the summary of
proceedings. Rather than deliver a summary of the plenary debates, the conferences and
the workshops, I would like to say a few words about this year’s Forum on the whole.
The Dakar Forum is an informal event. It is not an arena for adopting resolutions or
any other measures that would be binding for decision makers. The Dakar Forum is a
meeting place for our leaders (Heads of State, the African Union, regional community
organizations), who discuss what decisions should be made for Africans, on behalf of
Africans. Such meetings have an important role to play in raising new ideas for their
consideration.
The Forum also gives them extraordinary freedom of speech. For example, a General
here put forward a bold but very relevant suggestion, which he may not have been able
to do at a formal summit meeting of the AU or the ECOWAS. His suggestion marked
me personally and I believe that every delegate should leave at the end, thinking: “to
help Africa, we have to start by listening to Africa.”
That implies two important things. Firstly, we have to do more than just engage in twosided monologues with our partners. It is extremely important that we all, as partners,
listen to each other. The Libyan crisis is a clear illustration of this. The Africans responded
to it and suggested various recovery options but no one listened to them. Yet everything
that the Africans predicted would happen did, unfortunately, happen. Secondly, Africans
need to express their views.
Professor Alioune Sall has, moreover, suggested that the Forum should be more audacious
than it is now. He would like to see more “qualitative breaks”. In other words, he wants us
to develop new arguments instead of just repeating the same old arguments in different
words. This entails thinking outside the box, daring to believe in a different future for Africa.
For example, France’s General Pierre de Villiers, Chief of Defence Staff, has stated that
counterterrorism operations will be conducted as part of a long-term and comprehensive
strategy encompassing the whole of Africa. He has also said that “winning the war is
good but winning peace is better and, in order to win peace, we must first win the
battle for development and good governance.” That means a lot to African countries.
After 55 years of independence, how many African countries can honestly say that they
have won the battle for food sovereignty, education, healthcare, infrastructure, energy,
etc.? The fight is still ongoing. Winning the battle for development and good governance
could help reduce the sense of exclusion felt by some parts of society and thus play a
role in preventing terrorism.
Last year, we discussed nine topics. This year, we have narrowed them down into three
main areas: security threats, African solutions and international partnerships. Of course,
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however, other issues deserve our attention too. We cannot ignore maritime piracy, which
will be discussed at an upcoming congress in Togo, and migration, which has created a
crisis situation in both Africa and Europe. The late President Senghor of Senegal always
said that Africa had a special relationship with Europe, firstly because of its proximity
but also because of trade. President Wade has always believed that if Europe does not
accept Africa’s outstretched hand, then other countries will. It is in Europe’s best interests
to accept this mutually beneficial partnership.
I propose that next year’s Forum be dedicated to young people, who have been mentioned
here more than a hundred times but have not had an opportunity to speak out and tell
us why, for example, so many of them are willing to put their lives at risk to emigrate. I
also suggest that we have a plenary session focusing on women.
Africa must manage its own security rather than contract it out to others. However, our
countries do not have the means to tackle security issues individually. In Africa, we have
the people and the skills to deal with defence and security matters ourselves. We have
seen today that Africa has the political will to do so. African countries have developed
plans and strategies, but are struggling to implement them. We need more resources.
Chad’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Moussa Faki, quite rightly pointed out that it took
two years to put together a rapid response force. Today, we need pan-African regional
forces. As Mandela said, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.”
I would like to conclude by quoting something that I heard recently: “the West has lost
its monopoly over the future, Africa can create new modernities.” We just need the
courage and the audacity.
I’ll see you next year.
Thank you very much.
Closing speech…
by HE Mohamed Boun Abdallah Dionne
Prime Minister of Senegal
Ladies and gentlemen,
At the end of this second edition of the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security
in Africa, I would like first of all to say how pleased the President, HE Macky Sall, is with
the commitment and interest shown by our community here over the past two days of
intense and constructive talks.
I would also like to acknowledge the flawless organization of this year’s Forum, which
has seen a record participation of around 800 people, or possibly even 1,000 people
according to the figures announced yesterday by Minister of State Cheikh Tidiane Gadio.
At the same time, allow me to welcome you on behalf of President Macky Sall, and to
thank our partners – particularly France of course, but also Japan, South Korea, China,
Qatar, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Norway and other friendly countries, the African
Union Commission, the ECOWAS the WAEMU, the United Nations and all the other
international and regional organizations – for their valuable support and contribution to
the success of this second Dakar Forum.
My congratulations also go to the civil society, academic and private-sector partners who
have spared no effort to ensure that the objectives of this Forum are met. Of course,
I would like to give a special mention to our Minister for Foreign Affairs, HE Mankeur
Ndiaye and all of his team, who are managing the Forum. A big thank you also to the
Institut panafricain de stratégies (IPS) run by our fellow countryman Cheikh Tidiane Gadio,
the Compagnie Européenne d’Intelligence Stratégique (CEIS), and all their employees
who have been helping us from the start with their professionalism and dedication.
This momentum of solidarity between States, diplomats, defence and security forces,
non-governmental organizations, intelligence centres, journalists and academics is the
best illustration of the cooperation needed to curtail the scourge of terrorism and its
associated phenomena so that Africa, our Africa, can successfully tackle the challenges
to peace, security and development.
It is definitely in this spirit of openness and dialogue – which is the essence, the DNA
even of the Dakar Forum – that the President of Senegal decided to extend the 2013
Élysée Summit on peace and security in Africa, and to make it a benchmark for our
Forum. By doing this, he wanted to take the debate on security issues to a deeper level
and thus produce relevant recommendations which, once implemented, should help
to establish and maintain long-lasting peace and security, and therefore a bedrock for
economic and social development.
I am also delighted to see that your work has been guided by the spirit of generosity and
sharing that I called for last year in my opening speech, on behalf of the President. In
fact, you have addressed the items on this year’s agenda with enthusiasm and a great
deal of lucidity, helped by the informed input of the panelists and experts. We had to
turn people down for the high-level panel chaired by the President, the three plenary
sessions, the three conferences and the nine workshops, which shows how keen you
were to address every single aspect of the burning issues that concern us all. I have
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taken note of your efforts and of the quality and topicality of the three subjects discussed
at the Forum - i.e the growth in security risks and threats, African solutions and the new
types of initiative taken by the international community in this respect and, lastly, how
to generate more international support for security in Africa.
Ladies and gentlemen, your constructive discussions, following on from those held during
the first Dakar Forum, will enable us to generate, enhance and consolidate information
regarding the necessity of preventing and resolving conflicts across the whole of Africa.
Indeed, as the challenges we are facing are global, we must anticipate the changes and
the continuities needed to take us further along the road to progress. For preventive
purposes, we must continue our respective efforts to enforce democracy, the rule of
law and good governance, and to reduce poverty, increase access to education and
healthcare, promote human rights, create jobs for youth, fight against the indoctrination of
young people in the name of so-called religious precepts, encourage a culture of peace
and tolerance, step up cooperation in intelligence (which is no longer a taboo word),
and manage cross-border movements without, of course, undermining the integration
policies currently being implemented in Africa. For corrective purposes, we must continue
to discuss how best to proceed in terms of multilateral and bilateral partnerships, and
how to strengthen the African Peace and Security Architecture, which is an important
tool for adaptation of peacekeeping operations, modernising defence and security forces
and securing borders across the whole of Africa.
DAKAR FORUM 2015
Dakar Forum in the media
Partners
Organisers
Speakers’ who’s who
List of participants
Dakar online
Ladies and gentlemen, thanks to the institutionalisation of our Forum, we are a community
from now on. I have no doubt that our community will grow even more over the upcoming
years, given our commitment to promoting peace and security in Africa. This long-term
commitment will certainly prevent us from treating the symptoms and ignoring the causes
of the illness, as HE Macky Sall said yesterday during the Forum’s high-level panel.
In any case, I speak on Senegal’s behalf when I say that we continue to be firmly committed
to counterterrorism, which will be one of our priorities within the Security Council, to
which Senagal has just been elected as a non-permanent member for the period 2016
to 2017. The same goes for the competent authorities in our respective countries, who
will ensure that the main conclusions of the two Dakar Forums are appropriately taken
into account.
To conclude, all that is left for me to say is have a safe journey home and I look forward
to seeing you at next year’s edition of the Dakar Forum on Peace and Security.
I now declare this year’s edition closed.
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DAKAR FORUM IN THE MEDIA
LE 2E FORUM SUR LA PAIX
ET LA SÉCURITÉ EN AFRIQUE
OUVRE À DAKAR
RFI - 9 novembre 2015
À Dakar, s’ouvre ce lundi 9 novembre la seconde
édition du Forum sur la paix et la sécurité en
Afrique. (…) « Nous n’avons pas voulu
faire de ce forum une réunion de chefs
d’État. Nous avons voulu que ce forum
soit le cadre d’un échange libre », souligne
le maître de cérémonie, Mankeur Ndiaye, ministre
sénégalais des Affaires étrangères.
Co-organisateur de ce forum, notamment en
appui financier, l’État français, est représenté par
Jean-Yves Le Drian, le ministre de la Défense.
« Le thème reste malheureusement tout à
fait d’actualité. Ce forum s’installe dans le
paysage de la réflexion sur la sécurité et la
paix qui donne aujourd’hui des résultats.
Et je souhaite que ces deux jours soient
deux jours d’initiatives pour l’Afrique que
nous aimons tous beaucoup. »
Pour le grand ordonnateur de ce forum, l’homme
politique sénégalais Cheich Tidiane Gaido, l’un
des débats les plus importants portera sur la
capacité des États africains à s’allier dans la
lutte contre le terrorisme. « Si l’Afrique ne se
met pas en première ligne, y compris ses
amis qui veulent la soutenir ne pourront
pas faire le travail à sa place. Et ensuite
si les partenaires internationaux sont
d’accord pour qu’on mette en place des
forces régionales africaines. C’est à peu
près ça, je crois, les grands objectifs de
ce forum ». (…)
PAIX ET SÉCURITÉ : STRATÉGIE
AFRICAINE
BBC Afrique - 9 novembre 2015
La capitale sénégalaise accueille aujourd’hui la
deuxième rencontre du Forum international sur la
Paix et la Sécurité en Afrique. (…) La rencontre a
pour objectif de développer des échanges et des
contacts directs entre les acteurs concernés mais
aussi d’approfondir le dialogue stratégique entre
les Africains et leurs partenaires internationaux.
Lors de ce forum plusieurs points devraient
être évoqués dont la lutte contre le terrorisme,
la prévention des crises, la sécurité maritime ou
94
encore la problématique de la migration. Autant
de thèmes actualité alors que des groupes armés
sévissent toujours au Mali, Boko Haram, dans
la zone du lac Tchad et que les candidats au
départ pour l’Europe se font de plus en plus
nombreux. (…)
LUTTE CONTRE LE TERRORISME
EN AFRIQUE – MACKY TROUVE
LES FORMES TRADITIONNELLES
« PEU OPÉRATIONNELLES »
SEN360 - Mariama Diémè
10 novembre 2015
Les formes traditionnelles de prévention et
de maintien de la paix en Afrique sont « peu
opérationnelles », a dit le président sénégalais
Macky Sall, lors du Forum international de Dakar
sur la paix et la sécurité, lundi à Dakar.
« Nos défis en la matière sont nombreux, surtout
que le terrorisme a tendance à se sanctuariser
en Afrique, parce que ses cerveaux, agissant
en réseaux, considèrent le continent comme le
ventre mou du système international », a déploré
Macky Sall. (…)
« Lutter efficacement contre le terrorisme en
Afrique, c’est aussi développer des solutions
régionales, dans une approche qui concilie
le souci d’ouverture des frontières inhérent
au processus d’intégration et l’impératif de
vigilance qu’impose la lutte contre la criminalité
transnationale et le terrorisme », a-t-il ajouté.
Il a également affirmé à cette occasion qu’il
faut donc « renforcer » la collaboration entre les
services des pays africains en matière d’échange
d’informations, de collecte de données et de
surveillance des réseaux de la criminalité
transfrontalière.
LE FORUM DE DAKAR POUR LA MISE
EN PLACE D’UNE VÉRITABLE FORCE
MILITAIRE PANAFRICAINE
Agence Congolaise de Presse Kinshasa – 10 novembre 2015
(…) Dans son message, le président du Sénégal
Macky Sall a dit : « Ce qui a changé, c’est la
perception que nous avons de la sécurité
du continent. Il y a quelques années, le
débat même était prohibé, le fait de
parler de défense et d’action militaire.
Aujourd’hui, il est établi que l’on ne
peut pas parler de développement sans
sécurité, sans paix et sans stabilité ». C’est
dans ce contexte que ce 2e Forum a retenu comme
l’un des thèmes principaux dans les discussions, la
protection des frontières maritimes, notamment celle
des frontières terrestres de la zone Sahel-Sahara où
cinq pays de la région ont commencé à travailler
ensemble. Les autres questions sur la menace
de Boko Haram au Nigeria, la crise en Libye et le
terrorisme ne seront pas escamotées. (…)
SMAÏL CHERGUI : « LA SÉCURITÉ
EN AFRIQUE, C’EST LE TRAVAIL
DES AFRICAINS »
Propos recueillis à Dakar
par l’Opinion - Pascal Airault
11 novembre 2015
La deuxième édition du Forum de Dakar sur la
paix et la sécurité en Afrique, qui s’est tenue les
9 et 10 novembre à Dakar, a permis de faire le
point sur les crises du continent, sur les réponses
apportées par les armées régionales et leurs
partenaires extérieurs comme la France. Présent
à cet événement, le Commissaire de l’African
Union à la paix et à la sécurité, l’Algérien Smaïl
Chergui, plaide pour une implication plus grande
des Africains dans la résolution des conflits.
Smaïl Chergui : « (…) La sécurité de l’Afrique
par les Africains est donc possible à
condition de trouver de nouvelles solutions
de financement. Les dirigeants africains en
discutent. La Communauté économique des
États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (ECOWAS) est
parvenue à dégager 600 millions de dollars
grâce à la mise en place de taxes sur les
échanges commerciaux. »
LE GÉNÉRAL LAMINE CISSÉ
PRÉCONISE UNE ÉFORME DU SECTEUR
DE LA SÉCURITÉ
APS Sénégal – Dakar, 10/11/2015
« Au Sénégal, on a besoin de faire la réforme
du secteur de sécurité, parce qu’il faut faire une
montée en puissance des unités, compte tenu de
plusieurs critères. Nos voisins sont nos premiers
amis, nos premières ennemis, cela, tout le monde
le connait en matière de stratégie », a déclaré
l’ancien chef d’état-major général des armées
(CEMGA), le général Lamine Cissé.
(…) Il intervenait au cours d’un panel organisé
dans le cadre du deuxième Forum international
de Dakar sur la paix et la sécurité en Afrique,
dont l’édition 2015 porte sur la gouvernance
du secteur de la sécurité. (…)
AFRIQUE, QUELLE FEUILLE DE ROUTE
POUR UNE SORTIE DE CRISE ?
La Croix - François d’Alançon
(à Dakar) – 11 novembre 2015
(…) « Le temps long ». C’est un thème
récurrent dans les interventions du général
Pierre de Villiers, chef d’état-major des armées,
réaffirmé à Dakar, devant le Forum pour la paix et
la sécurité en Afrique des 9 et 10 novembre : la
nécessité d’inscrire l’action militaire dans la durée.
« L’histoire nous montre que la résolution
d’une crise demande en moyenne une
quinzaine d’années », insiste le plus haut
gradé français, en ajoutant : « Gagner la guerre
ne suffit pas, il faut aussi gagner la paix »,
ce qui implique de « gagner la bataille de
la gouvernance et du développement ».
(…) Gouvernance ? Développement ? Au fil
des conférences et des ateliers du Forum de
Dakar, les intervenants n’ont cessé d’insister
sur cette dimension, comme si c’était la pièce
manquante du puzzle. (…)
UN ANCIEN MINISTRE SÉNÉGALAIS
DES AE PRÉCONISE LA CRÉATION
D’UNE BASE MILITAIRE PANAFRICAINE
CONTRE LE TERRORISME
Xinhua – 10 novembre 2015
« Il faut une armée panafricaine pour mieux
lutter contre le terrorisme. Nos armées
seules, faute de moyens, ne peuvent à
elles seules faire face au terrorisme. Je
pense qu’il nous faut une base militaire
panafricaine », a indiqué l’ancien ministre
sénégalais des Affaires étrangère, Cheikh Tidiane
Gadio, à la presse avant l’ouverture lundi de la
deuxième édition du Forum international de Dakar
sur la paix et la sécurité en Afrique. L’ancien ministre
a estimé que l’Afrique ne doit pas uniquement se
baser sur l’aide des partenaires occidentaux pour
assurer sa sécurité. Elle doit s’organiser, mettre en
place une base militaire panafricaine « capable
de défendre le continent ».
RENSEIGNEMENT : LE FORUM
DE DAKAR, UN MUST
Jeune Afrique - 16 novembre
2015
La communauté française du renseignement
n’a pas snobé le récent Forum de Dakar sur la
paix et la sécurité (9-10 novembre).
La plupart des six services qui la composent
y étaient représentés, dont deux au plus haut
niveau. Les généraux Jean-François Hogard,
patron de la Direction de la protection et de la
sécurité de la défense (DPSD), le service de
contre-ingérence au sein des forces armées,
et Christophe Gomart, de la Direction du
renseignement militaire (DRM), ont multiplié
les rencontres avec les responsables des services
maliens, mauritaniens et tchadiens.
« On a besoin de vous, vous avez besoin
de nous », leur ont-ils expliqué. Également
de la partie : le diplomate Didier Le Bret, qui,
depuis le mois de juin, occupe à l’Élysée le
poste stratégique de coordonnateur national
du renseignement. Il a profité du forum pour
réunir autour d’une table les représentants des
pays concernés par la menace Boko Haram, un
dossier qu’il suit de près.
BOKO HARAM : LES SERVICES
DE RENSEIGNEMENT RENFORCENT
LEUR COORDINATION
Le Figaro – Alain Barluet, envoyé
spécial à Dakar – 19/11/2015
(…) Encouragés par la détermination du nouveau
président nigérian, Muhammadu Buhari, les
pays occidentaux, dont la France, sont convenus
d’accroître leur aide en matière de renseignement
au profit des pays du lac Tchad et d’appuyer
leurs efforts pour se coordonner.
« Le vrai sujet d’inquiétude pour les
pays africains, c’est Boko Haram, et leur
demande en matière de renseignement
est forte », explique un responsable du
renseignement français présent la semaine
dernière au Forum sur la paix et la sécurité en
Afrique qui se tenait la semaine dernière à Dakar.
En marge de cet événement, de nombreux
contacts ont eu lieu entre des responsables
militaires français, dont le chef d’état-major des
armées, le général Pierre de Villiers, et leurs
homologues de la Force multinationale mixte
(FMM), mise en place l’été dernier entre le
Nigeria, le Tchad, le Cameroun, le Bénin pour
combattre Boko Haram. « L’absence d’effort
coordonné de notre part a beaucoup
encouragé nos adversaires », concède le
général nigérian Ilyah Isah Abbah, qui commande
la FMM.
FORUM INTERNATIONAL DE DAKAR :
« AUCUN PAYS SEUL NE PEUT VAINCRE
LE TERRORISME… LE TOUT MILITAIRE
NE SUFFIT PAS AUSSI… »
Malijet – Abdoulaye Diakité,
envoyé spécial à Dakar –
9 novembre 2015
Les travaux de la 2e édition du Forum international
de Dakar sur la paix et la sécurité en Afrique
se sont ouverts ce lundi 9 novembre 2015 au
King Fadh Palace de Dakar, au Sénégal. (…)
Le chef d’état-major des armées françaises, le
général Pierre de Villiers, (…) a développé trois
approches pour lutter contre la menace : maintenir
l’attention au temps long, c’est-à-dire développer
des actions dans la durée. La deuxième, c’est le
respect du droit international et en troisième position
l’approche globale qui permet de mettre les efforts
en synergie. Le général de Villiers a expliqué que
le tout militaire ne suffit pas. L’action militaire doit
être soutenue par les actions de développement
afin que les jeunes désespérés ne soient pas
tentés par la sirène des terroristes. « Lorsque la
force avance, la violence recule, et quand le
dialogue avance, la paix avance », a-t-il conclu.
Elissa Slotkin, assistante à la sécurité au département
de la Défense des États-Unis a été un peu plus claire :
un seul pays ne peut combattre le terrorisme. (…)
Aussi, selon l’américaine, il n’y a pas une solution
universelle dans la lutte contre le terrorisme. A chaque
cas, son approche.
SÉNÉGAL : LE TERRORISME
EN AFRIQUE, ENJEU D’UN FORUM
À DAKAR
RFI - 9 novembre 2015
(…) Tout l’intérêt de ce forum, c’est la liberté
de ton. Homme-orchestre de ce premier
débat, Tiéman Coulibaly, le ministre malien de
la Défense, estime que les mouvements jihadistes
95
ont désormais un véritable projet politique : « Le
terrorisme est une réalité et il a un projet
politique. Ce qui se passe sur le continent
aujourd’hui interpelle à plus d’un titre, car
ce projet politique nous pose, en effet, un
défi sécuritaire et militaire. Mais il pose
aussi un défi économique, il pose un défi
social ». (…)
« Combattre militairement oui, mais il faut
aussi penser au développement », réplique
le chef de la Minsuma, force des United Nations
au Mali, Mongi Hamdi : « L’acheminement
de l’eau et de l’électricité aux régions
déshéritées constitue une étape
importante pour le partage des dividendes
de la paix. Il n’y a pas de développement
sans sécurité, il n’y a pas de sécurité sans
développement ». (…)
ALIOUNE SALL : L’ACTION CONTRE
LE TERRORISME « DOIT S’INSCRIRE DANS
LA DURÉE »
RFI - Guillaume Thibault–
10 novembre 2015
Le forum Paix et sécurité se termine ce soir
à Dakar. Depuis hier, lundi 9 novembre, 800
personnes y participent. Experts, militaires, classe
politique, chercheurs sont présents. L’idée de
l’État sénégalais est d’organiser des échanges
informels pour que les idées, les débats soient
poussés, libérer la parole, sortir des clichés. Le
chercheur Alioune Sall, directeur exécutif de
l’Institut des futurs africains basé à Pretoria essaye
justement de faire entendre, de proposer une
autre vision que la vision purement militaire, sur
l’impact du terrorisme en Afrique et les solutions
pour le réduire. (…)
RFI : On vous a entendu en salle plénière très
critique avec ce qui est dit, notamment avec
peut-être cette vision arriérée du terrorisme.
Expliquez-nous.
Alioune Sall : (…) j’étais quand même
heureux d’entendre des responsables
civils et militaires dire que la lutte contre
le terrorisme devait être inscrite dans
la durée, qu’il n’y avait pas de solution
militaire, purement militaire à la lutte
contre le terrorisme. J’ai dit que cela
me paraissait être des réflexions qui
allaient dans la bonne direction. L’action
doit s’inscrire dans la durée. Il faut
96
faire du temps son allié parce que les
transformations structurelles, par lesquelles
se définit le développement, demandent du
temps, prendront du temps (…)
Ça, pour vous, c’est nouveau ?
C’est quelque chose que l’on entendait rarement
dans des rencontres comme celle-ci où
généralement les préoccupations sécuritaires
prennent le dessus sur toute autre considération.
(…)
FORUM DE DAKAR SUR LA PAIX ET LA
SÉCURITÉ EN AFRIQUE : LE SÉNÉGAL
RÉITÉRE SON « ENGAGEMENT FERME »
À LUTTER CONTRE LE TERRORISME
Maghreb Arab Press,
Dakar –10 novembre 2015
Le combat contre ce fléau sera l’une des priorités
du Sénégal dans le cadre de son mandat au
Conseil de sécurité des United Nations où il vient
d’être élu en tant que membre non permanent
pour la période 2016-2017, a affirmé le Premier
ministre, Mahammad Dionne, à la clôture du
forum international sur la paix et la sécurité en
Afrique tenu à Dakar du 9 au 10 novembre.
(…) Le forum de Dakar s’est planché sur
des sujets les plus brulants de l’heure ayant
trait notamment au partenariat international, la
piraterie maritime, les enjeux de la migration et
la lutte anti-terrorisme. Sur ce dernier point, les
panélistes ont insisté sur le fait que l’Afrique doit
prendre en charge sa sécurité et le premier pas
à faire dans ce sens consiste à mutualiser les
efforts et à rompre le cercle vicieux dans lequel
les questions de la défense et de la sécurité en
Afrique sont inscrites.
LUTTE CONTRE LE TERRORISME
EN AFRIQUE : RÉSISTER À L’INSTINCT
GRÉGAIRE
Le Monde.fr – Gilles Olakounlé
Yabi, économiste et analyste
politique – 24 novembre 2015
Les attentats de Paris se sont produits trois jours
seulement après la fin du deuxième Forum de
Dakar sur la paix et la sécurité en Afrique, dont le
thème principal était « les défis du terrorisme
en Afrique ». Très largement inspiré et organisé
par le gouvernement français, le ministère de
la défense en tête, ce grand rendez-vous a été
l’occasion pour tous les intervenants d’affirmer
qu’aucun pays n’était à l’abri du terrorisme et
que la réponse au terrorisme devait être globale.
A Dakar, on a beaucoup parlé de radicalisation
religieuse, de financement illicite des groupes
terroristes, de coopération régionale au Sahel
et au-delà, des besoins des forces armées de
la région et de ce que les partenaires principaux
dans le domaine de la sécurité, la France, les
États-Unis, l’Europe, pouvaient apporter aux États
africains. (…)
MUNGUNO, OTHERS SEEK JOINT
EFFORT OF SAHEL REGION AGAINST
TERRORISM
The Guardian Nigeria – Victoria
Ojugbana, Dakar, Senegal –
November 10, 2015
(…) The National Security Adviser of Nigeria,
General Mohammed Babagana Munguno, who
stated this need while speaking on the challenges
raised by security at the opening session of the
two-day Dakar International Forum on Peace
and Security in Africa, said: “Countries in the
Sahel region face vulnerabilities exacerbated by
the rising threat of extremism and transnational
effect.” (…)
While appealing to the international community
for aid in this area, Munguno said: “I would
like to appeal to the representatives of
these countries to please continue to
encourage your governments to work
hand in hand with your organization to
crush these criminals wherever they are.
The pervasiveness of terrorism in Africa
presents a challenge to peace, security
and stability.” Increasing alliances between
other networks have produced the potential
to destabilise states and positions of anarchy.
The Dakar International Forum on Peace and
Security in Africa condemned the activities of
the terrorists in Nigeria known as Boko Haram,
Al-shabab in Mali, the Chad, Senegal, Cameroun,
Kenya among other African nations. (…)
LA CRAINTE D’UN NOUVEAU FRONT
OUVERT AU SUD DE LA LIBYE
Le Monde – Nathalie Guibert –
16 novembre 2015
(…) « Daech [acronyme arabe de l’EI] cherche
des troupes nouvelles pour aller vers le sud. C’est
ce qu’ils feront si on ne les empêche pas », a
souligné une source française de haut niveau,
en marge du deuxième Forum pour la sécurité
en Afrique, tenu à Dakar les 9 et 10 novembre.
En Libye, ont constaté les responsables réunis
à Dakar, l’EI n’est pas combattu : il s’installe
chaque jour davantage dans les vides créés
par la concurrence des clans qui luttent pour le
pouvoir à Tripoli, Benghazi et Tobrouk, et qui n’ont
pas encore trouvé un accord sous la médiation
de l’ONU.(…)
Un autre motif d’inquiétude est apparu dans les
conversations à Dakar : des combattants africains
liés à l’EI en Irak et en Syrie sont en train de
rentrer sur le continent. (…)
LE SAHEL CRAINT LA CONTAGION
DE L’EXTRÉMISME RELIGIEUX
VIA LA LIBYE
Les Échos – Anne Bauer –
11 novembre 2015
La France, dont la force militaire est plus que
jamais présente au Sahel et en Afrique de
l’ouest, compte sur une mobilisation accrue
des États africains pour enclencher de réelles
coopérations militaires entre eux afin de lutter
contre le terrorisme.
Réunis pour la deuxième édition du Forum de
Dakar sur la sécurité et la paix en Afrique, nombre
de ministres, de militaires et de chercheurs
africains ont fait part de leur inquiétude face
à la progression de l’insécurité au Nigéria, en
Afrique de l’Ouest et dans la zone du Sahel, et
de leur désarroi face à la radicalisation d’une
partie de la jeunesse séduite par les mouvements
terroristes, notamment par Boko Haram. Le
chaos libyen et les routes qu’il a ouvert à tous
les trafics (drogue, arme, êtres humains, etc.)
est aussi la préoccupation numéro un des États
voisins du Sud. (…)
« Les forces de maintien de la paix de
l’ONU sont devenues un modèle inefficace
face à des groupes sans foi, ni loi et
surarmé », a mis en garde le président du
Sénégal Macki Sall, en ouverture du Forum, une
rencontre initiée par la France et son ministre
de la défense, Jean-Yves Le Drian, qui compte
sur ce lieu de débat pour créer peu à peu une
« culture de la sécurité », afin que les Africains
s’emparent eux-même des enjeux de la lutte
contre le terrorisme.
« IL FAUT EMPÊCHER TOUTE JONCTION
ENTRE BOKO HARAM ET L’ÉTAT
ISLAMIQUE EN LIBYE »
Le Monde.fr – Propos recueillis
par Joan Tilouine (Dakar, envoyé
spécial) – 11 novembre 2015
Commissaire pour la paix et la sécurité de
l’African Union (UA), l’Algérien Smaïl Chergui a
assisté lundi 9 et mardi 10 novembre au Forum
pour la sécuriteé et la paix en Afrique. selon lui,
le developpement de l’architecture sécuritaire
africaine est encourageant malgré le manque
de moyens pour affronter les menaces posees
par le terrorisme. (…)
Le Monde : A la tribune du Forum de Dakar,
le ministre des affaires étrangères tchadien,
Moussa Faki Mahamat, a exprimé le besoin d’un
engagement régional et continental renforcé,
de même que le déblocage de financements
internationaux…
Smaïl Chergui : Certains États africains qui
combattent le terrorisme de Boko Haram
se sentent effectivement peu aidés par la
communauté internationale. Surtout dans un
contexte économique marqué par la chute du
cours du pétrole. Nous travaillons en ce moment
à l’organisation d’une conférence des donateurs
et à la création de nouvelles forces africaines sur
le modèle de la Force mixte multinationale. (…)
TCHAD – MOUSSA FAKI MAHAMAT :
« NOUS SAVONS QUE BOKO HARAM A ÉTÉ
AMOINDRI »
Jeune Afrique – Rémi Carayol, à
Dakar – 10 novembre 2015
À Dakar, où il a participé les 9 et
10 novembre au Forum sur la paix et la
sécurité en Afrique, le ministre tchadien
des Affaires étrangères, Moussa Faki
Mahamat, a mis l’accent, lors d’une
session publique, sur le coût que
représente pour son pays la lutte contre
les forces jihadistes dans le Sahel. (…)
FORUM DE DAKAR – BOKO HARAM
DANS LA LIGNE DE MIRE
Paris-Match –
François de Labarre 10 novembre 2015
Lors de la deuxième édition du Forum sur la
paix et la sécurité en Afrique qui s’est tenu a
Dakar les 8 et 9 novembre, l’accent a été mis
sur la lutte contre la secte islamiste Boko haram.
« Certains ne croyaient pas qu’ils allaient
se développer », confiait hier soir en haussant
les sourcils une figure du renseignement. Le
reproche s’adressait à ceux qui, dans ce milieu
confiné, ont sous-évalué le groupe terroriste qui
sévit au Nord du Nigéria et aux alentours du lac
Tchad. Cette secte a occupé l’ensemble des
discussions pendant cette rencontre à laquelle
participaient 1100 personnes dont de nombreux
responsables africains. Avec 17000 morts et
2,5 millions de personnes déplacées, le bilan
de Boko Haram pourrait presque rivaliser avec
celui de Daech, auquel une partie des islamistes
nigérians a d’ailleurs décidé de s’affilier.
« Boko Haram est à son apogée »
En marge du forum, le chef d’État major de
l’armée, Pierre de Villiers a rencontré pour la
première fois son homologue nigérian. L’objectif
pour l’armée française est d’accompagner la
force mixte qui combattra Boko Haram dans le
Nord du Nigéria en fournissant du renseignement,
des formations et plus si affinités. (…) Les héros
des guerres africaines contre le terrorisme sont…
les Africains eux-mêmes. C’est tout l’objet d’un
Forum dédié aux Africains, où Jean-Yves Le
Drian a insisté sur l’importance d’aider les États
à se doter « d’armées pas de clans ni de
tribus, mais au service de l’État ». Sur ce
point le Tchad sert de modèle, l’engagement de
son armée a été largement applaudi.
97
AUTOUR DU LAC TCHAD, BOKO HARAM
A MIS EN PLACE « UNE PRÉDATION
AGRICOLE TOTALE »
Libération – Jean-Louis
Le Touzet – 19 novembre 2015
Le groupe terroriste nigérian, qui a prêté
allegeance a l’ei, taxe toutes les étapes de la
« Route du poisson » pour financer ses activités.
C’est dans la zone asséchée du Lac Tchad,
au pli des frontières du Nigeria, du Niger, du
Tchad et du Cameroun, que la secte Boko
Haram, récemment affiliée à l’État islamique,
se serait repliée. (…) « Cette zone du lac peu
contrôlée a toujours posé des problèmes
de sécurité à tous les pays voisins »,
expliquait la semaine dernière le colonel
nigérien Mahamadou Abou Tarka. Président de
la Haute Autorité à la consolidation de la paix
à Niamey, il s’exprimait lors d’un atelier sur « la
lutte contre les financements illicites et les
réseaux transnationaux », au Forum de Dakar
sur la paix et la sécurité.
Pour la première fois, des informations ont filtré sur
le financement de Boko Haram. Nous sommes loin
des extractions de pétrole et des sociétés-écrans
de l’État islamique, mais « dans une prédation
agricole totale », selon l’officier. (…)
MALI : S. BOUBEYE MAÏGA :
« IL FAUT QUE NOUS AYONS UNE ARMÉE
QUI INCARNE L’IDENTITÉ DU PAYS »
Par maliweb - 18 novembre 2015
Sahelien.com : Vous revenez du forum sur la paix
et la sécurité à Dakar, quelles sont les résolutions
de ce forum ?
Soumeylou Boubèye Maïga : Le forum a fait
l’état des lieux de la sécurité dans le Sahel,
d’une manière générale. On a parlé du
terrorisme et de ses multiples formes, et aussi
du financement des actions de lutte contre le
terrorisme, notamment Boko Haram. On a fait
le point sur les efforts qui sont faits au niveau
du continent, pour voir si ce sont des efforts
adéquats et adaptés. Mais l’idée générale du
forum est, que les Africains puissent s’approprier
la réflexion stratégique sur les questions de
sécurité sur le continent, pour que ça ne soit
pas seulement, l’apanage des structures et des
personnes étrangères au continent. Le forum a
98
fait des recommandations dont la première, est
de mutualiser les capacités des pays qui sont
concernés par la même menace, ensuite le
développement par ces pays d’un certain nombre
d’efforts spécifiques, surtout sur le renforcement
de leurs capacités à se renseigner et, à gérer
la menace sur laquelle ils s’appuient. Et enfin,
plus de coopération internationale, mais une
coopération dans laquelle les Africains devraient
progressivement occuper, une place de plus en
plus intéressante, puisque c’est chez eux qu’il y
a le théâtre des opérations. (…)
LES FAIBLESSES DE L’ÉTAT MALIEN
AU GRAND JOUR
Libération – Jean-Louis Le Touzet –
20 novembre 2015
(…) L’attaque de l’hôtel Radisson, au cœur de
Bamako, met une fois de plus en lumière la
désarticulation de l’État malien. (…) « Comment
sécuriser les 7 000 kilomètres de
frontières du pays ? » interrogeait justement
Abdoullah Coulibaly, le directeur du Forum
économique de Bamako dans une intervention
le 10 novembre à Dakar, lors du Forum sur la
paix et la sécurité. (…)
« Si on ne peut pas sécuriser les frontières
et mettre la main sur des flux financiers et
des armes qui alimentent ces groupes, en
revanche, il serait peut-être intéressant de
regarder ce qui se passe parfois au sein
même des antichambres des ministères
de la région », pointait un chercheur français
au Forum de Dakar. En réaction à cette sortie
saisissante, un ancien ministre malien présent
avait souri. Mais il est difficile d’écarter « le
nerf de la guerre » du terrorisme sahélien :
« L’argent du trafic de drogue », selon un
observateur averti. (…)
CONTRIBUTION DE L’ALGÉRIE À LA
PAIX AU MALI, UN « ENRICHISSEMENT »
DE LA PRATIQUE DE MÉDIATION
APS Algérie – 10 novembre 2015
DAKAR - La contribution « qualitative » de
l’Algérie à l’oeuvre de paix et de réconciliation au
Mali constitue un «enrichissement» de la doctrine
et de la pratique de la médiation, a affirmé lundi
à Dakar le ministre d’État, ministre des Affaires
étrangères et de la Coopération internationale,
Ramtane Lamamra (…) dans une allocution
prononcée au Forum de Dakar sur la Paix et la
Sécurité en Afrique.
(…) « Avec le risque toujours perceptible
de résurgence du phénomène des coups
d’État militaires, et avec également la
menace qui pèse sur l’intégrité territoriale
de pays africains fragiles en contravention
du principe cardinal de l’intangibilité des
frontières héritées lors de leur accession
à l’indépendance, avec enfin les défis
inhérents aux mouvements migratoires
et aux problèmes environnementaux y
compris les changements climatiques, les
champs sont nombreux où les médiations
africaines sont appelées à se déployer
en mobilisant les vastes réservoirs de
sagesse », a souligné M. Lamamra dans son
allocution.
MACKY SALL : « NOUS NE SAURIONS
ACCEPTER QU’ON VIENNE NOUS IMPOSER
UNE AUTRE FORME DE RELIGION »
Le Point Afrique –
Joséphine Johnson –
10 novembre 2015
Mission réussie pour le Forum Paix et Sécurité
de Dakar, dont l’un des principaux objectifs a
aussi été de libérer la parole. C’est la seconde
édition de ces rencontres qui réunissent au
Sénégal chercheurs, militaires, diplomates et
classe politique. Et l’hôte qui reçoit n’est autre
que le président sénégalais Macky Sall. En
ouvrant le second débat lundi, il a provoqué
un véritable électrochoc chez les participants
et, bien entendu, dans les médias. Connu pour
ses prises de position en faveur d’une pratique
tolérante de la religion, le chef de l’État sénégalais
a interpellé directement ses pairs. (…)
S’organiser sur le plan des médias et du
renseignement
Co-organisatrice du Forum de Dakar, la
France était représentée par Jean-Yves
Le Drian, ministre français de la Défense.
Il a aussi plaidé pour une promotion de
l’islam modéré, en riposte à la propagande
djihadiste sur les réseaux sociaux. « Il va
falloir que les acteurs se concertent
pour mettre en œuvre une vraie
synergie de médiatisation théologique
de l’islam modéré et pour répondre à
l’offensive caricaturale mais hautement
technologique utilisée par les groupes
terroristes », a-t-il souligné. En écho, le
président sénégalais a insisté sur la nécessité
d’échanger plus de renseignements entre
les pays du Sahel alors que les groupes
armés islamistes ne connaissent pas de
frontières. (…)
POURQUOI DOIT-ON AIDER L’AFRIQUE
CONTRE L’ISLAMISME ?
JDD – 21 novembre 2015
François Clemenceau, rédacteur en chef au JDD,
revient, à l’occasion de son Grand angle diplo
de la semaine, sur le 2e Forum de Dakar sur
la paix et la sécurité qui s’est tenu la semaine
dernière, avant les attentats de Paris et la prise
d’otages meurtrière à Bamako :
« Le 2e Forum de Dakar sur la paix et la
sécurité qui s’est achevé au Sénégal
mardi 10 novembre dernier a mis en
lumière une angoisse collective face à un
sujet qui a longtemps été tabou, celui de
l’islamisation des sociétés africaines. Un
défi que plus aucun pays ne peut résoudre
seul, surtout lorsqu’il se transforme en
menace terroriste.
Il y a dix-huit mois, le président sénégalais
Macky Sall estimait lors d’une interview
au JDD que l’islam sénégalais était un
rempart contre les intégrismes venus
d’ailleurs. Et pourtant, à la veille de
ce Forum il a fait arrêter plusieurs
prédicateurs pour activité terroriste.
Pour lui, la répression ou les interventions
militaires au Sahel ne suffiront pas.
Sans développement économique, sans
justice sociale, sans éducation, les jeunes
africains resteront tentés par l’aventure
de la migration ou du terrorisme, fut-ce
au péril de leur vie. » (…)
FORUM INTERNATIONAL SUR LA PAIX
ET LA SÉCURITÉ : MOBILISATION
GÉNÉRALE DE LA SOCIÉTÉ CONTRE
L’EXTRÉMISME RELIGIEUX
LE SOLEIL – Propos recueillis par
Ibrahima Khaliloullah Ndiaye –
10 novembre 2015
La 2e édition du Forum international sur la
sécurité et la paix de Dakar s’est ouverte hier. Une
occasion, pour le président sénégalais, d’appeler
à une formation théologique des guides religieux
pour qu’ils ne tombent ou versent pas dans le
terrorisme. (…) Invitant la classe politique et la
société civile à être à l’avant-garde du combat,
il a aussi exhorté à repenser les opérations de
paix onusiennes. (…)
Le président sénégalais Macky Sall a mis, hier,
un ensemble de mesures dans la corbeille en
perspective de la lutte contre le terrorisme et
l’instabilité à l’occasion du panel de haut niveau
de la 2e édition du Forum international de Dakar
sur la paix et la sécurité. (…)
SENEGAL’S SALL SEEKS “TOLERANT
ISLAM”
Vanguard Nigeria – Nov. 10, 2015
Senegal’s President Macky Sall on Monday called
for African countries to promote a “tolerant Islam”
and share intelligence to combat jihadist groups
across the continent.
“We must develop a philosophical and
theological discourse, training imams
with a sense of a tolerant Islam”, he said,
speaking at the Dakar International Form on
Peace and Security in the Senegalese capital.
“We cannot allow them to impose another
form of religion” with practices that “do
not correspond to our traditions or our
conceptions of Islam”, he said.
“We must have the courage to fight this
excessive form” of Islam, Sall added.
The president’s remarks echoed those made
by French Defence Minister Jean-Yves Le
Drian who also called for the promotion of
moderate interprÉtations of Islam, and for Islamist
propaganda over social media to be fought.
Sall also pushed for better intelligence sharing
between the countries of the Sahel in an effort
to combat regional militant groups.
VOILE INTÉGRAL, PRÊCHES DANS
LES MOSQUÉES, ETC. : LE GÉNÉRAL
MACKY OUVRE UN NOUVEAU FRONT
Le Quotidien – Dieynaba Kane –
10 novembre 2015
Au Forum sur la paix et la sécurité de Dakar,
le Président Macky Sall a enfilé le treillis du
général prêt à aller au front avec ses troupes.
Toute une posture radicale pour se dresser
contre des ennemis nouveaux, dans un
contexte de lutte contre le terrorisme. Ce
nouveau front ouvert par le général Sall est
constitué par le port du voile intégral, une
bonne formation des imams en vue d’asseoir
un islam tolérant et modéré au Sénégal et,
enfin, un certain type de discours des hommes
politiques liés aux dernières arrestations
opérées chez des imams et ayant des
soubassements politiciens. (…)
À DAKAR, LA FRANCE ORGANISE
LA DÉFENSE DE L’AFRIQUE
Jeune Afrique –
Romain Mielcarek, 10-11-2015
Au Forum de Dakar, la France se montre
particulièrement active. Il s’agit pour Paris
de convaincre tous ses partenaires africains
de s’engager toujours plus dans la sécurité
collective. Renseignement, conseil, formation,
etc., les Français multiplient les initiatives pour
organiser la défense des pays du continent...
Et la leur. (…)
En Afrique, la France est presque sur tous les
fronts et cherche à mobiliser au maximum les
forces locales. La Force multinationale mixte, en
cours de mobilisation pour lutter contre Boko
Haram, a été l’une des priorités françaises au
cours de ce Forum. Elle a déjà bénéficié des
apports en renseignement de Paris. Un haut
responsable militaire français assure ainsi que
des informations d’une rare qualité, notamment
sous la forme d’images satellitaires, ont été
remises aussi bien aux Nigérians, qu’aux
Tchadiens. Ici aussi, la collaboration est le
mot d’ordre : « Les Africains apportent
du renseignement humain et nous
apportons du renseignement technique,
explique un autre militaire français. Ce
n’est pas du renseignement de même
nature. » (…)
Paris cherche à mettre en place ce type de
collaborations dans tous les secteurs. Jean-Yves
Le Drian a ainsi pu discuter avec plusieurs de ses
homologues de la piraterie dans le Golfe de Guinée.
Il s’agit d’aider les différents pays à communiquer et
à collaborer entre eux, les militaires français formant
des spécialistes et conseillant les marines locales.
« Le rôle d’un forum comme celui-ci, note
le ministre de la Défense français, c’est
de renforcer la prise de conscience et
d’aider à ce qu’il y ait une coordination
des acteurs. » (…)
99
LE FORUM DE DAKAR SUR PAIX
ET SÉCURITÉ EST UNE RÉUSSITE,
SELON JEAN-YVES LE DRIAN
APS Sénégal – Dakar –
10 novembre 2015
(…) « L’ensemble des retours que nous
pouvons avoir, montre à la fois la force et
la qualité de ce second forum qui apparaît
comme une réussite », a-t-il dit lors d’une
conférence de presse. (…)
Pour le ministre français de la Défense, le Forum
est une « satisfaction » en raison de « la qualité
des échanges » entre participants.
« L’histoire de ce forum est un pari que
nous avons engagé l’année dernière pour
faire en sorte qu’à la fois des responsables
politique, responsables militaires,
diplomates, des experts universitaires
(puissent) constituer une culture de
sécurité en Afrique et contribuer à la prise
en compte par les Africains de leur propre
sécurité », a expliqué Jean Yves Le Drian.
« Le champ d’influence de ce forum s’est
considérablement élargi. Je suis sûr que
ça se reproduira l’année prochaine. Il a été
décidé en partenariat avec le Sénégal que
désormais ce forum aura son annualité »,
a indiqué le ministre français de la Défense.
« Nous ferons que le forum de Dakar soit
le creuset de la sécurité en Afrique », a-t-il
ajouté.
SÉCURITÉ DE L’AFRIQUE : LE DRIAN
TENTE D’ÉCRIRE LE SCÉNARIO D’UNE
COPRODUCTION FRANCO-AFRICAINE
L’Opinion – Pascal Airault –
12 novembre 2015
(…) Les équipes de l’hôtel de Brienne, dont le
ministre de la Défense, Jean-Yves le Drian, ont
beaucoup consulté les responsables africains et
onusiens lors de la deuxième édition du Forum
sur la paix et la sécurité en Afrique qui s’est tenu
à Dakar les 10 et 11 novembre.
Dans les salles privatives du King Fahd Palace
de Dakar, à l’abri des regards indiscrets, les
responsables africains se succèdent pour des
huis clos avec le ministre français de la Défense
100
et son directeur de cabinet. Jean-Yves le Drian,
qui a gagné l’épithète d’« Africain » à la faveur de
son engagement sur les théâtres d’opérations,
reçoit notamment le président sénégalais,
Macky Sall, le Premier ministre togolais, Komi
Selom Klassou, le ministre algérien des Affaires
étrangères, Ramtane Lamamra, le ministre malien
de la Défense, Tiéman Hubert Coulibaly, une
délégation égyptienne, le patron des Casques
bleus, le Français Hervé Ladsous.
Son bras droit Cédric Lewandowski, que la presse
dépeint en héritier de Jacques Foccart (l’ex-M.
Afrique du général de Gaulle et de Pompidou),
s’entretient, lui, avec le ministre ivoirien de la
Défense, Paul Koffi Koffi, le commissaire paix
et sécurité de l’African Union, Smaïl Chergui, et
plusieurs représentants et envoyés spéciaux africains
de Ban Ki-Moon (Mohamed Ibn Chambas, Monji
Hamdi…).
Les deux hommes ont mené, en tout, une
quarantaine d’entretiens en milieu de semaine
au Sénégal, au cours desquels ils ont essayé
de coécrire les scénarios de sortie de crise sur
la Libye, le Mali, la Centrafrique ou face à Boko
Haram. (…)
WILL A WAR ON TERROR WORK
IN AFRICA?
Mail & Guardian – South Africa
Liesl Louw-Vaudran – 11/27/2015
PARTNERS
Several hundreds analysts from think tanks across
the continent, as well as military experts and highranking officials from the UN and the African
Union, attended the Dakar International Forum
on Peace and Security in Africa conference in
Senegal, where Le Drian spoke earlier this month.
REPUBLIQUE DU SÉNÉGAL
The conference focused on challenges raised by
terrorism in Africa. Many pointed out that poverty,
marginalization and the influence of radical islamist
ideology are major factors in driving frustrated young
African to join terror groups. (…)
Un peuple – Un but – Une foi
The question was repeatedly asked : why can
Africa not tackle its own problems instead of
having to rely on foreign intervention ? This may
serve to exacrebate the problem rather than
solve it, some argued.
CLÔTURE DU FORUM DE DAKAR :
« LES CONCLUSIONS SERONT PRISES
EN COMPTE », SELON MAHAMMAD
DIONNE
PressAfrik – Ousmane Demba
Kane – 10 novembre 2015
Quand le Président Macky Sall prenait l’initiative
de prolonger le sommet de l’Élysée sur la paix
et la sécurité en Afrique, de 2013, il escomptait
de faire participer les Africains à trouver des
solutions pour les problèmes de leur continent.
C’est l’avis de Mahammad Boun Abdallah Dionne,
le Premier ministre du Sénégal qui procédait à
la cérémonie de clôture de la deuxième édition
du forum de Dakar sur la paix et la sécurité en
Afrique. (…)
Selon lui, ce sommet a permis aux participants
« d’aborder sans complaisance et avec
lucidité les différents points inscrits
à l’ordre du jour de cette édition qui
ont bénéficié de l’éclairage averti des
panélistes et des experts ». (…)
Association pour le
Forum de Dakar
101
THE PARTNER COMPANIES
The 2015 Edition of the Dakar Forum on Peace
and Security in Africa has affirmed the inclusion
of this important event in the international agenda
of the African continent.
The debates were a testimony to the determination
of the state actors and regional organizations
to contribute to wide-ranging, forward-looking
reflection about the continent’s great security
challenges, with a particularly pertinent view of the
continuum between external and internal security.
As such, the discussions that dealt with states’
ability to guarantee the safe and free circulation of
people across controlled borders were particularly
interesting.
The quality and diversity of the officials who
were present emphasized the importance of
this meeting and the driving role played by the
Republic of Senegal and its head of state in the
strategic planning of these topics.
The Imprimerie Nationale Group, a partner of
several African countries for supplying secure
identity documents, was pleased to support the
success of this edition and is delighted to see
the Dakar Forum become a continued event.
Cette deuxième édition confirme, si besoin était,
la pertinence de cet événement pour débattre
des enjeux majeurs sur la sécurité en Afrique.
En effet, l’actualité récente des crises et des
opérations dans cette partie du monde impose
un dialogue étroit et régulier avec l’ensemble
des acteurs confrontés à cette problématique.
Il est tout particulièrement important de pouvoir
obtenir un accès direct auprès des plus hauts
décideurs africains mobilisés afin de confronter
nos analyses et proposer ensemble des solutions
efficaces pour le renforcement de la sécurité
régionale.
Le Forum international de Dakar est aussi
un moment privilégié pour l’industrie qui doit
assumer pleinement son rôle en permettant
aux États Africains de se doter de capacités
performantes et adaptées pour lutter contre les
différents types de menaces.
Nous suivons avec intérêt les activités du «Club
Dakar» et attendons avec impatience les futures
éditions du Forum.
102
PHILIPPE BURTIN
President and General Director
The organization of the second Dakar International
Forum was a unique opportunity to discuss the
great security challenges of today and tomorrow,
not merely for the African continent, but for
the world as well. In an increasingly complex
geopolitical context where State actors must face
armed and structured organizations, these two
days of meetings allowed for better understanding
States’ visions and expectations in terms of
protection and security.
The evolution of conflicts towards asymmetrical
or hybrid forms and the uncontrolled spread of
threats through more frequent and large-scale
acts of terrorism have led military forces and
police, both in Africa and the Western world,
to adapt their training and their modes of
operation, as well as redefine their needs in
terms of equipment.
It is within this framework that Nexter wanted to
be an important partner of this second forum in
Dakar, in the presence of numerous personalities
of the African world, in order to meet with
authorities and discuss their experiences and their
analysis of the situation. As the principal supplier
of the French Army for the past several decades,
the Nexter Group was able to share its recognized
expertise in the areas of protection, mobility, fire
support, and modularity. It also allowed us to
form relationships of trust on African soil, notably
with the Gabonese armed forces, which are now
equipped with ARAVIS® armored vehicles for a
battalion deployed in the Central African Republic
through the United Nations.
La seconde édition du Forum International de
Dakar confirme une nouvelle fois que les enjeux
de Paix et de Sécurité en Afrique sont au cœur
des préoccupations de tous : politiques, forces
de sécurité, intellectuels, industriels …
Bouygues Energies et Services est présent en
Afrique depuis plus de 60 ans. Nos activités
africaines se concentrent dans le domaine de la
production d’énergies, des réseaux électriques,
des réseaux de télécommunications et de
l’industrie. Nous sommes ainsi fiers de pouvoir
contribuer au déploiement d’infrastructures
essentielles au développement des territoires,
au bien-être des populations et respectueuses
de l’environnement.
Avec un continent de plus d’un milliard
d’habitants, composé d’États souverains dont
certains ont les plus forts taux de croissance
économiques du monde, l’Afrique possède un
potentiel de développement prometteur.
Toutefois, la Paix et la Sécurité sont des facteurs
clés pour l’essor des activités économiques.
Dans ce contexte, notamment marqué par de
très vives tensions internationales, notre groupe
évolue et a fait de sa politique de sécurité et
de conformité des déterminants majeurs de sa
politique de croissance.
Notre participation au Forum de Dakar 2015
témoigne de notre attachement à ces enjeux.
Nous saluons également la naissance du Club
de Dakar autour du Ministre de la Défense de
la République Française, M. Jean-Yves LE
DRIAN et tenons enfin à remercier l’ensemble
des organisateurs.
CMA CGM en tant qu’armateur, couvre par ses
services maritimes et terrestres tous les pays
Africains sans exception. A ce titre, nous sommes
en tant qu’opérateur économique confrontés aux
différents problèmes de sécurité évoqués lors
du forum de Dakar.
Nous avons été très intéressés par la multiplicité
des témoignages, la diversité des intervenants –
à la fois gouvernementaux et issus du secteur
privé - , et les analyses pertinentes qui se sont
dégagées des différents ateliers .
Nous avons besoin, en tant qu’acteur économique
présent sur tout le continent, de ce type de
rencontre qui met en perspective le lien étroit
entre les questions de paix et de sécurité et
les problématiques de croissance auxquelles
nous participons en tant que transporteur et
organisateur de transports multimodaux.
Nous saluons le format de ce forum et la qualité
de ses échanges.
This second International Forum on Peace and
Security in Africa has confirmed the success
of the first edition and turned this event into an
essential meeting for discussion and debate
with the highest African authorities on security
challenges and the fight for peace in Africa.
The growing number of participants, especially
businesses, shows the attachment of the entire
political and economic community to this
continent and its secure development.
At DCNS, a loyal partner of this Forum, we
firmly believe in this continent and its limitless
potential, both human and economic, and we
hope through our experience in naval systems
and the development of complete, modular
solutions to be able to contribute towards
responding to the current preoccupations of
numerous African institutions that are being
faced with increasing acts of piracy and threats
to maritime resources. For us, this Forum is an
exceptional opportunity to enrich our knowledge
and to better understand the security challenges
of this continent. It is not merely a special place of
exchange. Concretely, it also offers the possibility
of seeing the main African institutions in the same
place and broadening opportunities to connect
with organizations that are sometimes unknown
to our company.
Furthermore, it is worth mentioning that the tone
of the exchanges was particularly free and open,
whether during discussions in plenary sessions
or debates during themed workshops, which
contributed to making these exchanges veritable
moments of “straight-talking” and “free thinking.”
Finally, this edition saw the creation of the “Dakar
Club,” which came together for the first time on
the initiative of the French Minister of Defence
and the Forum organizers. It is a positive initiative
that we fully support, as we are as convinced that
it is important to support the initiatives of African
countries in their fight for stability and peace in
Africa as we are convinced that France must play
a central role, both political as well as economic.
DANIEL CHAUSSE
President
Insecurity is now, more than ever, a global threat.
Recent international events have confirmed the
urgency of facing the challenges of terrorism
around the globe for agents of peace and
security. The second edition of the Dakar
International Forum on Peace and Security in
Africa fits perfectly into this perspective and
offered a framework for very high-level discussion
and reflection.
Through their strong mobilization during the
Forum, the international community and in
particular the Senegalese and African authorities
sent a positive message, not only to the local
population, the primary victims of insecurity on
the African continent, but also to investors, of
which there were many, who are interested in
Africa and its promising economic future.
By becoming a partner of the Forum, our firm
had the opportunity to demonstrate its position
as a committed agent for peace by contributing
to the search for solutions in favour of security
in Africa. DS AVOCATS is obviously convinced
that in order to support the current momentum
of African growth, it is essential that the security
problems that are threatening this zone, no
matter what form they take, be eradicated. While
security may be defined first and foremost as
protecting people’s physical safety, it must also
be understood as the protection of rights. As
such, legal players have a crucial role to play in
the fight for security.
DS AVOCATS, the only law firm present at
and involved in the Dakar Forum, would like
to reiterate the close relationship between the
law and security. It is in a secure environment
that a lawful state may be built, a symbol of
following the law, of an autonomous judicial
system, and of protecting fundamental liberties.
Guaranteeing the security of the people as
subjects of law (investors, contractors, litigants,
etc.) is a prerequisite for peace: security cannot
exist without legal security.
The Orange Group is proud to have been able to
contribute to the organization of the November
2015 Dakar Forum. The quality of the participants
allowed for addressing the issue of the continent’s
stability in its various elements, as well as for
discussing tailored solutions in the presence of
representatives from numerous countries.
More than ever, the Orange Group is taking a
stand in the countries where it operates in order
to provide everyone with quality communications
services and to contribute to social and economic
development, which are essential elements of
national stability.
A particle accelerator: this is how I would
summarize this event.
A meeting accelerator: planned or spontaneous,
but always at a high level and largely facilitated
by a remarkable team, these meetings have
been for me the most valuable and most notable
of this event.
An accelerator for reflection: a place of essential
multicultural exchange where I was able to
validate a number of axes and concepts but
also discover others. A strong strategic stimulation
was created.
A time accelerator: without any doubt, these 48
hours create an exponential return on investment.
A fame accelerator: beyond the mantras and
slogans, the high level of the guests and meetings
immediately position the companies that
participate in it. The strong political representation
from multiple countries is essential because our
areas of business, products, and services require
strong interfacing with public authorities.
A first-time participant, the SERIS company
(a security company with €400 million in
sales and 12,000 employees) can only be
commended for its presence at the Dakar Forum.
103
GUY SIDOS
President and General Director
By participating once again in the second edition
of the Dakar Forum, the VICAT Group, which has
been established with its companies on the African
continent for more than 70 years, wanted to lend
its support to the initiative that came out of the
conclusions drawn by the President of France, Mr.
François Hollande, at the Élysée Summit in 2013
while also letting the voice of a manufacturer be
heard on the issue of security challenges linked to
development.
The 2015 edition of the Forum, which took place in
a geopolitical context punctuated by an exacerbation
of international tensions, was a great opportunity
to meet each other, exchange, learn more, and to
understand each other better. The Forum is now
anchored in Africa’s political and security-related
agenda.
In particular, I remember that the key theme of this
meeting, “the fight against violent radicalization,” was
the subject of strong statements, particularly from the
President of Senegal, Mr. Macky Sall. Committed
words followed by major efforts that have a singular
echo following the attacks in Paris and Bamako
and resonate with the surge in terrorism in Africa.
While the importance of cooperation between States
in the region and beyond that are confronted with
transnational challenges (terrorism, drugs, piracy,
etc.) was rightly emphasized by Mali’s Minister of
Defence, T. H. Coulibaly, this Forum also allowed for
strengthening the shared understanding of issues
based on the comparison of the perspectives of
military and security experts, politicians, high-ranking
officials, and economic players.
As a manufacturer, it seemed to me that the
accounts presented by the players in the private
sector provided a major contribution that was used in
the development of concrete responses to security
challenges and the fight against insecurity.
In this dynamic, I would like to commend the creation
of the Dakar Club by the French Minister of Defence,
Mr. Jean-Yves Le Drian. This initiative highlights his
desire to strengthen the dialog between the private
and state sectors.
I would like to thank the presidents of CEIS and
IPS, as well as their teams, for the quality of the
organization of the Forum. The dimension that
104
Presidents O. Darrason and C.T. Gadio wanted to
impart on the Dakar Forum is a superb example of
the transversal and multicultural dialogue that must
prevail in the way that relations are conducted and
in the establishment of a sustainable, ethical, and
community-oriented development strategy, which
is the only way to respond to the major security
challenges with which our countries are currently
confronted.
permettent. C’est pour ces raisons que l’initiative
du Gouvernement français de décembre 2013,
qui a conduit au premier forum de Dakar pour
la paix et la sécurité en Afrique doit être saluée.
Total soutient cet événement et se félicite que les
dirigeants africains aient décidé de le pérenniser.
La seconde édition tenue en novembre 2015
a confirmé que le forum de Dakar constitue
une opportunité unique d’échanges libres
et ouverts auxquels sont associés le monde
économique et les diverses institutions nationales
et internationales.
CHRISTOPHE FARNAUD
Vice-président Afrique
La deuxième édition du Forum de Dakar
a confirmé sa place privilégiée d’enceinte
informelle d’échanges de haut niveau sur des
enjeux majeurs pour la région et au-delà, qu’il
s’agisse de la protection des frontières terrestres
et maritimes, de la lutte contre le terrorisme, ou
encore de la protection des ressources naturelles.
L’Afrique, au-delà des difficultés actuelles, reste
une zone de croissance majeure à l’échelle
mondiale, qui continuera à se développer de
façon importante au cours des prochaines
décennies. Nous sommes très heureux que
le Forum soit là pour contribuer à éclairer cet
avenir, au service de programmes collectifs de
paix, de sécurité et de développement.
PATRICK POUYANNÉ
Président-directeur général
Participer au développement social et
économique des pays où il est présent est au
cœur de la stratégie d’engagement sociétal du
groupe Total. C’est particulièrement vrai dans
le cas du continent africain, avec une présence
dans plus de 40 pays, tant dans l’exploration
et la production d’hydrocarbures que dans la
distribution de produits pétroliers et de services
associés. Cependant, les activités de notre
Groupe ne peuvent contribuer efficacement
à la croissance et à la prospérité du continent
africain que si la paix et la gouvernance le
OLIVIER LAFAYE,
Directeur International Défense
et Sécurité, Groupe Safran
Safran est présent en Afrique dans ses trois
grands métiers : l’aéronautique, la défense et
la sécurité.
L’objectif du groupe est d’accompagner le
développement du continent dans une approche
long-terme. En effet le trafic aérien augmente
significativement pour répondre à la mobilité
croissante des individus et aux échanges
économiques qui progressent ; les compagnies
aériennes africaines se développent, générant
un besoin croissant d’aéronefs. L’exploitation
des ressources naturelles nécessite le recours
à des moyens aériens, notamment hélicoptères,
très importants. La sécurité est un facteur-clé
permettant cette croissance. La sécurité revêt
plusieurs acceptions : Sécurité des frontières,
nécessitant aussi bien des équipements fiables
pour détecter tous facteurs d’hostilité que des
moyens d’identification des personnes et des
biens qui circulent sur de vastes espaces.
Identification des personnes, ce qui permet
d’établir des états civils et des titres d’identité
fiables et sécurisés. Cela conduit à bâtir des
registres électoraux et ipso facto des élections
incontestables. Mais aussi à favoriser l’essor du
gouvernement numérique et des transactions
économiques.
Ce forum s’impose comme une enceinte
majeure, voir unique, où se retrouvent politiques,
intellectuels, militaires, policiers et industriels, et
où s’établissent les échanges avec les décideurs.
Ceci a permis de faire mieux comprendre les
solutions que peut offrir le groupe. Enfin, le
tropisme pro-français lié à la qualité de la relation
et des échanges bilatéraux est un atout –clé.
En ce sens, le forum joue sans aucun doute un
rôle essentiel dans la définition d’une nouvelle
relation entre la France et l’Afrique.
MICHEL ROUSSIN
Vice-président
du MEDEF International
Le Forum international de Dakar pour la paix
et la sécurité 2015 est la deuxième édition à
laquelle j’ai eu la chance de pouvoir participer.
Cette initiative du Président sénégalais Macky
Sall a rencontré un vif succès. La présence plus
importante cette année de hautes personnalités
telles que des Premiers ministres et des ministres
de la Défense, illustre parfaitement l’intérêt
des acteurs décisionnaires pour la réflexion
et l’échange en vue d’élaborer une stratégie
africaine de lutte contre le terrorisme.
Cette année, j’ai ressenti une grande satisfaction.
Les Africains sont conscients de leurs
responsabilités, et ils ne sous-traitent plus leur
défense. La prise de conscience est générale.
Le Nigéria, le Niger, le Tchad, le Cameroun, le
Burkina sont déjà dans l’action et participent à
la bataille contre les menaces sécuritaires sur
leur continent.
Il était important qu’un nombre significatif
d’entreprises françaises et africaines participent
à ces travaux. En effet, sans sécurité, point de
développement possible. Le témoignage et la
participation d’acteurs économiques du secteur
privé aux travaux du Forum ont démontré que
l’ensemble des forces vives est concerné par
un retour à une sécurité durable.
La mobilisation de tous les acteurs en présence
est l’aspect qui m’a le plus marqué lors de ces
travaux. Qu’il s’agisse de la France dont le
rôle a été précisé, de l’Union européenne qui
participe aux efforts de lutte contre les menaces,
ou encore des États-Unis qui, très concrètement,
participent aussi à la lutte contre le terrorisme.
Les comptes rendus des séances de travail font
état des propositions, mais aussi des directions
prises par les représentants des États.
Nous nous sommes quittés renforcés dans notre
volonté et celle des gouvernements concernés
de lutter ensemble, de coordonner nos efforts. La
langue de bois, plaie de ce type de conférences,
a été bannie. Une volonté internationale s’est
manifestée. Nous avons un an pour travailler
ensemble et mettre un frein à l’expansion
terroriste.
La deuxième édition du Forum international sur
la Paix et la Sécurité en Afrique s’est tenue à
Dakar les 9 et 10 novembre 2015. Monsieur
Jean-Michel Palagos, président-directeur général
de la société Défense Conseil International, y était
représenté par le général (2s) Philippe Lafoix,
chef de projet et correspondant gendarmerie
de DCI.
Placé sous le Haut parrainage de SEM Macky
Sall, Président de la République du Sénégal, et
organisé par le ministère sénégalais des affaires
étrangères avec l’appui du ministère français
de la défense et de l’association française de
soutien au Forum, ce forum a développé en
particulier l’évolution des risques sécuritaires
et des menaces, notamment la question du
terrorisme et celle de la radicalisation, sur
l’ensemble du continent africain.
Ce Forum a en outre été l’occasion de rencontrer
de nombreuses autorités politiques, militaires
et universitaires françaises et, par conséquent,
de faire connaître davantage encore la société
DCI. Dans ce cadre, Monsieur Jean-Yves Le
Drian, ministre de la défense, est intervenu à
plusieurs reprises. Il a également pu rencontrer
une trentaine d’industriels, dont le représentant
de DCI, pour les remercier de leur présence
et pour les inviter au prochain Forum. Cette
seconde édition a ainsi vu la naissance du « Club
de Dakar ».
Les rencontres avec les dirigeants et les militaires
de haut rang africains ont également été très
fructueuses et très intéressantes.
Enfin, lors des différentes interventions des
plus hautes autorités, le rôle et le soutien de la
France, en présence du ministre de la défense et
relativement à la paix et à la sécurité en Afrique,
ont été maintes fois salués.
Le deuxième Forum international de Dakar
vient de se tenir, laissant espérer que cette
manifestation deviendra désormais un rendezvous traditionnel et systématique de l’année
en cours pour tous ceux qui s’intéressent à la
sécurité et aux questions de défense en Afrique.
Le continent, dont les capacités de développement
sont aujourd’hui mondialement reconnues et dont
la croissance économique, mais aussi celle de
la population, vont continuer à se manifester à
une hauteur très significative, connaît encore une
réelle et préoccupante instabilité :
Le Maghreb reste une zone où la radicalisation
constitue un risque non négligeable.
La Libye est éclatée en factions diverses et
devient, dans nombre de ses territoires, une
zone refuge pour les responsables de l’État
Islamique, dit Daech.
Les régions subsahariennes demeurent soumises
à la pression constante des attaques extrémistes.
Fort heureusement, la projection des troupes
françaises, dans le cadre des opérations SERVAL,
puis BARKHANE, la montée en puissance et
les interventions sur le terrain des forces
africaines elles-mêmes, la prise de conscience
de la communauté internationale, ont permis de
faire face au danger et de juguler les avancées
terroristes. La reconnaissance unanime de ces
risques de déstabilisation, la volonté affichée
de les surmonter, la nécessité de s’engager
collectivement pour les combattre, l’importance
des enjeux pour l’Afrique elle-même, mais aussi
l’Europe et finalement le monde dans son
ensemble, sont aujourd’hui partagées et font
l’objet d’un consensus qu’il convient toutefois
de conforter.
Dans ce paysage encore instable, où sont
susceptibles de se faire jour les risques les plus
graves, mais aussi de se concrétiser les plus
grands espoirs, le Forum de Dakar constitue
aujourd’hui un atout essentiel et irremplaçable
d’échanges, de confrontation d’idées et de
bonnes pratiques, de prise en compte des enjeux
à leur juste dimension.
Les convergences de vue, l’esprit de
responsabilité des différentes autorités, la lucidité
devant la réalité de la situation, mais aussi la
dynamique à instaurer de manière conjointe
105
dans les réactions opérationnelles, peuvent plus
facilement émerger aux travers des discussions,
conférences et divers échanges que seul un
regroupement de ce niveau peut permettre.
De ce fait, le Forum de Dakar prend une
dimension et une part désormais irremplaçables
pour tout ce qui concerne la sécurité et la défense
du continent, et, par ricochet, de l’Europe.
L’organisation générale, digne des plus vifs
éloges, comme les conditions matérielles,
excellentes, facilitent la qualité des réflexions des
uns et des autres et leur partage le plus efficace.
L’amphithéâtre, les espaces de conférences bien
équipés, les sites hôteliers constituent autant de
facilités pratiques qui permettent les meilleures
approches sur le fond.
La société LH Aviation est particulièrement fière
d’être l’un des partenaires de cette rencontre
internationale.
Elle se trouve ainsi en situation de souligner
combien il est essentiel que les États souverains
garantissent la maîtrise de leur espace aérien,
complément indispensable des opérations
de sécurité terrestres menées par ailleurs,
préventives ou d’interventions opérationnelles,
nationales ou multinationales. Le système
aéroterrestre, proposé par notre société, qui se
veut global, tout en étant fortement modulable
et adaptable aux besoins de chacun, constitue
sans nul doute l’un des outils essentiels à faire
valoir dans la panoplie des moyens à mettre
en œuvre pour assurer la première des libertés
des États comme des personnes : Une sécurité
garantie dans un environnement protégé.
La société LH Aviation exprime le vœu que le Forum
de Dakar, auquel elle a l’honneur de participer,
continue d’en être, chaque année, l’un des
indispensables vecteurs et constitue durablement
un facteur clé de succès, au plan international,
pour apporter les réponses les plus adaptées à
ces diverses questions hautement stratégiques.
Les guerres et leur cortège de violences et de
misères sont le fléau de l’Afrique. Elles obèrent
son développement et l’empêchent de tirer
parti de son fort potentiel humain, énergétique
et minéralier. Les entreprises responsables ne
peuvent que le déplorer et doivent s’engager
pour apporter la paix, terreau indispensable pour
créer de la valeur et donc du développement. Le
106
Forum international de Dakar est un lieu privilégié
pour cela. On s’y retrouve, on y parle librement,
on écoute l’autre….et on avance. Au lieu de
mettre en avant les divergences, on cherche
les convergences. Au lieu d’incriminer le passé,
on regarde l’avenir. Sans nier les impératifs de
sécurité, prérequis à tout développement, on y
parle éducation, démographie « raisonnable »,
création d’infrastructures utiles, écologie, etc.
Il n’est pas surprenant que ce Forum se déroule
à Dakar, capitale du Sénégal. Ce pays a toujours
connu la paix et a toujours soigné l’éducation de
sa jeunesse. Dépourvu de richesses naturelles,
comparativement à ses voisins, il a toujours fait
le pari de sa richesse humaine. Il est donc le
lieu privilégié pour héberger une rencontre des
bonnes volontés.
En 2014, le Groupe PONTICELLI est devenu
partenaire du premier Forum de Dakar. Ce fut un
succès encourageant qui nous a incité à relever à
nouveau le défi. L’année 2015 aura vu le Forum
s’élargir à d’autres participants et les discussions
devenir plus concrètes. Son succès indéniable
est unanimement reconnu au point que des
puissances d’autres continents ont décidé d’y
participer. C’est un signe qui ne trompe pas.
Cette démarche encourageante et porteuse
d’espoir plaît aux entreprises. Le Groupe
PONTICELLI y voit des signes encourageants
pour l’avenir et est fier de s’y associer dans le
cadre de sa politique de responsabilité sociétale
et environnementale (RSE).
The number and quality of the participants
undoubtedly testifies to the success of this
second edition of the Dakar Forum.
It allowed us to discover a favourable place for
exchange and discussion with both political and
military officials.
Throughout this forum, we were able to
appreciate the high level of confidence exhibited
by a large number of government officials and
their involvement in finding solutions to the critical
security challenges of the African continent of
tomorrow.
We would very much like to participate in the
next edition, thereby continuing the work that
has already been accomplished.
We would especially like to congratulate the
organizers of this Forum for their thoroughness
and availability during these two days.
Peace and Security have become priorities
for Africa because of their impact on the
development of the continent. Although in the
past the security policies were separated from the
development policies, today it is clear that these
two fields have to work in synergy so Africa will
be able to give an urgent and common answer
regarding its challenges. The 2nd edition of the
Dakar International Forum on peace and security
in Africa made it possible to hold a true dialogue
between African and international partners. It was
stressed that the strategic reflection must be
complemented with an examination of the means
to support the initiatives for peace and security.
The Dakar International Forum is definitely a
unique opportunity to deepen relations with
African partners.
Shieldafrica exhibition is part of this dynamics
providing concrete solutions to respond to the
challenges of the African continent: security of
the cities, the flow and resources, the economic
activity, the fight against cross-border terrorism,
cybersecurity, etc. Shieldafrica, the international
fair on security and defence that will take place
from January 24th to January 26th, 2017, in
Ivory Coast, in Abidjan, will contribute to a safer
Africa, master of its own destiny, protecting its
development. Industrial exhibitors from all around
the world as well as African security and defence
authorities will not miss this exhibition which is
resolutely part of this ambitious project.
ou encore des États-Unis qui, très concrètement,
participent aussi à la lutte contre le terrorisme.
Les comptes rendus des séances de travail font
état des propositions, mais aussi des directions
prises par les représentants des États.
Nous nous sommes quittés renforcés dans notre
volonté et celle des gouvernements concernés
de lutter ensemble, de coordonner nos efforts. La
langue de bois, plaie de ce type de conférences,
a été bannie. Une volonté internationale s’est
manifestée. Nous avons un an pour travailler
ensemble et mettre un frein à l’expansion
terroriste.
MICHEL ROUSSIN
Chargé de mission auprès
de la Direction Générale
et de la Présidence –
Vice-président du MEDEF
international
Le Forum international de Dakar pour la paix
et la sécurité 2015 est la deuxième édition à
laquelle j’ai eu la chance de pouvoir participer.
Cette initiative du Président sénégalais Macky
Sall a rencontré un vif succès. La présence plus
importante cette année de hautes personnalités
telles que des Premiers ministres et des ministres
de la Défense, illustre parfaitement l’intérêt
des acteurs décisionnaires pour la réflexion
et l’échange en vue d’élaborer une stratégie
africaine de lutte contre le terrorisme.
Cette année, j’ai ressenti une grande satisfaction.
Les Africains sont conscients de leurs
responsabilités, et ils ne sous-traitent plus leur
défense. La prise de conscience est générale.
Le Nigéria, le Niger, le Tchad, le Cameroun, le
Burkina sont déjà dans l’action et participent à
la bataille contre les menaces sécuritaires sur
leur continent.
Il était important qu’un nombre significatif
d’entreprises françaises et africaines participent
à ces travaux. En effet, sans sécurité, point de
développement possible. Le témoignage et la
participation d’acteurs économiques du secteur
privé aux travaux du Forum ont démontré que
l’ensemble des forces vives est concerné par
un retour à une sécurité durable.
La mobilisation de tous les acteurs en présence
est l’aspect qui m’a le plus marqué lors de ces
travaux. Qu’il s’agisse de la France dont le
rôle a été précisé, de l’Union européenne qui
participe aux efforts de lutte contre les menaces,
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ORGANISERS
Under the high patronage of HE Macky Sall,
President of the Republic of Senegal
The Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Senegalese
Abroad of the Republic of Senegal
Under the authority of HE Mankeur NDIAYE,
Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Senegalese Abroad
With the support of the French Ministry of Defence
Under the authority of HE Jean-Yves Le Drian,
with the cooperation of the minister’s office
directed by: Cédric Lewandowski,
French Defence Minister’s Civilian and Military Cabinet Director
and the operational support of the Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy
With the assistance of The Association de Soutien au Forum de Dakar
(Asfordak)
Chair: Pierrick BLAIRON
and of The Association pour le Forum de Dakar (Afdak)
Chair: Cheikh Tidiane GADIO
The Institut panafricain de stratégies (IPS)
Chair: Cheikh Tidiane GADIO, President of the Forum Steering Committee
Vice-Chairs: Landing SAVANE, Moussa SECK
The Compagnie européenne d’intelligence stratégique (CEIS)
Chair: Olivier DARRASON
Special advisor: Hugo SADA
Advisor to the Chairman: Eric SCHMIDT
Forum Contacts
www.dakarforum.org
[email protected] • [email protected]
[email protected] • [email protected]
All the 2015 Dakar Forum organizing teams on www.dakarforum.org
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109
SPEAKERS’ WHO’S WHO
General Lliyasu Isah ABBAH
Commander of the Multinational
Joint Task Force – Nigeria
General Iliya Abbah served in the Nigerian armed
forces, and was appointed on July 2015
Commander of the Joint Task Force against
Boko Haram. He was previously in charge of
military operations in the Niger Delta, a strategic
oil area in the South of Nigeria.
Mahamadou ABOU-TARKA
President of the High Authority for
the Consolidation of Peace – Niger
Colonel-Major Mahamadou Abou Tarka, military
officer who has served in the Niger Armed
Forces, is the President of the High Authority for
the Consolidation of Peace in Niger, the Authority
in charge of implementing the UNDP programme
“Contribution to the Consolidation of Peace in
North Niger”.
Cyriaque AGNEKETHOM
Director of Peacekeeping and
Regional Security – ECOWAS
Doctor of Political Science, Cyriaque
Pawoumotom Agnekethom is an important
player within ECOWAS. He served as Head of
the Small Arms Unit of the ECOWAS
Commission. At the present time he holds the
position of Director of peacekeeping operations
and regional security
David AMBROSETTI
Researcher and Director - French
Centre for Ethiopian Studies (CFEE)
David Ambrosetti is a Graduate in political
science from the University of Bordeaux
(France), and a fellow researcher at the CNRS
centre (France). Former PhD researcher at the
University of Montreal, he is a fellow at the CEAN
(Institute of Political Studies, Bordeaux), and
scientific collaborator to the REPI of the University
of Brussels, working with the Bernheim
Department on peace and citizenship. He is
currently working on the UN action in Sudan.
Mahamat Saleh ANNADIF
Former Minister of Chad,
African Union former Special
Representative for Somalia
Mahamat Saleh Annadif, a Chadian political
figure, has been appointed as Special Envoy of
the President of the Commission of the African
Union and Head of the AMISOM from 2012 to
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2014. Mr. Annadif was Head of the African
Union Liaison Office with the European Union
from May 2006 to March 2010. Beforehand,
he served as Minister for Foreign Affairs of Chad
from 1997 to 2003.
Benjamin AUGÉ
Associate research Fellow - French
Institute of International Relations
(IFRI)
Cristina BARRIOS
Political Adviser, European External
Action Service (EEAS) - European
Union
Cristina Barrios is a policy analyst, working on
the EU policies and the Europe – Africa relations.
She was senior researcher and EU Project
Manager at ESSEC Business School IRENE, and
researcher at the Spanish think-tank FRIDE. She
joined the EUISS in April 2013, working on
Europe – Africa relations, following international
trends of democracy promotion, conflict
resolution and development policies. She has
now been appointed as Policy Advisor at the
European External Action Service (EEAS).
Holding a doctorate in geography from the
Institut Français de Géopolitique (Paris 8
University), he is managing editor of Africa
Energy Intelligence (Indigo Publications group).
He also teaches at the Ecole de Guerre, HEC,
Sciences-Po Paris and the Ecole Nationale
d’Administration (ENA). Research fellow at the Mamadou Aliou BARRY
IFRI, he mainly works on the governance of the Security Advisor at the Ministry of
oil, gas and electricity sector in African countries. Justice - Guinea
Mamadou Aliou Barry is a graduate student in law
Hassan BAAGE
and economy, and a specialist of Defence and
Deputy Director of the Assessment
security issues in the Western African States. In
and Technical Assistance Office
2000, after 20 years of service as a military
of the UN Counter -Terrorism
officer, he was appointed Administrative and
Committee Executive Directorate
(CTED) - United Nations
Financial Director for overseas penitentiary
Hassan Baage currently serves as Chief of services at the Ministry of Justice of Guinea, and
Section within the Counter-Terrorism Committee was appointed Chief of Staff of the Minister of
Executive Directorate (CTED) of the United Justice in 2004. In 2008, he served as Advisor to
Nations. He previously served as Senior Legal the Prime Minister. He is currently President of the
Officer, responsible for border control and National Observatory for Democracy and Human
management (including customs and Rights in Guinea.
immigration controls) and for aviation and
maritime security. Mr. Baage is also the Abdoulaye BATHILY
representative of CTED to the Working Group on Secretary-General and Head of the
Office for Central Africa
Border Management Related to Counter- Regional
(UNOCA) - United Nations
Terrorism of the United Nations CounterTerrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF), In April 2014, Abdoulaye Bathily (Senegal) was
acting as its Chair. Prior to joining the United appointed as the head of the United Nations
Nations, Mr. Baage served, from 1998 to 2005, regional political office (UNOCA) and as the
as Senior Technical Officer with the World Secretary-General’s Special Representative for
Customs Organization (WCO).
Central Africa. Mr. Bathily also served as the
Secretary-General’s
Deputy
Special
Stanislas BABA
Representative in the UN Multidimensional
Minister, Advisor to the President – Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali
Togo
(MINUSMA) in July 2013 - 2014. He held
Stanislas Baba held various positions, notably in several ministerial positions within the
the education sector, et was also a minister in Senegalese government.
charge of relations with Parliament as well as
Secretary-General of the Government. He was Alain BAUER
appointed Minister-Counselor in 2013, and has Chairman - Conseil Supérieur de
Formation et de la Recherche
now become the most senior expert in Togolese la
Stratégiques
maritime security.
Professor of criminology at the National
Conservatory of Arts and Crafts CNAM (since
2009), Alain Bauer was elected President of the
National Private Security Control Council
(CNAPS) in 2012. He co-presided the Mission
for the French White Paper on Public Security
(2010-2011). He also became President of the
Strategic Research High Council to the President
(since December 2009), and President of the
Working Group on Customs Files (2009-2010).
Betty BIGOMBE
Former Minister - Uganda
In June 2014, Betty Oyella Bigombe was
appointed Senior Director for Fragility, Conflict,
and Violence at the World Bank. In May 2011,
she served as State Minister for Water Resources
in the Uganda Cabinet, while also serving as
elected Member of Parliament representing
Amuru District Women’s Constituency.
Mohamed Ibn CHAMBAS
Special Representative and Head
of the United Nations Office for
West Africa – United Nations
Mr. Mohammed Ibn Chambas, from Ghana, has
been the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General and Head of the United
Nations Office for West Africa (UNOWA) based in
Dakar since 2014. Prior to that appointment, he
was the Joint Special Representative for Darfur
and Head of the African Union-United Nations
Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID). From
2010 to 2012, he was the Secretary-General of
the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific Group of
States. He was the President of the ECOWAS
Commission from 2006 to 2009, and Executive
Secretary of the same organization from 2002 to
2005. He is also a former MP and deputy Foreign
Minister of Ghana.
Smaïl CHERGUI
Commissioner for Peace and
Security – African Union
Ambassador Smaïl Chergui was elected
Commissioner for Peace and Security of the
African Union (AU) in October 2013. Previously,
he was the Algerian Ambassador to the Russian
Federation. Mr. Chergui also held positions as
the Algerian Consul-General in Geneva and
Ambassador to Ethiopia.
Knox CHITIYO
Associate Researcher – Chatham
House
Dr. Knox Chitiyo is an associate fellow at Royal
United Services Institute (RUSI – Chatham
House). His fields of study are the African
defence, security and diplomacy, the African
diaspora, the security sector reform and
education and the military. From 1992 to 2003,
he was a Senior lecturer and Deputy Director at
the University of Zimbabwe. He became Director
of Studies at the Zimbabwe Learning Centre in
2003 and Africa Fellow and Head of the Africa
programme at the RUSI from 2006 to 2011.
Dong Hwan CHOI
Special Envoy for the Government
of the Republic of Korea
Dong hwan Choi is a graduated from the Institut
international d’administration publique in Paris.
He began his career in diplomacy at the Korean
Ministry for Foreign Affairs as Deputy Director for
the Maghreb, then of the Economic Cooperation.
Later he became First Secretary of the Republic
of Korea Embassy, then Chief Council of
President of the Korean National Assembly, then
Minister Plenipotentiary and Consul general at
the Korean Embassy in Paris. In 2007, he is
appointed Ambassador for the Republic of
Korea in Senegal, with whom he builds a strong
and constructive relationship.
General Lamine CISSÉ
Former Minister of Senegal,
Chairman of
Partners West Africa for Civic
collaboration and Democratic
Change
General Lamine Cissé is a General military
officer of the Senegalese Armed Forces. He was
the first General Inspector to reach the position
of General, and Chief of Staff of the Armed
Forces in 1996. He was the first Senegalese
military officer to become Minister of Home
affairs in 1997. In 2007, he was appointed
Special Representative of the UN Secretary
General and Head of the UN Office for peace
strengthening in Central African Republic. He is
the founding member and President of the
International Observatory for democracy, crisis
and conflicts management (2000) based in
Dakar.
José COSTA PEREIRA
Political Advisor at European
External Action Service (EEAS) European Union
José Costa Pereira is currently a political advisor
for the European External Action Service (EEAS).
He began his career in the EU institutions as
Head of the Africa Unit of the European Union
Council Secretariat and Head of the Task Force
Africa Policy Unit of the High Representative.
Prior to that, he served in various capacities in
the Portuguese government.
Abdoullah COULIBALY
Vice-President of the Bamako
Forum Foundation - Mali
Abdoullah Coulibaly is the Founding member
and the Vice-president of the Foundation Forum
of Bamako. He is also supervisor of the Amadou
Hampaté Bâ University Pole. He has finally
recently been appointed as President of the
National Committee for the Organization of the
Africa-France Summit (CNOSAF) 2016.
Tièman Hubert COULIBALY
Minister of Defence - Mali
Tiéman Hubert Coulibaly has graduated from the
University of Saint-Etienne (France). In 1994, he
begins his political career with actions within the
party “Union pour la démocratie et le
développement” (UDD), as local manager,
General Secretary of the Executive Council and
finally President in 2010. Highly interested in
communicaton,
he
founded
Stellis
Communication in 2006. He finally served as a
national political representative from 2012, as
Minister for Foreign Affairs and International
Cooperation, Minister of State Property and
Land Affairs under the government of Oumar
Tatam Ly, and finally Minister of Defence, his
current position.
Patricia DANZI
Regional Head of the African
operations – ICRC
Patricia Danzi was ICRC’s Head of Operations for
Latin America and the Caribbean area. She is
now ICRC’s Head of Operations for Africa.
Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem
DENNA
Professor - University of
Nouakchott
Dr. Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem Denna is a
Professor of Political Science at the University of
Nouakchott, Mauritania. He holds a Ph.D in
Political Science from the Institute of Political
Studies at Lyon 2 University. He has published
numerous works focused on political sociology,
international relations and the study of institutions,
111
development, and governance. From 2005 to
2007, he served as Secretary General of the
Ministries of Higher Education and Rural
Development of Mauritania.
Dileita Mohamed DILEITA
Former Prime Minister of Djibouti,
Special Envoy for Libya - African
Union
In June 2014, Dileita Mohamed Dileita has been
appointed as the African Union’s Special Envoy
for Libya. He studied in Cairo and Algeria, where
he graduated in 1981. Upon graduation, he
returned to Djibouti where he worked for the
Presidency at the Directorate-General of
Protocol. He was a diplomat at the embassy of
Djibouti in France and subsequently became
Ambassador to Ethiopia in 1997. He was Prime
Minister from 2001 to 2013 and President of
the UMP coalition until 2012.
Mahammed Boun Abdallah
DIONNE
Prime Minister of Senegal
Computer engineer, Mahammed Boun Abdallah
DIONNE worked at IBM and at the BCEAO
before becoming a diplomat and a politician. He
was among other thing Head of the economic
office at the Senegalese Embassy in Paris,
coordinator of the Plan Sénégal Émergent and
served as an expert at the UN Conference on
Trade and Development (UNCTAD) for the
Maghreb. Close to President Macky Sall, he was
his Director of Cabinet when he was Prime
Minister. He was appointed himself Prime
Minister of Senegal in July 2014.
Said DJINNIT
Special Envoy of the SecretaryGeneral for the Great Lakes Region
- United Nations
Said Djinnit, is an Algerian diplomat who was the
Special Envoy of the United Nations SecretaryGeneral for the Great Lakes region in Africa. He
served as the Special Representative and head
of the United Nations Office for West Africa
(UNOWA) from 2008 to 2014. He served as
OAU Assistant Secretary General for Political
Affairs, and then Commissioner for Peace and
Security at the Africa Union.
Comfort ERO
Africa Programme Director International Crisis Group (ICG)
112
Comfort Ero has been the Crisis Group’s Nairobibased Africa Programme Director since January
2011. She previously worked with the Crisis
Group as West Africa Project Director. As
Programme Director, Dr. Ero oversees projects
covering South, West, Central and the Horn of
Africa. She has a PhD from the London School
of Economics, University of London.
Philippe ERRERA
Director General for International
Relations and Strategy, Ministry of
Defence – France
Since August 2013, Philippe Errera has
occupied the post of Director General of the
International Relations and Strategy (DGRIS) at
the French Ministry of Defence. He started his
career at the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs
in 1996, within the Department of Foreign and
Common Security Policy. He also served in
Washington D.C.. Philippe Errera was named
Advisor for Strategic and Multilateral Affairs to
the Minister of Foreign and European Affairs in
2007, and was Chief of Staff of the French
Ministry for Foreign Affairs from 2009 to 2010.
General FACON
Force Commander of the French
Forces in Senegal (EFS) – France
Former Africa Advisor to the Chief of the French
Armed Forces, and former military assistant of
the Commander of the Serval operation,
Brigadier General Facon served as Deputy
General of the Joint Force and Training
Headquarters in Creil (France). He is, since
August 2014, the Head of the French Forces in
Senegal (EFS).
Vice-Admiral FRANKEN
Deputy to the Commander for
Military Operations, AFRICOM –
USA
Vice Admiral Micheal T. Franken is U.S. Africa
Command’s Deputy for Military Operations.
Previously, Admiral Franken served as special
assistant to the director of the Navy Staff, the
Department of the Navy chief of Legislative
Affairs, command of the Combined Joint Task
Force-Horn of Africa in Djibouti, and vice director,
Strategy, Plans and Policy (J5) at U.S. central
Command. Admiral Franken also served multiple
tours in the Office of the Secretary of the Navy,
in the Navy Staff, and in the Joint Staff.
Dr. Cheikh Tidiane GADIO
Chairman of the Institut panafricain
de stratégies (IPS)
Ph. D in communications sciences,
Cheikh Tidiane GADIO was
coordinator for West Africa for the
World Bank programme WorLD.
Appointed Minister of State, he
was for nine years the Senegalese
Minister for Foreign Affairs. Cheikh
Tidiane Gadio is now the Chairman
of the IPS that works towards
promoting pan-Africanism.
Louis GAUTIER
Secrétaire général de la défense et
de la sécurité nationale (SGDSN) –
France
Louis Gautier, Doctor in Political Science,
graduated from Sciences Po Paris and the Ecole
Nationale d’Administration. He is Chief
Counsellor at the French « Cour des Comptes »,
a position he held from 2002 to 2014. He is
Secretary general for Defence and National
Security. He was Advisor, and Deputy Chief of
Staff of the Minister of Defence from 1991 to
1993. He was Defence Advisor to the French
Prime Minister from 1997 to 2002.
General Babacar GAYE
Former Secretary-General’s Special
Representative and Head of the
MINUSCA - United Nations
Babacar Gaye was the United Nations SecretaryGeneral’s Special Representative and Head of
the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated
Stabilization Mission in the Central African
Republic (MINUSCA). Prior to this, M. Gaye was
the Special Representative and Head of the
United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office
for the Central African Republic (BINUCA).
Previously, in August 2010, he was appointed
by Ban Ki-Moon as Military Advisor for
Peacekeeping Operations in New York.
Claudia GAZZINI
Senior analyst - International Crisis
Group (ICG)
Claudia Gazzini has been the International Crisis
Group’s senior analyst for Libya since 2012.
Previously, she worked for the Associated Press
in Rome and for Reuters. She was a Max Weber
fellow at the European University Institute in
Florence and visiting fellow at the Programme of
African Studies at Northwestern University.
Raymond GILPIN
Academic Dean - Africa Center for
Strategic Studies (ACSS)
Dr. Raymond Gilpin holds a doctorate in
development economics from Cambridge
University and an executive certificate in
international finance and capital markets from
Georgetown University. He is the Academic
Dean at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies.
He served as director of the Center for
Sustainable Economies at the United States
Institute of Peace (USIP), senior economist at the
African Development Bank Group, research
director at the Central Bank of Sierra Leone and
economist at the World Bank.
Hiroute GUEBRE-SELLASSIE
Secretary-General’s Special Envoy
for the Sahel and Head of Office United Nations
Hiroute Guebre Sellassie was appointed in
2014 as the United Nations Secretary-General’s
Special Envoy for the Sahel and Head of Office.
Before then, she served as Director of the Political
Affairs Division and Head of the Goma Regional
Office in the United Nations Organization
Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic
of Congo (MONUSCO). She was the OXFAM
Regional Peace Building and Conflict Management
Avisor for the Horn of Africa, East and Central
Africa.
Dr. Sam GULUBE
Defence Secretary of State
for Veterans - South Africa
Dr. Sam Gulube was appointed Secretary for
Defence in December 2011. He was the
Advisor to the Minister of State Security from
March 2011 to December 2011. From 2006
to 2011 he was the National Medical Director of
the South African National Blood Services. He
served as Chief Executive Officer of the Universal
Service Agency of South Africa from 2003 to
2006. He was appointed ANC Deputy
Representative to the United Nations in New
York from 1979 to 1986 where he was
responsible for Management of the ANC
Observer Mission to the United Nations and
Representation to the United States. He played a
leading role in ANC campaigns to isolate
Apartheid South Africa internationally.
Ali Abdel-Rhamane HAGGAR
Dean - University of N’Djamena
Ali Abderamane Haggar has been appointed as
Rector of the University of N’Djamena by
presidential decree on the 12th of November
2012. Professor of economy, playwright and
former Secretary General to the Chadian
presidency, Ali Abderamane Haggar is also the
founding president of HEC-Chad, a higher
education institute of Economy, Management
and Communication.
Masakazu HAMACHI
Parliamentary Vice-Minister
for Foreign Affairs – Japan
Since October 2015, Masakazu Hamachi is
Parliamentary Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Japan. After graduating from law school in
1994, he joined UBS Securities Japan. In
2006, Mr. Hamachi successfully passed the
national Bar examination. He was elected to the
House of Representatives for the first time in
December 2012.
Mongi HAMDI
Special Representative and Head
of the MINUSMA - United Nations
On January 20th, 2015, Mongi Hamdi was
appointed Special Representative and Head of
the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated
Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) by UN
Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon. Since 2014,
he served as interim Foreign Minister of Tunisia.
Mongi Hamdi has worked for over 25 years with
the United Nations. He was Chief of Staff of the
Secretary-General of the UN Conference of
Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and Director
for Strategic plan and coordination.
Damien HELLY
Deputy Head of the Strengthening
European External - European
Center for Development Policy
Management (ECDPM)
Damien Helly is currently the Deputy Head of the
Strengthening European External Action
Programme at the European Centre for
Development Policy Management (ECDPM)
since March 2013. He is also visiting professor
at the International Relations and Diplomacy
Department of the College of Europe in Bruges.
M. Helly holds a Phd in political science from the
Institut d’Études Politiques de Paris (Sciences po).
Alfredo Tigiutimo HENGARI
Senior Research Fellow - South
African Institute of International
Affairs (SAIIA)
Dr. Alfredo Tjiurimo Hengari is a senior research
fellow at the South African Institute of International
Affairs (SAIIA). He holds a PhD in Political
Science and an MA in Political Science. Prior to
joining SAIIA in 2012, he lectured in international
relations and geopolitics at the University of
Cape Town, South Africa and at Rouen Business
School in France. Dr. Hengari has also been a
research intern at the United Nations Department
of Peacekeeping Operations. From 2002 to
2003, he served as Chief of Staff and Senior
Special Assistant to the Prime Minister of the
Republic of Namibia.
Petra HUECK
Head of office - International
Catholic Migration Commission
Europe (ICMC Europe)
After studying international law at the Utrecht
University and social and cultural anthropology at
the University of Leuven, Petra Hueck worked
from 1987 to 1990 at the Directorate-General
for External Relations of the European
Commission (RELEX). She was consultant for
the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP) from 1991 to 1993. Petra Hueck is
now Head of the ICMC Europe Office since
2005.
Tsutomu IIMURA
Director of the Africa Department
- Japan International Cooperation
Agency (JICA)
Iimura Tsutomu represents the Japanese
International Cooperation Agency (JICA), une
agence non-gouvernementale chargée de
coordonner l’assistance officielle pour le
développement ( ODA). De 2005 à 2007,
IImura Tsutomu worked for JICA office in Dakar.
In 2007, he was tasked to open a new office in
Kinshasa, where he is currently based.
Habib KAMBANGA
Head of Regional Early Warning
Center – SADC
Mr. Habib Kambanga, is the Head of the Regional
Early Warning Centre of SADC Secretariat. He is
thus directing an organization responsible for the
analysis and anticipation of new maritime threats.
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John KARLSRUD
Senior Research Fellow Norwegian Institute for International
Affairs (NUPI)
Dr John Karlsrud is Senior Research Fellow and
Manager for the Training for Peace programme
at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs.
He is currently a Visiting Fulbright Fellow at the
Center on International Cooperation, New York
University and External Associate at the Centre
for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation,
University of Warwick, where he also earned his
PhD. He previously served as Special Assistant
to the United Nations Special Representative in
Chad and as part of the UN Development
Programme’s leadership programme LEAD.
Gilbert KHADIAGALA
Professor of International Relations
- University of the Witwatersrand –
Johannesburg
Professor Khadiagala is the Jan Smuts Professor
of International Relations and Head of
Department at the University of Witwatersand.
Trained as a political scientist in Kenya, Canada,
and the United States he specializes in African
International Relations, Conflict Management
and Resolution, African Regional and SubRegional Institutions, and Comparative Political
Institutions. He has worked mainly on politics
and security in Southern Africa, the Great Lakes
Region, Eastern, and the Horn of Africa. He is
currently conducting research on state formation
in the South Sudan.
Komi Selom KLASSOU
Prime Minister - Togo
Doctor in hydro climatology, Komi Selom
Klassou held many government positions. He
served as Minister of Culture, youth and sports
then as Minister of Primary and Secondary
Education. In 2007, he became First Vice
President of the Togolese Parliamentary
Assembly. Appointed Prime Minister in June
2015, he puts his experience to use to push
forward the Togolese policy on stimulus, poverty
reduction and youth employment
Paul KOFFI-KOFFI
Minister of Defence - Côte d’Ivoire
Paul Koffi-Koffi graduated from the ENSEA
Abidjan, ENSAE Paris and holds an executive
MBA from the ISM Paris and the University St
John in New York. He is, since the 13rd of
114
March 2012, Minister to the President of Ivory
Coast, in charge of Defence. He served as a
national and international political figure, notably
Advisor for the Organisation of African Unity, the
UNDP and the African development Bank,
working on the Economic Report on Africa.
Kabiné KOMARA
Former Prime Minister of Guinea,
High Commissioner for the Senegal
River Basin Development Authority
(OMVS)
Kabiné KOMARA, Guinean, began his career in
the financial community. In 2008, as he was
Department manager at the African ExportImport Bank, or Afreximbank, in Cairo, the
Guinean President chose him to serve as Prime
Minister. He held this office until 2010. The
Commission of the African Union entrusted him
twice with the observer missions to monitor the
Togolese elections (2013 and 2015). He is now
High Commissioner for the Senegal River Basin
Development Authority (OMVS).
Hervé LADSOUS
Under-Secretary-General for
Peacekeeping
Operations – United Nations
Since September 2nd, 2011, Hervé Ladsous
has been Under-Secretary-General for
Peacekeeping Operations of the United Nations
(DPKO). Since 1971, he has held various
positions within the French Ministry for Foreign
Affairs. He served as French Ambassador to
China (2006-2010), and Chief of Staff of the
Minister for Foreign Affairs. He also served as
Permanent Representative of France to the
OSCE and Deputy Permanent Representative of
France to the United Nations in New York.
Ramtane LAMAMRA
Senior Minister, Minister for
Foreign Affairs and International
cooperation – Algeria
Ramtane Lamamra is an Algerian diplomat, who
is currently serving as Minister for Foreign Affairs
since 2013. After graduating from the Ecole
nationale d’administration in Algiers, he held the
position of the AU Commissioner for Peace and
Security from 2008 to 2013. Before then, he
was Ambassador to Austria and Chairman of the
Board of Governors of the International Atomic
Energy Agency. He was then appointed Algeria’s
Permanent Representative to the United Nations
in 1993, and served as Ambassador to the
United States from 1996 to 1999.
Pierre René Eugène LAPAQUE
Regional Representative for
West and Central Africa - United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC)
Pierre Lapaque is a French a police Captain who
joined the force in 1982 and worked until the
end of 1998 in Regional Crime Squads. From
August 2010 till July 2012, he was the Chief of
the Implementation Support Section of the
Organized Crime Branch within the UNODC,
dealing with all aspects of organized crime and
money laundering. Since August 2012, he is
UNODC Regional Representative for West and
Central Africa, which is based in Dakar, Senegal
and covers 22 countries in the region.
Jean-Yves LE DRIAN
Minister of Defence – France
Jean-Yves Le Drian is a French politician. He
was Mayor of the town of Lorient from 1981 to
1998 and President of Brittany Regional Council
from 2004 to 2012. Close to François Hollande,
he assisted him on defence issues, when he was
candidate. He was appointed Minister of
Defence following the presidential elections of
2012.
Alain LE ROY
Secrétaire général du Service
européen pour l’action extérieure
(SEAE) – European Union
Since March 2015, Alain le Roy is serving as
Secretary General of the European External
Action Service (EEAS). Previously, he served as
Ambassador of France to Italy. From 2008 to
2011, he was Under-Secretary-General for
Peacekeeping Operations at the United Nations.
M. Le Roy also held several positions in the
French government, including in the Cour des
comptes and in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs.
Youssef MAHMOUD
Senior Advisor - International
Peace Institute
Youssef Mahmoud was Special Representative
for the UN in Central African Republic and Chad
from the 1st of June to the 31st of December
2010. Youssef Mahmoud served from 2007 to
2009 as Executive Representative of the
Secretary General and Head of the Integrated
Office of the UN to Burundi. He also served as
Representative of the UN Development
Programme in Guyana. He was also Head of the
Africa II division of the Department for Political
Affairs of the UN. He currently works for the High
level panel on peace operations of the UN.
Soumeylou Boubèye MAÏGA
Former Minister of Mali, Leader of
the Expert Group on Terrorism and
Violent Extremism - African Union
Soumeylou Boubèye Maïga worked as a
journalist since the early 1990s’. Vice-president
and founding member of the Alliance for
Democracy in Mali – African party for solidarity
and justice, he became in 1992 Chief of Staff of
the President of the Malian Republic Alpha
Oumar Konaré. Appointed Minister of Defence
and Veterans in 2013, he is currently
Representative of the African Union for the
Central African Republic crisis, coordinating
experts working on terrorism and violent
extremism.
Jean-Paul MALAN
Deputy Secretary of the National
Security Council - Côte d’Ivoire
Jean-Paul Malan is currently Secretary-general
of the National Security Council of Cote d’Ivoire.
In 2008, he was appointed Coordinator of the
National Civic Volunteer Service. From 2005 to
2007, he served as the Chief of the
Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration
of former combatants at PNDDR (National
Programme for Disarmament, Demobilization
and Reintegration. From 1998 to 2005, he was
a technical adviser to various Prime Ministers,
Minister of Planning and Development.
Thomas MANDRUP
Lecturer - Royal Danish Defence
College
Thomas Mandrup is an associate professor,
PhD, at the Institute for Strategy of the Royal
Danish Defence College. His studies concentrate
on Africa-related topics, such as security
governance, regional security, hybrid warfare or
the SADC, and the new wars. He works on the
privatization of conflict, non-State actors,
strategic asymmetry or intervention.
Emilio MANFREDI
Independent Analyst
Emilio Ernesto Manfredi is a writer and researcher
based in Sub-Sahara Africa for almost 15 years.
After being a journalist across the region for
various international media, Emilio worked for
Human Rights Watch and the International Crisis
Group. He was then a consultant for several
non-governmental groups and governmental
agencies. Currently based in Dakar, Emilio writes
books and researches independently on youths,
migrations, criminal activities and radicalization.
Recently, he authored the ICG report «The
Central Sahel: A perfect Sandstorm».
Alexandre MARC
Chief Specialist for Fragility, Conflict
and Violence - World Bank
Alexandre Marc is Chief Specialist for Fragility,
Conflict and Violence at the World Bank. He was
the Cluster Leader for the Social Cohesion and
Violence Prevention team within the Social
Development Department of the World Bank
from 2009 to 2012. From 1999 to 2005, he
was sector Manager for Social Development in
the Europe and Central Asia Region of the World
Bank, head of programme of post conflict
reconstruction in Eastern Europe. In addition to
his Wolrd Bank experience, he was Director of
the Roma Education Fund from 2006 to 2007
and a visiting fellow, in 2005, at the Centre
d’Etude des Relations internationales (CERI) in
Paris, where he specialized in cultural diversity
and public policy.
Marie-Hélène MAYSOUNAVE
Special Ambassador to the
International Fight against Piracy Ministry for Foreign Affairs – France
Marie-Hélène Maysounave serves at the French
Ministry for Foreign Affairs and International
Development. She has been appointed as
Special Ambassador for the international fight
against piracy.
Ahmed MECHERAOUI
Former Advisor at the Ministry for
Energy and Mines – Algeria
Until recently, Ahmed Mecheraoui was working
as senior adviser to the Algerian Minister of
Energy and Mines. Prior to this, he was based in
Libya as General Manager of Sonatrach Libyan
Branch, and from 2002 to 2005 General
Manager of Geophysical service company
based in Libya. From 1998 to 2002, he was
Vice president of Sonatrach, the Algerian
National Oil Company, in charge of Exploration
and Research and Development. He holds an
engineering degree in geophysics from the
“Institut National des Hydrocarbures“ in Algeria.
Haile MENKERIOS
Special Representative of the
Secretary General to the African
Union - United Nations
Since May 2013, Haile Menkerios has served
as the Head of the United Nations Office to the
African Union (UNOAU) and as Special
Representative to the African Union. Menkerios
previously served as the United Nations Special
Envoy of the Secretary-General for Sudan and
South Sudan
Général Mohammed Babagana
MONGUNO
National Security Advisor – Nigeria
Major General Mohamed Babagana Monguno
was appointed National Security Adviser on July
13, 2015 by President Muhamudu Buhari.
General Monguno was Chief of Nigeria’s
Defence Intelligence Agency from July 2009 to
September 2011. Monguno previously served
as the Chief of Logistics at the Nigerian Defence
headquarters and later as Commandant of the
Nigerian Army Training and Doctrine Command
(TRADOC). Monguno also served as
Commander, Guards Brigade, Deputy
Commandant, National Defence College, and
Chief of Defence Intelligence.
Pedro MORENES
Minister of Defence - Spain
Pedro Morenes y Alvarez de Eulate is the
Spanish Minister of Defence. A business man
and a politician, he was Defence Secretary from
1996 to 2000, and then State Secretary for
Security, and later State Minister for Science and
Technology in 2002. After working in the private
sector for nine years, he was appointed Minister
of Defence in 2004 .
Major General David MUHOOZI
Commander of Land Forces –
Uganda
Major General David Muhoozi is a Ugandan
lawyer and army officer. He currently serves as
the Commander of Land Forces in the Uganda
People’s Defence Force (UPDF), the third
115
highest rank in the Ugandan military. He thus
replaced General Edward Katumba Wamala,
who was appointed Chief of Defence Forces of
Uganda.
Abdel-Fatau MUSAH
Director of Political affairs –
ECOWAS
Dr Abdel-Fatau Musah is the Director of Political
affairs at the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS). From April 2005 to
March 2009, he served as Senior Conflict
Prevention Adviser to the Danish Agency for
International Development (Danida) and ECOWAS.
To this end, he led the process to adopt the
ECOWAS Conflict Prevention Framework, an
operational tool for cooperative interventions in
peace and security in the ECOWAS region. He
also works closely with the ECOWAS organs
responsible for peace and security, helps the
Commission assess security threats and develop
policy options to meet them, and coordinates
ECOWAS observer missions to elections in the
region.
Wullson MVOMO ELA
Head of the EIFORCES, Centre for
Research and Documentation Cameroon
Wullson Mvomo Ela is a Cameroonian academic,
Professor at the International Relations Institute
of Cameroon, and Senior Researcher. He was
appointed Research Officer to the General
Delegation for National Security. He is currently
serving as the Regional Coordinator for the UN
Strategy against terrorism in Central Africa.
El Hadj Mohamed NAJIM
Permanent Secretary - G5 Sahel
Najim El Hadj Mohamed is a socio-economist,
specialist of development issues. He has worked
for more than 30 years in public administration
on the planning of social and economic
development in general, and the decentralized
management of development. He was appointed
Coordinator of the Permanent Secretary on
Poverty Reduction Strategy for the Prime
Minister and Secretary General of the High
Authority for Food Safety to the Niger Presidency.
Babacar NDIAYE
Former President of the African
Development Bank - Senegal
Babacar Ndiaye graduated from Toulouse
116
Business School, Sciences-Po Paris and the
Financial and Bank Studies Center (France). He
is Roving and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the
Republic of Senegal. He was appointed
Honorary Chairman of the African Development
Bank (AfDB) in 1995 by the Governors,
concluding 30 years of career within the
institution, and 10 years as President of the
AfDB.
Mankeur NDIAYE
Minister for Foreign Affairs
and Senegalese Abroad - Senegal
His Excellency Mankeur Ndiaye was appointed
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Senegal and for
Senegalese Abroad on 29 October 2012. A
Senegalese career diplomat, he was appointed
ambassador in 2003 and occupied various
positions, including ambassador of Senegal to
France in 2012.
Ndioro NDIAYE
President of Migration, Leadership
& Development Alliance (AMLD)
After secondary studies in Dakar, Bordeaux and
Paris, Ndioro Ndiaye was one of the first African
women to pass the concours de l’agrégation in
France. On that basis, she then took up office as
Head of the Department of Odontology and
Stomatology at the Cheikh Anta Diop University
of Dakar. In 1988, she was appointed Minister
for Social Development by President Abdou
Diouf. She was Deputy Director General of the
International Organization for Migration from
1999 to 2009. She is now part of the Board of
the Pan-African Institute for Strategies.
Wafula OKUMU
Executive Director - The Borders
Institute
Dr. Wafula Okumu is now based in Addis Ababa,
and holds the position of Executive Director of
The Borders Institute (TBI). Beforehand, he has
worked on border issues for the African Union.
He previously served as the Head of the African
Security Analysis Programme at the Institute for
Security Studies in Pretoria.
Raychelle OMAMO
Minister of Defence – Kenya
Senior Counsel, Ambassador Raychelle Omamo
is a career lawyer and diplomat. She was an
Advocate of the High Court for 27 years, then
practiced at several national law entities. She was
praised many times for her contribution to the
development of the rule of law in her country. She
was the first female chairperson of the Law
Society of Kenya and was ambassador to France,
Portugal, The Holy See and the Republic of Serbia
as well as the Permanent Delegate of the Republic
of Kenya to UNESCO. In 2013, President Uhuru
Kenyatta appointed her Minister of Defence.
Daniel ONA ONDO
Prime Minister - Gabon
Well known economist, Daniel Ona Ondo held
many government positions, Minister-Delegate
under the Minister of Health and Population,
Minister of Culture, Arts, Popular Education,
Youth, and Sports and Minister of National
Education. Then he served as Vice-President of
the National Assembly. In January 2014, he
became Prime Minister, appointed by President
Ali Bongo. Daniel Ona Ondo has made poverty
alleviation a top priority.
Foreign Affairs – Portugal
Joao Queiros is head of the Africa Department at
the Portuguese Ministry for Foreign Affairs. His
unique expertise allows him to present the
Portuguese cooperation policy which aims to
strengthen maritime security in the Greater South
Atlantic, and more specifically in West African
countries and Portuguese-speaking Africa.
André ROUX
Peacekeeping and Defence
Analyst - South Africa
André Roux is an independent international
consultant with extensive military experience. Mr.
Roux deployed in several United Nations
missions. In addition, his broad background in
conflict management, peacekeeping operations
and more specifically in the development and
implementation of a wide range of peacekeepingrelated training activities across Asia, Africa and
Europe has given him considerable experience
in various Defence issues.
Kadré Désiré OUÉDRAOGO
President of the Commission –
ECOWAS
Macky SALL
President of the Republic of
Senegal
Kadré Désiré Ouédraogo has been the President
of the Commission of the Economic Community
of West African States Commission (ECOWAS)
since 2012. After being Deputy Governor of the
Central Bank of West Africa, he was Prime
Minister of Burkina Faso from 1996 to 2000. In
2001, he became Burkina Faso’s Ambassador
to the United Kingdom.
Engineer geophysicist, Macky Sall was Special
advisor of Energy and Mines at the presidency
before he was Mayor of Fatik for 10 years. From
2004 to 2007, he was Prime Minister, holding
the record for the longest mandate, under
Abdoulaye Wade presidency. In 2012, after
serving as President of the National Assembly
Macky Sall was elected President.
Ahmedou OULD-ABDALLAH
President - Center for Strategies
and Security in the Sahel-Sahara
(Centre4S)
Bakary SAMBE
Coordinator - Observatory of
Religious Radicalism and Conflicts
in Africa (ORCRA)
Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah is a Mauritanian
diplomat and former senior United Nations
official. From 2007 to 2010, he served as
Special Representative for the UN SecretaryGeneral for Somalia and Head of the Political
Bureau of the United Nations for Somalia. He
was also Secretary-General Boutros BoutrosGhali’s Special Representative in Burundi
(1993-1995) and Special Representative for
West Africa from 2002 to 2007. He is currently
Director of the Strategic Center for Security in
Sahel – Sahara.
Bakary Sambe is the coordinator of the
Observatory of Radicalisms and Religious
Conflicts in Africa. He graduated from the Lyon
2 University in islamology, languages and Arab
civilizations and from the Institute of Political
Studies of Lyon in international relations. He is
also a Professor at the Center of Religious Study
(CER) at the University Gaston Berger, Saint
Louis, Senegal.
Joao QUEIROS
Director of the sub-Saharan Africa
Department of the Ministry for
Landing Savané is the Vice-president of the PanAfrican Institute of Strategies. He graduated from
Landing SAVANÉ
Vice-Chairman - Institut Panafrican
de Strategies (IPS)
the prestigious INSEE School, where he received
his engineering degree in statistics and economics.
He is a former State Minister and a Senegalese
political figure who founded the “And-Jëf” party.
Alphonse SECK
Secretary-General - CARITAS
Senegal
Alphone Seck, diocesan priest of the
Archdiocese of Dakar, has been appointed as
Secretary General of Caritas Senegal in March
2015. Ordained priest in 1983, he was a high
figure within the Archdiocese of Dakar. He was
Director of the works from 1987 to 2001, and
Head of the Commission Justice and Peace for
Guinea Bissau, Cape Verde, Mauritania and
Senegal.
Guy SIDOS
Chairman - VICAT
In 1984 Guy Sidos graduated from the French
Navy School as an engineer and became a
naval officer. In 1999, after commanding
nuclear attack submarine “Perle”, he left active
service to join the VICAT Group as plant engineer.
In 2001 was appointed manager of the Ragland,
Alabama cement plant in the United States. In
2002 he was appointed CEO of National
Cement, the parent company of VICAT’s
American businesses. In 2004 he came back to
France as COO of the VICAT Group, becoming
CEO in 2008. On the proposal of retiring
Chairman Jacques Merceron-VICAT, the AGM
appointed him Chairman and CEO as of May 6,
2014
Elissa SLOTKIN
Acting Assistant Secretary,
Department of Defense – USA
Elissa Slotkin is currently the Acting Assistant
Secretary of Defense for International Security
Affairs. Previously, from September 2012 to
January 2015, she served as Principal Deputy
Assistant Secretary of Defense for International
Security Affairs. Ms. Slotkin also served on the
National Security Council as Director for Iraq.
Ashraf SWELAM
Director of the Cairo centre
for conflict resolution and
peacekeeping in Africa - Egypt
Ashraf Swelam is the Director of the Cairo
Center for Conflict Resolution and Peacekeeping
in Africa. Before joining the Center in 2013, he
served as Lead Counsel to the Constitutional
Committee that drafted the new Egyptian
Constitution. On leave from the Egyptian Ministry
for Foreign Affairs from 2008 to 2013, he was
a Senior Policy Advisor to one of the leading
presidential candidates. He also held senior
leadership positions with key business NGOs in
Egypt, including Senior Advisor to the Chairman
of the Egyptian National Competitiveness
Council (2012) and Director General of Egypt’s
International Economic Forum (2009-2011).
Mehdi TAJE
Tunisian Institute for Strategic
Studies (ITES)
Mehdi Taje, graduate of the University Paris V
René-Descartes and the NATO Defence College
in Roma, is an expert in geopolitics and
prospective and anticipation. Head of Global
Prospect Intelligence, he is currently President of
the Department of Strategic Studies and
Prospects at the Tunisian Institute of Strategic
Studies (ITES).
Andreas Eshete TESSEMA
Advisor to the Prime Minister of
Ethiopia
Professor Andreas Eshete is a reputed scholar,
and was President of Addis Ababa University
during more than 9 years. He was UNESCO’s
Chair for Human Rights and Democracy, and
became in 2011 Special Advisor to the Ethiopian
Prime Minister. He is also Deputy Chairperson of
the Tana Forum.
Thomas Kwasi TIEKU
Professor - King’s Western
University Canada
Thomas Kwasi Tieku is an Assistant Professor
jointly appointed to the Munk School of Global
Affairs and New College at the University of
Toronto. His current research focuses on
international mediation, regional institutions,
international organization, and foreign policy
analysis. An award-wining teacher, Professor Tieku
has given lectures in Universities such as
Birmingham University, Boston University, and
Cornel University. He recently co-authored a
lesson-learnt report on mediation for the African
Union Conflict Management Division and the
Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue based in
Geneva.
117
Nana TOURÉ-SY
Sub-Regional Platform Coordinator,
UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa –
United Nations
Nana Touré-Sy has been appointed as Regional
Director of the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), based in Dakar. She
previously served as senior economist to the
UNDP.
Général Pierre de VILLIERS
Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces
– France
General Pierre de Villiers has been appointed
Chief of Defence Staff of the French Armed
Forces on the 15th of February 2014. After
Graduating from the Special Military School of
Saint-Cyr (France), he served in the Armoured
Cavalry. He has served as Chief of the Military
Staff of the French Prime Minister from
September 2008 to March 2010, becoming at
that date Major General of the Armed Forces.
Alex VINES
Head of Africa programme Chatham House
Alex Vines has been head of the Africa
programme at Chatham House since 2002. In
2008, he became director for Regional Studies
and International Security. In 2012 Alex was
appointed director for Area Studies and
International Law. He chaired in the UN Panel of
Experts on Côte d’Ivoire from 2005 to 2007,
and was a member of the UN Panel of Experts
on Liberia from 2001 to 2003. M. Vines was a
UN election officer in Mozambique and Angola,
and served as a consultant for the UN Office on
Drugs and Crime and for the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
He also worked at Human Rights Watch as a
senior researcher on business and human rights.
Zacharia YUSUF
Analyst - International Crisis Group
(ICG)
Zakaria Yusuf is currently International Crisis
Group’s Somalia analyst since 2013. After
earning his law degree from the Somali National
University, Mr. Yusuf started teaching law and
served as a legal advisor to government and to
many non-governmental organizations. He is
also an executive member of Somali Human
Rights Defenders.
118
THE PARTICIPANTS
1. General Lliyasu Isah ABBAH
Commander of the Multinational Joint Task
Force – Nigeria
14. Serge Bernard Emmanuel
ALIANA
IPS
26. Axel AUGE
Enseignant - Chercheur - École militaire de
Saint-Cyr
2. Ahmed Moussa ABOUBAKER
Directeur adjoint - Présidence de la République
- Djibouti
15. Juan Ignacio ALVARES
GORTARI
Ministre conseiller - Ambassade d’Espagne au
Sénégal
27. Amadou BA
Ministre de l’Economie, des finances et du plan
- Sénégal
3. Mahamadou ABOU-TARKA
Président de la Haute Autorité à la Consolidation
de la paix - Niger
4. Patricia ADAM
Députée du Finistère, Présidente de la
Commission de la Défense nationale et des
Forces armées - Assemblée Nationale - France
5. Boulman ADIL
Sahara Media Agency
6. Komlan ADJITOWOU
Chef d’état-major général adjoint des Forces
armées - Togo
7. Jean-Marie ADZE
Directeur de cabinet adjoint - Primature - Gabon
8. Cyriaque AGNEKETHOM
Directeur Maintien de la paix et sécurité régionale
- CEDEAO
9. Mohamed AHMED
Chef d’État-major des Armées adjoint - Forces
armées nigériennes
10. Cornélius AÏDAM
Directeur exécutif - Pax Africana - Togo
11. Abdoul AIDARA
Enseignant chercheur – UCAD, CEDS
12. Pascal AIRAULT
Journaliste - L’Opinion
13. François d’ALANÇON
Journaliste - La Croix
16. A
lejandro Enrique ALVAR
GONZALEZ SAN MARTIN
Secrétaire général de la politique de Défense Ministère de la Défense - Espagne
17. David AMBROSETTI
Directeur - Centre français des études
éthiopiennes
18. Nuhu ANGBAZO
Defence Attaché – Nigerian Embassy in Senegal
19. Emmanuel Kwesi ANING
Dean / Director - Faculty of Academic Affairs
and Research - Kofi Annan International
Peacekeeping Training Center
20. Mahamat Saleh ANNADIF
Ancien représentant spécial de l’UA en Somalie
et chef de l’AMISOM, ancien ministre - Tchad
21. Ibrahima ANNE
Journaliste - Walfadjri
22. Ahmed el ARJA
PDG - CIM d’Equipement
23. Sainkoudje ASMA
Coordinatrice régionale pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest
– ONUDC – Nations unies
24. Paul ATANGA NJI
Ministre chargé de mission à la Présidence Cameroun
25. Benjamin AUGE
Chercheur - Institut français des relations
internationales
28. Magatte BA
Conseiller technique Défense - Primature Sénégal
29. Amadou Lamine BA
Ancien ambassadeur du Sénégal à Washington
- IPS
30. Oumar Demba BA
Ministre d’État, Conseiller diplomatique Présidence de la République - Sénégal
31. Hassan BAAGE
Directeur adjoint - Bureau de l’évaluation et
de l’assistance technique - Comité contre le
terrorisme - Nations unies
32. Mamadou BAAL
Responsable communication - IPS
33. Stanislas BABA
Ministre, Conseiller mer – Présidence de la
République - Togo
34. Sidy BADJI
Journaliste - Sud Quotidien
35. Thierno Mouctar BAH
Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar
36. Jean-Patrick BAILLET
Directeur général - NEXTER Systems
37. Frédéric BARDENET
Conseiller diplomatique, Directeur développement
Afrique subsaharienne - SNCF
38. Alain BARLUET
Journaliste – Le Figaro
119
39. Cristina BARRIOS
Conseiller politique – SEAE - UE
55. Betty BIGOMBE
Former Minister - Uganda
40. Mamadou Aliou BARRY
Conseiller sécurité - Ministère de la Justice Guinée
56. Christophe BIGOT
Directeur de la stratégie
Ministère de la Défense - France
41. Auguste BARRY
Ancien ministre de l’intérieur - Burkina Faso
57. Abdoulaye BIOTCHANE
Economiste - Bénin
72. Rémi CARAYOL
Journaliste – Jeune Afrique
42. Abdoulaye BATHILY
RSSGNU - Nations unies
58. Pierrick BLAIRON
Président - ASFORDAK
73. Per CARLSON
Ambassadeur de Suède pour le Sénégal
43. Alain BAUER
Président - Conseil supérieur de la formation et
de la recherche stratégique
44. Anne BAUER
Journaliste - Les Echos
45. Alexis BAUTZMANN
Journaliste - Diplomatie
46. Philippe BEAULNE
Ambassadeur du Canada au Sénégal
47. Philippe Olivier BEGUIN
Premier conseiller - Ambassade de Suisse au
Sénégal
-
60. Jean-Marie BOCKEL
Sénateur du Haut-Rhin - Commission des affaires
étrangères, de la défense et des Forces armées –
Sénat - France
75. Mohamed Ibn CHAMBAS
Special Representative and Head of the United
Nations Office for West Africa – United Nations
90. Colonel Régis COLCOMBET
Cellule internationale - Cabinet du ministre de
la Défense - France
76. Daniel CHAUSSE
Président - DS Avocats
91. Brigitte COLLET
Ambassadrice de France en Ethiopie et auprès
de l’UA
61. Philippe BOTTRIE
Directeur des Affaires publiques - AIRBUS Group
62. Ali BOUKEHA
Conseiller - Ambassade d’Algérie au Sénégal
63. Thierry BOURGEOIS
Directeur Sûreté - TOTAL
65. Mahamat BRAHIM SEID
Chef d’État-major général des Armées - Tchad
53. Général Frédéric BETH
Inspecteur général des Armées – Ministère de
la Défense - France
54. Emmanuel BETH
Associé Senior - ESL & Network
88. Victoria COIFMAN
Professor African Studies - University of
Minnesota
89. Patrick COLAS DES FRANCS
Directeur général - COGES
49. Hichem BEN YAICHE
Rédacteur en chef - Le Magazine de l’Afrique
- IC Publications
52. Andrew BERGEN
AFRICOM - Department of State - USA
87. François CLÉMENCEAU
Rédacteur en chef international - Journal du
Dimanche
74. Laurent CELERIER
Conseiller du Directeur général - ANSSI
64. Fabrice BOUSSALEM
Sahel Team Leader and Programme Coordinator
- PNUD - United Nations
51. Pierre BENOIT-BOUVERESSE
Journaliste - TV5 Monde
71. Nathalie CANTAN
Chargée de mission Sahel – DGRIS – Ministère
de la Défense - France
86. Mahamane CISSE-GOURO
Chief of the Africa branch – Office of the High
Commissioner for the Human Rights – United
Nations
59. Eric BLANCHOT
Directeur exécutif - ONG Promédiation
48. Daniel BEKELE MULUGETA
Executive Director of the Africa division - Human
Rights Watch
50. Rodney BENN
Vice-président - African Institutional Sales EUTELSAT
120
70. Philippe BURTIN
PDG - NEXTER Systems
66. Ahmed BRAHIM VALL
Chef du deuxième bureau - État-major général
des Armées - Mauritanie
67. Jean-Jacques BRIDEY
Député du Val de Marne - Assemblée nationale
- France
68. Alan BRYDEN
Chef du département des partenariats publicprivés - DCAF
69. Carmen Liliana BURLACU
Ministre plénipotentiaire - Ministère des Affaires
étrangères - Roumanie
77. Smaïl CHERGUI
Commissaire Paix et Sécurité de l’UA
78. Lionel CHIRCOP
Imprimerie nationale - France
92. Charles COLLINS
Vice-President Business Développement - MSS
security
79. Knox CHITIYO
Associate Researcher - Chatham House
93. Colonel Marc CONRUYT
Attaché de défense - Ambassade de France
au Sénégal
80. Dong hwan CHOI
Republic of Korea Special Envoy
94. Albrecht CONZE
Chef de mission EUCAP Sahel Mali - UE
81. Frédéric CHOLE
Centre de crise - MAEDI - France
95. José COSTA PEREIRA
Conseiller Politique – SEAE - UE
82. Maramany CISSE
Chargé de la RSS, Ministre conseiller - Présidence
de la République - Guinée Conakry
96. Tiéman Hubert COULIBALY
Ministre de la Défense et des anciens combattants
- Mali
83. Général Lamine CISSE
Président du conseil d’administration de Partners
West Africa, ancien ministre - Sénégal
97. Adama Eckberg COULIBALY
Chief Economist - Economic Commission for
Africa – United nations
84. Idrissa CISSE
Directeur de l’office central pour la lutte contre le
trafic illicite des stupéfiants - Direction générale
de la Police nationale - Sénégal
98. Abdoullah COULIBALY
Vice-président - Fondation du Forum de Bamako
85. Babou CISSE
Universitaire - Sénégal
99. Sarah COVINGTON
Senior Analayst - African Research Group
101. Sergio Luiz CRUZ AGUILAR
Director of GEPCI and OCI – State University
of Sao Paulo
102. Thomas DAKOURE
Conseiller du ministre, contrôleur général de
police - Ministère de la Sécurité - Burkina Faso
103. Patricia DANZI
Directrice régionale des opérations pour l’Afrique
- CICR
104. Vincent DARRACQ
Chargée de mission – DGRIS – Ministère de la
Défense - France
116. Abdulaye DIAKITE
Rédacteur en chef - MaliJet
117. Abdoulaye Daouda DIALLO
Ministre de l’intérieur et de la sécurité publique
- Sénégal
118. Kibily Demba DIALLO
Directeur de la coopération - Direction générale
de la sécurité - Mali
119. Malick Abubakaer Hamid
DIALLO
Rédacteur en chef - Afrik.com
105. Olivier DARRASON
Président - CEIS
120. Babacar DIALLO
Directeur général - Centre d’études diplomatiques
et stratégiques de Dakar
106. Christophe DECROIX
Journaliste - RTL
121. Boubacar DIALLO
Journaliste - Fondation Hirondelle
107. Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem
DENNA
Professeur - Université de Nouakchott
122. Bruno DIATTA
Ministre chef du protocole - Sénégal
108. Rinaldo François DEPAGNE
Directeur du Projet Afrique de l’Ouest - ICG
123. Ibrahima DIAWADOH
Chargé de mission auprès du Premier ministre
- France
109. Jay DHARMADHIKARI
Conseiller pour les affaires européennes - Cabinet
du ministre de la Défense - France
124. Moussa DIAWARA
Directeur général - Direction générale de la
sécurité - Mali
110. Giorgio DHIMA
Chef de service Affaires politiques - Département
fédéral des Affaires étrangères - Suisse
125. Moustapha DIEYE
General Manager - AFRICOM - Department of
State - USA
111. Ibrahima DIA
Conseiller principal Afrique - Akio Capital
126. Maguette DIEYE
Chargé du maintien de la paix - Ministère des
Forces armées - Sénégal
112. Adama DIAKHATE
Conseiller technique Sécurité - Primature Sénégal
113. Abdou Khadre DIAKHATE
Manager Director - MD MBACO-International
114. Nadia DIAKITE
Président - Fondation Life Builders
115. Louis DIAKITE
Président du conseil - Alink Telecom
127. Abdoulaye DIEYE
Directeur Europe Amérique Océanie - Ministère
des Affaires étrangères - Sénégal
128. Dileita Mohamed DILEITA
Envoyé spécial de l’UA pour la Libye, ancien
Premier ministre de Djibouti
129. Mohamed Boun Abdallah
DIONNE
Premier ministre - Sénégal
100. Valérie CROVA
Journaliste - France Culture
121
130. Momar DIOP
Ambassadeur - Sénégal
146. Frédéric ENCEL
Chercheur – Institut d’études politiques
131. Pape DIOP
132. Alioune Badara DIOP
133. Léopold DIOUF
134. Babacar DIOUF
Conseiller spécial - Centre des hautes études
de défense et de sécurité - Sénégal
135. Abdoulaye DIOUF SARR
Ministre du Tourisme et des transports aériens
- Sénégal
136. Saïd DJINNIT
Envoyé spécial du SGNU pour les Grands Lacs
- Nations unies
137. Koffi Fabrice DJOSSOU
Directeur régional - ABS Afrique
138. Jean-Philippe DORENT
Directeur général international - HAVAS World
Wide
139. Stéphane DOYON
Responsable de l’Unité Afrique de l’Ouest Médecins sans frontières
140. Tiebile DRAME
Ancien ministre - Mali
141. Alioune DRAMÉ
Université Jean Moulin Lyon 3
142. Charles-Hubert DUFOUR
Directeur de la région subsaharienne – THALES
143. Jean-Marc DUQUESNE
Délégué général - GICAT
144. Anja H. EBNOTHER
Directrice adjointe - DCAF - Suisse
145. Moustapha Mahmoud
ELKOUNY
Ambassadeur d’Egypte au Sénégal
122
161. Mamadou Guèye FAYE
Haut commandant de la gendarmerie et Directeur
de la Justice militaire - Sénégal
176. Serigne Bamba GAYE
Directeur de la Prospective et de la Recherche
Stratégique - Timbuktu Institut
190. Koki Muli GRIGNON
Deputy permanent representative - Permanent
Mission of Kenyafor - UN
204. Masakazu HAMACHI
Vice - ministre parlementaire pour les Affaires
étrangères - Japon
147. Colonel Bonaventure Chryst
ENGOBO
Secrétaire général adjoint - Conseil national de
sécurité - République du Congo
162. Ramatoulaye Ba FAYE
Directeur Asie Pacifique Moyen Orient - Ministère
177. Mor Talla GAYE
Journaliste - L’Obs
191. Laurent GRIMALDI
EUTELSAT BB4 Africa
205. Mongi HAMDI
RSSGNU au Mali et chef de la MINUSMA Nations unies
148. Comfort ERO
Directrice du programme Afrique - ICG
163. Jean FELIX - PAGANON
Ambassadeur de France au Sénégal
178. Claudia GAZZINI
Senior Analyst - ICG (ICG)
iroute GUEBRE192. H
SELLASSIE
Envoyée spéciale du Secrétaire général pour le
Sahel - Nations unies
149. Philippe ERRERA
Directeur général – DGRIS – France
164. Thomas FESSY
Journalist - BBC News
150. Paul ETOU
Direction générale de la sûreté du territoire –
République du Congo
165. Philippe FOLLIOT
Député du Tarn - Assemblée nationale - France
151. Glenns T. ETYANG EKISA
First secretary - Africa & AU Directorate – Ministry
of Foreign Affairs - Kenya
152. Valeria FABBRONI
Directrice des opérations - Fondation suisse
de déminage
153. Général Pascal FACON
Commandant des Eléments français au Sénégal
154. Moussa FAKI MAHAMAT
Ministre des Affaires étrangères - Tchad
155. Jean-Louis FALCONI
Directeur des Affaires internationales, stratégiques
et technologiques- SGDSN - France
156. Général Papa Khalilou FALL
Ministère des Forces armées - Sénégal
157. Babacar FALL
Directeur général - Pana
158. Bruno FANUCCHI
Grand Reporter - Le magazine de l’Afrique
159. Emma FARGE
Journaliste - REUTERS
160. Christophe FARNAUD
Vice-président en charge des Relations
institutionnelles internationales - THALES
166. Frédéric FOUCAUD
Editions Jean – Cyrille Godefroy
167. Vincent FOUCHER
Analyste principal - ICG
168. Yves FOULON
Député, Maire de la Gironde - Commission de
la Défense nationale et des Forces armées Assemblée nationale - France
169. Didier FRANCOIS
Grand reporter - Europe 1
170. Vice Admiral Michael
FRANKEN
Deputy to the Commander for Military Operations
AFRICOM - USA
171. Cheikh Tidiane GADIO
Président de l’IPS, Ancien Ministre d’État du
Sénégal
172. Jesus Jimenez GARCIA
Directeur international - Queiroz Galvao Inc
173. Louis GAUTIER
Secrétaire général - SGDSN - France
174. Jacques GAUTIER
Député, Vice-président de la Commission des
Affaires étrangères, de la Défense et des Forces
armées - Sénat - France
175. Général Babacar GAYE
Ancien RSSGNU pour la MINUSCA - Nations
unies
179. Amiral Marin GILLIER
Directeur de la coopération de sécurité et de
défense - MAEDI - France
180. Raymond GILPIN
Academic Dean - Africa Center for Strategic
Studies
193. Babacar GUEYE
Centre des Hautes études de défense et de
sécurité - Sénégal
194. General Cheick GUEYE
Chef d’État-major de l’Armée de terre - Sénégal
181. Bruno GIORGIANNI
Directeur des Affaires publiques - Dassault
Aviation
195. Bassirou GUEYE
Ambassadeur du Sénégal à Paris
182. Jean GLAVANY
Député des Hautes-Pyrénées - Assemblée
nationale - France
196. Momar GUEYE
Ambassadeur, Représentant permanent du
Sénégal à Addis-Abeba
183. Amandine GNANGUENON
Directrice de projet - Institut des mondes africains
- EHESS
184. Christophe GOMART
Directeur du Renseignement militaire - Ministère
197. Nathalie GUIBERT
Journaliste - Le Monde
198. Philippe GUINAND
Chef de délégation régionale - Comité
international de la Croix-Rouge
206. Nicolas HAQUE
Journaliste - Al Jazeera
207. Fabienne HARA
Conseillère spéciale pour le Forum de Dakar
- DGRIS – Ministère de la Défense - France
208. Jérome HEITZ
Directeur de missions - France Expertise
Internationale
209. Damien HELLY
Chargé de programme adjoint pour l’action
extérieure de l’UE - ECDPM
210. Alfred Tigiutimo HENGARI
Senior Research Fellow - South African Institute
of International Affairs
211. George W. HODGSON UK
Ambassador in Senegal
212. Général Jean-François
HOGARD
DPSD - Ministère de la Défense - France
199. Y
oussoupha Mbargane
GUISSE
Chercheur - IPS
213. Mathurin HOUNGNIKPO
Conseil national de sécurité - Côte d’Ivoire
200. Sam GULUBE
Secretary for Defence and Military Veterans South Africa
214. Petra HUECK
Head of Office - International Catholic Migration
Commission (ICMC Europe)
187. Joaqin GONZALES DUCAY
Ambassadeur de l’UE au Sénégal
201. M
atthew James Murari
GUREME
Chief of staff - Rapid Deployment Capability
Center - Uganda
215. Vicente HUESO
Attaché de défense - Ministère de la Défense
- Espagne
188. Emmanuel GOUÉ
Représentant opérationnel régional - MSF
202. Birane HADY CISSE
Journaliste - APS
216. Rüdiger HUTH
Deputy policy Director - Ministry of Defence
- Germany
189. A
ntoine GOUZÉE
DE HARVEN
Coordonateur de programme sur les menaces
sécuritaires transrégionales et la migration - UE
203. A
bdel-Rhamane Ali
HAGGAR
Recteur de l’Université de N’Djamena
217. Tsutomu IIMURA
Directeur - Département Afrique - Agence
japonaise de coopération internationale
185. Anas el GOMATI
Directeur général - SADEQ Institute
186. Jean-Luc GONZALES
Attaché de sécurité intérieure - Ambassade de
France au Sénégal
123
218. Edward IRUNGU
Director Public Affairs - Ministry of Foreign
Affairs - Kenya
219. Katyen C. JACKDEN
Nigerian Ambassador in Senegal
220. Arnaud JAMET
Président exécutif - Seris Security
221. Jean-Hervé JEZEQUEL
Analyste principal - ICG
248. Abdel Fattah el KISHKI
Ministère de la Défense - Egypte
234. John KARLSRUD
Senior Research Fellow - Norwegian Institute
for International Affairs
249. Takashi KITAHARA
Ambassadeur du Japon au Sénégal
235. Moncef KARTAS
Chercheur et coordinateur de projet - Small
Arms Survey
250. Selom Komi KLASSOU
Premier ministre - Togo
251. Paul KOFFI KOFFI
Ministre de la Défense - Côte d’Ivoire
263. Ramtane LAMAMRA
Ministre d’État, Ministre des Affaires étrangères
et de la coopération internationale - Algérie
264. Knut LANGELAND
Norwegian Special Envoy for Sahel – Ministry
of Foreign Affairs - Norway
ierre René Eugène
265. P
LAPAQUE
Représentant régional - ONUDC
277. François LEFEBVRE
Directeur général - Groupe Ponticelli Frères
292. Soumeylou Boubeye MAÏGA
Envoyé spécial pour la lutte contre le terrorisme,
ancien ministre du Mali- UA
278. Cédric LEWANDOWSKI
Directeur du cabinet civil et militaire du ministre
- Ministère de la Défense – France
293. Jean-Paul MALAN
Conseil national de sécurité - Côte d’Ivoire
279. Philippe LEYMARIE
Journaliste – Le Monde diplomatique
294. Oumar MALL
Directeur général - Police Nationale - Sénégal
280. Alexandre LIEBESKIND
Directeur régional adjoint Afrique – Centre de
dialogue humanitaire - Suisse
295. Thomas MANDRUP
Lecturer - Royal Danish Defence College
236. General Mohamed Abdel
Khalik KASHKOOSH
Academic Advisor on Security Issues - Regional
Center for Strategic Studies - Egypt
252. Kabiné KOMARA
Ancien Premier ministre de Guinée, Hautcommissaire - OMVS
237. Tidiane KASSE
Directeur - Fahamu Afrique
253. Shigeru KONDO
Ambassade du Japon au Sénégal
238. Ryuichi KATO
Agence japonaise de coopération internationale
254. Fifatin Grace
KPOHAZOUNDE
Responsable des Affaires politiques - Bureau du
sous-secrétaire général du DPKO – Nations unies
268. Didier LE BRET
Coordonnateur national du renseignement Présidence de la République - France
255. Atsushi KUWABARA
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Japan
269. Jean-Yves LE DRIAN
Ministre de la Défense - France
240. Karim KEITA
Président de la Commission de la défense Assemblée nationale - Mali
256. François de LABARRE
Journaliste - Paris Match
241. Boubacar KEITA
Directeur de la Sécurité militaire - Mali
257. Guillaume LACAILLE
Conseiller politique - Eucap Sahel Mali - UE
270. Véronique LE GOFF
Conseillère pour la communication et les
relations avec la presse - Cabinet du ministre
227. Christiane KAMMERMANN
Sénatrice représentant les Français établis hors
de France - Sénat - France
242. Louis Magloire KEUMAYOU
Journaliste - Club de l’Information Africaine
258. Jean-Eric LACOUR
Attaché de sécurité intérieure régional - Ministère
de l’Intérieur - France
271. É
tienne LE HARIVEL
DE GONNEVILLE
Sous-directeur Affaires stratégiques - MAEDI
- France
286. Hamdy LOZA
Vice-ministre des Affaires étrangères - Egypte
228. Bernhard KAMPMANN
Germany’s Ambassador in Senegal
243. Mohammed KHABBACHI
Director - Sahara Media Agency
259. Jean-Pierre LACROIX
Directeur – NUOI – MAEDI - France
272. Valérie LEROUX
Journaliste - AFP
229. Général de brigade Air
Ousmane KANE
Chef d’État-major de l’Armée de l’air - Sénégal
244. Gilbert KHADIAGALA
Professor of International Relations Witwatersrand - Johannesburg
287. A
nne Elisabeth
LUGON - MOULIN
Ambassadeur - Département fédéral des Affaires
étrangères - Suisse
303. Edmond MASSIMA
Conseiller économique et social - Primature
- Gabon
304. Gerald MATHIS
Army attaché – US Embassy in Senegal
245. Amon KILLEEN
Regional Director for West Africa – Department
of Defence - USA
273. Alain LE ROY
Secrétaire général du Service européen pour
l’action extérieure (SEAE) - Union européenne
288. Elsalhin A. M. SAAD
Parliamentary - House of Representatives – Libya
230. Aly KARAKI
PDG - Groupe S.M.B.S.
260. Herve LADSOUS
Sous-secrétaire chargé des opérations de
maintien de la paix, Chef du Département des
opérations de maintien de la paix – Nations unies
261. Olivier LAFAYE
SAFRAN
274. Jean-Louis LE TOUZET
Journaliste - Libération
289.Youssef MAHMOUD
Conseiller principal - International Peace Institute
305. Frederic MAURO
Trésorier - ASFORDAK
262. Philippe LAFOIX
Chef département sécurité intérieure - DCI –
Ministère de l’Intérieur - France
275. Sidi Mohamed LEBECHIR
Directeur général adjoint - DGDSE - Niger
290. Aziza MAIGA
Députée - Assemblée nationale - Mali
306. Marie-Hélène
MAYSOUNAVE
Ambassadrice spéciale pour la lutte internationale
contre la piraterie – MAEDI -France
222. Christiane Agboton
JOHNSON
Centre des hautes études de défense et de
223. Jean-Louis JOLIVET
Coordinateur régional - ECHO - UE
224. Colobel Nicolas JOVANOVIC
DGRIS - Ministère de la Défense - France
225. Sory KABA
Directeur général des Sénégalais de l’extérieur
- Ministère des Affaires étrangères - Sénégal
226. Habib KAMBANGA
Head of the Regional Early Warning Centre SADC
231. Mamadou KARIDJO
Ministre de la Défense - Niger
232. Ibrahim KARINGAMA WALY
Chef d’État-major particulier - Présidence de la
République - Niger
124
233. Rudolphe KARL
Journaliste - WADR
239. Amadou KEBE
Secrétaire général - Ministère des Affaires
étrangères - Sénégal
246. Dong-suk KIM
Professeur - Académie nationale diplomatique
de la République de Corée
247. Kidane KIROS
Institute for Peace and Security Studies University of Addis Ababa
266. Krista LARSON
Journalist - Associated Press
267. Jean-Yves
LE BOUILLONNEC
Député du Val de Marne - Assemblée nationale
- France
276. Joo Hyun LEE
Directrice adjointe de la division Afrique Ministère des Affaires étrangères - Corée du Sud
281. Annette LOHMANN
Représentante résidente - Fondation Friedrich
Ebert
282. François LONCLE
Député de l’Eure - Assemblée nationale - France
283. Jeanny LORGEOUX
Sénateur du Loir-et-Cher - Commission des
Affaires étrangères, de la défense et des Forces
armées - Sénat - France
284. Aymeric LORTHIOIS
Direction d’Afrique et de l’océan Indien - MAEDI
- France
285. Liesl LOUW - VAUDRAN
Journalist - Institute for Security Studies
291. Ibrahim MAIGA
Chercheur - Institute for Security Studies
296. Emilio MANFREDI
Chercheur indépendant
297. Ousmane MANGANE
Journaliste - Radio Chine International
298. Alexandre MARC
Spécialiste en chef pour les questions de fragilité,
de conflit et de violence - Banque mondiale
299. Thierry MARIGNY
Orange
300. Marta MARTINELLI
Acting Deputy Director - Open Society Foundation
301. Alain MARTY
Député de la Moselle - Assemblée nationale
- France
302. Prince MASINGA
Defence Attaché in Senegal - Department of
Defence - South Africa
307. Cheikh Tidiane MBODJI
Conseiller militaire – UNOCA – Nations unies
125
308. Ahmed MECHERAOUI
Ancien conseiller au ministère de l’Énergie - Algérie
309. Mohamed MEGUET
Directeur générale de la sûreté nationale - Police
nationale - Mauritanie
310. Paul Ignace MELLA
Force Commander - UNAMID – United Nations
311. Marc MÉMIER
Sahel Governance and Security Specialist - UNDP
- United Nations
312. Pierre MENDY
Directeur Sécurité du territoire - Sénégal
313. Haile MENKERIOS
Under-Secretary General, Special Envoy
or Sudan and South Sudan and Special
Representative to the African Union – United
Nations
314. Jacques
MERCERON - VICAT
Président d’honneur Paris - VICAT
324. General Mohammed
Babagana MONGUNO
National Security Adviser - Nigeria
325. Guillem MONSONIS
Journaliste - TTU
326. Patrick MONTLIAUD
Directeur du développement – Imprimerie
nationale – France
327. Pedro MORENES
Ministre de la Défense - Espagne
328. Colonel Scottie MORGAN
Chef de mission militaire et attaché de défense
- Ambassade des États-Unis au Sénégal
329. Monday Riku MORGAN
Chief of Defence Intelligence - Nigeria
315. Claire MEYNIAL
Journaliste - Le Point
330. Said MOUFTI
Directeur de recherche - Institut Royal des Etudes
Stratégiques - Maroc
316. Romain MIELCAREK
Journaliste - DSI
331. Amr MOUSSA
Ancien secrétaire général de la Ligue arabe
317. Youssoupha MINE
Journaliste - Seneweb
332. Abderahmane MOUSSA
HASSANE
Conseiller spécial pour la sécurité – Présidence
de la République - Tchad
318. Anthony MINKO MILANE
Premier conseiller - Primature - Gabon
319. Philippe MIQUEL
Directeur général Afrique de l’Ouest et Centrale
- ENGIE
320. Sachiko MIYAKE
Conseillère technique - Ambassade du Japon
en France
126
323. Pierre MONGO
Directeur général des Renseignements extérieurs
- Ministère de la Défense nationale - République
du Congo
333. General David MUHOOZI
Commander of Land Forces - Uganda
334. Stella MUNYI
Director of Legal Affairs – Ministry of Foreign
Affairs - Kenya
335. Yem MUSA
Director - Defence affairs - Nigeria
321. T. MOLETSANE
Staff Officer Defence Foreign Relations Department of Defence - South Africa
336. Abdel Fatau MUSAH
Director of Political affairs – CEDEAO
322. Charles Richard MONDJO
Ministre de la Défense nationale - République
du Congo
337. Wullson MVOMO ELA
Directeur - Centre de recherche et documentation
- Cameroun
338. El Hadj Mohamed NAJIM
Secrétaire permanent - G5 Sahel
339. Mohamed NASSIRI
Journaliste - Maghreb Arab Press
340. Fatou Binetou Rassoul
NDAO
Ambassadeur du Sénégal à Praia
341. Saliou NDAYE
Ambassadeur du Sénégal à Banjul
342. Mankeur NDIAYE
Ministre des Affaires étrangères et des Sénégalais
de l’extérieur
343. Babacar NDIAYE
Ancien président de la Banque africaine de
développement
344. Bacre Waly NDIAYE
Avocat à la cour - Sénégal
345. Paul NDIAYE
346. Adjaratou Wakha Aïdara
NDIAYE
Directrice éxecutive - Partners West Africa
347. Sidy Alpha NDIAYE
348. Michelle NDIAYE
Director for Africa Peace and Security Programme
- Institute for Peace and Security Studies
349. Ibrahima NDIAYE
Journaliste - Le Soleil
350. Ndioro NDIAYE
Ancienne ministre du Sénégal, présidente de
l’agence pour la migration, le leadership et le
développement
351. Hassane NDOYE
Ambassadeur du Sénégal à Bamako
352. Adina NEGREA
Conseillère à la Direction Moyen-Orient et Afrique
- Ministère des Affaires étrangères - Roumanie
353. Sonar NGOM
Conseiller Technique - Ministère des Affaires
368. R
amiro Armando de
OLIVEIRA LOPES DA SILVA
Directeur exécutif - WFP Rome
354. Fatou Isadora NIANG
Conseiller diplomatique du Premier ministre Sénégal
369. Adame Raychelle OMAMO
Minister of Defence - Kenya
383. G
énéral Jean-Paul
PALOMEROS
Ancien Commandant allié Transformation de
l’OTAN, ancien Chef d’État-major de l’Armée
de l’air - France
370. Daniel ONA ONDO
Premier ministre - Gabon
384. Arnaud de PELLEGARS
Conseiller pour les affaires de défense et de
sécurité - SGDSN - France
ichel Regis ONANGA M.
371. M
NDIAYE
Ambassadeur du Gabon au Sénégal
385. Général Emile PEREZ
Directeur de la coopération internationale Ministère de l’Intérieur - France
372. Amir OSMAN
Manager - Open Society Foundation
386. Theodorus PETERS
Ambassadeur des Pays Bas au Sénégal
373. Jonas OSSOMBEY
Journaliste - L’Union
387. Olivier PEZET
Conseiller Crises et conflits - AFD
374. Moctar OUANE
Conseiller diplomatique du Président - UEMOA
388. Olivier PIEPSZ
Directeur Amérique Latine et Afrique - SAFRAN
359. Clixte NSIE EDANG
Ministre délégué auprès du ministre d’État Gabon
375. Gilbert OUEDRAOGO
Ministère des Affaires étrangères - Burkina Faso
389. Marcenaro PIETRO
President - Centro Studi Africani
360. Jean-Paul NTAB
Ministère des Forces armées - Sénégal
376. Kadré Désiré OUEDRAOGO
Président de la Commission - CEDEAO
390. Jerome PIGNE
Doctorant - Ecole des hautes études en sciences
sociales
361. Charles NYUYKONGE
Researcher – Accord South Africa
377. A
hmedou OULDABDALLAH
Président - Centre des stratégies pour la sécurité
du Sahel/Sahara
391. Patrice PYRA
Directeur commercial Afrique Subsaharienne
- DCNS
378. Illa OUSMANE
Député, Président de la commission de la défense
et de la sécurité - Assemblée nationale - Niger
392. Joao QUEIROS
Directeur Afrique subsaharienne - Ministère des
Affaires étrangères - Portugal
379. Colonel Hamid OUZZINE
Chef de division - Forces armées royales
marocaines
393.Michèle RAMIS
Ambassadrice chargée de la lutte contre la
criminalité organisée - MAEDI - France
380. Guenter Leo OVERFELD
Head of division for West and Central Africa –
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Germany
394. Général Jean RANNOU
Conseiller du Président - CEIS
355. C
ommandant Meïssa
NIANG
Gendarmerie nationale - Sénégal
356. Papa Khaly NIANG
Directeur général - Agence d’assistance à la
sécurité de proximité
357. Ippeita NISHIDA
Research Fellow - Tokyo Foundation
358. Denis NKWEBO
Rédacteur en chef adjoint – Le Jour
362. Romain Bienvenu OBA
Conseiller Politique - Ministère de la Défense
nationale - République du Congo
363. Jacques OBINDZA
Chef du Département Afrique - Ministère des
Affaires étrangères et de la coopération République du Congo
364. Victoria OJUGBANA
Journalist - The Guardian Nigeria
365. Ayodele OKE
Executive Director – National Security Agency
- Nigeria
366. Oliver OKEKE
Vice-president - Joseph Agro Industries
367. Wafula OKUMU
Executive Director - The Borders Institute
381. Colonel J-Marc OZENNE
Direction du renseignement militaire – Ministère
382. Admiral Xavier PAITARD
Conseiller Défense - CEO MBDA
395. D
avid Ndriampa
RAVELOSON
Directeur du cabinet militaire et de la sécurité
nationale - Primature - Madagascar
396. Sedatu REEVES
Commissioner for Administration and Professional
Standards - National police - Liberia
127
397. Christophe REMY
Président du Conseil d’administration LH Aviation
412. Pierre-Eric SAINT-ANDRÉ
Directeur général adjoint - Bouygues énergies
et service
427. Dagmar
SCHMIDT TARTAGLI
Ambassadeur de Suisse au Sénégal
442. George SIBOTCHIWE
Directeur executif - African Democratic Institute
458. Emmanuel SUQUET
Conseiller politique - NUOI – MAEDI - France
398. Elmostafa REZRAZI
International Research Group For Transregional
& Emerging Areas Studies
413. Sarah SAKHO
Journaliste - France 24
428. Christophe SCHMIT
Chef de cabinet - Coordination nationale du
renseignement – Présidence de la République
- France
443. Maxime SICARD
Coordinateur de projet – ONUDC – Nations unies
459. Ashraf SWELAM
Director of the Cairo centre for conflict resolution
and peacekeeping in Africa – Egypt
444. Ramla SIDI AHMED
Présidente fondatrice - MSS Security
460. Hamdouraby SY
Professeur - CASR 3PM
445. Guy SIDOS
PDG - VICAT
461. Marieme SY
Directeur Afrique-UA - Ministère des Affaires
399. Evence RICHARD
Directeur de la protection et de la sécurité de
l’État - SGDSN - France
400. Hugo RICHARD
Chef adjoint du cabinet civil - Cabinet du ministre
401. Cyril ROBINET
Conseiller politique - Opération Barkhane France
402. Benjamin ROGER
Journaliste - Jeune Afrique
403. Vincent ROUGET
Analyste Afrique de l’Ouest - Département
analyse des risques - Control Risks
404. Gwendal ROUILLARD
Député du Morbihan - Assemblée nationale
- France
405. Bérangère ROUPPERT
Researcher
406. Michel ROUSSIN
Medef International, ancien ministre de la
coopération - BOLLORE
415. Macky SALL
Président de la République - Sénégal
416. Abdoul Wakhabou SALL
Directeur - Police de l’air et des frontières Sénégal
417. Alioune SALL
Chercheur prospectiviste - Directeur exécutif Futurs africains
418. Mamadou SAMBE
419. Bakary SAMBE
Observatoire des radicalismes et conflits religieux
en Afrique
420. Général Garcia SANCHEZ
FERNANDO
Chef d’État-major de la Défense – Espagne
421. Landing SAVANE
Vice-président - IPS
429. Elisabeth
SCHWABE - HANSEN
Senior advisor – Ministry of Foreign Affairs Norway
430. Dionne SEARCEY
Journalist - New Yorks Times
431. Bakary SECK
Ambassadeur du Sénégal en Guinée Bissau
432. Fodé SECK
Représentant permanent du Sénégal auprès
des Nations unies
464. Mehdi TAJE
Institut tunisien des études stratégiques
478. P
aul Robert
TIENDREBEOGO
Représentant permanent - OIF
479. Joan TILOUINE
Journaliste - Le Monde Afrique
480. Nafissatou TINE
Juriste - IPS
481. Augustin TINE
Ministre des Forces armées - Sénégal
434. Alphonse SECK
Secrétaire général - CARITAS Sénégal
450. Mickael SORIA
Cabinet du ministre de la Défense - France
466. Kaori TANAKA
Agence Japonaise de coopération internationale
482. Simon TIVOLLE
Journaliste - Radio France
435. Coly SECK
Directeur du cabinet - Ministère des Affaires
étrangères – Sénégal
451. Cheikh Hadjibou SOUMARE
Président de la Commission de l’UEMOA
467. Jean-Marc TANGUY
Journaliste - Le MAMOUTH
483. Nana O. TOURÉ-SY
Directrice régionale du PNUD pour l’Afrique de
l’Ouest et du Centre - Nations unies
452. Général Mamadou SOW
Chef d’État-major général des Armées - Sénégal
468. Thierry TARDY
Senior Analyst - European Union Institute for
Security Studies
436. Moussa SECK
Vice-président - IPS
423. Colonel Guy SAVARD
Attaché de défense pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest Ambassade du Canada au Sénégal
438. HE Boualam HACENE
Ambassadeur d’Algérie au Sénégal
409. Hugo SADA
Conseiller spécial pour le Forum de Dakar - CEIS
424. Andreas SCHEU
Defence attaché – German Embassy in Senegal
439. Andrea SEMADENI
Ambassadeur de Suisse en Ethiopie
426. Eric Schmidt
Conseiller du Président - CEIS
448. Elissa SLOTKIN
Acting Assistant Secretary, Department of
Defence - USA
463. Corinne TABURIAUX
Directrice générale - Sofrecap
477. Thomas Kwasi TIEKU
Professor - King’s Western University Canada
465. K
anojerera Kennedy
TANAKA
Political Researcher - African Democratic Institute
408. Nelly SABARTHES
Political Affairs Officer - Office of the UNSRSG
for children and armed conflict – United Nations
411. Selim SAHEB ETTABA
Directeur du bureau régional - AFP
447. Denis SIMONNEAU
Directeur relations européennes et internationales
- ENGIE
462. W. Stuart SYMINGTON
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State - Department
of State - USA
476. Guillaume THIBAULT
Grand reporter – RFI
449. Brice SOCCOL
Président - Public & Private Link
407. André ROUX
Peacekeeping and Defence Analyst - South Africa
425. Colonel Pierre SCHILL
Chef d’État-major particulier adjoint du Président Présidence de la République - France
446. S. SIGUDU
Chief Director Intelligence Processing Department of Defence - South Africa
475. Mame Oumar THIAW
Conseiller technique - Ministère des Affaires
433. Ibrahim al Khalil SECK
Secrétaire général adjoint - Ministère des Affaires
422. Marie Angélique SAVANE
Première présidente, consultante internationale
- Mécanisme africain d’évaluation par les pairs
/ NEPAD / UA
410. Hamidou SAGNA
Directeur de la communication - Ministère des
Affaires étrangères - Sénégal
128
414. Hamadou SALI
Président du conseil d’administration - Camrail
474. Mohamed Lamine THIAW
Directeur des organisations internationales et
de la mondialisation - Ministère des Affaires
437. Zouhaier SEDDIK
Directeur général des opérations - Ministère de
l’Intérieur - Tunisie
453. Juge Dior Fall SOW
Consultant - IPS
454. Jérome SPINOZA
Chargé de mission Afrique - SGDSN - France
455. Karolina STASIAK
Conseiller politique - Délégation de l’UE au
Sénégal
440. Boubacar SEYE NDIAYE
Président - Horizon sans frontières
456. G
énéral Michel
STOLLSTEINER
Conseiller Défense – DCAF - Suisse
441. Chong - Weon SHIN
Ambassadeur de la Corée du Sud au Sénégal
457. Peter Paul STRZOK
Development NGO
469. Marco TEIXERA
Law Enforcement Advisor - UNODC – United
Nations
470. Andreas Eshete TESSEMA
Advisor to the Prime Minister - Ethiopia
471. Jean-Philippe THENOZ
Direction du réseau agence monde - CMA-CGM
472. Lori-Anne THEROUXBENONI
Head of Office – Institute for Security studies
473. Barham THIAM
Directeur du Centre d’action antimines - Ministère
484. Lorraine
TOURNYOLS DU CLOS
Déléguée générale à la stratégie - Direction du
renseignement militaire - France
485. Saliou TRAORÉ
Journaliste - EFE
486. Didier TRUTT
PDG - Imprimerie nationale - France
487. Sayoko UESU
Analyste Cellule terrorisme international Ministère des Affaires étrangères - Japon
488. Sander VAN DER SLUIS
Coordinateur mission pour la paix - Ministère
des Affaires étrangères - Pays-Bas
129
489. Bengt VAN LOOSDRECHT
Coordinateur pour le Sahel - Ministère des
Affaires Etrangères - Pays-Bas
504. Jianhua ZHONG
Représentant spécial pour les affaires africaines
- Chine
490. Luis VASSY
Conseiller diplomatique du ministre - Cabinet
du ministre de la Défense - France
505. Dominique Hado
ZIDOUEMBA
Professeur - Editeur
491. James VECHERY
Air Force Officer - AFRICOM - Department of
State - USA
506. Martin ZIGUELE
Ancien Premier ministre, Président du Parti MLPC
- République Centrafricaine
492. Laurent VIGUIE
Sous-directeur Afrique Occidentale - MAEDI France
507. James ZUMWALT
US Ambassador in Senegal
DAKAR ONLINE
All the documents and photos from the forum
on our website: www.dakarforum.org
493. Général Pierre de VILLIERS
Chef d’État-major des Armées - France
494. Alex VINES
Head of Africa Programme - Chatham House
495. Alberto VIRELLA
Ambassadeur d’Espagne à Dakar
496. Adama WADE
Journaliste - Financial Afrik
497. Léopold WADE
Directeur général de l’Administration Territoriale
- Ministère de l’Intérieur - Sénégal
498. He WENPING
Director of African Studies - Chinese Academy
of Social Sciences - Institute of West Asian &
African Studies
499. Richard WERLY
Journaliste – Le Temps
500. Olakounle Gilles YABI
Directeur exécutif - WATHI
All the latest forum’s news
on our twitter and facebook accounts:
501. Clément YAO
Journaliste - Fraternité Matin
502. Zakaria YUSUF
Analyst - ICG
@DakarForum
Forum de Dakar
503. Leïla ZERROUGUI
RSSGNU pour les enfants et les conflits armés Nations unies
130
131
REPUBLIQUE DU SÉNÉGAL
Un peuple – Un but – Une foi
Association pour le
Forum de Dakar
Création DICoD - avril 2016

The Dakar 2015 Report - Forum International sur la Paix et la

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