Intercultural Dialogue and the European Space
Transcription
Intercultural Dialogue and the European Space
Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies “Jean Monnet” European Centre of Excellence University of Oradea University of Debrecen Volume 6 Intercultural Dialogue and the European Space Edited by Cristina-Maria DOGOT, Szabó GYULA & Esther GIMENO UGALDE References by Chantal MILLON-DELSOL, Thomas WILSON Autumn 2008 2 Eurolimes Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies “Jean Monnet” European Centre of Excellence Autumn 2008 Volume 6 Intercultural Dialogue and the European Space edited by Cristina-Maria DOGOT, Szabó GYULA & Esther GIMENO UGALDE Honorary Members Paul Allies (Montpellier), Peter Antes (Hanover), Enrique Banús (Pamplona), Robert Bideleux (Swansea) Michel Carmona (Paris), Jean Pierre Colin (Reims), George Contogeorgis (Athene), Gerard Delanty (Sussex), Gyorgy Enyedi (Budapest), Richard Griffiths, Chris G. Quispel (Leiden), Moshe Idel (Jerulalem), Livio Missir di Lusignan (Brussels), Jaroslaw Kundera (Wroclaw), Ariane Landuyt (Siena), Gheorghe Măhăra (Oradea), Adrian Miroiu, Şerban Papacostea (Bucureşti), Nicole Pietri (Strasbourg), Vladimir Pessenko (Rostov-on-Don), Frank Pfetsch (Heidelberg), Vasile Puşcaş, Vasile Vesa (Cluj-Napoca), Mercedes Samaniego Boneau (Salamanca), Rudolf Rezsohazy (Leuven), Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro (Coimbra), Dusan Sidjanski (Geneve), Goran Therborn (Uppsalla), Maurice Vaïsse (Paris) Advisory Committee Béla Baranyi, Czimre Klára, Kozma Gábor, Szabó Gyula, Teperics Károly, Varnay Ernı (Debrecen), Iordan Bărbulescu, Gabriela Drăgan, Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu (Bucureşti), Rozalia Biro, Anca Dodescu, Alexandru Ilieş, Lia Pop, Rodica Petrea, Sorin Şipoş, Barbu Ştefănescu, Ion Zainea (Oradea), Maria Crăciun, Ovidiu Ghitta, Adrian Ivan, Nicoale Păun, Ioan-Aurel Pop, Radu Preda (Cluj-Napoca), Margarita Chabanna (Kiev), Serge Dufoulon (Grenoble), Gunilla Edelstam, Thomas Lunden (Stockholm), Didier Francfort (Nancy), Tamara Gella (Orel), Ion Gumenâi, Alla Roşca (Chişinău), Karoly Kocsis (Miskolc), Iolanda Aixela Cabre (Alicante), Cătălina Iliescu (Alicante), Anatoly Kruglashov (Chernivtsi), Renaud de La Brosse, Gilles Rouet (Reims), Giuliana Laschi (Bologna), Stephan Malovic (Zagreb), Maria Marczewska-Rytko (Lublin), Fabienne Maron (Brussels), Silvia Mihalikova (Bratislava), Misklevetz Ferenc, Csapó Tamás (Szombathely), Ivan Nacev, Margareta Shivergueva (Sofia), Carlos Eduardo Pacheco do Amaral (Asores), Procopis Papastratis (Athens), Alexandru-Florin Platon (Iaşi), Mykola Palinchak (Uzhgorod), Daniele Pasquinucci (Siena), Stanislaw Sagan (Rzeszow), Angelo Santaugustino (Brescia), Grigore Silaşi (Timişoara), Lavinia Stan (Halifax), George Tsurvakas (Tessalonik), Peter Terem (Banska Bystrica), Esther Gimeno Ugalde (Wien), Jan Wendt (Gdansk), Gianfranco Giraudo (Venice) Editorial Committee Ioana Albu, Ambrus Attila, Mircea Brie, Mariana Buda, Carmen Buran, Vasile Ciocan, Sorin Cuc, Cristina Dogot, Dorin Dolghi, Antonio Faur (Oradea), Peter Balogh (Uppsala), Andreas Blomquist (Stockholm), Vasile Croitoru, Adriana Dilan (Kishinev), Csakbereny-Nagy Gergely, Molnar Ernı, Penzes Janos, Radics Zsolt, Tımıri Mihály (Debrecen), Bohdana Dimitrovova (Belfast), Florin Lupescu, Simona Miculescu, Adrian Niculescu (Bucureşti), Myroslava Lendel (Uzhgorod), Anca Oltean, Dana Pantea, Adrian Popoviciu, Delia Maria Radu, Alina Stoica, LuminiŃa Şoproni, Marcu Staşac, Constantin łoca (Oradea), Toma Tănase (Paris), Şerban Turcuş (Roma), Natasha Trajkova (Prilep) The full responsibility regarding the content of the papers belongs exclusively to the authors. Address: University of Oradea 1, Universitatii st. 410087-Oradea/Romania IMAGINE Tel/fax: +40.259.467.642 e-mail: [email protected] www.iser.rdsor.ro Stamp: Bucharest - colour lithography, Published by Ainsile, Lonndon, 1809 (Lucian Blaga University Library Cluj-Napoca; fund, quota Stampe XVII/105) Eurolimes is a half-yearly journal. Articles and book reviews may be sent to the above mentioned address. The journal may be acquired by contacting the editors Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies (ISER) is issued by Ioan HORGA (Oradea) and Istvan SULI-ZAKAR (Debrecen) with the support of the Action Jean Monnet of the European Commission şi cu colaborarea Editions Bruylant (Brussels) Proofreading Vicent Climent Ferrando (Brugge) 2 Oradea University Press ISSN: 1841-9259 Cuprins ◊ Contents ◊ Sommaire ◊ Inhalt ◊ Tartalom Cristina DOGOT, Esther GIMENO-UGALDE, Szabó GYULA, ◄► The New Democracies and the Intercultural Perspectives - Introduction - …...... ….5 I. Europe: the space and the memory of cultural and human diversity ………………. ...…9 Enrique BANÚS (Barcelona) ◄► Mental religious borders in Europe ……….. ….10 Cristina DOGOT (Oradea) ◄► La culture de l’autrui dans la pensée de Denis de Rougemont ……………………………………………………………… ….22 Margaryta CHABANNA (Kiev) ◄► The Promotion of Intercultural Dialogue in the Carpathian Euroregion States (Involvement of Civil Society in the Implementation of a Cultural Policy) ……………………………………… ….45 Teresa PINHEIRO (Chemnitz) ◄► Emigration, Immigration and Interculturality: The Meaning of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Portugal ……………………………………………………….. ….63 II. The Space of the European Union and the Interculturality ………………………... ….75 Suzana ŞAPTEFRAłI (Bucharest) ◄► The First Step towards Intercultural Dialogue: Acknowledging the “Other” (Non)-stereotypical Representation of Migrants versus Ethnic Minorities Before and After the 2007 European Union Enlargement ………………………………………………………… ….76 Martin HOFMANN (Darmstadt, Oradea) ◄► New spatial theories and their influence on intercultural dialogue Observing relational space in Oradea ...…..92 Joke SWIEBEL (Hague) ◄► Intercultural dialogue and diversity within the EU ………………………………………………………………………….…101 Kristína MORÁVKOVÁ (Bratislava) ◄► The Roma Population in Slovakia: The Study Case of the Intercultural Dialogue ………..…………………….…113 III. The Life at the European Borders ……………………………………………..…….....129 Gábor CSÜLLÖG (Budapest) ◄► The Trans Tisza Region within the Regional Division of the Carpathian Basin until the end of 17th Century ….…130 Gábor MICHALKÓ (Budapest); Sándor ILLÉS (Budapest) ◄► The tourist niches of Hungary as the scenes of interculturality ……………………...……142 Gergely TAGAI (Budapest); János PÉNZES (Debrecen); Ernı MOLNÁR (Debrecen) ◄► Methods of the analysis of integration effect on border areas – the case of Hungary …………………………………….…………..…150 Octavian łÎCU (Kishinew) ◄► Moldova between the Near Abroad Policy of the Russian Federation and the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union ……………………………………………………………………….….160 IV. Focus ………………………………………………………………………………...…….169 Georges CONTOGEORGIS (Athéna) ◄► Culture et civilisation. Images et représentation des concepts ………………………………………………...….170 Book Reviews ……………………………………………………………………………...….179 Our European Projects …………………………………………………………………...….201 Mariana BUDA, Manuela POPOVICI (Oradea) ◄► The implementation of the project “European Parliament to campus for intercultural dialogue and the european neighborhood policy in the carpathian area” ………………...….202 LuminiŃa ŞOPRONI (Oradea) ◄► International Conference Media and European Diversity, Oradea, 16-17 October 2008 ………………………….….203 3 About the Authors ……………………………………………………………………… ….205 4 5 The New Democracies and the Intercultural Perspectives - Introduction Cristina DOGOT, Esther GIMENO-UGALDE, Gyula SZABÓ The so-called dissolution of borders given to technical progress, globalization (or mondialisation) all are fundaments of the internationalization of the cultures. The specific literature doesn’t stay too long to appear, and even enumeration of the most important authors can be enlightening. So, the James S. Frideres’s book Multiculturalism and intergroup relations (1989); the Charles Taylor’s Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition (1994); the well-known Will Kymlicka’s Multicultural Citizenship: A liberal theory of minority rights (1995); Citizenship in Diverse Societies (2001) and Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism, and Citizenship (2001); or the Iris Marion Young Inclusion and Democracy (2002)) are now often quoted when different authors refer to the problem of multiculturalism / interculturalism1. The importance accorded in the western democracies to the multicultural reality determined the study of interculturalism both in different societies and activities (economy, art, dance etc.). On the other part, we can say that the great significance accorded to theories about interculturalism has as effect the elaboration of a consistently dictionary of “Multicultural writers since 1945. An A-To-Z Guide” (edited by Alba Amoia and Bettina L. Knapp, London, 2003, 610p). Between the quoted writers, the two editors mention the names of Isaiah Berlin, Pearl S. Buck, Albert Camus, Elias Canetti, Truman Capote, Paul Celan, Arta Lucescu Boutcher, Marguerite Duras, Lawrence Durell, Mircea Eliade, John Fowles, Gao Xingjian, Eugène Ionesco, Nikos Kazantzakis, Milan Kundera, Primo Levi, Vladimir Nabokov, Pablo Neruda, Carl Sagan, Tzvetan Todorov, Elie Wiesel, Alexander Zinoviev etc. Even for the less initiated reader exist at least a writter who can be recognised in this large enumeration. As regarding the former communist states, these will know the notions of multiculturalism / interculturalism only after the collapse of dictatorial regimes. Consequences was diverse: until the elite adopted the two notions both situate on different positions (see the note), both only by a conciliatory point of view, the large public, aggressed during the communist regime and as well after its fall by a vehement nationalist discourse and living in a immature democracy, regarded suspiciously to the new concepts. Uniformity was longtime the rule imposed by the dictatorial regime, and also diversity, as reality and concept, provoked the fear of the large public. Being different and assume or manifest the difference was not yet a comprehensive way of life and don’t will become thus suddenly and at a large scale. We may affirm that in the former communist regimes differences are assumed and accepted mainly by the high educated segment of population, and rejected or ignored by the large public (but we must don’t forgot that the situation is different for the diverse countries). For this reason realizing conditions necessary for an intercultural education ought to have a large priority. Roughly speaking, pupils are different by the point of view of culture, race, ethnicity, religion or gender, and sometimes teachers are not really prepared to give a good 1 In Romania existed an intellectual debate concerning the two terms, a debate properly analysed by Sandu Frunză, in his study “Multiculturalism şi interculturalism / Multiculturalism and interculturalism”, http://www.jsri.ro/old/html%20version/index/no_9/sandufrunza-articol.htm. So, we adopted the synthetical observation of S. Frunza: the multiculturalism represent the reality and the affirmation of some clear identities, while interculturalism represents “the affirmation of diversity and the effort to create a space of the dialogue and of the respect for diversity”. Hence, the multiculturalism was many times considered as more separatist like interculturalism, but during the (sometimes passional) debates the opponents come almost every time to the same conclusion: “underlining the necessity to cultivate the cultural diversity and harmonious companionship with alterity”. We may suppose in this way that multiculturalism include the interculturalism, consciously or unconsciously. 6 account of oneself in difficult or yet unusual situations. More that, it is not exaggerate to affirm that in the closed societies (like those former communists), only the particular characteristics of teachers, his / her personal abilities (created by himself or herself or innate) are able to supply the lack of an intercultural educational strategy. But it is more as evident that these personal abilities, just by their insularity, are not at all sufficient. Happily for Romanian education, the problem of multicultural education was already raised both at a pragmatic level (and especially in the academic domain, in humanities field, where curricula assemble frequently disciplines like gender studies or European interculturalism) and at theoretical level too. As regarding the elementary or secondary school, the situation can largely be improved. By the theoretical perspective is important to mention the early study of Victor Neumann “Intercultural Pedagogy as an Alternative to a Monoculturally Oriented Education: The Case of Romania”, in Kenneth Cushner, International Perspectives on Intercultural Education (Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998). The author, who is a very authorised and recognised voice in Romanian academic and intellectual space, called the public attention on the problem of the lack of a strategy concerning the intercultural education. So, for the period until 1998 V. Neumann stressed numerous deficiencies concerning the intercultural education: interculturally oriented education was not again a subject of public debate; the political decision-makers (enough conservative) doesn’t encouraged „an open pedagogy sensitive to transnational communication”; the (irregular) actions of the civil society representatives has not the expected results neither on the cultural elite nor on the in office politicians. And this situation existed and perpetuated despite the fact that, according to V. Neumann’s opinion, “extremely varied cultural heritage in different regions of Romania might well be valued in fundamental human sciences research, then in intercultural education”. The quoted author has nevertheless an explanation for these circumstances, an explanation which concern not only the communist period: “a fear of interculturality has been introduced through the "romantic autopoetic philosophy," whose trend has been dominated by the Volksgeist concept. This explains why the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century benefited from the political thinking of the nation-states in the 19th century”. It is not easy to affirm a large changing concerning the intercultural educational process, but situation begins really to change. Teachers working at all levels of educational system participated in projects developed by some representatives of civil society and concerning intercultural education. In this context we can refer to the project developed by British Council in Romania, Intercultural Education and democratic citizenship in schools. It is a project dedicated to the teachers who teach civic culture or others connected disciplines and to schools managers. The project is not singular and is important the more so as in a first stage teachers who taught civic culture was not specialised and this discipline was considered as not important one, being sometime practically substituted with others disciplines (not in school curricula, but by the class teachers). As regarding with civil society field, one of the most important Romanian organisations that developed an uninterrupted2 activity concerning interculturalism is the Ethnocultural Diversity Resource Center, as „one of the successor organizations of the Open Society Foundation Romania, Cluj Branch” and a member of the Soros Open Network (SON), Consortium on Minority Resources (COMIR) and Donors’ Forum, Romania (see www.edrc.ro, possible to consult in romanian, english and magyar). According to the EDRC’s statement, its declared objective is „to contribute to the construction of democracy in Romania, by improving the country’s interethnic climate and promoting the principles of ethnocultural peace and justice”. But more suggestive are the words of Mircea Toma, one of the members of teh Governing Board of EDRC: „Diversity is no neologism. It is a linguistic fact. The word is used by each of the ethnic groups in Romania. With a lot of care, I should add, so as not to include any other ethnic groups in its content. Therefore, at the level of interethnic relations, for the time being, diversity is indeed a neologism. So as to reduce the space between the word and reality, the Ethnocultural Diversity Resource Center has taken upon itself the role of the 2 After 2000. 7 interpreter. An interpreter that changes the neologism into normality.” Some words that reflect a deep reality. The international advisory board of EDRC are really also impressionant: Will Kymlicka, Katherine Verdery, Arie Bloed, Janusz Bugajski, George Shopflin. The numerous projects developed by EDRC concerned the multicultural education; the good-governance in the multicultural communities; improving the ethnic relation in Romania and in the southeastern Europe; the barometer of ethnic relations; improving educational possibilities for roma children etc. Although very important for the NGO’ space, EDRC is not a singular event. We may also call the association Liga Pro Europa, from Târgu-Mureş (one of the first Romanian NGO created after 1989); the Romanian Association for Community Development (with two branches, in Focsani and Craiova); the Research Center for Inter-Ethnic Relations (CCRIT), from ClujNapoca; the Resource Center for Roma Communities, from Cluj-Napoca; Institutul Intercultural (Intercultural Institute of) Timişoara and more others. As regarding their projects concerning interculturalism, they are not less. So, Liga Pro Europa (www.proeuropa.ro) established even in 1993 an Intercultural Center and develop a lot of permanent activities, like the Tollerance Week (each March between 1994-2002); the Intercultural Forum, a space of dialogue and common debates between the representatives of the unions of national minorities; Academia Interculturală Transylvania (Transylvania Cultural Academy), a summer school where students coming from all coins of Romania familiarise, during a course concerning regional civilisation, with traditions and culture of all ethnic representatives of Transylvania. Not at the end, it is necessary to mention the review Altera edited by the same organisation, a review assembling in its articles the newest ideas concerning identity, alterity and interculturality. In Târgu-Mureş will develop also, in December 2008, the international symposium „Theatre and Multicultural Dramaturgy”, organised by the University of Theatrical Arts. This effervescence is comprehensible if we know the multicultural character of this city. On the other hand, the Research Center for Inter-Ethnic Relations (CCRIT) edited some very important books on identity, difference or interculturality, until the Romanian Association for Community Development developed a project concerning the ethnic and cultural diversity of Romanian rural space. The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue was perceived as an opportunity to begin or develop a lot of important projects, both at official, academic and civil society level. So, the Ministry of Culture and Cults assure the co-financing for the project Puzzle (related largely in this volume by Margarita Chabanna) and finance the initiatives having as objective to protect cultural diversity and to promote intercultural dialogue. Even this short enumeration may suggest the progresses realized by Romanian civil society and still of the representatives of governments. In this context we have the courage to affirm that the possibility of a Romanian city (Sibiu) to be one of the cultural capitals of Europe last year was beneficial in order to improve the Romanian (official or not) cultural relationships, the Romanian’s European conscience and yet their self-esteem. Living in a dictatorial system may provoke both individual and collective trauma, and the identity crises is one of them. So, creating the framework necessary to prove cultural capacities and diversities of one country is one of the better European ideas and one of the instruments necessary to unite not only states, but particularly the peoples, like was the Jean Monet’s desideratum. The beginning of this short forward was dedicated to some works concerning the idea of interculturalism / multiculturalism. In order to stay in the same register, we finish calling another work concerning these ideas, namely Democracy, Nationalism and Multiculturalism, edited by Ramón Máiz and Ferran Requejo and published in 2005 at the Publishing House Routlege (New York). We don’t analyse the rich content of the volume, but we will stay only at the level of the title, that is at the same time provocative and has a conciliator and can be understood as a partial conclusion regarding the situation of Romania (and even for the all central-eastern European space). So, if immediately after the events of 1989 Romanians confronted (some ones, namely the overwhelming majority, for the first time in their life) with a democratic regime, they confronted also with the first time manifested differences and concomitantly with a more and more aggressive nationalist discourse. In this context, at first 8 democracy was a concept difficult to mean by the large public and nationalist discourse was able to assemble much adepts. Today this situation is really changed, although we cannot affirm that a real recognition and acceptance of diversity is already “at work”. Sometimes criticised interculturalism / multiculturalism as a policy of privileges, but if we want to preserve our diversities and to create a more peace-loving European society, privileges are sometime necessary. Our Institute for Euroregional Studies is also interested on European cultural and ethnic diversity; therefore the topic of this issue of EUROLIMES is not an incidental or fortuitous one. The apparition of a new work on interculturalism in CentralEastern and Romanian space is not at all the sign of a sufficiency, but the sign of the maturation of some of the youngest democratic societies. 9 I. Europe, the Space of cultural and human diversity Enrique BANÚS (Barcelona) ◙ Mental religious borders in Europe Cristina DOGOT (Oradea) ◙ La culture de l’autrui dans la pensée de Denis de Rougemont Margaryta CHABANNA (Kiev) ◙ Involvement of Civil Society in the Implementation of a Cultural Policy Teresa PINHEIRO (Chemnitz) ◙ Emigration, Immigration and Interculturality: The Meaning of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Portugal 10 Mental religious borders in Europe Enrique BANÚS Abstract: The cultural / multicultural heritage of the Europe has at its fundaments, among others, or rather has principally at its fundaments the spirituality, the religious ideas and convictions. Europe is firstly spirituality, and the great leaders of Europe manners’ to rapport themselves to this spirituality was different in different periods. Actual European civilisation is an ancient one, funded on a dialogic spirit, and that is evident in all European acts and actions. Keywords: Europe, Christianity, Macedonia and the European mind spirituality, culture, European civilisation The European mind is considerably marked by a religious event: the arrival of the Christian faith in Europe. In the Acts of the Apostles – and, therefore, in the Christian tradition – it is described as a divine commandment: “During the night Paul had a vision of a man of Macedonia standing and begging him, ‘Come over to Macedonia and help us.’ After Paul had seen the vision, we got ready at once to leave for Macedonia, concluding that God had called us to preach the gospel to them” (Acts 16: 9-10). The diffusion of the Christian faith in Europe will bring not only religious contents but also cultural and social messages, creating a mentality in which religious elements are also incorporated into culture. On this way, the European mind is including also the idea that “religion” and “culture” are linked together3 – although it has taken in history a long time for finding in real life the balance between the separation of both fields4 and the recognition that religion has also a presence in the public sphere5. Many of the culturally transmitted elements derive from the Bible and its interpretation (Banús, 2005). But it is in the Bible itself that a tension can be observed which is relevant for the European understanding of religion, a tension that is expressed for example in one key text for the European consciousness, a Bible story that has not only contributed to a positive consideration of travel in the European mind (Banús, 2004), but that contains some notes about the religious relation which are decisive elements in the vision of religion as seen in the Christian environment and, therefore, in Europe. 3 4 5 This was – in the debate around the Preamble of the Constitutional Treaty – the argument of nonbelievers in favour of the inclusion of the “Christian roots”. See for example Bernard Guetta’s opinion: “As an impenitent atheist I declare that I do not agree: It is an insult to the intelligence. Not to mention the Christian heritage of Europe means to deny historical evidence." (“Pope doesn’t see…”, 2005). Nowadays, it is recognised also by the Catholic church that “For Catholic moral doctrine, the rightful autonomy of the political or civil sphere from that of religion and the Church (…) is a value that has been attained and recognized by the Catholic Church and belongs to inheritance of contemporary civilization” (Doctrinal Note…, no. 6). It is rooted in Jesus’ word: “Then give to Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and to God the things which are God's” (Luke 20: 25). But it is easy to find examples in which this separation has not been respected. As expressed by Benedict XVI: Religious freedom has to be “understood as the expression of a dimension that is at once individual and communitarian – a vision that brings out the unity of the person while clearly distinguishing between the dimension of the citizen and that of the believer. […] It is inconceivable, then, that believers should have to suppress a part of themselves – their faith – in order to be active citizens. It should never be necessary to deny God in order to enjoy one’s rights. […] The full guarantee of religious liberty cannot be limited to the free exercise of worship, but has to give due consideration to the public dimension of religion” (Meeting, 2008). 11 And Abraham went to a new land This is the text: “The Lord had said to Abram, ‘Leave your country, your people and your father's household and go to the land I will show you. I will make you into a great nation and I will bless you; I will make your name great, and you will be a blessing. I will bless those who bless you, and whoever curses you I will curse; and all peoples on earth will be blessed through you.’ So Abram left, as the Lord had told him; and Lot went with him” (Genesis 12: 1-4). Religion is here described first of all as a personal attitude, the attitude to listen to God and to obey God. Here is manifest that – from God’s perspective, who according to the text takes the initiative – religion does mean to establish a personal relation to one human being. This view of religion as a personal relation6 is confirmed by many other passages of the Bible, so God’s encounters with Adam7, Moses8, Jacob9 and all the Patriarchs and Prophets. Also punishment – for example, in the cases of Adam and Cain – is announced in a personal communication. Probably, the vocation of the Apostles in the Gospel can be seen as a climax of this revelation of religion as personal relation. Sometimes (see the case of St Peter after some others in the Old Testament), a consequence of this encounter is a name change.10 Taking into account the relevance of the name in the Biblical context11, the change becomes a symbol for the relevance of the encounter. Life here is seen as an answer to a vocation, to a call. God takes the initiative; Abraham reacts, moving from his place, changing his life as a consequence of this call. This scheme appears very often in the Bible, and has been present in the collective Christian mentality probably during centuries in Europe12, but it probably has been modified – in one of the most relevant changes of paradigms in Europe’s cultural history – in modern times, when the idea of the individual’s autonomy was followed by the ideal of the self-realisation, in which the individual takes the 6 It would coincide with one of the etymological explanations for the Word “religion”, although the etymology of the word "religion" has been debated for centuries. The English word clearly derives from the Latin religio. The origins of religio, however, are obscure. One of the proposed etymological interpretations is: From religare: Latin re + ligare (Ayto, 1990: 438). This interpretation –which is controversial – was made prominent by St. Augustine, following the interpretation of Lactantius (Divine Institutes, 1964, 1965: IV, xxviii): “We are tight to God and bound to Him [religati] by the bond of piety, and it is from this […] that religion has received its name”, wrote Lactantius; and Augustine: “Religion binds us [religat] to the one Almighty God” (“On the true religion”, I, xiii). 7 “Then the man and his wife heard the sound of the Lord God as he was walking in the garden in the cool of the day, and they hid from the Lord God among the trees of the garden. But the Lord God called to the man, ‘Where are you?’" (Genesis 3: 8-9). 8 “When the Lord saw that he had gone over to look, God called to him from within the bush, ‘Moses! Moses!’ And Moses said, ‘Here I am.’" (Exodus 3: 4). 9 “Then the Lord said to Jacob, ‘Go back to the land of your fathers and to your relatives, and I will be with you.’" (Genesis 31: 3). 10 “Jesus replied, ‘Blessed are you, Simon son of Jonah, for this was not revealed to you by man, but by my Father in heaven. And I tell you that you are Peter”. (Matthew 16: 17-18). In the Old Testament see for example: “Abram fell facedown, and God said to him, ‘As for me, this is my covenant with you: You will be the father of many nations. No longer will you be called Abram; your name will be Abraham’” (Genesis 17: 3-5); “The man asked him, ‘What is your name?’ ‘Jacob,’ he answered. Then the man said, ‘Your name will no longer be Jacob, but Israel’” (Genesis 32: 27-28). 11 The Bible often speaks about a “new name” that will be given by God; for example, referred to Zion: “The nations will see your righteousness, and all kings your glory; you will be called by a new name that the mouth of the Lord will bestow” (Isaiah 62: 2). In the Revelation is said about them who are saved: “To him who overcomes, I will give […] a white stone with a new name written on it, known only to him who receives it.” (Revelation 2: 17). 12 Also legends on popular saints transmit this idea. For example, for St Francis of Assisi is well–known the story of his conversion: After a pilgrimage to Rome, he claimed to have had a mystical experience in the Church of San Damiano just outside of Assisi, in which the Icon of Christ Crucified came alive and said to him three times, "Francis, Francis, go and repair My house which, as you can see, is falling into ruins" (Englebert, 1979: 33). 12 initiative, also for finding God. Luther’s sentence: “Wie bekomme ich einen gnädigen God?” can be considered as a paradigmatic expression of this turn13. Maybe that it is in the heritage of these two elements (the ancient view of the personal relation to God and the modern emergence of the individual), which are part of the European culture, that religious freedom has become a personal right14, and even one of the most fundamentals15 – after centuries in which also in the culturally Christian world another vision of religion has prevailed in which freedom has not been respected (International Theological Commission, 1999)16, and this vision is connected with another element expressed in the quoted text. ‘A great nation’ This text includes even the idea that religion has to do not only with the individual. In God’s words to Abram a people is mentioned “I will make you into a great nation”), a people that is linked to God’s promises and to Abraham’s faith, a people that will share a history and also stories related to this history, that is, the Bible. Again and again in the Bible the idea is presented that religion means a link between God and a chosen people, an alliance which is renewed once and once, creating a special relation: “Now if you obey me fully and keep my covenant, then out of all nations you will be my treasured possession”. (Exodus 19: 5)17 This alliance means not only what we could call a “vertical” relation (from human beings to God),18 but also a “horizontal” one: the constituency of the people itself is rooted in it. To belong to the people means to accept the alliance – and vice versa. Consequently, the foreigners are characterised by “another” religion: otherness and superstition appear as synonyms. And distance shall be maintained to them. So the Lord speaks: “Do not make a covenant with them or with their gods. Do not let them live in your land, or they will cause you to sin against me” (Exodus 23: 31). Of course, this view causes inclusions and exclusions – borders, which could be broken by conversion, that Judaism has accepted, as known from example from the New Testament’s description of Pentecost, when in Jerusalem also “converts to Judaism” were staying. The same text brings to the fore that the religious link is more decisive than the national one.19 But there is expressed also a certain geographical linkage between the true religion and 13 This often quoted sentence cannot be found in Luther’s works, but recapitulates a central idea in his vision. 14 As expressed in article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.” 15 No doubt that the situation of this human right in the world is not convincing. The International Religious Freedom Report 2007, issued by the US Government informs about problems in many countries of the world. Under the "Countries of Particular Concern" (Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Uzbekistan) no European country can be found. Under countries in which there are relevant problems Russia is mentioned. 16 The document contents a chapter with the significant title: “The Use of Force in the Service of Truth”. 17 See also Genesis 6: 18 and 9: 9ff (to Noah, related to him and his family); Genesis 15ff (to Abraham: “I will establish my covenant as an everlasting covenant between me and you and your descendants after you for the generations to come, to be your God and the God of your descendants after you” –17: 7); Exodus 2: 24 (“God heard their groaning and he remembered his covenant with Abraham, with Isaac and with Jacob”); etc. And Jesus will describe his mission as a renewal of this covenant; in the Letter to the Hebrews, he is called “the mediator of a new covenant” (Hebrews 12: 24). 18 “For you are a people holy to the Lord your God. The Lord your God has chosen you out of all the peoples on the face of the earth to be his people, his treasured possession” (Deuteronomy 7: 16). 19 “There were staying in Jerusalem God-fearing Jews from every nation under heaven. (…) They asked: ‘Are not all these men who are speaking Galileans? Then how is it that each of us hears them in his own native language? Parthians, Medes and Elamites; residents of Mesopotamia, Judea and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt and the parts of Libya near Cyrene; visitors from Rome 13 Jerusalem, which is characteristic for the Old Testament: 20 it is not by chance that the Pentecost meeting of all these different peoples happened in the holy city. The tension The Christian mind seems to go a step further in overcoming the idea that religion is inherent to a nation – the New Testament seems to content a re-interpretation including deterritorialisation of religious life: in fact, Jesus says to the Samaritan woman that believers will in future adore God in the heart – the inner world became more decisive than the adscription to a territory21. Not only that religious and political identity are clear separated – St Paul distinguishes his Judaism22 from his Roman citizenship23 – the de-nationalisation is understood in a more profound way, when underlying the essential equality of all believers in Jesus. It is also St Paul who declares that in the new people of God “there is no Greek or Jew, circumcised or uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave or free, but Christ is all, and is in all”. (Colossians 3: 11) His approach is universalistic, “catholic” in the most textual sense of the world: a new collective identity is substituting the previous links: “you have taken off your old self with its practices and have put on the new self, which is being renewed in knowledge in the image of its Creator”. (ibidem, 3: 9-10) This idea is an achievement in the early Church, following a mandate of Jesus24 but “conquered” after a process, and a process for whose difficulties even in the early Church the Acts of the Apostles describe some examples: For instance, for the acceptance of non-Jews in the Church – although announced by Jesus himself – a direct intervention of God is needed, as related in chapter 10 of the Acts, when St Peter has the vision to go to the Roman centurion Cornelius’ house who – following also a vision – wants to be baptised together with his family. (See Acts 10) But after that, St Peter has to justify his conduct, because he was criticised for what he had done25; and he uses an argument which for Christians is unquestionable: "As I began to speak, the Holy Spirit came on them as he had come on us at the beginning. Then I remembered what the Lord had said: 'John baptized with water, but you will be baptized with the Holy Spirit.' So if God gave them the same gift as he gave us, who believed in the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I to think that I could oppose God?" (ibidem, 11: 15-7). The overcoming of the frontiers is described as God’s will. Nevertheless, in the early Christian community distinctions according to the origin remain in collective mentality, as it is reflected in another example told by the Acts of the Apostles: “In those days when the number of disciples was increasing, the Grecian Jews among them complained against the Hebraic Jews because their widows were being overlooked in the daily distribution of food”. (ibidem, 6: 1) The Apostles try to find solutions for this discrimination. It seems that the maintenance of these mental borders is considered as a not positive element, an element against God’s will. (both Jews and converts to Judaism); Cretans and Arabs – we hear them declaring the wonders of God in our own tongues!’" (Acts 2: 5-11). 20 The nostalgia of Jerusalem when being in the exile in Babylon is expressed in the Psalm 137: “By the rivers of Babylon we sat and wept when we remembered Zion” (Psalm 137: 1). 21 Jesus declared, "Believe me, woman, a time is coming when you will worship the Father neither on this mountain nor in Jerusalem. […] Yet a time is coming and has now come when the true worshipers will worship the Father in spirit and truth […] God is spirit, and his worshipers must worship in spirit and in truth." (John 4: 21-24). 22 “Then Paul said: ‘I am a Jew’” (Acts, 22: 3). 23 “Paul said to the centurion standing there, ‘Is it legal for you to flog a Roman citizen who hasn't even been found guilty?’" (Acts, 22: 25). 24 “Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit” (Matthew 28: 19). 25 “When Peter went up to Jerusalem, the circumcised believers criticized him and said, ‘You went into the house of uncircumcised men and ate with them.’" (Acts, 11: 2-3). 14 The complexity of the European mind So, in religion, which has been historically one of the sources – maybe the most important one – for the European mind, elements of “supranationality” are given. And from the first centuries of Christian life and during a long time in Europe many examples of “free movement” of priests and bishops and even “free movement” of Saints are given. St Martin (4th century), one of the most popular saints in the Middle Ages, was coming from Pannonia, and became Bishop in France26; St Anselm (11th century) was born in Italy, became monk in France and bishop in England (he is known as “Anselm of Canterbury” and was one of the founders of scholasticism). St Anthony (13th century), known as Anthony of Padua in Italy – again a very popular saint – was born in Lisbon. And so many other examples could be mentioned.... The geography was not a limit for the biography. The Christian preaching and the life of the Church, thus, do content the idea that a “catholic” religion is able to overcome the frontiers; moreover, the linkage established by the faith is considered as more relevant than the bound established by sharing a territory or a culture. As a consequence, in the Middle Ages, the Christian approach will produce supranational projects like the Universities, in which “nationes” were distinguished but without disturbing the supranational character of the “universitas magistrorum et scholarium”. (D. Cortés Vargas) Only in Prague the first “national” University was established after a debate between the “nations” on the control of the University. (J. le Goff, 1986: 135) Here, an initially European project will conduct to national attitudes. So, also the Christian communities have failed in accepting the message of the overcoming power of faith. And the idea that the Church is the new Chosen People27 can go on with the dichotomy of openness and closeness, of being together and rejecting the other. So, another project, which is Christian supranational, shows this Janus-faced interpretation: a mental wall in front of “the others” accompanies the internal cohesion. Here, abolition of borders and creation of them go hand in hand. This project is the Crusades – hated by the Enlighten thinkers28, glorified by some Romantic writers29 – which unified different Christian “nations”, but against others. So, again mental borders and processes of exclusion and inclusion have been created at the same time. As so many occasions in History, the “religious other” has served as mechanism for agglutinating identity, as usual in the dialectic comprehension of collective identity, which has dominated the Western mentality during centuries. Moreover, the relation to those who do not belong to the Church will be one decisive element in Europe’s intellectual history (and in real history too) – the pagans at the beginnings and also later on. But then, the ruptures of the unity of the Church, the tragic moments in which the Christianity has lost the unity, have again caused severe mental borders – first in the rupture between Western and Eastern Christianity, later on, in between Western Christianity, with the arising of the rupture in England first and, then, in the continent with Martin Luther. New “territories” are created, and the “other” Christian is seen as a foreigner, in confrontation, with prejudices and animadversion. The controversial literature, in which often “the other” is simply seen as foolish, is a clear testimony of this tendency. 26 To the devotion to St Martin see, among others, Ch. Lelong, 1990. The whole letter to the Hebrews is marked by the idea that “Christ is the mediator of a new covenant” (Hebrews, 9: 15). Some early Christian writers have developed this idea. So, Justin Martyr (2nd century) wrote: "For the true spiritual Israel ... are we who have been led to God through this crucified Christ" (“Dialogue With Trypho”, 11, in Ante-Nicene Fathers, 1: 200). And Augustine: "For if we hold with a firm heart the grace of God which hath been given us, we are Israel" (“On the Psalms”, 114.3, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 8: 550). 28 See for example Voltaire’s text on the Crusades, which came out in 1751 and was incorporated (with some changes) into his Essai sur les moeurs, called the crusaders adventurers and brigands who were moved by “the thirst for brigandage” (Voltaire, 54, 1877/85, 11: 442). 29 August Wilhelm Schlegel wrote: “Man erinnere sich nur der Kreuzzüge, wie sie phantastisch und religiös eifernd geführt wurden, wie sie dann für Europa, Sittlicheit erzeugend und Poesie entfaltend, wirkten” (Schlegel, 1984 (1802): 41). 27 15 And also the denominations used for “the others” are eloquent: The name “Papisten” was used often in the German “Kulturkampf” against the Catholics;30 the term was coined during the English Reformation to indicate that a Christian's loyalties were to the Pope, rather than to the anti-papal Church of England31. The term Uniat or Uniate, is applied to those Eastern Catholic churches who were previously Eastern Orthodox churches, and to their members, primarily by Eastern Orthodox, who sometimes give it pejorative overtones. The term “Protestant” was use also pejoratively by Catholics, whereas the Christians following the Lutheran reform have preferred other terms. Already the denominations show the mental borders – and the mixture between religious and political categories, with national attitudes. That is the case when in Russia the orthodoxy is considering itself as essential part of the “Russian soul”. (See Religion and identity…, 2005) And some of the borders remain more due to sensitivities then to substantial differences, like in the mental distances between orthodox and catholic Christians.32 Cuius regio – eius religio With the “invention” of the modern State, religious differences will acquire a new explosiveness. In fact, since the beginnings of the “Nation–State” (this very typical product of European modernity33) religious “otherness” seems to has been considered as a “danger”: the modern State seems to be satisfied only when the unification achieved within a territory includes not only the political dimension (the acceptance of one law and one government), but also is realised in cultural (and religious) terms. This often has produced not only the alternative to convert or to leave the country (if not even to die) but also the creation of – Christian – national churches, a concept that seems incompatible with some of the quoted passage in Saint Paul’s letters. Some of these attitudes to link national elements with the religion has had relevant consequences in European history during centuries. As the Black Death epidemics devastated Europe in the mid-14th century, annihilating more than half of the populations, Jews were used as scapegoats. (S. Barry; N. Gualde, 2006: 47) The persecution of the Huguenots in France in the 16th and 17th century has caused death and emigration. The German “Kulturkampf” under Bismarck generated anti-Catholic laws. In the former Soviet Union, the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church was persecuted just for its religious role in the community. These – and so many other examples – are well-known and should not be explained here. It is, however, interesting that these cases are accompanied and supported by stereotypes in the collective mentality, based often in the idea that “the religious other” is not a patriot, because it doesn’t share the main religious option, but is serving a “religion from abroad”. Typical were in that 30 See, as one example, Ernst Haeckel’s description of the necessity of the „Kulturkampf“: „In dem neuen Deutschen Reiche, welches in den Kämpfen von 1866 und 1871 unter schweren Opfern seine unentbehrliche nationale Einheit errungen hatte, wurden die frechen Attentate des Papismus besonders schwer empfunden; denn einerseits ist Deutschland die Geburtsstätte der Reformation und der modernen Geistesbefreiung; andererseits aber besitzt es leider in seinen 18 Millionen Katholiken ein mächtiges Heer von streitbaren Gläubigen, welches an blindem Gehorsam gegen die Befehle seines Oberhirten von keinem anderen Kultur-Volke übertroffen wird“ (Haeckel, 1899). 31 So, William Whitaker [1547-1595], Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge in the reign of Elizabeth I has published a Disputation on Holy Scripture against the papists, especially Bellarmine and Stapleton, trans. and ed. William Fitzgerald, Cambridge: University Press 1849 (edited by the Parker Society, that was the London-based Anglican society that printed in fifty-four volumes the works of the leading English Reformers of the sixteenth century). 32 According to the experts, “the crucial theological problem in relations with the Eastern Churches (…) is the problem of autocephaly”. (Cardinal W. Kasper, 2003). See also the conclusion of the document “Ecclesiological and Canonical Consequences of the Sacramental Nature of the Church” (2007), in which it is acknowledged that this question remains open, whereas there are “common affirmations of our faith”. 33 About the State as a typical invention of modern Europe see François-Xavier Guerra: “La invención de la nación y el problema de las comunidades”. (Banús; Llano, 1999: 239-258). 16 sense for example the caricatures of the Catholics in the “Kulturkampf” supposedly attached to the Pope, a non-German authority. But some examples are very eloquent for the struggle against this mixture between the political sphere and the religious convictions: at the beginnings of the Modern Age, for example, in the conflict between Henry VIII and Thomas More. Whereas Henry VIII considers that there is an intrinsic link between religion and the State, Thomas More was fighting for the right to maintain the sphere of the own belief outside of the public control.34 Modern Europe will assume the idea of the social and political relevance of religion in creating one of the most relevant sentences against human rights in the European history: “cuius regio, eius religio”.35 Here, not only mental but also physical borders have become decisive for religion. The religious borders had to coincide with the State borders. It has not to be forgotten that this has been done in an attempt to establish peace in Europe: It is mentioned in the Peace of Augsburg treaty, signed in 1555 between the forces of the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, and the forces of the Schmalkaldic League. The Peace offered imperial confirmation of the principle that had been promulgated in the Confession of Augsburg in 1530. And it also has not to be forgotten that all attempts to establish peace in Europe – till to the creation of the European Communities – always have been done by establishing or moving frontiers. Religion, culture and nation On that way, in fact, the idea (l) could be realised that the State is characterised by the cohesion not only in political and economic but also in cultural terms. This idea, in a certain sense, has been paradoxically reinforced later on in the rejection of a homogeneous State. Indeed, the consideration that “culture” is linked with “identity” has gained growing relevance with the Romantic approach, which is partially a reaction against Napoleon’s project to unify Europe under French categories.36 The emerging of diversity as a nuclear mental category in Europe is directed against the efforts to create one harmonised identity. “Identity” is seen as linked to “culture”. And at that time, at the end of the 18th century, after the secularisation, “religion” is seen as part of culture, as one of the many elements included in this concept. It is paradigmatic to see how Johann Gottfried Herder sees culture as the addition of different factors: for example, he explains that the “Morgenländischen Gedichte” can only be understood “aus dem Lande, der Geschichte, den Meinungen, der Religion, dem Zustande, den Sitten und der Sprache ihrer Nation”. (J. G. Herder, 1967b) According to Herder, the sense of a culture is perceived only when looking to the roots, to the origins. On that way, “culture” definitively is considered a distinguishing more than a unifying element: it refers to the origins of a people and, therefore, to the explanation of its specificity.37 And religion is one more element of the cultural environment in which a culture grows up.38. 34 In his More biography, Peter Berglar underlines that he is fighting for the „right to remain silent”, what means, to maintain a private opinion in a question related to religion, avoiding the publicity of his inner attitude. (Berglar, 1981). 35 It seems that the phrase was created in 1612, by the jurist Joachim Stephani (1544-1623) of the University of Greifswald. (Ozment, 1980: 259). 36 On the relevance of the reactions against Napoleon for the European culture see (Banús, 2007: 134141). 37 It has to be said, however, that Herder compensates this view with a high appreciation of the concept of “Humanität”: “zu allen Zeiten war der Mensch derselbe; nur er äusserte sich jedesmal nach der Verfassung, in der er lebte”. (Herder, 1967c, vol. XVIII: 139). And he also recommends abandoning the closed mental worlds, which emerge from only a specific geographical space: “Lasset uns also (...) so viel möglich alle engen Gedankenformen, die aus der Bildung eines Erdstrichs (...) genommen sind, verläugnen” (Herder, 1967a, vol. V: 89). 38 Also the classical definition of culture by Edward B. Tylor opts for a similar solution when he defines culture as "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” (Tylor, 1871: 1). 17 A human right? On that way, religion has moved from a personal to a social level: it describes not only the personal relation to God, but also the belonging to a group, for which identity building structures are applicable like to other groups. One of them is that cohesion around a collective identity uses a dialectic strategy to consider the other as a term for comparison – or better, distinction– in order to define the own identity. CITAS Y CITAS. This can be applied also to religion. Too often in Europe’s history the “religious other” has been used to confirm “ourselves–ness” (if the neologism is allowed); and too often the belonging to a determined religious confession has been considered as a part of the idea to belong to a society, so that conversion can be seen as a treason to the own identity, to the own culture, to the own people, to the own roots or, at least, as a way of taking distance from them. In that view, religion is devaluated from a human right to a part of a culture, in which the individual is born, grows up and receives a determined world-view, a culture which often supports a nation. The simple concept of “clash of civilisations” has reinforced at the end of the 20th century in a fatal manner this view. In Huntington’s publications, ‘civilisation’ often does coincide with ‘religion’. The division of the world in civilisations offers a new name for the distribution of the world religions (NOTA: debate). Huntington’s these, although criticised, has been able to have been assimilated in the collective mentality so that it is widely accepted that the religion is creating not only borders but also confrontations and unhappy encounters.39 The model – like all the models – is nothing else than a selection of the reality, in which coexistence between religions is given as well as problems in this coexistence. As usual, the overcoming of the frontiers or – better – the transformation of the frontiers into borders depends on the previous attitude: who wants to find frontiers will find frontiers40, who wants to transform frontiers into borders will – at the end – transform them. Therefore, messages like Huntington’s these are not useful for creating the needed confidence into the capacity to transform frontiers into borders: they reinforce them wanting to believe in the disruptive function of religious borders and difficult the labour of them trying to overcome the borders. The fight against exclusion In the Catholic world, also a tension between both possibilities is given. The early Church has established the principle: “Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus”, outside the Church is no salvation.41 Evidently, this creates mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. But it is remarkable that also in early times the Church has fought against radical interpretations of this sentence, against too severe borders, which could be found in the first Christian centuries in strong movements like the Montanism. So, against some opinions within this movement, which wanted to exclude definitively from the Church some sinners, the Church has maintained the idea that the conversion and contrition always obtain pardon and, therefore, the re-unification with the Church, the trespass of the borders.42 The same was decided about the “lapsi”, Christians who have abandoned the Church during the persecution and later on wanted to be readmitted.43 39 Against this, see Benedict’s XVI words: "There is no clash of civilizations, but small groups of fanatics." (“Pope doesn’t see…”, 2005). 40 It’s similar to the „circulus vitiosus“ that Gombrich describes: “Was man den hermeneutischen Zirkel genannt hat, die Suche nach Erhärtung der ursprünglichen Intuition, wird dort, wo nur vermeintliche Bestätigungen gelten dürfen, zu einem ganz gewöhnlichen Zirkelschluß”. (Gombrich, 1986: 22) 41 The original sentence comes from Cyprian of Carthage: ''Extra ecclesiam salus non est''. (Letter, 73, 21). 42 It was mainly Tertullian who denied the possibility of forgiveness of sins by the Church or, at least, that that there is no forgiveness for the gravest sins; they are irremissible. (Tertullian, 1870). 43 St Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, defended the reintegration of the lapsi against other authors. (St Cyprian, 1971) The party opposed to Cyprian at Carthage did not accept the bishop's decision, and stirred up a schism. The Roman priest Novation set himself up at Rome as the antipope and claimed to be the upholder of strict discipline, inasmuch as he refused unconditionally to readmit to communion with the Church any who had fallen away. 18 JUSTINO In more recent times, again voices were appearing presenting a strong literal interpretation of the quoted sentence, establishing therefore strong borders. And here again the Church has corrected fundamentalist ideas for which the border between Christian believers and “the others” have an absolute character. The famous letter to the Archbishop of Boston can be mentioned, in which his literal interpretation of the sentence is criticised. No doubt – the balance remains difficult. And “official efforts” and intellectual developments not always do correspond with the mentality: here changes always take longer. At least a common denominator These reflections lead us to a last idea: there is at least a common point for all believers: they accept the existence of God. In the case of the most diffused religions in Europe, this common denominator is broader: the image of God shared by Christians, Jews and Muslims includes the image of a personal God who has created the world; it implies also that the full sense of life and history cannot be found without a reference to the transcendental world. In that sense, the common denominator between believers from different faiths is broader than the points that can be found in common with those who do not accept any reference outside the world, with those who think that religion is only a reaction of a weak individual looking for a solution to the fears and anxieties, with those who think that the human mankind has invented God - and with those who believe that religion is a dangerous factor in social life and has to be banned from a civilised society, at most tolerated in the individual space. It is the mentality in front to every religious manifestation, which expressed, for example, Ernst Haeckel 1899: „Viele und sehr angesehene Naturforscher und Philosophen der Gegenwart [...] halten die Religion überhaupt für eine abgethane Sache“. (Haeckel, 1899: 18) As seen in the debates on the Preamble of the so called European Constitution44, here mental borders arise which seem difficult to overcome. Maybe in the current situation this 44 It is well-known that the first version of the Preamble, prepared probably by Giscard d’Estaign himself, has included concrete references to some founding periods of the European history, under exclusion of the Christian heritage: the Greek and Roman civilisations were mentioned, and then immediately the philosophical streams of the Enlightenment. The centuries between these two periods were covered only with a mention to some “spiritual streams”. In the recapitulation by Bronislaw Geremek: “Initially, the Convention refused to include any mention of Christianity or Europe’s Judeo-Christian heritage whatsoever, citing only the Enlightenment tradition, alongside the Greeks and Romans” (“The Spiritual and…”, 2004: 22). In that point, several amendments (Gabriel Cisneros, Gianfranco Fini, Elmar Brook representing Europe’s People Party, Danuta Hübner – representing the Polish Government – and others) have proposed to add the Christian or the Judeo-Christian heritage. In the second version, which has been approved, Olivier Duhamel, Robert Badinter, Pervenche Berès (all of them from France) have suggested to substitute “religious” by “spiritual”, whereas all the Polish member of the Convention (Edmund Wittbrodt, Danuta Huebner, Jozef Oleksy, Genowefa Grabowska, Janusz Trzciński, Marta Fogler) have suggested to use the expression “Judeo-Christian” instead of “religious”. This amendment has been signed by 37 member of the Convention, coming from different countries. This was on the level of the Convention. For the Intergovernmental Conference level it is useful to consult the web site devoted to present the debates about the “Constitution for Europe”, that comments: “When the Italian Presidency, at the start of the IGC's work, asked all the delegations to present any suggestions on noninstitutional aspects, the inclusion of a reference to Christianity in the preamble was immediately suggested by seven governments. Other delegations were completely opposed to any reference of that kind and also called for the reference to dialogue with the churches to be removed. The delegations in favour of a reference to Judeo-Christian values finally accepted that it would not be included. The two succeeding Presidencies failed to come up with an alternative wording” (2). The Italian Presidency’s document says it more concrete: “include a reference to Christian inheritance of Europe (ESP, IRL, MT, PL, PT, SK, LT; CZ wishes to enlarge even more this proposal to a reference to Ancient Greek philosophy, Roman law, Jewish and Christian roots and rationalism. T and CY opposed to such a mention.)” (3). In December 2003, after the Brussels meeting of the European Council, the Italian Presidency informs: “While some delegations stressed the importance of a reference to Christian values in the preamble, others felt that the text proposed by the Convention made an even-handed response to the various concerns that had been raised. They therefore propose that it remain unchanged”, what means: without mention of the 19 mental border is also strong, the understanding between the two fields seems sometimes impossible. Recognition of the religious freedom Mental borders can only be overcome when, in a profound level, the personal element of religion is recognised. This is maybe not easy in a secularised world, in which the possibility of a personal relation to God is not accepted. But if culture is considered mainly an element of culture, and culture an element of identity, in a time in which the identity issue is again very vivid45, the maintenance or the re-activation of the mental borders is unavoidable. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ante-Nicene Fathers (1886), New York, Christian Literature Publishing Co. Augustine, “On the Psalms 114.3” (1886), in: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, New York, Christian Literature Publishing Co. Ayto, John (1990), Dictionary of Word Origins, New York, Arcade. Banús, Enrique (2004), „Durante todo un año no hizo otra cosa que conducir. El viaje en tiempo de crisis”, in: Dar razón de la esperanza. Homenaje al Prof. Dr. José Luis Illanes, Pamplona, p. 1105-1133. Banús, Enrique (2005), „La fuerza de la Biblia en la Literatura”, in: La Sagrada escritura, palabra actual, Pamplona. 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Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (2007), “International Religious Freedom Report 2007”, http: //www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2007/90080.htm Conference of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, Document CIG 37/03, Brussels, 24 October 2003, in: http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/03/cg00/cg00037.en03.pdf Conference of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, Document GIC 60/03, ADD 2, 11 December 2003, in: http: //www.statewatch.org/news/2003/dec/cig60_ADD2_EN03.pdf Conference of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States Document CIG 80/04, ADD 2, 12 June 2004, in: http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/04/cg00/cg00080.en04.pdf Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, „Doctrinal Note on some questions regarding the participation of Catholics in political life”, January 16, 2003, n. 6. Cortés Vargas, Daniel (2007), “Proceso de constitución de la institucionalidad universitaria: de la universitas a la posuniversitas”, paper presented to the Conference “El papel de la educación en la construcción de las sociedades del conocimiento”, Universidad de Nueva León, Mexico, Juni 2007, http: //www.congresoretosyexpectativas.udg.mx/Congreso%202/Mesa%201/e)%20Valores,cultura%20 academica%20e%20identidad%20institucional/1.e.3..pdf European roots (4). Some months later, the Irish Presidency concludes: “As regards the Preamble, the Presidency notes that, despite the strong support of several delegations for the inclusion of a specific reference to Europe’s Christian or Judeo-Christian heritage, there is no sign of consensus on this matter” (5) (See (1) http: //european-convention.europa.eu/Docs/Treaty/pdf/1000/Pre%20Wittbrodt-a%20EN.pdf (2) http: //europa.eu/scadplus/cig2004/debates2_en.htm#PREAMBLE; (3) Document CIG 37/03, 24 October 2003, in http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/03/cg00/cg00037.en03.pdf; (4) Document GIC 60/03, ADD 2, 11 December 2003, in http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/03/cg00/cg00060-ad02.en03.pdf (5) Document CIG 80/04, ADD 2, 12 June 2004, in http: //www.consilium.europa.eu/igcpdf/en/04/cg00/cg00080.en04.pdf). 45 To the renewal of the identity see, among many other, the following affirmations: “during the spread of globalisation the tendency to return to one’s roots has become stronger” (Kovacev, 2005) and: “le retour à des valeurs identitaires” has become in Europe “une valeur d’échange” (Bartement; Bernier-Boissard, 1995: 144). 20 St Cyprian (1971), De lapsis and De Ecclesiae Catholicae unitate. Text and translation by Maurice Bévenot, Oxford, Clarendon Press. „Dialogue With Trypho 11” (1886), in: Ante-Nicene Fathers, New York, Christian Literature Publishing Co. Englebert, Omer, St. Francis of Assisi, A Biography (Michigan, Servant Books, 1979). “French criticize omission of Christianity from Euro text”, in: Zenit, 12.6.2003; http: //www.zenit.org/article7511?l=english Goff, Jacques Le (1986), Los intelectuales en la Edad Media, Madrid, Gedisa. Gombrich, Ernst (1986), “Sind eben alles Menschen gewesen. Zum Kulturrelativismus in den Geisteswissenschaften“, in: Albrecht Schöne (ed.): Akten des VII. Internationalen GermanistenKongresses, Vol. I, Tübingen. Guerra, François-Xavier (1999), “La invención de la nación y el problema de las comunidades”, in: Enrique Banús; Alejandro Llano (eds.): Razón práctica y multiculturalismo, Pamplona. Guetta, Bernard (2003), (“French criticize omission of Christianity from Euro text”, in: Zenit, 12.6.2003; http: //www.zenit.org/article-7511?l=english Haeckel, Ernst (1899), Die Weltraethsel, 18. Kapitel, Stuttgart, Alfred Kröner Verlag. Herder, Johann Gottfried (1967a), „Abhandlung über den Ursprung der Sprache“, in: Herder, Johann Gottfried, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan (33 vol.), (Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1877-1913), vol. V, Hildesheim. Herder, Johann Gottfried (1967b), „Ueber die neuere Deutsche Litteratur. Eine Beilage zu den Briefen, die neueste Litteratur betreffend (1766-1767)“, in: Herder, Johann Gottfried, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan (33 vol.), (Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1877-1913), vol. I., Hildesheim. Herder, Johann Gottfried (1967c), „Briefe zur Beförderung der Humanität (1793-1797)“, in: Herder, Johann Gottfried, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan (33 vol.), (Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1877-1913), vol. XVIII, Hildesheim. International Theological Comisión (1999), “Memory and Reconciliation: The Church and the Faults of the Past”, from December 1999, http: //www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/cti_documents/ rc_con_cfaith_doc_20000307_memory-reconc-itc_en.html Johnson, Juliet; Marietta Stepaniants; Benjamin Forest, eds. (2005), Religion and identity in modern Russia: the revival of Orthodoxy and Islam, Aldershot, England and Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Joint International Commission for the Theological Dialogue between the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church, “Ecclesiological and Canonical Consequences of the Sacramental Nature of the Church”, October 2007, http:/www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/chrstuni/ch_orthodox_docs/ rc_pc_chrstuni_doc_20071013_documento-ravenna_en.html Kasper, Walter (Cardinal), Introductory Report of the President to the 2003 Plenary of the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, in: http: //www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/chrstuni/ecumcommit-docs/rc_pc_chrstuni_doc_20031111_prolusio-plenary_en.html Kovacev, Asja Nina (2005), “Globalisation, Fear of Cultural Imperialism and Preservation of national Heritage”, in: Enrique Banús-Beatriz Elío (eds.): Actas del VII Congreso “Cultura Europea”, Pamplona. Lactantius, “Divine Institutes” (1964/5), in: The Fathers of the Church, Vol. 49, M.F. McDonald, trans, Washington D.C., Catholic University of America Press. Lelong, Charles (1990), Vie et culte de Saint Martin; État des questions, Chambray. Meeting with the Members of the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization, Address of His Holiness Benedict XVI, New York, 18 April 2008. Ozment, Steven (1980), The Age of Reform 1250-1550: An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. “El papel de la educación en la construcción de las sociedades del conocimiento”, Universidad de Nueva León (Mexico), Juni 2007, published as http: //www.congresoretosyexpectativas.udg.mx/Congreso%202/ Mesa%201/e)%20Valores,cultura%20academica%20e%20identidad%20institucional/1.e.3..pdf “On the Psalms 114.3” (1886), in: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, New York, Christian Literature Publishing Co. “On the true religion” (1968), in: Maryline Inez Bogan, ed., The Retractations, Washington, Catholic University of America Press. “Pope doesn’t see a ‘Clash of Civilizations’”, in: Zenit, 21.7.2005, http: //www.zenit.org/article-13626?l=english “Proposal of the Polish members of the European Convention: Mr. Edmund Wittbrodt, Mrs. Danuta Huebner, Mr. Jozef Oleksy, Mrs. Genowefa Grabowska, Mr. Janusz Trzciński, Mrs. Marta Fogler”, in: http: //european-convention.europa.eu/Docs/Treaty/pdf/1000/Pre%20Wittbrodt-a%20EN.pdf Schlegel, August Wilhelm (1984(1802)), Über Literatur, Kunst und Geist des Zeitalters, Stuttgart, Reclam. “The Spiritual and Cultural Dimension of Europe. Reflection Group initiated by the President of the European Commission and coordinated by the Institute for Human Sciences. Concluding Remarks 21 by Kurt Biedenkopf, Bronislaw Geremek and Krzysztof Michalski”, Vienna / Brussels, Institute for Human Sciences, October 2004. Tertullian (1870), De pudicitia/On Modesty, in: The Writings of Q. S. F. Tertullianus. Translated by S. Thelwall; P. Holmes, and others, Edinburg, 1870. “On the true religion” (1968), in: Maryline Inez Bogan, ed., The Retractations, Washington, Catholic University of America Press. Tylor, Edward B. (1871), Primitive Culture, London. US Government, International Religious Freedom Report 2007, http: //www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2007/90080.htm Voltaire (1877), „Essai sur les moeurs”, 54, in: Oeuvres complètes de Voltaire, L. Moland, ed., Paris, Garnier. The 2003/2004 Intergovernmental Conference, http: //europa.eu/scadplus/cig2004/debates2_en.htm#PREAMBLE La culture de l’autrui dans la pensée de Denis de Rougemont Cristina DOGOT Abstract: The diversity of European space inspired Denis de Rougemont to create his own opinion about the attitude toward the peoples of Europe. In fact Rougemont don’t think in the terms of “people”, but that of human beings. For Rougemont each person is important as a God’ creature, and any difference is important is these conditions. It is not tolerance, a term not very liked by Rougemont, it is a deep comprehension. Personal differences make European culture an original and specific one, and this particularity represent the fundament of European unity. So, unifying Europe became important not for the state or peoples, but for persons. Keywords: Europe, culture, difference, person, personalism, federal idea Denis de Rougemont – essai bio-bibliographique « Le Prince de la Communauté culturelle européenne en qui Saint-John Perse voyait une figuration scientifique de l'Homo europeanus… » (« Denis de Rougemont… », www.erm.lu/epm/id220.htm). C’est ainsi que commence la présentation de D. de Rougemont dans un article électronique, et presque toutes les présentations de Denis de Rougemont ont recours à des superlatifs. Nous reproduisons un seul exemple, qui nous a paru le plus représentatif : A. Marc compare les écrits de Denis de Rougemont au soleil à la lumière duquel tout le monde veut se baigner. Action passive, ont peut dire, mais tant le soleil que ceux qui profitent de sa lumière ont besoin l'un de l’autre : « pour se manifester, la lumière a besoin de nos corps opaques » (Marc, 1986: 27). Sans idolâtrer, à notre avis, la particularité des écrits de D. de Rougemont vient de la diversité des sujets abordés mais aussi de la systématisation de ceux-ci. C’est juste cette diversité et complexité qui ont déterminé Bruno Ackermann à écrire une « biographie intellectuelle » (Ackerman, I, 1996: 35)1, « l'histoire d'une œuvre » (Ibidem, 21) de l'auteur, en traitant aussi bien des aspects relevants de la vie personnelle (l'engagement), des relations humaines (l’amour), de la vie publique - le fédéralisme et l'écologie - des sujets à portée théologique, sociologique ou littéraire, à côté de l’organisation de différentes manifestations culturelles. (M. de Rougemont, 1996: 13) Les activités de D. de Rougemont toutefois dépassent l’espace européen, quelques-unes de ses démarches visent aussi la civilisation orientale, ses similitudes et différences face à celle de l’Occident, comme le montre bien l’ouvrage L’Aventure occidentale de l’homme, que la Conférence Europe-Monde, organisée à Bâle, les 29 septembre-03 octobre 1964 (Saint-Ouen, 1995: 13-4 ; Marc, 1986: 26). D’autre coté, Dusan Sidjanski (1992: 145), pour sa part, le considère comme le « père fondateur de l’Europe culturelle », un fédéraliste qui peut être comparé, grâce à la qualité et à l’impact de son œuvre sur la culture européenne, comme le fondateur du fédéralisme culturel (œuvre complémentaire de celle du pragmatique et fonctionnaliste J. Monnet) (ibidem, 267-70). Né à Couvet, un petit village du canton de Neuchâtel, dans une famille française installée en Suisse quelques siècles auparavant, toute l'enfance et l'éducation de Rougemont seront marquées par l’atmosphère de ces lieux. Fils d'un pasteur assez impliqué dans la vie sociale, locale et nationale, et aussi dans la vie politique (le christianisme social), Rougemont grandit dans un milieu protestant, influencé dès son enfance par une morale de vie, qui sera déterminante tant dans sa conduite, que dans son regard sur le monde : « …le presbytère, c'est le centre de la communauté, où tout le monde vient voir le pasteur…les enfants de pasteur 1 Ackermann écrit: « Nous définirons donc notre biographie intellectuelle comme une tentative de restituer de manière linéaire l'élaboration d'une pensée ou d'une oeuvre…considérée dans une époque et un temps donné, et en tant que mue par une activité créatrice - le Journal de l'écrivain - fondée sur une dialectique ou sur une tension de la personne humaine confrontée à l'histoire ». 23 côtoient toute cette vie et ont une vision très directe sur toute espèce de gens…Cette vision très en profondeur, très directe à la fois, d'une communauté donne tout de suite aux enfants du pasteur une autre vision de l'humanité et des rapports entre les gens » (Ackerman, I, 1996: 67). Ce fils de pasteur se devait d’être un modèle d'exemplarité, sa famille, qui a donné beaucoup de pasteurs au pays, ayant d’ailleurs pour devise: « Mieux être que paraître ». Le milieu familial (austère) a permis à Denis de Rougemont de fréquenter toutes sortes d'autres milieux: pauvres ou riches, humbles ou prétentieux. Toutefois, à la sortie de l’adolescence, Rougemont manifeste un rejet pour ce milieu austère, « une révolte plus ou moins ouverte contre ce que le protestantisme était devenu à cette époque-là, c'est-à-dire une morale bourgeoise » (ibidem, 68)2. Dans les années trente D. de Rougemont s'est intéressé à la théologie dialectique, étant engagé dans le mouvement personnaliste, qui se prononçait pour une révolution contre le désordre établi. On peut dire que la période de la conscientisation du milieu environnant vient de commencer, et qu’il est déjà le temps de nous engager à reconstituer les repères des différentes étapes de la carrière rougemontienne. Même si au début on parle d’une période foncièrement suisse, il s’agit aussi une période de voyages en Europe centrale, et également à l’Ouest de la Suisse. Une carrière complexe et parfois difficile, avec beaucoup de rencontres, avec plusieurs groupes et idées entre lesquels le choix est parfois volontaire, parfois le résultat du hasard. C'est la période durant laquelle D. de Rougemont participe à l'élaboration de quelques revues en Suisse romande et aussi de la publication dans différentes revues plus ou moins importantes (Revue de Belles Lettres, Semaine littéraire, Les Cahiers romands) de ses premiers comptes-rendus ou de ses premiers récits. Parallèlement paraissent des écrits poétiques (Ackerman, I, 1996: 131-135), suivis de son premier ouvrage littéraire, Le Paysan du Danube (1932), ouvrage qui contient la plupart des récits et chroniques de voyages, tout en offrant une vision romantique de cette Europe de sentiment, l'Europe centrale. (ibidem, 138) Les années trente ouvrent aussi la période parisienne de D. de Rougemont. Dans l'entourage des Editions Je Sers et sous la protection de leur dirigeant, Pierre Maury, paraît la revue Hic et Nunc, réalisée par un groupe de jeunes philosophes et théologiens très turbulents, partisans de la théologie de Karl Barth, c'est-à-dire de la théologie existentielle ou de la théologie dialectique, inspirée de Calvin, Luther, et de Kierkegaard. (Ackerman, I, 1996: 232) Il s’agit d’une période riche en contacts et rencontres, de dialogue et d’échanges entre Rougemont et d’autres intellectuels par l'intermédiaire des revues littéraires (Aujourd'hui, Cahiers de Foi et Vie, Plans (ibidem, 194)), sur les idées d'homme, de personne. La rencontre décisive de cette période est sans doute celle d’A. Marc, l'initiateur d’entrevues entre des « croyants de différentes confessions, d’agnostiques, de philosophes de l'ancienne et de la nouvelle génération » (ibidem, I, 1996: 188) dans le « berceau du personnalisme » qu’était le Club du Moulin Vert. Parmi eux figurent des orthodoxes (Nicolas Berdiaef, le Père Boulgakov, le Père Gillet, le peintre Kowalewski), des protestants (Roland de Pury, Max Dominicé), ou des catholiques (Jacques Maritain, Gabriel Marcel, Westphal), René Dupuis et Jean Jardin, des dominicains et des jeunes libres-penseurs ou de toutes les croyances. Beaucoup d’eux se retrouveront bientôt dans le sein du mouvement L’Ordre Nouveau, un mouvement militant contre certaines réalités de l’époque, parmi lesquelles le fascisme, et qui sera un des premiers avocats du fédéralisme européen et mondial. Après un très court rencontre avec la revue Esprit, Rougemont se dédiera aux activités journalistiques. Il écrit sur Luther, Selma Lagerlöf, Paul Claudel, Don Juan, André Gide, Albert Béguin, et plusieurs autres, et, dans le même temps, participe à différentes conférences, notamment à débats sur l'esprit totalitaire. Selon lui les trois régimes totalitaires (le communisme, l’hitlérisme et le fascisme) s’apparentent à trois religions nouvelles cherchant à 2 . La Revue de Belles Lettres a été le lieu de révolte contre l'air du temps. Le pessimisme actif est relevé aussi par l’humour avec qui Rougemont n’oublie pas à considérer certains des problèmes de l’époque, comme la distinction d’entre la démocratie et le communisme. Aussi, entre « le réformiste et le révolté [c’est] celui qui a le sens d’humour », « le sixième sens des européens », « la combustion lente de la révolte de l’individu » (Georis, 1989: 77). 24 substituer au christianisme le culte social de l'Etat, ayant pour corollaire un principe sacré distinct : le Prolétariat, la Race, l'Empire (ibidem, 562). Ceux-ci représentent donc une grande menace pour les peuples à la recherche d'un ordre nouveau, non pour ceux qui connaissent déjà la démocratie. Le manque de civisme qui favorise l’instauration de l’ordre totalitaire doit être remplacé par l'esprit de résistance civique, religieuse, et chrétienne. D'octobre 1935 à juin 1936, Rougemont réside en Allemagne où il occupe la fonction de professeur à l'Université de Francfort. Sa principale motivation, en dehors de ses besoins matériels, est d’ordre intellectuelle : « Si le régime totalitaire est le châtiment qu'a mérité l'Europe, il nous faut l'étudier de très près, sur place, avec une passion froide. Car il y va de toute notre culture » (D. de Rougemont (DdR), 1938: 44). Son Journal d'Allemagne rencontrera de succès (que des critiques aussi) grâce à « l'exactitude des détails et à la qualité des descriptions ». (Ackermann, I, 1996: 488) Lutte antihitlérienne, un passeport obligatoire pour l’Amérique Lorsque la guerre éclate, Rougemont réside en Suisse, où il est mobilisé. En France, citoyen d'un pays neutre résidant dans un État engagé dans le conflit, sa liberté d'expression était fort restreinte. Après un moment de découragement, celui-ci à une révélation: il faut défendre l'Europe et sauver son avenir. De 1939 à 1940, mobilisé en Suisse, Rougemont publie un certain nombre d'ouvrages et opuscules: La légende de Nicolas de Flue (1939), La Mission ou la Démission de la Suisse (1940)3, la brochure Qu'est-ce que la Ligue du Gothard ? (1940) ou encore, le bréviaire civique intitulé Nos libertés. Bréviaire de citoyen (1940). L’intellectuel engagé tient plusieurs conférences démontrant son patriotisme, sa fidélité à l'idée fédérale comme antidote à la guerre, et sa sensibilité personnaliste. Dans ce contexte, la mission de la Suisse était de sauvegarder le principe central, fédératif. « Nous sommes chargés de la défendre [l'Europe] contre elle-même, de garder son trésor, d'affirmer sa santé et de sauver son avenir. Tel est le sens de notre indépendance, et telle est la mission spéciale qui justifie notre neutralité »4 (« Nos libertés… », 63 ; « Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 10-11). D’autre coté, Rougemont transforme, tout ensemble avec Théophile Spoerri, la Ligue du Gothard en organisation de résistance à Hitler, une organisation comprenant des courants d'opinion très différents et opposés à ceux de partis politiques. (ibidem, 11) Un article de Denis de Rougemont, paru dans La Gazette de Lausanne le 17 juin 1940 et fustigeant l'invasion hitlérienne de la France, lui apporte des accusations d’avoir fait péricliter la sécurité et la neutralité de la Suisse, et entraîne jusqu’à la fin son exil aux États-Unis, avec un passeport diplomatique et sous la condition expresse et formelle qu'il s'abstiendra de toute activité à caractère politique. (ibidem, 10-12) La période américaine se démontra assez bénéfique pour l’évolution intellectuelle de D. de Rougemont : le livre Le Journal des deux Mondes5, débuté en 1939, en Europe, est continué jusqu'en 1946, en Amérique ; la conscientisation de l’importance majeure de la création d’une Europe fédérale (ibidem, 13). D’autre coté, employé à la section française de la radio « La voix d'Amérique » (Ackermann, II, 1996: 727-40), Rougemont considérera que cet 3 C’est dans ce livre que Rougemont d’un part fait l’affirmation que la deuxième guerre mondiale est une contre la Suisse mais aussi une qui démontra que la Suisse doit être le futur modèle organisationnel pour l’Europe, et d’autre part exprime son espérance que la Suisse saura se faire utile, avec son expérience fédéraliste (« minuscule, mais concluante », (DdR, 1940b: 185), à l’Europe (idem, 1940c: 98-100). Voir aussi (idem, 1940e: 155-167). L’idée du modèle fédéral suisse n’est pas nouvelle. Même en 1937 (dans un article apparu en Esprit) Rougemont considérait que la Suisse (par son diversité ethnique et linguistiques une sorte d’Europe en miniature) avait la tâche d’accomplir sa « mission personnaliste » et celle de « gardienne » du principe fédératif en Europe. (idem, 1940f: 109-111, 117). 4 Ce texte a fait l’objet de vives critiques. Voir notamment la polémique entre D. de Rougemont et Gonzague de Reynold qui tenait le luthéranisme pour une source d’inspiration du nazisme. 5 C'est une réflexion sur ces deux mondes, mais une réflexion qui commence dans un espace et un monde différent de celui où elle prend fin. 25 emploi ne lui offrait toutefois pas « un cadre intellectuel stimulant et exigeant ».6 Le retour de D. de Rougemont en Europe clôtura la première partie d'une aventure intellectuelle et littéraire (ibidem, 835) et ouvrira une autre étape, celle de la lutte contre le totalitarisme et pour l’approfondissement de l’idée européenne. La deuxième guerre mondiale, les circonstances de son exil forcé aux États-Unis, les difficultés de se faire reconnaître au sein du milieu intellectuel américain, le totalitarisme plus fort que jamais en Russie, lui ont donné de nouvelles raisons, et une nouvelle force pour se pencher sur la question de l’Europe. L’aventure européenne Même s’il n’est pas un adepte des définitions, surtout en ce qui concerne la culture et spécialement quand ces définitions ne sont autre chose qu’« un ensemble de phrases correctes, quelquefois ingénieuses, et par définition inefficaces » (DdR, 1937: 52), Rougemont nous a laissé une de plus belles définitions de l’Europe, qu’il la considère comme : … une énergie, un décalque de la formule d’Einstein E=MC², où E est l’Europe, M est le produit de sa masse (étendue, matières premières, population) et C sa culture dont les effets induits se multiplient en progression géométrique. (idem, 1958c: 338 ; Idem, 1970a: 277-78) L’auteur dresse même un catalogue sommaire – dit-il – des éléments constitutifs de la culture européenne, un catalogue qui comprend, à côté des éléments classiques : religions, philosophie, éthique, attitude face à l’amour, histoire, géographie, musique, des éléments modernes (cinéma, radio, télévision, voyages, vêtements, sociologie etc.). (idem, 1980: 723-4) Concevant la culture comme « un ensemble des valeurs7 communes à tous les européens », Rougemont l’a toujours considérée, à coté de l’homme, comme le point de départ8 pour toute action européenne et européiste parce qu’il s'agit d'une question aussi cruciale que la guerre ou la sécurité nationale. Et l’exemple de la deuxième guerre mondiale, une guerre née « du gigantisme et de la démission de la culture », paraît clair pour Rougemont. (idem, 1940b: 59, 98) La culture européenne « c’est un trésor commun qui s’est fait en deux milles ans, et c’est cela que nous devons vivre maintenant, pour cela que nous devons travailler, parce que c’est cela qui nous donne les dimensions nécessaires à notre vie politique, notre vie civique, notre vie active de tous les jours » (« Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 18, 20). Dans un sens plus concret, l’héritage culturel (idem, 1971a: 368) est ce que « nous sommes capables d’en utiliser pour nos fins propres », en utilisant les deux mémoires, « celle des peuples et celle des gènes », la mémoire externe (des grandes bibliothèques, de la langue, des monuments, des croyances) et la « mémoire interne », celle des « chromosomes, de l’ADN », des programmes physiologiques ou sociaux, de l’hérédité. (ibidem, 370) Ainsi, la culture européenne devrait être à la fois le « principe d’unité », la « commune mesure » indivisible et méthodique, « le principe régulateur » entre les deux éléments qui faudrait constituer l’axe de l’unité européenne (idem, 1936b: 125) : pensée et action (ibidem, 17, 46-47, 52, 54, 121 ; idem, 1940b: 65-66sql). C’est pour cela que Rougemont est mécontent qu’après la deuxième guerre mondiale les conditions matérielles et morales de la vie en Europe (Occidentale ou Orientale) ont été dans une grande mesure bouleversées, des infrastructures telles que des bibliothèques, des musées, des maison d’éditions, ou des Ecoles étant à reconstruire ou à réorganiser. De nombreux livres et disques étaient impossibles à trouver. Plus tragiquement, plusieurs intellectuels réfugiés d’Europe orientale sont contraints d’accepter des emplois non qualifiés, leurs capacités étant perdues pour l’Europe et pour la Culture. Les recherches scientifiques étaient de plus en plus 6 Denis de Rougemont écrit à ses parents, 27 juin 1942: « Je ne retrouverai cela qu’en Europe ». (Ackermann, II, 1996: 747). Rougemont a toutefois rencontré diverses personnalités à New York : André Breton, Marcel Duchamp, Henri Matisse, Marc Chagall, Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, Max Ernst, et beaucoup d'autres qui appartenaient ou se joignaient au groupe des surréalistes. 7 L. Tézenas considère la culture une valeur intellectuelle d’une portée subjective, à comparaison avec les valeurs scientifiques, plus objectives. (Tézenas, 1934: 57). 8 Point de départ qui sera saisi uniquement plus tard par les uns des artisans du processus de la construction européenne, et les mot de Jean Monnet témoigne : « Si c’était à recommencer, je commencerais par la culture ». Cité attribuée à Jean Monnet, non identifié. (Sidjanski, 1992: 271; « Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 22). 26 coûteuses, les échanges culturels étaient entravés par de nombreux obstacles douaniers et pécuniaires, et aussi par des formalités multiples, la culture était nationalisée et l’enseignement, à l’Est, était soumis à l’influence politique (idem, 1949b: 85-88) et, comme toute manifestation culturelle, à censure. Pendant ce temps, en Occident, Rougemont découvre une culture périphérisée, un esprit qui subordonne ses intérêts à ceux de l’économie, de la politique ou de la défense nationale, situation à laquelle le seul remède serait de « laisser (les cultures) se manifester, et de ne pas les empêcher d’évoluer selon (leurs) lois et (leur) liberté propre », c’està-dire de construire « l’Europe ouverte » (ibidem, 91-2) l’Europe unie, l’Europe fédérale. L’unité culturelle de l’Europe a existé dès l’origine, et durant des siècles s’est toujours enrichie de différents apports. Elle ne saurait donc pas être instituée par une loi ; il conviendrait, au contraire, de la laisser se manifester librement, selon ses propres lois. (idem, 1952a: 146) Au régime totalitaire, indifféremment de son nom, Rougemont opposa le principe anti-étatiste, le seul qui pourrai faire possible d’éviter la dictature (Chevalley ; DdR, 1938: 45), et le régime fédéral, le seul capable, dans la vision rougemontienne, d’instaurer et d’assurer la paix (DdR, 1936a: passim; idem, 1996: 79). Après la rupture avec la revue Esprit et la disparition de L’Ordre Nouveau, à son retour en Europe Rougemont saisit sa chance lors des premières Rencontres Internationales de Genève (1946) et du premier Congrès de l'Union des fédéralistes à Montreux (1947), où il peut s’engager pratiquement, et non seulement de manière théorique, pour la défense de l'idée européenne. (Ackermann, II, 1996: 840-1) Au Congrès de la Haye, ouvert le 7 mai 1948, Rougemont a fait partie de la commission culturelle, et, avec d'autres collègues, a rédigé la résolution culturelle, qui constitue un moment décisif pour l'écrivain, du point de vue de son engagement européen. En 1949, Rougemont s’est joint aux fondateurs du Centre européen de la Culture, qui organise la première Conférence européenne de la Culture, inaugurée officiellement le 7 octobre 1950 et présidée par Rougemont jusqu'à sa mort, en 1985. Durant tout ce temps, il a publié de nombreux articles dans la revue du Centre européen, Le Courrier Fédéral, puis dans Le Bulletin du Centre européen de la Culture, et dès 1978, dans Cadmos (à côté d'autres, bien sûr), et a participé à de nombreuses conférences et rencontres. Entre 19501967, Rougemont a présidé le Comité exécutif du Congrès pour la liberté de la Culture, et a participé à la création de la revue Preuves. En 1976, avec le groupe Cadmos, il a participé, en tant que rédacteur final, à l'élaboration d'un rapport au Peuple européen sur l'état de l'Union de l'Europe. (ibidem, 858-63) Toutefois, en 1970 Rougemont était déçu par l’évolution de l’idée fédéraliste, qu’il considérait qu’elle s’était constamment dégradée, l’idéal fédéraliste s’étant mué en « un modèle d’union très différent, l’intégration », la propagande populaire étant abandonnée. (DdR, 1970a/1994: 258-9) Au lieu d’une « fédération continentale, politique, culturelle, sociale, et économique », on a créé une simple union douanière. À son avis, l’union politique n’a connu aucun progrès, même si, en général, fait encourageant, les idées d’union, de « décentralisation, d’ouverture des frontières, la conscience d’une communauté de destin continentale », ont progressé dans l’esprit des jeunes européens notamment. (ibidem, 260) L’unité souhaitée par Rougemont n’était pas la pure et simple intégration, mais une unité « infiniment complexe, biologique, qui suppose des parties composées, englobées ou organisées en systèmes de tensions plus ou moins autonomes et plus ou moins équilibrés. L’unité de l’Europe comme culture est une communauté de valeurs antinomiques et d’origines très diverses, mêlées en dosages très variés ». (idem, 1970a: 265) Rougemont appréciait que seulement la création de nouveaux organismes économiques et politiques supranationaux n’était pas suffisante9 : l’Europe était, en ce qui le concerne, avant tout une culture, l’une de ses caractéristiques étant l’unité d’attitude vis-à-vis de la culture, le respect de la diversité. Le dialogue entre les diversités du continent est le fondement de la réalisation de l’Europe et de l’idée européenne de l’homme, de l’idée dialectique de l’homme, encore inachevées. C’est aussi le fondement « du dynamisme occidental, et de l’inquiétude créatrice qui pousse l’Européen à mettre en question 9 Rougemont considérait qu’uniquement le projet Spinelli d’union européenne était « un peu plus digne de ce nom » par comparaison avec les autres plans et actions antérieures. (« Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 50). 27 … ses rapports avec Dieu, avec le monde, avec l’État et la communauté » (idem, 1948: 48 ; idem, 1970a: 266-8) au contraire du totalitarisme. Selon l’auteur, les hommes politiques considèrent que l’union européenne est nécessaire pour des raisons politiques, économiques, historiques : le péril russe, la domination américaine, l’élargissement des marchés nationaux, ou encore le conflit franco-allemand. Rougemont est toutefois convaincu que le plus important est le sauvetage du patrimoine culturel de l’Europe, de son culte de la personne humaine : tout ce qui existe en Europe – les institutions, les partis politiques, la technique et Strasbourg aussi – est le produit de la culture. Et, afin que les Européens comprennent les efforts en faveur de l’union, il faut leur faciliter l’accès à la culture, les éduquer à devenir, à se sentir européens. (idem, 1952b: 162-5)10 L’union fédérale devait être réalisée par des hommes conscients que leur destin dépend de leur action. (idem, 1953a: 196) C’est la raison pour laquelle le Centre de la culture européenne introduit dans son Bulletin une rubrique générale intitulée l’Education européenne, une éducation « qui doit déterminer la révolution morale, intellectuelle, spirituelle puis économique et sociale », la maturation dont naîtra l’Europe unie. (idem, 1954a: 222) Rougemont précisait que ces efforts déployés en vue de l’unification de la conscience européenne ne visaient pas à substituer un nationalisme européen aux nationalismes existants, ni à « opposer une nation européenne aux nations de l’Est et de l’Ouest », ou encore à créer une culture européenne synthétique. Le but recherché était l’union des pays d’Europe occidentale afin d’obtenir la « renaissance de leur culture dans la liberté de l’esprit, qui est leur vraie force » (ibidem, 94-5), et ce même s’il était impropre, selon Rougemont, de parler de « faire l’Europe » quand elle existait depuis des siècles. C’est la raison pour laquelle la principale tâche du Centre européen de la culture était la « propagande » [culturelle], mais utilisée pour obtenir l’effet que Pasteur l’avait obtenu en utilisant les microbes au service de l’homme, et non pour manipuler, car la devise du Centre était la suivante : « Que rien ne soit à moi qui puisse être à un autre ». (idem, 1953a: 119-20)11 Après des ans d’intense activité pro-européenne, Rougemont a indiqué trois règles essentielles pour réalisation de l’union européenne, on peut dire encore valables : on ne peut faire l’Europe sans des Européens conscients de leur identité propre ;12 on ne peut faire l’Europe sans l’aide de la culture, sans rendre à la culture sa fonction créatrice dans la société ; les principaux obstacles devant l’union européenne étant spirituels, il convient de les surmonter, afin de créer les Européens, des hommes doués de sens critique, et de leur offrir un champ d’action européen. Pour y parvenir deux méthodes étaient considérées possibles : faire d’abord appel à des hommes compétents travaillant ensemble en des domaines spécifiques ; faire appel aux jeunes. (idem, 1957a: 338-9) Pour réaliser l’union de peuples qui se sont combattus durant des siècles, des institutions communes étaient nécessaires, mais afin que celles-ci fonctionnent, il était mieux de favoriser l’essor d’« un sentiment commun dans tous les peuples réunis » (idem, 1957b: 299), en dépassant le nationalisme belliqueux né des manuels scolaires (idem, 1957e: 301), les conflits idéologiques provoqués par les intellectuels, ou de petits groupes d’idéologues au cours des XIXe-XX siècles. (idem, 1957d: 303) Tous les peuples devaient se reconnaître comme « les héritiers d’une même culture embarqués dans la même aventure », c’est-à-dire, l’union de tous ceux qui veulent s’unir, sans aucune discrimination. Rougemont identifie aussi quatre méthodes pour réaliser l’union, chacune d’elles avec ses inconvénients, ses dangers : la méthode institutionnelle, basée sur la vertu fédérative des « solidarités de fait » dans les domaines industriel, technique, financier, risque de subordonner 10 Le processus du devenir européen à son tour ne peut pas se passer sans l’intervention divine, de la révélation divine. (Nagórny, 1992: 244). 11 C’est Rougemont qui a coordonnés du bulletin du centre (Bulletin du CEC – 1951-1977, appelé Cadmos entre 1978-1992 et Transeuropéens à partir de 1993), parallèlement en mettant les bases et coordonnant le Congrès pour la Liberté de la Culture (accusé d’avoir reçu de fondements de CIA, impossible à ne prononcer sur cette chose). (Jacob, 2000: 127). 12 Aux jeunes occidentaux qui affirmaient : « L’Europe, connaît pas », Rougemont recommandait un séjour en Afrique, ou en Asie. (idem, 1971b: 358). A. Marc est un peu plus indulgente avec le jeune, et critique avec les bâtisseurs de l’Europe : « Une Europe incapable d’« enthousiasmer » les jeunes, ne serait, hélas ! qu’une Europe en carton-pâte. » (Marc, 1965: 19). 28 les fins aux moyens, et de ne convertir, en Europe, que « les seuls techniciens, au sens large, non les masses » ; la méthode fédéraliste réformiste risque elle, de rester complètement inefficace, « de perdre au nom de la vie même nos raisons de vivre », si elle pose « le schéma le plus satisfaisant du régime fédéral à établir » ; la méthode constitutionnelle, qui s’occupe premièrement des moyens de pression nécessaires pour forcer l’établissement d’un régime fédéraliste, risque de ne pas susciter des moyens assez puissants, et « de perdre au nom de la vie nos raisons de vivre » ; la dernière méthode, dite culturelle-éducative, devait être conçue dans le long terme, « face aux méthodes totalitaires plus brutales et plus fascinantes ». (idem, 1958a: 345-6) De ces quatre méthodes ressort une contradiction essentielle : « il faut aller vite, mais il faut réussir une Europe digne de ce nom, car bien réussir s’oppose à réussir vite ». La solution préconisée par Rougemont est l’œcuménisme pratique, l’utilisation de toutes les méthodes de manière simultanée, en dépit de leurs différences. Toutefois, l’éducation européenne reste très importante pour D. de Rougemont : faire l’Europe c’est d’abord faire des Européens (idem, 1956: 256). Ceci implique que l’éducation soit européenne, et forme des personnes autonomes13, parce que, tel comme l’européiste affirmait quelques temps avant, la fédération européenne pouvait être faite uniquement « par des personnes, et non point par des troupes, au sens politicien du terme » (idem, 1940c: 193-4). Si le respect de l’individu c’est voir en lui la « personne qu’il peut devenir, s’il découvre sa vocation et reçoit les moyens de l’accomplir » (idem, 1956: 260), former l’individu c’est par conséquent lui communiquer le sens de la communauté culturelle, politique ou sociale, où s’exerce sa vocation. Le problème le plus urgent est donc l’idéal d’une éducation européenne, la formation, la promotion « d’ hommes à la fois libres et responsables », qui seuls pourront unir l’Europe. Une philosophie à l’hauteur de l’européen : le personnalisme L’homme, dans toutes ses hypostases mais spécialement comme élément simplificateur de toute philosophie sociale ou politique (idem, 1939: 36), a beaucoup préoccupé D. de Rougemont : son amour, sa vocation, ses libertés et responsabilités, les situations limites quand le mal est ou peut devenir son maître, ses allégeances. Toujours en essayant de connaître l’homme et son environnement, Rougemont l’appelle à agir et le considère comme une personne quand il est capable de s’engager, sur le plan personnel et communautaire, et sans aucune accointance idéologique, mais uniquement par vocation (idem, 179), donc en toute liberté et, responsabilité (l’un impliquant l’autre (« Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 10)), « dans les réalités vivantes de son époque » (Ackermann, 1989: 33-4, 37), en relation donc avec « son espèce » (DdR, 1937: 106). Parce que la personne représente « l’attitude créatrice, la vocation de l’homme » (idem, 1939: 50), celui-ci ne devient personne que « dans la mesure où il se manifeste concrètement, d’un façon qui lui est particulière, dans une tâche qui lui est propre et pour laquelle il est responsable ». (idem, 1934a: 17) Par son mode imprévisible de vie, par ses multiples allégeances, la personne c’est l’incarnation de l’aventure, du risque, pendant que l’individu, homme de masses, « vit dans l’attente, la révolte et l’impuissance » (idem, 1939: 51). La personne est, suivant d’une certaine manière la ligne proposé par W. Stern ou Karl Barth, le point de rencontre entre le « je » et le « tu », le point d’introspection spirituelle réciproque entre deux individus ouverts à l’extérieure, vers le prochaine14, solitaire mais non isolé (idem, 1936b: 240-1), c’est « l’homme engagé dans le conflit qui l’unit et l’oppose à son prochain » (idem, 1939: 178). La valeur de la personne est infinie, la personne pouvant être 13 . De Rougemont fait encore une distinction qui part de triangle Occident-Union Soviétique-Amérique tout en affirmant que l’Europe ne peut pas se faire avec une éducation, une spécialisation « dirigée par l’Etat » (de type soviétique), ou une méthode d’enseignement qui « pousserait le respect de l’individualité enfantine jusqu’au refus de la former » (de type américain). (DdR, 1956: 257-9). 14 Même si Rougemont reconnaît que cela n’est pas du tout facile et nous donne son propre exemple et la conclusion à laquelle il est arrivé : « regarder pour aimer, et oublier ce que l’on voit ». (DdR, 1937: 246). 29 considérée « la seule valeur qu’on puisse donner à l’x de l’équation du monde » (idem, 1936b: 245), mais parce que les personnes sont très peu nombreuses15 elles doivent recevoir toute la « liberté d’action » afin de « travailler au bien de tous » (idem, 1939: 61). Si on rend compte de toutes les caractéristiques de la personne et de l’individu on peut être étonné quand Rougemont nous indique l’Evangile16 comme fondement de la personne et du personnalisme. Et toutefois l’explication de Rougemont est simple : c’est uniquement l’Evangile qui nous enseigne (tous !) ce qui doit être le rapport de l’homme avec son prochain (compris comme « celui qui pratique la miséricorde »), rapport impossible avant de connaître Dieu. C’est l’amour, la miséricorde, « acte unique d’obéissance à l’ordre de Dieu » qui ne doit pas du tout être compris comme tolérance, mais comme « présence et engagement immédiat » qui peut nous approprier de nos semblables. (idem, 1939: 52-4, 139, 238) Rougemont a appris assez tôt que l’amour de prochain n’est quelque chose de commode, qu’habituellement les gens demandent plus qu’ils sont capables d’offrir à leur tour. C’est pour cela que pour voir « le Prochain » on doit avoir une révélation. (idem, 1937: 186-7) Comme Mounier autrefois, Rougemont considérait que la personne est un « instrument de mesure17 de la civilisation (…) un acte prophétique… l’image virtuelle de la grandeur de l’homme … une réponse radicale « de la crise totale de civilisation » (Lurol, 1989, 43-4), « l’individu engagé dans le conflit créateur » (Daniel-Rops; DdR, 1933: 14) ou « la véritable cellule sociale » à laquelle même la famille est subordonnée. La personne est donc « un 18 ACTE » (DdR, 1934: 17), mais l’acte par lequel l’individu découvre son prochain et « répond à la question qui lui pose » celui-ci, « le lieu de toute décision qui crée » (idem, 1936b: 234-7), parce que « …la vraie condition de l’homme, c’est de penser avec ses mains », de « penser en actes » à savoir « devenir cette idée » (ibidem, 147, 241-2). Toute pensée « doit conduire l’action » (idem, 1937: 106). Si l’individu, l’homme en soi, l’homme type (idem, 1939: 175), l’homme qui « perde le sens de son destin particulier » (idem, 1934b: 3), reste au-delà de ce processus de connaissance, s’il reste isolé, il constituera le fondement, la base, l’essence des masses, qui ne sont pas capable d’amour, mais uniquement de haine (idem, 1939: 46-7). Avant d’avancer dans les recherches sur l’homme, il s’impose toutefois à clarifier la notion de la vocation. Ce syntagme n’a pas du tout, pour Rougemont, un sens professionnel, mais celui de la personne qui se découvre, la portée d’une sorte de « prophétie auto-réalisante… C’est la dignité de l’homme. Se faire soi-même c’est une œuvre, c’est faire l’œuvre fondamentale que chacun de nous a à se faire… » (« Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 44-5)19, sans importance du degré de simplicité ou de sophistication de l’homme mais nécessairement dans une communauté20. Si le fondement de la communauté est la personne, celle-ci doit ainsi permettre (pour respecter la polarité de la relation homme-comunauté), « à tous les hommes d’assumer leurs responsabilités, c'est-à-dire de devenir personnes » (DdR, 1936b: 237). Pour l’écrivain suisse existe une vocation dans un sens pur, « un appel précis », pareil au Lève-toi… 15 « La personne est ou n’est pas. (Le plus souvent, elle n’est pas) », mais la possibilité « latente » existe toujours en chacun. (idem, 1935: 15) 16 Cette chose n’est pas du tout surprenant si nous considérons qu’à l’époque le discours anti-religieux connaissait une certaine ampleur et que Rougemont a eu l’occasion de vivre cela pendant la période d’isolement à la campagne. (idem, 1937: 35-6). 17 Par mesure Rougemont comprend « le principe normatif d’une civilisation », la personne étant, pour la société personnaliste, une mesure « infiniment vivant ». (idem, 1935: 14) 18 Par cet « acte » Rougemont comprend « le fait spirituel, le fait humain par excellence » qui en effet n’est autre chose que le « prochain » de l’Évangile. (idem, 1939: 238) 19 On peut affirmer que Rougemont a la même opinion que l’autre barthien, André Dumas, pour qui toute personne a son propre corps, son propre être, son initiative, son dessein et son propre Je suprême. (Marc, 1986: 33). 20 K. Barth avait déjà affirmé que dans le moment-là quand l’homme se pose la question essentielle, « Que devons-nous faire ? » dés commence son rôle social conscientisé, assumé, implicatif dans les problèmes de la communauté, il met en question son activité « ici-bas dans le temps ». (Barth, 1933: 174-5, 177). 30 des Prophètes de l’Ancien Testament (idem, 1940e: 161 ; idem, 1939: 60)21, mais aussi celui de Saint Paul, de « l’homme nouveau appelé par un Dieu personnel » (idem, 1961: 231). Ainsi, dans une première instance la personne est pour Rougemont « l’homme concret… engagé dans le conflit vital qui l’unit et l’oppose à son prochaine », et elle existe même dans les plus pires conditions, pendant que l’individu « n’a jamais existé qu’à l’état de définition ». (idem, 1934a: 16-7) La personne est l’individu et sa vocation, l’homme dans sa pleine actualité, une entité indescriptible mais bien « reconnaissable indirectement dans les effets de cette actualité » (Baudouin, 1940: 194). L’homme de Rougemont est non seulement unique, mais aussi « absolument originel » et non dans un sens génétique, mais dans le sens de son histoire de la découverte de la personne qu’il est, dans le sens des modalités particulières dans lesquelles il se manifeste concrètement pour accomplir « une tâche qui lui est propre et pour laquelle il est responsable » (« Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 43, 45-6), pour se renouveler (Ackermann, 1986: 108). Subséquemment, dans le contexte des totalitarismes le personnalisme a été pour Rougemont tant la « position centrale » entre l’individualisme et le collectivisme morbides (DdR, 1940c: 188), qu’ainsi « une troisième voie dont l’objectif capital est d’assurer la libre activité des personnes dans la société », l’axe de la civilisation européenne à la lumière de laquelle l’individualisme et le collectivisme ne sont que des déviations vers anarchie et respectivement dictature (idem, 1939: 56 ; « Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 46). Ces maux de la société arrivent quand l’homme oubli ses devoirs envers la communauté et respectivement ceux envers lui-même (DdR, 1940b: 88), quand l’homme oublie d’être personne responsable avec les autres et avec lui-même. Pour Rougemont il n’est pas important de définir la personne, mais de la surprendre et de la comprendre. Les « grammaire », « politique », « notion » ou « théorie » de la personne de D. de Rougemont ne peuvent pas être associées à un exercice de « définition de la personne », considéré nécessaire uniquement pour mieux comprendre la grande pléthore de manifestations de l’« indéfinissable concret » (idem, 1930: 368-82) qui est l’être humain (Mantzouranis, 1989: 49). Pour Rougemont la personne « est première ou n’est pas » (ibidem, 57), « est unique ou n’est pas », elle est « aux ordres de sa vocation, elle est seule responsable de son risque » (ibidem, 156), elle est « le chemin vers un moi-même sans précédent » et découvre sa liberté « dans ses décisions singulières, déterminées non point par des lois génériques, préexistantes, communes à tous… mais par un but qui n’est qu’à elle, en avant d’elle, un but qu’elle réalise en l’approchant, tout en se réalisant elle-même par cette approche » (DdR, 1961: 31). C’est pour cela qu’« elle veut que l’État soit une émanation de l’homme », que dans sa relation avec l’État celui-ci n’ait que le rôle « d’un simple organe d’économie et de distribution des tâches serviles et mécaniques… un administration dotée d’une police minime » et mis à la disposition des hommes, donc un régime fédéral (idem, 1939: 57). « Là où l’homme veut être total, l’État ne sera jamais totalitaire » (ibidem, 156), dans toute révolte d’une personne contre l’État pouvant être reconnues tant « la vision d’un nouvel ordre » qu’une tentative de défense de « certaines complaisances intimes » aussi condamnables que compréhensibles (ibidem, 196). Suite à cette logique, Rougemont considère que la philosophie personnaliste est « la seule philosophie acceptable pour le fédéraliste », à laquelle ont peut arriver par l’« attitude personnaliste », la seule méthode de résoudre les problèmes éventuels d’une fédération, parce qu’uniquement la personne sait qu’elle doit « sacrifier à l’ensemble une part de ses prérogatives, si elle veut rester en mesure d’exercer… sa vocation », mais en sachant qu’à son tour l’ensemble fera tout le possible pour « sauvegarder les libertés individuelles » (idem, 1940c: 187-9). Le sujet de la philosophie personnaliste: l’homme européen Parmi les caractéristiques essentielles des Européens Rougemont incluait aussi le goût furieux de différer (idem, 1970b: 245), le goût de l’originalité qui renferme en lui « l’esprit de 21 Karl Barth à son tour a donné plusieurs exemples de ce type : celui d’Abraham, de Moïse, de Gédéon, de Samuel et d’Eli. (ibidem, 29-32). 31 concurrence » et le besoin d’exprimer « son vrai moi ». Selon l’auteur, l’homme occidental a voulu s’affirmer comme « individu créateur », tandis que l’Oriental a choisi de se soumettre « au monde de dieux » ; son propos n’est pas de dire « que l’un vaut mieux que l’autre, mais qu’ils se donnent des buts tout à fait différents », que pour les premiers les modèles sont « les créations individuelles, et non les conventions sacrées ». (idem, 1952d: 151) Pour Rougemont, il est curieux que ce noyau de tension créatrice ait perdu sa place au profit de la « culture censoriale » en Europe de l’Est, une culture dénaturée et asservie. Etrange aussi que « la division de l’Europe paralyse encore » la culture européenne, le libre-échange des idées, des personnes et des œuvres, quand le secret de la puissance22 est la mise en commun de toutes les ressources scientifiques, éducatrices et créatrices en général. Ceci aurait été possible grâce à un inventaire des forces culturelles du continent, une coordination des efforts dispersés « entre nos vingt nations » (idem, 1950a: 125)23, et si avait existé un organisme capable de prendre « certaines initiatives et de parler au nom de l’Europe comme unité », donc une Autorité politique supranationale. Si l’Europe ne sauvait pas sa culture et « la liberté de la personne », elle risquait de devenir « un appendice insignifiant de l’Asie... ». (ibidem, 130) Des tensions créatrices nées de la pluralité des origines de l’Europe sont nées deux séries de « contraires inséparables » et en conflit permanent dans l’histoire européenne. Dans la première série Rougemont oppose des termes à la fois antinomiques et valables: spirituel et temporel; liberté et responsabilité; innovation et tradition; personne et communauté; autonomie et union; gauche et droit; midi et nord; révolution et réformisme; goût du risque et besoin de sécurité etc. Dans la seconde, il oppose deux termes également condamnables: étatisme centralisateur et esprit de clocher; dirigisme rigide et libéralisme sans frein; individualisme et collectivisme; anarchie et tyrannie ; uniformisation et séparatisme. (idem, 1970a: 278-9) Ainsi, dans l’héritage culturel de l’Europe Rougemont identifie le secret de l’Européen: c’est un « homme dialectique, dialogique, sans espoir de trouver son équilibre que par des synthèses difficiles, condamné au choix perpétuel, donc à la prise de conscience, à la mise en question de tous les résultats et de toutes les valeurs », donc l’auteur de la création (idem, 1950a: 122; idem, 1970b: 244-5; idem, 1970a: 269-73), un auteur qui diffère d’un siècle à l’autre. Dans le « laboratoire européen », comme dit Rougemont, ont paru durant des siècles les idées de révolution, de passion et de progrès, toutes nées de la révélation chrétienne, analysée et déformée à travers le prisme gréco-judéo-romain. Pour Rougemont, l’homme qui pense ne doit pas rester empêtré dans sa pensée, mais il doit actionner, il doit utiliser ses mains (thèse d’Aquin aussi), qui doivent être « larges et dures », capables de « prendre et peser », de créer, de laisser la propre empreinte et d’approprier à lui-même ce qu’il touche, de rompre les barrières artificielles d’entre ce qui on appelle classiquement comme sans aucune lien que de certaines terminaisons nerveuse pensée et main pour la substituer avec une autre, celle de la main comme instrument de la réalisation d’une vision de la pensée, un instrument qui « manifeste » la pensée, la rend « pesante » et « LIBERATRICE » (idem, 1936b: 149-52, 195). Rougemont considère qu’il a découvert ce qui était le mal de son temps, la réalité sur laquelle il devrait s’appuyer, sur laquelle il devrait actionner: la « privation du pouvoir d’être une personne responsable », source de l’angoisse et de la révolte des masses, « le retour à la personne », qui devrait être le sens de toute philosophie « existentielle » et de tout mouvement théologique et politique, spécialement dans un monde ou l’égoïsme est souvent considéré comme une vertu (ibidem, 233-5). Et on peut affirmer que son œuvre sur la personne démontre qu’il a pris en sérieux son rôle. Rougemont juge l’européen par comparaison et soutient, lui, que les conceptions européennes, d’une part, et celle américaine ou russe, d’autre part, sur la nature ou la condition de l’homme exemplaire, diffèrent profondément. En effet, pour les européens le grand homme, exemplaire, serait un homme épris d’absolu, à la recherche des valeurs essentielles et des raisons de vivre, tandis que pour les Américains ou pour les Russes ce serait l’individu moyen, 22 « La puissance c’est le pouvoir qu’on veut prendre sur autrui, la liberté, c’est le pouvoir qu’on veut prendre sur soi-même ». (« Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 23). 23 Ceci était possible par le biais du Centre européen de la Culture. 32 l’exemplaire de série, l’homme qui produit et consomme. (idem, 1948: 22-3)24 Selon l’écrivain, l’homme européen, celui de la contradiction, ou l’homme dialectique, est une personne25, et l’idée de l’homme représente « le trésor de l’Europe ». Ses déviations vers « l’individu sans devoirs, ou vers le militant sans droits », seraient les causes de tous les malheurs sociaux. Si les Européens ont créé le nationalisme, ils ont trouvé aussi l’antidote, le fédéralisme, qu’il reste cependant à inventer et à concrétiser dans des institutions fédérales (idem, 1948: 24-6), seules capables de sauver l’Europe. (ibidem, 30) Cependant, cet objectif demeure très difficile à atteindre, à cause de l’homme, plus précisément à cause des trois conceptions de l’homme qui se trouvent au fondement de trois régimes politiques différents. L’écrivain parle ainsi de: l’homme « libre mais non engagé » (le pur individu, l’adepte de « l’évasion »), auquel correspond « un régime démocratique tendant vers l’anarchie »; l’homme « totalement engagé » (le « soldat politique », l’adepte du « conformisme » par faiblesse, pour se dérober des inconvénients du concret, par cynisme), mais non libre, auquel correspond le régime totalitaire; et l’homme personne, « libre et engagé », renvoyant au régime fédéraliste. (idem, 1936b: 127, 222-3; idem, 1948: 32) Dans le même temps, Rougemont distingue trois types de mentalités appartenant à ces « trois espèces de gens fort différents » (ibidem, 40): i./ les gens qui veulent la paix, l’union et la prospérité, mais qui redoutent un processus assez long et un objectif difficile à atteindre ; ii./ les gens qui ne veulent ni la paix, ni l’union ni la prospérité, les staliniens, les nationalistes ou les fascistes qui s’opposent fortement à la fédération européenne; iii./ ceux qui ne s’intéressent à rien, qui ne veulent réfléchir à rien, mais qui répètent mécaniquement les slogans du second groupe. (ibidem) Dans ce contexte, l’auteur exprime son désarroi, car ceux qui luttent pour la paix et l’union sont toujours considérés comme des utopistes, tandis que ceux qui préparent la guerre de façon évidente ne sont jamais tenus pour tels. La lutte pour l’idée fédérale est une lutte pour la paix, contre les conflits de races, de langues, de nationalismes, et un moyen de concilier toutes les diversités sans les éliminer. (ibidem, 43) Selon Rougemont, il ne s’agit en aucune façon d’une utopie qu’il définit comme « un système sans avenir » (ibidem, 44), telle qu’aurait pu l’être la volonté d’union de l’Europe sans changement de sa structure économique et politique. (ibidem, 45) Se pencher sur le problème de l’homme européen et sur celui du futur de l’Europe implique aussi, pour Rougemont, une autre question, celle de personnes responsables tant de la création de manifestation de personnes que de la réalisation de l’unité de l’Europe. Rougemont cherche à repérer les causes des maux qui dominent l’Europe et il trouve aussi des causes psychologiques. La séparation des individus de leur milieu familial les soumet à l’arbitraire, à l’anxiété, à l’insécurité matérielle et morale, mentale et spirituelle, l’homme devenant déraciné, isolé et désorienté, ouvert aux nationalismes, passions collectives et systèmes totalitaires. Le génie de Mussolini et d’Hitler, affirme Rougemont, a été de comprendre que « l’homme des masses vit dans l’angoisse de l’arbitraire, et qu’il en est réduit à désirer qu’on le libère d’une liberté sans contenu », qu’il cherche toujours un guide (idem, 1951: 134). Rougemont apprécie donc l’idée de Kierkegaard que les foules sont le milieu propice pour ceux qui ne veulent pas être responsables, de ceux qui fuient où se dépossèdent d’eux-mêmes et de leurs vocations (idem, 1994: 114-6). Ces personnes sont, malheureusement, ceux qui seront les victimes des totalitarismes (ibidem, 116). C’est pour cela que Rougemont parle du jour quand Hitler à 24 Même si, comme dit Rougemont, « l’homme de la rue se fiche un peu de ma notion européenne de l’homme et de la liberté ». (DdR, 1948: 47). 25 Rougemont adopte la dérivation persona→personne, considérée à désigner le rôle social et relationnel de l’homme, et celle des mots grecs prosopos et hypostasis dans leurs utilisations chrétiennes exprimant les relations entre le Père, le Fils et le Saint-Esprit, « un seul Dieu en trois fonctions distinctes ». La personne humaine désigne ainsi « l’individu naturel chargé d’une vocation spirituelle à l’égard de Dieu ». C’est l’homme qui doit devenir la source du nouveau droit, du respect humain, de l’éthique occidentale et des institutions typiques de l’Europe, chargées d’assurer les libertés individuelles et les devoirs communautaires. (idem, 1957c: 320). 33 ramassé dans ses mains tous les pouvoirs comme de celui qui « inaugure le temps des moutons enragés » (idem, 1938: 19). En ce qui concerne les remèdes, Rougemont est sceptique. Les hommes politiques, sans une attitude morale et spirituelle, ne seront pas capables d’offrir une solution valable. Donc Rougemont se dirige vers les intellectuels, même si en Occident ils sont impuissants devant les réalités qu’ils concourent à créer – les nationalismes, par exemple – où qu’ils laissent se manifester sans intervenir. Les intellectuels ne doivent pas, dans l’opinion de Rougemont, tomber dans la « scolastique positiviste » (idem, 1936b: 173), s’abandonner aux mythes, aux fantômes du siècle (idem, 1939: 50), laisser « la bêtise » à s’occuper des affaires publiques, en ouvrant ainsi les portes aux dictatures, mais ils doivent suivre, en toute liberté, la stratégie suivante: i./ rechercher dans leur pensée les origines des maux du monde ; ii./ trouver l’origine des dictatures (idem, 1934b: 6; idem, 1939: 50); iii./ construire une critique de mythes collectivistes; iv./ retrouver une définition claire de la personne; v./ et « de la traduire en institutions et coutumes »; vi./ et finalement « d’indiquer les limites, la formule et les buts de ces institutions ». Tout cela c’est en fait « faire les hommes » (idem, 1936b: 183-4), faire une politique à l’hauteur d’homme, à savoir une politique « dont le principe de cohérence s’appelle responsabilité de la personne humaine », opposée « au gigantisme américain, soviétique et capitaliste… à l’émiettement social de la démocratie individualiste… à l’exploitation de l’homme par ses créations, par l’État et par les bavards radiodiffusés », et à la dictature, le but de toute société devant être la personne. (idem, 1978: 18, 20) Ce que Rougemont reproche à la politique est qu’elle ignore « la réalité individuelle » et qu’elle se dirige, volontairement, « contre la personne » (idem, 1937: 193) par l’ignorance de toute réalité et l’implication dans les plus sales jeux politiques (« Qu'est-ce que... », 1936: 8-10). Cela ne veut dire que Rougemont nie l’utilité du politique (la méthode dichotomique des personnalistes est par sa nature même politique, affirme l’auteur), mais qu’il considère que « la vraie politique ne saurait être qu’une expression de la personne même », non une obligation d’État (ibidem, 6). Tout en continuant la logique utilisée pour caractériser les hommes européens, Rougemont distingue trois classes d’intellectuels européens: i./ ceux qui, sous le prétexte de l’impuissance et l’incapacité ou la manque de vouloir de « s’abaisser à l’hauteur d’homme » (DdR, 1936b: 15), tombent dans une « attitude démissionnaire » (ibidem, 174sql) et se désintéressent complètement de toute réalité contemporaine, ii./ ceux qui s’engagent, au sein d’un parti, sans attacher d’importance à sa doctrine26, et enfin iii./ ceux qui ont des convictions, une véritable vision de la situation générale, proposent des solutions (comme Berdiaev, Eliot, Jaspers etc.) mais auxquels les politiciens, les économistes, les masses ne prêtent guère attention. Rougemont propose des solutions face à cette anarchie, et il jette les bases du remède : il devrait intéresser … à la fois les politiciens, les économistes, les intellectuels, les masses, et leur offrir le moyen de collaborer effectivement à une construction ; il ne devrait pas être l’apanage d’un parti, d’une nation, d’une tendance intellectuelle, cherchant l’hégémonie ; il devrait se baser sur les traditions qui on fait la puissance de l’Europe, mais permettre en même temps une rénovation de la prospérité et de la créativité du Vieux-Monde. Tout ceci s’opposait donc à l’esprit partisan, dans ses formes multiples, parmi lesquelles le nationalisme. (idem, 1952c: 141) L’Europe fédérale, la solution pour la diversité européenne Même si Rougemont semble s'être rallié tardivement au mouvement fédéraliste de sa génération intellectuelle27, seulement après une période d’introspection et de prospection 26 27 Pour une critique du rôle des partis politique voir aussi (Ardouint; Daniel-Rops, 1934: 7-13) Selon Ackermann, au cours des années trente, il existe, au sein de la jeunesse de l'entre-deux-guerres, une réalité et une conscience générationnelle. Dans l’opinion de B. Voyenne, au début c’est A. Marc le seul des personnalistes qui se montre acharnement intéressé par le fédéralisme, qui connaissait la théorie fédérale et les prédécesseurs fédéralistes et qui même a essayé d’organiser un mouvement fédérale suite à l’effondrement de l’Ordre Nouveau. Trouver la voie à suivre n’a pas été quelque chose de hasard ou d’opportunité. A. Marc a attentivement observé les réalités théoriques et pratiques contemporaines 34 également, c’est toutefois bien démontré par ses écrits qu’il a appartenu entièrement à cette génération qui s’avait définit « comme non-conformiste… une génération en proie à une inquiétude28 fondamentale…ce dernier élément étant la justification essentielle que s'était donnée cette génération montante pour fonder sa volonté d'action, ses propositions pour un ordre nouveau » (Ackermann, I, 1996: 28-30) et concomitant aux idées que cette génération véhiculait. L’intérêt de Rougemont pour l’idée fédérale s’est accru après la seconde guerre mondiale29, l’Europe et le fédéralisme étant deux notions qui dans l’opinion de Rougemont s’appellent et se complètent réciproquement. Selon son avis, après l’expérience de la guerre et de l’Amérique, l’Europe en train de s’unir devrait soit être fédérale, soit de ne se constituer jamais, et cela seulement parce que uniquement le fédéralisme pourra faire l’union entre les différentes nations de l’Europe (idem, 1996: 82). Dès 1941 déjà, dans son livre The Hearth of Europe Rougemont parle des éléments concrets sur lesquels doivent se fonder l’idéal fédéraliste: l’expérience historique de la Suisse, et celle des États-Unis. Partant du modèle fédéral suisse, l’auteur considère les communautés locales comme le milieu où les citoyens peuvent se sentir responsables de leur destin et participer au processus décisionnel. (« Denis de Rougemont… », 1986: 17-8; B. Ackermann, II, 1996: 700) Dans Penser avec les mains (1936), l’intellectuel présente le fédéralisme comme le cadre dans lequel les intellectuels peuvent exercer leur responsabilité dans le monde (ibidem, 725)30, pour que plus tard, dans le Journal d’une époque, il accuse les désavantages du gigantisme administratif et affirme les bénéfices de la restauration « des cellules (communes), des foyers locaux (régions) et de les fédérer progressivement en réseaux organiques multiples » (DdR, 1968a: 321). Il est assez facile d’observer que la vision rougemontienne sur le fédéralisme n’est pas du tout une commune, que Rougemont considère que l’apparition de ceux-ci est d’un ordre profondément spirituel: « l’esprit seul donne un sens aux données dans lesquelles notre histoire prend son départ » (DdR, 1940c: 171). Rougemont parle d’une « attitude » fédéraliste (traduit comme efficacité et non comme anarchie), un terme « moins rigide… et moins dogmatique que celui de doctrine… [et qui] dénote une approche psychologique et humaine » (Brugmans, 1969: 29-31). Pour Rougemont le fédéralisme vient d’une forme de pensée résultant du « dialogue opposant les Eléates aux Ioniens au sujet de l’autonomie fondamentale de l’Union et du Divers, … de la permanence et du changement », mais un dialogue cherchant à maintenir les deux termes dans une tension créatrice, ce qui est l’originalité et la spécificité de la pensée occidentale. (DdR, 1970b: 239) C’est même cet état d’esprit qui fait le lien entre le fédéralisme et la culture chez Rougemont: une société européenne fédérale devrait se constituer comme « un acte de foi » en trouver sa « commune mesure »31, qui ne pouvait être que différente de celle des communautés totalitaires. Ainsi, la mesure commune de la prochaine Europe unie ne devra pas être collective, mais personnelle, « la mesure de l’homme en tant qu’il se possède dans ses relations actives avec tous ses prochains »; sa force devrait résider « dans les petits groups, non dans l’État totalitaire »; et sa formule finale devra être celle FEDERALE, « fédération de (totalitarismes, anarchismes, collectivisme) est uniquement après cette minutieuse analyse il a conclu: c’est l’ordre fédérale qui pouvait changer la face de l’Europe et du monde, et spécialement le fédéralisme intégrale (ou global). (Voyenne, 1981: 202-205, 239). 28 Cette inquiétude n'est pas neuve, mais elle gagne en intensité. 29 Il semble qu’avant de la deuxième guerre les fédéralistes n’étaient pas nombreux en Europe, à contraire pour la période d’après la guerre quand l’attitude fédéraliste se manifeste contre « le pouvoir, à la société et au processus historique ». (Vuillermoz, 2000: 34) 30 Toutefois, au début de son parcours d’écrivain, tout en partant du système éducationnel suisse qui « dévore des enfants tout vifs et rend des citoyens à l’œil torve », Rougemont concluait amère que « le cerveau standard du type fédéral ne laisse craindre aucun imprévu dans son fonctionnement ». (DdR, 1984: 144). 31 Comprise non comme un élément « donné », mais « créé, ou en voie de création » ; non comme une « vis a terga » ou comme un « principe statique déterminant », mais comme « un principe de finalité qui exprime la communion entre les membres du corps social ». Comme exemple les auteurs nous donnent celui du Conseil Suprême de la fédération de type Ordre Nouveau. (Chevalley; DdR, 1938: 43-4, 46-7) 35 personnes et de groupes organiques » (idem, 1936b: 135-6). Le fédéralisme est la seule doctrine politique « radicalement contraire à la doctrine totalitaire » (idem, 1940d: 47). Dans le contexte de la situation d’après-guerre, Rougemont a tenu compte, dans son approche du fédéralisme, du nationalisme comme l’une des causes essentielles du conflit. Par opposition au fédéralisme, qui « veut unir et non pas unifier » (idem, 1948: 25), le nationalisme, « l’anti-Europe par excellence, écrase les diversités vivantes, sous prétexte d’unification », et déclare souveraine la nation unifiée. Toutefois, même si le monde était partagé en deux blocs politiques et militaires, respectivement dirigés par l’URSS d’une part, et les États-Unis d’autre part, la fédération européenne de Rougemont ne devrait s’allier à aucun de ces blocs, ni même s’ériger en troisième bloc, mais seulement se constituer en vue d’une prochaine fédération mondiale (ibidem, 28), pour échapper à la balkanisation, donc à la désintégration en nationalismes rivaux. (ibidem, 32) Pour Rougemont le fédéralisme représente la manière de réaliser l’« union dans la diversité… à la fois union et autonomie de des parties qui s’unissent; à la fois un pour tous et tous pour un » (idem, 1940c: 178-9), parce que créer une fédération c’est, pour l’auteur cité, « arranger ensemble des réalités concrètes » (ibidem, 178). Pour se réaliser le fédéralisme européen devra respecter certains principes concrets: renoncer à toute idée d’hégémonie organisatrice et à tout esprit de système de la part de nations européennes ; n’adopter pas l’idée de la tolérance, qui est une vertu négative32, mais celle du fait que chaque nation doit donner tout librement le meilleur d’elle-même; promouvoir des complexités culturelles, politiques, administratives, linguistiques, religieuses et économiques, comme condition du respect des libertés des divers membres fédérés, contre le simplisme brutal totalitaire ou jacobin; se réaliser « de proche en proche, par le moyen de personnes et de divers groupes » culturels, religieux, économiques, ou d’autres types, et non en partant d’un centre, ou d’un gouvernement, en-dehors même des gouvernements nationaux; (idem, 1948: 35-7) ne se créer pas contre une menace extérieure, ni à des fins impérialistes, mais au contraire pour l’avantage et la survie de chacune des communautés constituantes, et pour qu’elles puissent exercer ensemble des fonctions qui dépassent les forces de chacune d’elle. (idem, 1963: 114) Dans la vision rougemontienne, au delà d’une fédération la complexe civilisation européenne périra (idem, 1949a: 74): « nous sommes trois cents millions à l’ouest du rideau de fer … mais nous ne le sentons pas » (idem, 1950a: 128). C’est pourquoi il faut que les Français, les Grecs, les Allemands, les Italiens, etc., aient conscience d’appartenir à la famille européenne. Si l’Europe ne devenait pas un espoir pour les masses, « aucune armée du monde ne pourrait la défendre ». Personne ne veut mourir pour d’autres raisons que celle de vivre. (idem, 1950b: 109) Il fallait ainsi donner aux Européens la conscience des périls (idem, 1953b: 184) et aussi celle des ressources immenses que l’Europe leur offrait. Toutefois, on ne pouvait parvenir à ce résultat que par l’approfondissement de l’idée d’Europe unie, d’un destin commun de tous les peuples européens, par la promotion de la personne, ainsi que d’une attitude fédéraliste fondée sur le dialogue entre égaux différents. (ibidem, 188) La diffusion d’une telle attitude passait avant tout, dans l’opinion de D. de Rougemont, par la réforme des manuels d’histoire, non seulement par une épuration de textes. Les nations devaient apprendre à sacrifier ce qui subsistait de leur souveraineté nominale, afin qu’entre les deux empires l’Europe recouvre la « souveraineté qui échappe à ses nations ». (ibidem, 189) Cette tâche demeurait extrêmement difficile autant que les intellectuels ne possédaient aucun instinct fédéraliste et ne possédaient presque aucune connaissance sur le sujet, ce qui conduisait à une profonde confusion des débats. (ibidem, 190) Pour Rougemont, le fédéralisme était « beaucoup moins une doctrine qu’une pratique », qui suppose « un instinct politique opposé à l’esprit de système et au nationalisme rhétorique ». Il s’agit d’« une manière de saisir à la fois l’un et le divers en politique, de comprendre que les diversités sont légitimes, que l’union est nécessaire, que les premières ne peuvent subsister sans la seconde, que la seconde serait mortelle sans les premières, qu’il s’agit donc de les composer, de les mettre en tension », et que de tout cela doit résulter la paix. (ibidem) Le fédéralisme, politique et économique également, n’est qu’une 32 Rougemont considère que la tolérance, « vertu des libéraux individualistes », naît de scepticisme, de l’idée que « la pensée de l’autre, qu’on tolère, ne passera jamais dans les actes ». (DdR, 1940b: 97). 36 « traduction politique de la réalité de la personne », réalisée premièrement dans les petites communautés et ensuite dans les fédérations des petites communautés, réalisées afin de faire face aux grandes questions de l’humanité. (« Les aspirations… », 1984/5: 46, 50) Les communautés sont les places où l’homme peut se rendre compte, selon les mots de Levinas, que « Dieu ne se voit que dans le visage de l’autre », et les communes, creusets de la participation et de la vie civique, apparaissent idéales à cette fin. (ibidem, 48)33 Rougemont donne toutefois une solution: l’État-Nation, qu’il soit totalitaire, démocrate ou populaire, c’est « la clé du système » (DdR, 1977: 89), le principal obstacle de l’unité, parce qu’il n’admet aucune autonomie ou diversité réelle et refuse toute union extérieure. Il convient de préférer l’union de l’Europe aux États-Nations sacralisés, de reconnaître la pluralité d’allégeances civiques, politiques, culturelles, etc. contre le monopole absolu de l’État-Nation. Faire l’Europe, c’est ainsi défaire l’État-Nation, au bénéfice des régions et de leur Fédération, pour atteindre le plus grand degré de liberté des personnes. (idem, 1970a: 262) L’État-Nation ne peut permettre la participation des citoyens aux affaires les concernant directement, ni la création d’une fédération continentale fondée sur les régions comme unité de base. (idem, 1971b: 357) La disparition des frontières de l’État-Nation devrait favoriser le processus de formation de groupes, communes, régions, associations, où la participation civique devrait être plus immédiate et directe. (idem, 1972: 394) Ainsi, d’un point de vue politique, le fédéralisme est une manière « de distinguer entre ce qui doit être mis en commun pour mieux fonctionner, et ce qui doit rester autonome pour mieux vivre et créer ». (idem, 1954b: 233) Rougemont affirme: l’« Europe a varié et elle variera » (idem, 1958b: 367), mais cela ne signifie qu’elle n’existe pas. La définition géographique de l’Europe n’a pas d’importance parce que « ce ne sont pas des terres que nous devons unir, mais des hommes », un certain type d’humanité et de culture. Selon Rougemont, le fédéralisme n’est pas une « doctrine », mais un ensemble d’expériences, d’inventions quotidiennes, de recettes ou de pratiques, dans la lutte contre l’étatisme. Il est le contraire d’une doctrine, d’une géométrie, parce qu’il est une praxis, une éthique (idem, 1979: 679), dont la fin est la liberté des personnes, et la réalisation de leurs vocations singulières. A cette fin, l’auteur présente les vertus fédéralistes : « la tolérance34, le courage et le devoir d’être soi, l’amour de la complexité, le respect du réel, le sens du paradoxe et l’humour » (idem, 1979: 680-3). Ainsi, le fédéralisme au niveau culturel est fondamental pour Rougemont, parce que sa tâche est justement de préserver les particularités, les autonomies politiques ou culturelles; « la cause du fédéralisme » est donc « liée à la cause de la culture », une culture, qui durant des siècles, a dépendu de plusieurs « foyers locaux de création »: petites cités, villes, région, petits États, ou encore, universités autonomes. (idem, 1965: 152) Dans une Europe fédérale, où les frontières se dissolvent, les régions se revalorisent, la culture, celle qui est vue comme une lutte contre l’entropie, l’uniformisation et la dégradation – le contraire de la culture de masse – doit « recréer un centre d’énergie » créatrice de plus en plus éclairant et rayonnant. (ibidem, 153) La menace de la culture uniformisante, non-personnalisée, des média, demande la résurgence des foyers de culture régionaux et locaux. Il existe aussi un risque, celui que les Instituts régionaux ou locaux se replient sur eux-mêmes, adoptent une « attitude défensive ou même réactionnaire », livrent un combat d’arrière-garde, à contre-courant des évolutions du siècle, au nom de la « conservation des racines, de la préservation du génie du lien, de la volonté de rester soi-même », quand la véritable question est de « devenir nous-mêmes ». (ibidem, 154-7) Toutefois, selon Rougemont, la révolution régionaliste est la condition de l’Europe unie. Mais il considère que les Européens accèdent seulement « au stade de la prise de conscience » du 33 Tout en suivant cette affirmation A. Marc considère l’œuvre de D. de Rougemont comme partant « du visage de son prochain, identifié à l’image de son Créateur ». (Marc, 1986: 45). 34 On sait bien que Rougemont n’agréait pas largement cette attitude, mais il ne nous offre pas un nouveau sens pour cette notion. On peut toutefois considérer comme une explication une autre affirmation de Rougemont, à savoir : « Le fédéralisme véritable suppose une tolérance particulière : le respect des vocations supérieures ou rares, des exceptions, des manières de vivre hors-série ». (DdR, 1940a: 204) 37 phénomène régional et des motifs de son apparition. Il reviendra à la génération suivante (on peut considérer qu’il s’agi même de cette génération) d’organiser, de structurer et d’animer les régions, de les doter d’institutions autonomes afin qu’elles puissent s’opposer aux empires centralistes et monopolisateurs. (idem, 1968b: 217-8) Le message rougemontien K. Barth, l’un des inspirateurs de D. de Rougemont, soutenait qu’il était un devoir, un but « que l’espérance des enthousiastes, des idéalistes, des communistes, des anarchistes… des chrétiens eux-aussi, envisage la réalité de la terre ! Cette espérance est la même: la liberté dans l’amour et l’amour dans la liberté, seul mobile direct de l’activité sociale; une société organisée dans la justice, seul but direct de cette activité: la suppression de la tutelle ou davantage de l’exploitation et de l’oppression des hommes par d’autres hommes ; la suppression des différences des classes et des frontières nationales, de la guerre, de la contrainte et de la violence; la culture de l’esprit à la place de la culture des choses; l’humanité à la place du matérialisme ; la fraternité à la place de la haine générale. » (Barth, 1933: 176-7) Suivant ces lignes personnalistes, on peut déduire qu’en effet Rougemont n’a fait autre chose que toujours mettre en évidence les paroles de Barth, de le répéter jusqu’à la saturation avec un seul but : de montrer à l’homme, à tout l’homme qui peut comprendre, que sa vie est entre ses mains, et que lui est dans les bras de Dieu. Il faut seulement conscientiser cela, pour nous-même et pour nos semblables aussi… Le personnalisme c’est une éthique, une éthique sociale, économique et même politique qui a comme fondement le christianisme… Rougemont ne fait autre chose que d’affirmer encore une fois à l’homme, dans le langage concret, la voie qu’il doit la suivre par lui-même, la voie qu’aucune autorité ne peut pas lui indiquer, la voie vers la personne, la vie de la communion avec Dieu et également avec ses semblables… Et Rougemont ne se contentera pas de laisser l’homme, tellement moderne, seul dans l’ancien monde politique, économique, social… Il lui offrira la solution du fédéralisme personnaliste qui constitue le plus grand engagement de Rougemont… Est-il réalisé ??? Si nous regardons autour de nous on peut dire plusieurs fois non !35 Mais c’est cela qui compte vraiment ? Nous avons la tentation de dire, comme K. Barth, que la faute du succès est « le secret amer et caché de toute volonté créatrice, consciente et morale, et… le douloureux aveu à quoi aboutissent tous les mouvements enthousiastes et révolutionnaires, que, plus le regard de l’homme se fixe non pas seulement sur ces visions d’avenir plus ou moins chimériques, plus ou moins pratiques, mais sur ces mots qui leur donnent leur vrai sens, plus il prend clairement conscience de ceci : voici ce que nous devions faire – être et se rendre libres ; nous aimer, être des hommes d’esprit et de paix… et plus il se sent rejeté, toujours plus loin, de sa vision, et plus aussi lui apparaissent dans leur impossibilité, non pas ces mots, mais l’œuvre que ces mots exigent de lui, et sa propre personne pour être l’artisan de cette œuvre. C’est un grand bonheur pour lui d’apprendre ainsi… ce qu’est la réalité du millenium, de savoir clairement que ce sont ces mots seuls qui donnent leur sens à toutes ses visions !... Et c’est encore un bonheur pour lui d’apprendre que c’est lui, l’homme, qui est impuissant et impossible… Heureux l’homme en un mot quand il succombe, pavillon déployé, sans compromis au capitulation, sans se renier lui-même et sans renier ce qu’il doit vouloir ! » (ibidem, 178-9) Surtout quand « tous les hommes doivent mourir… sans avoir vu le but de l’histoire. » (ibidem, 181) Et il est incontestable que ces paroles de Barth sont connues par Rougemont: le livre est paru à la maison d’édition Je Sers à une période durant laquelle Rougemont travaillait encore (n’était pas un intellectuel au chômage), et il est d'ailleurs cité dans son Penser avec les mains. Il est clair maintenant que les idées rougemontiennes n’ont pas connu leur application en Europe. Toutefois, cela n’est pas du tout la preuve qu’elles ne sont pas réalisables. En effet le fédéralisme a échoué dans ses démarches parce qu’il est toujours allé contre le courrant, contre les idées préconçues et les stéréotypes de la société entière, et contre les commodités, les 35 . Même si on ne peut pas affirmer que tout a été en vain. Même J. Jacob reconnaissait (possible contre son cœur) l’influence de D. de Rougemont dans la philosophie de la démocratie chrétienne, même en Amérique latine. (Jacob, 2000: 137) 38 habitudes et les clichés d’organisation qui sont arrivés à faire la règle. C’est déjà quelque chose de commune que toute grande idée a eu besoin de beaucoup de temps pour s’imposer. Sans s’excuser pour certains erreurs stratégiques, doctrinaires ou personnelles, les théoriciens du fédéralisme intégral considèrent ainsi que c’est également le cas du fédéralisme intégral, la philosophie et la « syn-thèse » sociale et politique la plus complexe, la plus révolutionnaire, donc implicitement la plus incompréhensible, de la période de l’après la guerre. (Marc, 1981: 78, 10) N’importe quelle idée, mais spécialement les meilleures, pour se transformer en réalité et produire des effets, doivent être assumées par les personnes, les seuls individus qui peuvent les comprendre et les appliquer, de les transformer en actes (idem, 1994: 57). Les personnalistes ont dit et ont répété toujours le fait que l’Europe ne doit pas être un but en soi. Même si débutée quelque temps avant, on peut dire que la philosophie personnaliste et la philosophie du fédéralisme personnaliste ont constitué l’exégèse nécessaire pour l’accomplissement de la volonté d’un des pères fondateurs de ce qui est aujourd’hui l’Union européenne, Jean Monnet, qui considérait le but final de la construction européenne celui d’unir les hommes et non de coaliser les États. Toutefois, cette préoccupation pour le citoyen européen, pour la création d’un sentiment d’appartenance à une certaine identité, celle européenne, intervienne après une période quand les États et les nations ont été ceux qui ont eu la priorité. La volonté de diminuer les distances et d’ouverture devant les problèmes de l’européen, de s’approprier de celui-ci, de lui donner une plus grande considération (parmi d’autres l’adoption de la citoyenneté européenne36, comme un complément de la citoyenneté nationale, par le T. de Maastricht, art. 8) et de renforcer son rôle dans la prise de décision, est évidente aujourd’hui pour presque tous les documents communautaires à partir du Traité de Maastricht. La relation entre la citoyenneté locale, nationale, d’une partie, et européenne, d’une autre, est une assez paradoxale et, par l’absence de la personnalité politique de l’Europe, source d’un conflit entre les sentiments identitaires et la volonté d’ouverture. Il est très claire, même pour les personnes moins avisées, que l’adoption, de haut en bas, d’une nouvelle citoyenneté ne donne pas obligatoirement et d’un coup ni le sentiment d’appartenance à une telle ou telle identité37 et ni le fondement d’un certain esprit civique européen, même si « L’émergence d’une citoyenneté européenne rappelle que la citoyenneté est essentielle à l’homme, elle lui est même existentielle, elle constitue sa personnalité sociale, qu’elle lui permettre d’agir directement ou par délégation. » (Granrut, 1997: 154). Par rapport à l’identité, la citoyenneté peut être locale, régionale, nationale ou européenne, et aucune d’eux ne peut pas exister par elle-même, mais uniquement par les interférences et les complémentarités avec les autres. C’est tout l’état de cause de la nouvelle modalité d’organisation de la vie politique, plus complexe, selon le principe de subsomption (Rosnay, 1995), dont les règles imposent le changement de la modalité de prise de décision: le hiérarchies deviennent ascendantes et transversaux, les sociétés deviennent des réseaux, plus ou moins vastes, comment est la tendance dans la collectivité de l’Union européenne à notre temps. La nouvelle société communautaire, complexe et plus horizontale en décision par l’application du principe de subsidiarité, est impossible sans l’apport conscient et ouvert des États membres, matérialisé dans le transfert d’un certain degré de leur souveraineté. Cette approche de la part des États sera la solution tant pour renforcer l’Union européenne que pour renforcer la citoyenneté nationale en crise et de la transformer dans le point de départ pour la citoyenneté européenne, à la place de celle locale ou régionale en plein essor. Et cette approche sera aussi la source de la matérialisation du fédéralisme personnaliste dans l’espace communautaire, tout en respectant l’esprit de ses anciens théoriciens. 36 Dont l’importance pour l’identité européenne est soulignée par J. le Goff dans l’allocution de « La communauté européenne et les chocs de l’histoire… ». (« La communauté… », 1991: 22) 37 Pour une telle réalisation D. de Rougemont faisait appelle à l’éducation européenne, une éducation étendue pour toute la vie. La formation continuelle est maintenant une des politiques éducationnelles communautaires. 39 Les actuelles structures communautaires cherchent à donner une plus grande importance aux citoyens, de les conscientiser sur leurs identité européenne, de les transformer de « citoyens abstracts » en « citoyens concrets » (ibidem, 152), acteurs engagés tant au niveau local que européen, et dont la formation sera le résultat de l’éducation et des institutions économiques et politiques locales (ibidem, 154). Ces citoyens seront donc les personnes responsables de D. de Rougemont, des personnalistes généralement, qui assumeront leur rôle à jouer dans une Union européenne organisée sur la base d’une Constitution (source du lien juridique entre les citoyens des États membres et les institutions communautaires, donc de la citoyenneté européenne, et implicitement de l’acceptation de celle-ci). Le fédéralisme intégral et son support philosophique, le personnalisme, restent donc encore une leçon à apprendre… Le personnalisme et le fédéralisme intégral ont été une question de vocation… Même si les deux n’ont pas encore trouvé leur entier achèvement, on peut toutefois affirmer que ceux qui se sont engrenés dans ce travail ont réussi non uniquement à suivre leurs vocations, mais également de déterminer beaucoup d’autres à penser chez les leurs… La beauté du fédéralisme personnaliste vient même de son très étroit lien avec l’homme, du fait qu’il ne réside dans certaines institutions plus ou moins fonctionnelles, et du fait qu’il dirige et prend toute son énergie pour l’homme et de l’homme, qu’il réellement embrasse l’individu, la personne se faisant plus humaine que dans tout autre fédéralisme purement technique. Il est peu important que le fédéralisme personnaliste arrivera un jour à être appliqué. La vraie importance du fédéralisme personnaliste sera conscientisée quand les hommes, la plupart d’eux, arriveront à le comprendre et quand ils sentiront l’impulse instantané de vivre de la manière du fédéralisme personnaliste, de se libérer par eux-mêmes de toute autorité excessive sans quitter la société, de vivre concomitant dans le présent et dans le futur, le présent des pareils et le futur de l’humanité. C’est aussi pour cela que le fédéralisme personnaliste ne peut pas être considéré comme une idéologie. Il ne pourra jamais être imposé par un pouvoir politique connu jusqu’à ce moment… Parce que aucun pouvoir politique connu ne peut pas avoir comme objectif de se saboter lui-même (si on peut nommer comme sabotage avoir moins à travailler – bien sur, dans les conditions d’un plus de contrôle de la part de la société). Uniquement l’homme, dans sa plus haute et fascinante transformation, la personne, peut faire vivant le fédéralisme personnaliste. Mais il faut une grande sagesse pour cela, et c’est cette sagesse qui continue de manquer à beaucoup de monde… Le fédéralisme personnaliste semble impossible de s’appliquer pratiquement parce que presque tout le monde pense tout de suite qu’on a besoin d’un pouvoir politique quelconque afin de l’imposer. En réalité c’est tout à fait à l’inverse: c’est l’homme qui doit imposer le fédéralisme personnaliste à tout pouvoir… Le fédéralisme personnaliste semble d’être pour les anges, mais en réalité il est pour les sages… Le paradoxe et qu’uniquement les sages peuvent devenir, dans leur éclaircissement, des anges… Est-il, le personnalisme, une idée des poètes ? Sont-ils, le fédéralisme personnaliste et le personnalisme, pour les anges ? Un des amis de Rougemont, le roumain Virgil Cândea, considère la philosophie personnaliste comme une foncièrement pragmatique (Cândea, 2000: 9). Et ici commence le cercle vicieux: après des lectures sur la philosophie fédéraliste on arrive à la conclusion qu’il ne s’agit jamais des institutions, des règles techniques sur le fonctionnement pratique de la doctrine; qu’il s’agit de l’homme responsable, mais il ne s’agit pas devant qui ou quoi doit se matérialiser cette responsabilité. Mais « Réduire le fédéralisme à sa composante politique, c’est le vider de sa substance. » (Marc, 1961: 118) D’où : le fédéralisme dans ses formes politique, il existe déjà… Parfois il existe dans la pensée, dans la manière d’être, dans les expectations des uns ou des autres… Ce qui importe est de faire se rencontrer les deux niveaux, politique et humain, du fédéralisme. C’est une grande sagesse, de la part de tous les deux niveaux, qui doit intervenir… C’est la sagesse que le monde a besoin… Des idées, doctrines, idéologie, technique, l’homme a beaucoup inventé… il peut encore les combiner, les réordonner, les réviser, mais s’il n’essayera pas de les comprendre et de se rendre compte de ses actes, s’il ne sera de plus en plus sage, aucune doctrine ne lui aidera à rien… C’est ici la transformation que l’homme a besoin pour en y devenir une personne… Avec toutes les doctrines ou idéologies, avec tous les instruments de la technique, « il n’y a de solution que personnelle… » (DdR, 1936b: 245), et si on veut arriver à un nouveau ordre politique ou social 40 (nouveau ordre que tout le monde invoque, très souvent sans penser à rien de concret…) on doit être conscients qu’il ne s’impose pas d’un niveau officiel (d’où sa complexité), mais d’une solidarité mutuelle, dont les « valeurs ne seront jamais cotées sur leurs marchés » et qui s’adresse « à des hommes réveillés… humains… responsables » (idem, 1934a: 18), les seuls qui pourront réaliser une « révolution humaine » (idem, 1936b: 250). Une nouvelle (et à la fois ancienne) question se soulève tout de suite: « voulons-nous être des éléments de statistique, ou bien des hommes de chair et de sang, reconnaissant leur condition concrète, mais connaissant aussi leur dignité, leur raison personnelle d’être? Voulons-nous être des personnes ? » (idem, 1939: 49) Bien sur, chacun dans sa propre unicité… BIBLIOGRAPHIE Ackermann, Bruno (1996), Denis de Rougemont. Une biographie intellectuelle, Vol. I, De la révolte à l’engagement. L’intellectuel responsable, 627p ; Vol. II, Combats pour la liberté. Le Journal d’une Époque, Genève, Labor et Fides, 1278p. Ackermann, Bruno (1989), « Denis de Rougemont et le personnalisme. Notes introductives », Du personnalisme au fédéralisme européen. En hommage à Denis de Rougemont. Colloque organisé par la Fondation Denis de Rougemont pour L’Europe et le Centre Européen de la Culture. 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Rougemont, Denis de (1978), « Contribution à une recherche éventuelle sur les sources de la notion d’engagement de l’écrivain », dans : Cadmos, 1e année, printemps 1978, p. 17-25. Rougemont, Denis de (1979), « Notes pour une éthique du fédéralisme », Œuvres complètes, III, Écrits sur l’Europe, Vol. II, 1962-1986, Éditions de la Différence, 1994, p. 679-683. Rougemont, Denis de (1980), « Pour une charte européenne de la culture », Œuvres complètes, III, Écrits sur l’Europe, Vol. II, 1962-1986, Éditions de la Différence, 1994, p. 715-728. Rougemont, Denis de (1984), « Les méfaits de l’instruction publiques », dans : Trois pamphlets pédagogiques, Lausanne, Éditions L’Age d’Homme, Coll. Poche Suisse, p. 117-175 (180p). Rougemont, Denis de (1994), Partea diavolului, Bucureşti, Editura FundaŃia Anastasia, 214p. Rougemont, Denis de (1996), ElveŃia sau istoria unui popor fericit [La Suisse ou l’histoire d’un peuple heureux], Bucureşti, Ed. Univers, 253p. 44 Rougemont, Martine de (1996), « Préface », dans : Ackermann, Bruno, Denis de Rougemont. Une biographie intellectuelle, Vol. I, De la révolte à l’engagement. L’intellectuel responsable, Genève, Labor et Fides, 627p. « Qu'est-ce que la politique » (1936), L'Ordre Nouveau, le 15 juin 1936, dans : L’Ordre Nouveau, Réédition par les soins de la Fondation Émile Chanoux, Vol. III, Revues de n°. 27 au n° 35, Aoste, Edizioni Le Château, 1997, p. 1-10. Saint-Ouen, François (1995), « Denis de Rougemont », en : L’Europe en formation, no. 296, printemps 1995, p. 7-15. Sidjanski, Dusan (1992), L’avenir fédéraliste de l’Europe. La Communauté européenne des origines au Traité de Maastricht, Publications de l’Institut Universitaire d’études européennes, Genève, Paris, PUF, 440p. Tézenas, Léon (1934), « Essai de révision des valeurs », L’Ordre Nouveau. Revue mensuelle, 2e année, n° 11, 15 mai 1934, dans : L’Ordre Nouveau, Réédition par les soins de la Fondation Émile Chanoux, Vol. I, Revues de n°. 1 au n° 13, Aoste, Edizioni Le Château, 1997, p. 33-67. Voyenne, Bernard (1981), Histoire de l’idée fédéraliste, Vol. III, Les Lignées proudhoniennes, Presses D’Europe, Paris, 284p. Vuillermoz, Riccardo (2000), « Le fédéralisme et l’idée de l’Europe unie : quelques réflexions à propos des fondements théoriques de la construction européenne », L’Europe en formation, no. 315-316, p. 21-42. The Promotion of Intercultural Dialogue in the Carpathian Euroregion States (Involvement of Civil Society in the Implementation of a Cultural Policy) Margaryta CHABANNA Abstract: The main objective of the article is to examine the importance of cultural diversity and the need of intercultural dialogue in the context of cultural cooperation in the Carpathian Euroregion states. This paper also considers the opportunities connected with the declaration of European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008); and relevant contribution at national and regional level. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of appropriate legislation of the European Union, as well as documents adopted in the states discussed. In particular, the article contains the research of relevant issues of every state’s National strategy and appropriate measures chosen by the states for the promotion of intercultural dialogue. This examination allows the comparison of relevant peculiarities and the evaluation of activities. The main issues of the article are studied in the context of the importance of civil society participation in cultural cooperation. Key words: cultural cooperation, intercultural dialogue, cultural diversity, European Union, Carpathian Euroregion, civil society The Protection of Cultural Diversity and Promotion of Intercultural Dialogue The enlargement of the European Union (EU), greater mobility within the Union, development of migratory flows, intensification of new trade ties with the rest of the world, implementation of education programs, as well as the process of globalisation in general, have resulted in increased contacts between cultures, religions, ethnic groups etc. In this context, the development of intercultural competences and the promotion of intercultural dialogue are very essential for an efficient cultural cooperation of Member States of an increasingly multicultural European Union. Generally, cultural cooperation in Europe is supported by means of the European Union’s Culture Programme and by specific actions financed by other European programmes. The aim of relevant partnership is to encourage the creation of a “European cultural area”, as the European Parliament underlined in its resolution of 5 September 2001 on cultural cooperation in Europe. (”European Parliament Resolution…”, 2001: 144) Article 151 of the Treaty establishing the European Community requires the considering of cultural dimension in Community policies. According to this Article, the Community shall: - contribute to the flowering of the cultures of the Member States, - respect their national and regional diversity, - bring the common cultural heritage to the fore. Accordingly, the Community’s efforts in this sphere shall be aimed at encouraging cooperation between Member States and, if necessary, supporting and supplementing their action in the following areas: - improvement of the knowledge and dissemination of the culture and history of the European peoples; - conservation and safeguarding of cultural heritage of European significance; - non-commercial cultural exchanges; - artistic and literary creation, including in the audiovisual sector. (“Consolidated version of the Treaty…”, 2002: 99) According to the Decision № 1855/2006/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 12 December 2006 establishing the Culture Programme (2007 to 2013), one of the 46 main objectives of Culture Programme is the encouragement of intercultural dialogue. (“Decision № 1983/…”, 2006: 4) Intercultural dialogue has a number of strategic priorities of the European Union, namely supporting the commitment to solidarity, social justice and reinforced cohesion; allowing the European Union realizing efficient partnership with neighbouring countries; respecting and promoting cultural diversity are the most important. Concerning the encouragement of cultural diversity, this issue has become one of the major topics of discussion of international and regional organisations since 1998. So, this subject is examined in appropriate documents of competent institutions. Some of those organisations that dealt with this are: the G8 (Okinawa, 2000), the Council of Europe (Declaration on cultural diversity, December 2000), UNESCO (Universal Declaration and Action Plan on Cultural Diversity, November 2001, supported by the European Community and its Member States; Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, 2005), the United Nations and International Telecommunication Union (the World Summit on the Information Society, Geneva, 2003 and Tunisia, 2005). The Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity and the supporting Action Plan, adopted by UNESCO in November 2001 and approved by the European Community and its Member States, mentions the objective of “taking forward notably consideration of the opportunity of an international legal instrument on cultural diversity” (“UNESCO Convention on cultural diversity”). The European Commission’s position on the issue related to an international instrument on cultural diversity was expressed in its Communication of 27 August 2003 “Towards an International Instrument on Cultural Diversity”. It is worth to note the adoption, on 1 September 2004, of the Recommendation from the Commission to the Council to authorise the Commission to participate, on behalf of the Community, in the negotiations within UNESCO on the convention on the protection of the diversity of cultural contents and artistic expressions. The Convention defines “a series of complementary objectives concerning the preservation and promotion of cultural diversity, the development of cultural policies and the encouragement of intercultural dialogue and international cooperation” (Commission of the European Communities, 2004: 2). It also defines fundamental principles: respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, complementarity of economic and cultural aspects of development, sustainable cultural development, transparency and balance, openness and proportionality of cultural policies. In relation to these principles, they name the rights and obligations of the States at national level (development of cultural policies, promoting creation and access to culture, respect for intellectual property, protection of vulnerable cultural expressions, information and transparency, education and public awareness raising, participation of civil society) and at international level (promotion of the principles and objectives of the convention in other international arenas, aid for co-production, establishment of a “Cultural Diversity Observatory”, cooperation for development, and preferential treatment for developing countries (ibidem, 2). According to UNESCO´s Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, adopted in Paris on 20 October 2005 and entered into force on 18 March 2007, cultural diversity: - is a defining characteristic of humanity; - is important for the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other universally recognized instruments; - forms a common heritage of humanity and should be appreciated and preserved for the benefit of all; - creates a rich and varied world, which increases the range of choices and increases human capacities and values, and therefore is significant for sustainable development for communities, peoples and nations; - is strengthened by exchanges and interaction between cultures etc. (UNESCO, 2005: 1-2) Te Convention also emphasized the importance of culture for social cohesion, and its potential for the enhancement of the status and role of women in society. In addition, the 47 document maintains linguistic diversity as a fundamental element of cultural diversity, and affirms the key role of education in the protection and promotion of cultural expressions. Other highlighted issues were “the importance of the vitality of cultures, including for persons belonging to minorities and indigenous peoples, as manifested in their freedom to create, disseminate and distribute their traditional cultural expressions and to have access thereto, so as to benefit them for their own development” (ibidem). The conditions for protection and promotion of cultural diversity as well as for cultural expression, culture consumption and cultural exchanges in Europe and the world depend on economic circumstances, the presence of linguistic minorities, relations with national or regional identities, traditions and cultural heritage, historical relations between countries. The process of globalisation introduces new opportunities for interactions between cultures, but makes a strong influence on vulnerable cultures and encourages the process of standardization in many spheres. Therefore, the encouragement of cultural diversity needs a special attention of different participants of international politics. It is also important to analyse the civic context of cultural diversity. So, an affirmation of cultural diversity at international level results from the concerns of civil society and governments regarding the preservation of cultural diversity, the promotion of living cultures and creative capacity. The protection of cultural diversity tends to integrate global strategies of sustainable development. Questions concerning the relations between cultural diversity and cultural democracy certainly are connected with issues concerning the distribution of citizenship rights and entitlements across the different groups falling under the jurisdiction of a national polity (Bennet, 2001: 45). A significant aspect in any calculations about the prospects for diversity concerns the extent to which different systems of cultural administration allow for the emergence of various “champions for diversity” within those systems. It is a more helpful activity of a range of semi-autonomous art councils, institutes and similar agencies which are responsible for dividing funds between different cultural programmes and institutions, than the practice through which funding and programme priorities are more directly determined and administered by central arts and cultural ministries (ibidem, 48). Mainly, Europe’s cultural policy must develop in constant contestation with national cultural policies, because this situation should prevent any kind of centralised political engineering (Mokre, 2007: 39). The cooperation of European and national cultural policies affect the European Union’s capacity to deal with various inequalities between cultures: between “autochthonous” minorities and majorities within the member states; between the cultures of immigrants and the cultures of immigration countries; between the cultures of the different Member States (ibidem, 43). Generally, there is a constant triangular cooperation between non-government organisations, the governments of those Member States, and the institutions of the EU - the European Council, the Parliament, and the Commission (or four, if one includes the Committee of the Regions1, which acquired consultative rights).2 Public authorities especially are perceptive to the need to develop intercultural dialogue, which is important for peace, security and stability at global level. So, an important role in intercultural cooperation is played by the declaration of 2008 the Year of Intercultural Dialogue. The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008) was established by the Decision № 1983/2006/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 December 2006. According to this decision, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue has “to contribute to giving expression and a high profile to a sustained process of intercultural dialogue which will continue beyond that year” (“Decision № 1983/…”, 2006: 46). 1 The Committee of the Regions, as representative of the regional and local levels of government in the EU, assesses the national reform programs and the extent to which they involve the regional and local authorities (Stahl, 2008: 93). As Benita Ferrero-Waldner, European Commissioner for External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy stated: “The Committee of the Regions is not only an important institution in its own right, representing Europe’s rich and varied “landscape”. It also plays a crucial role in bringing EU policies closer to our citizens”. (Ferrero-Waldner, 2007) 2 For view of its activity see: (Gordon, 2007, Vol. 37 Issue 1). 48 With an overall budget of €10 million, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue foresees a series of specific projects to be implemented through different Community programmes and other actions. Generally, it includes seven European projects and 27 national projects. The main areas are: culture, education, youth, sport and citizenship. Moreover, if a remarkably high number of EU citizens (83%) value the benefits of intercultural contacts (European Commission, 2007: 7); an encouragement of intercultural dialogue with involving civil society has to have good results. In the text of the Decision of European Parliament and of the Council, we can find the following objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue: - promoting intercultural dialogue as a process in which all those living in the EU can improve their ability to deal with a more open, but also more complex, cultural environment, where, in different Member States as well as within each Member State, different cultural identities and beliefs coexist, - highlighting intercultural dialogue as an opportunity to contribute to and benefit from a diverse and dynamic society, not only in Europe but also in the world, - raising the awareness of all those living in the EU, in particular young people, of the importance of developing an active European citizenship which is open to the world, respects cultural diversity and is based on common values in the EU, - highlighting the contribution of different cultures and expressions of cultural diversity to the heritage and ways of life of the Member States. The specific objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue are to: - seek to raise the awareness of all those living in the EU, in particular young people, of the importance of engaging in intercultural dialogue in their daily life, - work to identify, share and give a visible European recognition to best practices in promoting intercultural dialogue throughout the European Union, especially among young people and children, - foster the role of education as an important medium for teaching about diversity, increase the understanding of other cultures and developing skills and best social practices, and highlight the central role of the media in promoting the principle of equality and mutual understanding, - raise the profile, increase the coherence of and promote all Community programmes and actions contributing to intercultural dialogue and ensure their continuity, - contribute to exploring new approaches to intercultural dialogue involving cooperation between a wide range of stakeholders from different sectors (“Decision № 1983/…”, 2006: 46). The measures which are taken in order to achieve the objectives include the implementation of the following activities or the grant support of: - events and initiatives aimed at promoting intercultural dialogue; - events and initiatives at national level and regional level with a strong European dimension aimed at promoting the objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, with particular attention to actions relating to civic education and learning to appreciate other people and their differences; - information and promotion campaigns, particularly in cooperation with the media and civil society organisations at Community and national level to disseminate the key messages concerning the objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue and the recognition of best practices, especially among young people and children; - surveys and studies on a Community and national level; consultation with transnational networks and civil society to assess and report on the preparation for, and the effectiveness and impact of, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (ibidem, 47). The main recommendations concerning the areas for action have been presented in Ljubljana on 7-8 January 2008. There were the following points: - recognise that intercultural dialogue depends upon the full implementation of human, civic, economic, social and cultural rights as outlined in international and European legal instruments, into national legislative and policy frameworks (specific articles of the EU Charter 49 of Fundamental Rights (2000) are important for intercultural dialogue by promoting equality, non-discrimination, cultural, religious and linguistic diversity, freedom of expression and movement, citizenship rights to economic and political participation); - acknowledge intercultural dialogue at the heart of citizenship and integration strategies (this means the recognition of equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities for everyone, respect for different cultural and religious traditions, world views or lifestyles); - approach intercultural dialogue as a transversal issue which is part of a complex system of governance based on equality and participation (this requires policy directed to: human rights and citizenship, integration of minorities, immigration, social affairs, employment, health, security, social and labour affairs, sectors such as culture, education, sport, and youth, cooperation between different levels of government - European, national, regional or local); - develop strategies which recognise intercultural dialogue as a process of interactive communication which aims to develop a deeper understanding of diverse perspectives and practices; to increase participation and the freedom and ability to make choices; to foster equality; and to enhance creative processes (this includes programmes to promote trans-border cooperation and dialogue within Europe, with its neighbour countries and other world regions); - intercultural dialogue depends upon the opening up of institutional structures (in the field of education, in arts and heritage institutions); - encourage the active participation of the media and culture industries; - integrate the development of intercultural competencies and skills as part of an overall political vision or national strategy on life-long learning; - strengthen intercultural dialogue in European Union Neighbourhood policies; - further expand EU cooperation with other European and international institutions; - establish a clear concept and definition of intercultural dialogue (this is especially important for the future development of European, national, regional and local policies, strategies and funding programmes to promote intercultural dialogue. It will help avoid potential misinterpretations of their objectives and make it easier to evaluate their success); - implement and harmonise evaluation methods for intercultural dialogue programmes and activities, including quality criteria and indicators to assess their impact, taking account of the dynamics at the heart of such processes (innovation, institutional and attitudinal change as well as sustainability are to be introduced as criteria in the evaluation of intercultural projects); - improve research methodologies for intercultural comparisons (further improvements in the comparability of intercultural dialogue related research and statistics could be achieved through a support programme for in-depth trans-national investigations and through the creation of a new EUROSTAT working group open to independent researchers and specialists of minority organisations). (“The Arts a Festivals’…”, consulted 2008) For the purposes of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, the European Commission cooperates with appropriate international organisations, in particular with the Council of Europe and UNESCO. For example, according to the abovementioned recommendations, presented on 7-8 January, through initiatives to monitor intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity policies in a new framework agreement of cooperation with the Council of Europe in the culture sector or through creating links between EU and UN (United Nations) Years or designated days which focus on issues relevant to cultural diversity, tackling racism and improving intercultural understanding. The common EU response to UNESCO’s Declaration on Cultural Diversity is a powerful political statement with future implications, both domestically and globally (Gordon, 2007: 12). For instance, with regards to international cooperation Article 151 of Treaty establishing the European Community states: “The Community and the Member States shall foster cooperation with third countries and the competent international organisations in the sphere of culture, in particular the Council of Europe” (“Consolided version of the Treaty…, 2002: 99”). As we can notice, the official documents of European Union that regulate the sphere of intercultural cooperation contain the issues which provide civil society participation in cultural cooperation. For instance, according to the Recommendation from the Commission of European 50 Communities, the participation of civil society is an obligation of the states at national level. Among the specific objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, named by the Decision of the European Parliament and of the Council, promoting cooperation between stakeholders from different sectors is one of the most important. And as it was mentioned before, the measures for achieving the goals of the Year of Intercultural Dialogue also foresees consultations with civil society. Intercultural Dialogue in the Carpathian Euroregion States: National Context and Priorities The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue foresees the implementation of the national projects in Member States. It is therefore crucial to involve the communities of Euroregions in this dialogue at national and regional level. Generally, EU Member States pay great attention to the regional level of international cooperation, because the efficiency of solving some difficulties at this level is very high. An appropriate meaning of Euroregions connected with the relations between people with different ethnicity or nationality has significance for the subject of the article. In this context, the Carpathian Euroregion could have an increasingly important role. It is worth to emphasise that the Carpathian Euroregion was established in 1993, after the social-political changes in the Eastern, post-socialist countries, and this was the first Euroregion that embraced regions of the former socialist countries where the population had initially different rates of economic and social development. This Euroregion includes bordering territories of Romania, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine aiming at the improvement of the living standards of people; preservation of peace, promotion of good relations between people on both sides of the borders; decreasing the isolating effect of the borders; ensuring the permeability of borders. At this moment, the territory of the Carpathian Euroregion can be considered as the Eastern boarder of the European Union and could play a significant role in bringing stability. Moreover, the activity of the Carpathian Euroregion allows the development of cross-boarder cooperation among EU and Ukraine. In the context of this article, it is worth to emphasise that the strategy for the development of cross-boarder cooperation in the Carpathian Euroregion “Carpathian 2003-2011” proposed by Ukraine, was supported by other members of the Euroregion. Taking into consideration the existing common traditions, history, and cultural features, it is necessary to maintain the importance and good future of intercultural dialogue between members of this region. Most territories composing this region (Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia) are Member states of EU; Ukraine is a European Neighbourhood Policy partner. As the structure of the Carpathian Euroregion aims to promote inter-governmental cooperation, it is necessary to coordinate cooperation among citizens through the non-government organisations. As a result, the Carpathian Foundation was created (initially known as the Fund for the Development of the Carpathian Euroregion). The Foundation was established in 1994 by the East-West Institute with generous support from the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation. Its founding was based on a courageous vision to create a vibrant, inter-regional foundation in the Carpathian Mountains to support citizen initiatives through local governments and nongovernment organisations. The Carpathian Foundation is a cross-border network of regional foundations that focuses primarily on inter-regional and cross-border activities, economic and community development in the bordering regions of Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Ukraine. It encourages the development of public, private, NGO partnerships, including crossborder and inter-ethnic approaches to help prevent conflicts and to promote regional development. It implements development programmes and provides financial and technical assistance to projects which will result in tangible benefits to the communities on both sides of national borders. The motion to develop this type of Foundation in Central-Eastern Europe emerged from the belief that supporting democracy, economic development, crossborder and inter-ethnic cooperation at the local and regional levels is a cornerstone of a stable and democratic Europe. The values of the Carpathian Foundation Network are based on the requirements of working in a multi-national, multi-ethnic environment. The principles under which the Foundation operates are keys to its effectiveness and responsiveness to local needs: 51 respect for ethnic and religious diversity of the region; fostering of a spirit of tolerance and openness to other values; multi-ethnicity and multiculturalism; social and environmental sensitivity; and the harmonization of local development with globalisation. The goals of the Carpathian Foundation Network are: 1) To strengthen local democracy and the development of civil societies by promoting local action with local responsibility and accountability; 2) To enhance the capacity of non-profit and local government organisations to address community and regional needs; 3) To promote cross-border and inter-ethnic cooperation, sharing of information and the replication of successful practices; 4) To encourage citizen participation in local and regional development; 5) To promote cooperation between non-governmental organisations, local governments, and businesses (Carpathian Foundation). It is also worth to highlight the Carpathian Project, which is developed by 19 project partners from 10 countries (Austria, Czech Republic, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Slovakia, Romania and Ukraine) within the framework of the Community Initiative INTERREG III B CADSES Neighbourhood Programme. The objective of the Carpathian Project is to enhance the sustainable development of the Carpathian region based on its rich natural and cultural heritage. The project analyses and consolidates the information base, develops strategies and policy instruments, and implements pilot activities, in continuous cooperation with local, regional and national stakeholders. As it is shown in research activities devoted to culture, the EU policy emphasis on cultural cooperation and mobility has created numerous opportunities in the new EU Member States. EU structures, networks, and funding exist to assist the arts and culture sectors throughout Europe in creating networks and forging partnerships, in broadening competencies in cultural administration, in encouraging the mobility of people and cultural products, and in validating and exchanging artistic experiences, as well as in promoting cultural diversity and peaceful coexistence among different communities and ethnic groups and in increasing cultural choices for audiences across Europe (Varbanova, 2007: 60). Generally, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue is aimed mainly at the Member States of the European Union. But, according to the Decision of the European Parliament and the Council of 18.12.2006 concerning the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, complementarity between the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue and all external strands of the initiative to promote intercultural dialogue will be ensured. One example would be the initiatives undertaken with European Neighbourhood Policy partner countries (“DECISION № 1983/...”, 2006: 45). The Culture Programme (2007-2013) is also open to cooperation with other third countries which have concluded bilateral agreements (which include cultural clauses) with the EU. Therefore, the study of issues related to intercultural dialogue of all members of the Carpathian region, including Ukraine and especially in the context of crossborder cooperation, is essential. The Decision of the European Parliament and the Council has encouraged all Member States to prepare a National strategy for the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue and to create a national coordination organ, responsible for the State’s participation in the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. In the following lines of this article, particular attention is given to the context and the importance of National strategies which provide the national context and priories of Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Ukraine. In Hungary the major challenges for intercultural dialogue are: weak active citizenship; ambiguous attitude towards minorities (latent xenophobia); little knowledge of second languages. According to ethnic composition of Hungary, Magyars are more than 94 percent of population. Minorities include Romanians (2%), Germans (1,2%), Slovaks (0,4%), others (Roma, Jews, Serbs, Slovenes, Croats, and Greeks) - 2,3% (“Population Census 2001...”). Consequently, intercultural dialogue is strongly connected to policies for equal opportunities and Roma inclusion; and to strengthen the participation of Hungary and Hungarians in Europe. Discussions about the meaning and importance of intercultural dialogue were launched amongst 52 governmental, municipal and civic organisations from the first half of 2007. They focused on the importance and relevance of this subject for the younger generations and for the modernisation of the image of Hungary. The main purpose of The Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Hungary, defined in its National strategy, is to create awareness – especially amongst young people – of the importance of intercultural dialogue in a modern European society. For Hungarian people the following issues are important. - The overall objectives stated in the relevant Decision of the European Parliament and of the Council (intercultural dialogue as a tool to deal with a more complex cultural environment, intercultural dialogue as an opportunity to contribute to a diverse and dynamic society, the importance of developing an active European citizenship, the contribution of different culture to the was of life of the Member states) and the specific objectives should be considered in all the activities. - The celebration of cultural diversity in the European Union with a strong emphasis on the cultures of new Member States and EU neighbours and on minority cultures. - Encouragement of participation of cultural operators, young people and educational organisations in European programmes, networks and actions and to develop intercultural competencies. A national communication campaign was launched (especially targeted to young people and people outside Budapest) to raise awareness of the necessity of intercultural cooperation and dialogue in daily lives. The national campaign is built on the overall messages of the campaign of the Community. It emphasises the responsibility of people to be active European citizens and increase an intercultural competencies (See “National Strategy and Priorities. Hungary...”). The main authority for coordination of European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Hungary belongs to the following organisations: Office of National and Ethnic Minorities at the Prime Minister's Office; Office of Immigration and Nationality at the Ministry of Justice and Law Enforcement; Hungarian Cultural Contact Point at the Ministry of Education and Culture. Key cultural organisations are: Hungarian Institute for Culture, Hungarian Heritage House; key educational and youth organisations are: the Hungarian Accreditation Committee of Higher Education, Higher Education and Research Council, the Hungarian Scholarship Board – Campus Hungary Information Office; Local Governments, Educational Offices of Local Governments, Educational Institutes; key minority and other civic organisations: National minority governments throughout the country, Hungarian Helsinki Committee; Hungarian Association for Migrants; National Roma Minority Self-government as well as significant organisations and institutions which present Roma culture. Major challenges for Poland are: modernisation of the country combined with national traditions and values such as patriotism and the Catholic religion; debates on historical issues, dealing with communist past; relations between East and West Europe; self-perception of an ethnically homogeneous society. For Polish, the following are the most important: all aspects of multiple cultures present in modern Europe, joint international projects, promotion of the achievements of European culture and strengthening of the common values of European culture; awareness raising for multiple roots of the Polish nation, set at the crossroads in the Centre of Europe; maintaining good relationships (based on tolerance, understanding and openness) and cooperation with neighbouring countries, in particular with Ukraine and Belarus, for deepening the dialogue with the Ukrainian and Belarusian minority in Poland, and for support of the democratic movements in the countries now directly neighbouring the European Union; preserving and presenting minority cultures. In 2002, 96.7% of the population labelled themselves as Polish. Other than Polish nationality accounted 1.23% of Poland’s population, while 2.03% of the population did not specify their nationality (“Population and Housing Census 2002”). Among those declaring nationality other than Polish, the largest group are German (officially established number of individuals belonging to minority is 147,094 and approximate number of individuals belonging to minority is 300,000-500,000), Byelorussian (47,640 official and an estimate of 53 200,000-350,000) and Ukrainian (27,172 official and an estimate of 200,000-300,000) minorities. Some of the minorities are dispersed across the country (e.g. Ukrainians, Roma), and some inhabit fairly compact areas (e.g. Germans, Lithuanians). Persons with non-Polish nationality reside primarily in three so-called voivodeships (provinces): Śląskie, Opolskie and Podlaskie. The figures of residents in these provinces are: 12.5%, 4.6% and 3.9%. (ibidem) As it was stated above, the most essential issue in the Polish social campaign on multiculturality is to make the society aware that the national, ethnic and religious diversity within the country is an element that contributes to the national culture. The strategic objective of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland due to the National strategy is to demonstrate to the Polish society various contexts and understanding of multiculturality in Europe with special regard to the Polish tradition and historical experiences contributing to the continent’s cultural heritage. Propagating intercultural dialogue as a process enabling interaction in a more open and complex cultural environment, in which different cultural identities and beliefs coexist both in the member states and within individual countries, will provide grounds for counteracting xenophobia and intolerance for otherness. At community and national level, an assumption arising from the objective adopted by European Year of Intercultural Dialogue is to present Europe’s Christian roots as the value which not only coexists with other religious traditions and modern beliefs, but also as the value which shapes the platform for dialogue which constitutes the foundations of a diverse and dynamic society, the European citizenship which is open to the world, respects cultural diversity and is based on common values of the EU as laid down in the EU Treaty and in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. An equally important assumption will be to present the tradition of the multi-religious Poland which has been a guaranty of religious tolerance for ages. At regional and local level, the assumption of the implementation of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue is connected with presenting local contexts of multiculturality to promote a better mutual understanding of citizens and their future cooperation. A special emphasis is put on the actions showing the importance of engaging in multicultural dialogue in daily life, and highlighting the contribution of different cultures and expressions of cultural diversity into the heritage and ways of life in the member states3. Coordination of relevant activity in Poland is provided by the Ministry of Interior and Administration (coordinating structure for national minority issues within the government, collaboration with local governments); The Polish Parliamentary Commission of National and Ethnic Minorities (structure on legal issues and protection of rights, evaluating programmes for cultural identity, taking action aimed at counteracting discrimination of people belonging to minorities); National Centre of Culture (composed of representatives of non-government organisations, ethnic and national minority organisations, academic communities and government institutions and offices). It is worth to notice the meaning of The Borderland Foundation, an independent non-government organisation, which is devoted exclusively to building bridges between the peoples of different religions, ethnicities, nationalities, and cultures. The geographical position of Romania and relevant combination of Central and SouthEast European cultures is reflected in the variety and richness of its cultural diversity. Romania constitutes the interactive space for cultural minorities and identities, carries a large economic potential, plays a great role in the growth of voluntary ethics and in the process of European integration. As mentioned in the National strategy for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, Romanian social scenery is characterized by its variety of complementary cultural traditions, like for instance: Hungarian, Roma, German, Ukrainian, Jewish, Turk, Tartar, Russian, Serbian, Bulgarian, Slovak, Greek, Polish, Italian, Armenian, Croatian, etc., whose significant identities should translate themselves into a creative contribution to the world contemporary art. 3 The determination of objectives and information on the assumption of European Year of Intercultural Dialogue implementation are presented in (“Poland’s National Strategy for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue”). 54 According to the 2002 census, Romania has a population of 21,698,181 and, similarly to other countries in the region, is expected to gently decline in the coming years as a result of sub-replacement fertility rates. Romanians account for 89.5% of the population. The largest ethnic minorities are Hungarians, who make up 6.6% of the population and Roma, or Gypsies, who make up 2.46% of the population. According to the official census, 535,250 Roma live in Romania. Hungarians, who are a sizeable minority in Transylvania, constitute a majority in the counties of Harghita and Covasna. Ukrainians, Germans, Lipovans, Turks, Tatars, Serbs, Slovaks, Bulgarians, Croats, Greeks, Russians, Jews, Czechs, Poles, Italians, Armenians, as well as other ethnic groups, account for the remaining 1.4% of the population (“Rezultate”). Major challenges for Romania are: major change through Eastern countries opening and EU accession, with new effects for the many national, linguistic and religious minorities. Appropriate efforts are therefore mainly directed to: governmental and legal promotion of cultural diversity and intercultural dialogue; strengthening the national minority protection system through improved legislation; developing active European citizenship; promoting intercultural dialogue between generations. The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue represents a great opportunity to deal with a more complex cultural environment, as an opportunity to get familiar with cultural environment and to promote a European citizenship through modern and active means, by making a connection between different actors in Member States. Organisers of major cultural events and festivals are encouraged to include events relevant to the topic in their programme in 2008. Local organisations wishing to participate are encouraged to write their own strategies based on the national ones which are focusing on enhancing dialogue between different groups in society and between generations. The European dimension shall mean establishing direct contacts with other countries, involving other countries’ nationals living in Romania in the projects and bringing together different national identities for strengthening the European identity, through many themes of European interest. According to the National strategy of Romania, there are three aims of the European Year for Intercultural Dialogue: - place the intercultural debate in a strategic European context; - demonstrate the need for concerted European cultural cooperation outside of Europe, respecting European diversity; - demonstrate the viability of a European cultural policy through exemplary projects and initiatives (“European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008...”). The Intercultural Institute of Timişoara (non-governmental institution pursuing the development of the intercultural dimension in the fields of education and culture which is actively involved in many of projects of the Council of Europe) coordinates the activity on European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. Among its multiple activities we find cross-border cooperation, research, minorities’ and antidiscrimination issues and, as a priority, Roma community affairs (using multiple approaches in order to establish equal chances). There are other organisations, which take part in this process. Among them are the following: Department for Inter-Ethnic relations within the Ministry of Public Information (coordinating at national level for the national minorities’ policies, i.e. strategies for preserving, development and expression of the identities of individuals belonging to national minorities; funding for inter-ethnic projects; having regional offices, communicating and collaborating with local governments, county councils, local nongovernment organisations); Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programmes (coordinating the activity on European Year of Intercultural Dialogue). Other domestic responsibilities of importance for intercultural dialogue: Council of National Minorities (non-governmental organisation, representing the organisations of the minorities living in Romania); Ministry of Interior and Administration Reform (involved in the process of legalising the civil status and identity documents for Romanian citizens of Roma ethnicity); Ministry of Labour, Social Security and Family; National Council for Combating Discrimination, etc. Major challenges for intercultural dialogue in Slovakia are: xenophobia from conservative parts of society, which is still considered to be homogenous; very strict asylum policy, protectionist measures; “no immigrants” policy; tensions with large Hungarian minority, 55 danger of escalation of nationalist party in present government; protectionist policies accompanied by highlighting potential dangers of secularization or non-Catholic religious frameworks; raise in right-wing extremism. So, the government focuses on strengthening the national, traditional values and supporting patriotism; and official policies for supporting minorities (mainly focusing on culture, in the case of Roma also social and economic integration). The application of intercultural dialogue is a search for mutual trust that will assure the members of all cultures in Slovakia that they form an equivalent part of this society. Slovak society has been influenced by its historical development, recent formation of an independent state. Intercultural dialogue is the instrument that will help towards mutual understanding between the majority nation and the minorities, as well as between immigrants and the domestic population. It is necessary to achieve that such process has a bilateral character, in order that mutual acquaintance and interaction within intercultural dialogue has a positive effect on all mutually communicating parties. There are some population data according to selected nationalities in the Slovak Republic in 2001: population in total 5,379,455; Slovak 4,614,854; Roma 89,920; Czech 44,620; Ruthenian 24,201; Ukrainian 10,814. („National Strategy of the Slovak Republic...”) The priorities of the Slovak Republic within the framework of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 are the following: - achieving an increase in the awareness of all Slovak citizens, in particular young people, of realising the importance of intercultural dialogue for the mutual coexistence of multicultural society in everyday life; - promoting education within intercultural dialogue at all school levels as well as in out-of-school and lifelong education; - supporting the media upon promoting the principles of intercultural dialogue, mutual acquaintance and enrichment on the basis of the principles of equality and mutual understanding; - promoting an increase of time space in the media, respectively a greater liberalization of the media market in relation to national minorities and ethnic groups; - activating and supporting civil activities directed towards the promotion of cultural dialogue and securing the continuity of such activities in the long-term; - supporting all activities contributing to the development of cultural diversity and the way of life in the Slovak Republic; - mapping and evaluating the “good practice” and best experiences from the past, which promoted intercultural dialogue and preparing a complex study devoted to the given area; etc. (ibidem) The main actors of relevant process are: Vice Minister for Knowledge-based Society, European Affairs, Human Rights and Minorities; Special Commissioner for Roma Communities, etc. Ukraine, as a state of the Carpathian region and European Neighbourhood Policy Partner is interested in cultural cooperation. The conditions for effective cooperation with European Union in numerous spheres are created by the efforts of both sides. Generally, the EU and its eastern neighbours - former Soviet republics - signed Partnership and Cooperation Agreements in the 1990s based on respect for democratic principles and human rights that set out their political, economic, and trade relationship (“The European Neighborhood Policy: ..., 2008: 2”). In December 2004, the Council, according to a proposal from the Commission, agreed upon the content of the Action Plan and decided to forward the Action Plan to the EUUkraine. The EU-Ukraine Action Plan was jointly adopted at a special Cooperation Council on 21 February 2005. The Action Plan provides a framework for work with Ukraine, identifying areas of reform. In particular, civil society in the Eastern Neighbourhood Policy (more specifically in the context of cooperation with Ukraine) is very important to the European Union. In the Ukraine Action Plan, cooperation with civil society has been explicitly stated. This means good opportunities for promoting democracy, as civil society has proven to be the key actor of democratisation in Eastern Europe and has been responsible for the democratic transitions in Ukraine. 56 Being the Republic of Soviet Union, Ukraine has had limited cultural contacts with other states because of intermediate activity of central Soviet state authority. Exceptions are contacts with other Soviet republics and socialist states. At the present time, the activity of the Ministry of Culture is aimed at: - integration of Ukrainian national culture into world cultural space; - shaping good international image by the means of culture and cultural heritage; - promotion of international cultural cooperation; - supporting cultural and interpersonal relations with Ukrainian Diaspora; - promotion of Ukrainian cultural products at international cultural markets. As the benefits the following aspects have to be considered: - existence of the famous art schools and personal achievements which are competitive and recognised in the world; - rich cultural heritage (potentially attractive for foreign scientists, art workers, tourists); - experience of the participation in international festivals, exhibitions, competitions. The main issues of the Cultural Programme of Ukraine are: - national linguistic and cultural space of Ukraine; - national cultural heritage, folk culture; - national cultural industries, popular culture; - contemporary Ukrainian arts; - cultural-educational activity; - ethnic and confessional diversity in Ukraine; - Ukrainian culture in the cultural space of the world. (See Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Ukraine) As we can see, ethnic issues are one of the priorities of the National Programme due to the multinational composition of the Ukrainian society. Ukraine has the following national structure - Ukrainians (77,8%), Russians (17,3%), Belarusian (0,6%), Moldavians (0,5%), Tatars (0,5%), Bulgarians (0,4%), Hungarians (0,3%), Romanians (0,3%), Polish (0,3%), Jews (0,2%), Armenians (0,2%), others (See State Statistics Committee of Ukraine...). The state’s national policy is directed towards the protection of national minorities’ rights and to promotion of common values, symbols, cultural heritage. Bilateral cultural cooperation between Ukraine and the states of Carpathian Euroregion, cooperation with international organisations (UNESCO, Council of Europe, etc.), along with close relationships with the Ukrainian Diaspora enable successful cultural exchange, organisation of Ukrainian Culture Days, participation in international cultural projects, etc. In order to increase efficiency of cultural initiatives, it is necessary to coordinate Ukrainian legislation with the conventions and declarations of UNESCO; to create some Ukrainian cultural centres abroad in order to disseminate information on cultural heritage and activity of the state, etc. Therefore, intercultural cooperation is important for the development of international relations, sharing the experience and presenting own achievements. As seen in the above plans, every National Strategy determines the most important issues, proposes the priorities for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue and affirms the role of civil society in the implementation of their national policies. Implementation of Cultural Policies in Carpathian Euroregion State: the Participation of Civil Society in National Projects According to the Decision of the European Parliament and of the Council concerning the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, every country of European Union has been encouraged to adopt an appropriate action plan for the promotion of Intercultural dialogue. To this end, we can find conferences, festivals, trainings, consultations or other kinds of relevant activity. Some of projects, especially National projects, proposed by states of the Carpathian Euroregion are worth to be analysed because of their significance for the development of region and the whole European Community. Hungary dedicated big efforts to help civil initiatives and projects to be carried out in a successful way and help make them sustainable. By collecting several projects and project 57 initiatives Hungary would like to celebrate the cultural diversity of Europe, with the main emphasis on South-Eastern and Central Europe. Hungarian project “Youth and culture in dialogue” (01.11.2007 - 31.10.2008) is more of a training and network project than a usual cultural project. The National Coordination organisation has set the target to build a solid basis of young leaders who are able to carry out similar projects in the long term and who understand the importance of intercultural dialogue. The main objectives of the project are: to train people (young cultural operators, civil leaders and these working in the field of education) so they can carry out successful projects not only during the Year but also afterwards, to offer assistance to projects concerned with intercultural dialogue throughout the country, to create a national network of operators interested and able to carry out projects in the area of intercultural dialogue. The target audience is the young project leaders. The project activities include discussion on various topics, a national call for project proposals, preparation of an international training conference, a press conference, etc.4. The general objective of the National project “European Year of intercultural Dialogue in Poland” (14.03.2008 – 12.02.2009) is to foster intercultural dialogue as a process that enables a more open than complex cultural environment to function. The other main objective is to highlight different understandings of the concept of multiculturalism in Europe, with special regard to Polish tradition and history. The National Centre for Culture is responsible for the implementation of the project. The following activities have been carried out as part of the project: - conferences, seminars and debates on the contexts of multiculturalism; - research studies and publications on the topic of multiculturalism in Poland and Europe; - workshops and training courses which focus on the needs of children and young people; - festivals and reviews presenting and introducing the faces of multiculturality. In order to reach the intended effects of the implementation of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland, it is important to mention the implementation of the following tasks: developing the EYID strategy in Poland (January-February 2007), disseminating information on the EYID (March-June 2007), national call for proposals for the EYID (AprilMay 2007), appointment of the EYID Council in Poland (April-June 2007), selection of national projects to be co-financed (June 2007), preparation of the application for the EYID in Poland (July-August 2007), submission of the application for the EYID in Poland to the European Commission (14 September 2007), creating (June-October 2007) and updating (November 2007-March 2009) the website of the EYID in Poland, creating the catalogue (November 2007-March 2008) and promotion (April 2008-March 2009) of “good practices”, promotion of the EYID idea (October 2007-March 2009), implementation of activities indicated in the national project of the EYID (1 January 2008-31 January 2009), selection of activities implemented under the auspices of the EYID in Poland (January-March 2008), etc. (“Poland’s National Strategy for...”) Expected results for the Year are: - the participation of between 20,000-32,000 people including individuals from disadvantaged social groups, - a five-day festival aimed at furthering dialogue between the region's cultures, raising awareness on intercultural exchanges and improving minority rights in Poland, - Internet record of the discussion, - 25 organisers of cultural activities trained to work with students, - 800 students trained by organizers of cultural activities, - 8,000 Poles reached by the projects, including 7,000 children and young people, 4 For more information on projects, activities and events in Hungary, see: KultúrPont Iroda, http: //www.kulturpont.hu/; Miniszterelnöki Portál / Prime Minister Office, http: //www.meh.hu/; Bevándorlási és Állampolgársági Hivatal / Office of Immigration and Nationality, http: //www.bmbah.hu/; „National strategies for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue”, http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/archive/dialogue/strategies_en.html 58 - 100 public debates organised in various region of Poland.5 In Romania best practices will be identified during this year, through finding, creating and developing new approaches and stimulating discussions and projects in different communities. The experience acquired by the Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs in organising festivals (music and theatre festivals), by the Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programmes in developing many cultural projects (Culture 2000), by different actors taking part in the Socrates II programme with its different sections, by the European Cultural Foundation in developing “S.T.E.P Beyond – Supporting Travel for European Projects”, by ARCUB – the Centre for Cultural Projects of the Bucharest Municipality are examples of successful experiences that may be considered as best practices. Romanian National project “Puzzle” (01.01.2008 – 31.12.2008) is coordinated by the Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programmes. The project aims to encourage intercultural dialogue by raising awareness on how daily life and economical activities reflect and influence cultural identity. It is also aimed at providing a better understanding of the artistic role in promoting intercultural dialogue. The target group consists of a wide range of people (students, researchers, local communities) living in the cities included in the project. The project has an innovative approach based on a symbolical pentagonal framework for a puzzle of diverse activities throughout the entire year 2008, involving people coming from small and large communities all over the country and not only. The activities are combined into five work packages, each being coordinated by a different partner-organisation: 1) Pilgrimage: myths, tales, contemporary stories reflected in multidisciplinary art presentations; 2) Included: invest in people and combat social exclusion through support of traditional crafts and construction of a Virtual Museum of the Modern Romanian; 3) Intercultural Dialogue Street: artistic manifestations of ethnic minorities; 4) Music Corner: musical performances and debates over the status of music as universal language and its cultural determinations in an intercultural environment; 5) Mental Maps: diverse approaches to the ways in which local communities retain memories of the past inscribed both in their tangible and intangible heritage.6 The National Public Education Centre of Slovakia coordinates the “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 in Slovakia” (01.01.2008 – 31.12.2008). The project aims to promote the idea of European co-operation and common cultural values across Slovakia through the co-beneficiary association of towns and municipalities of Slovakia. It also aims to emphasize the role of intercultural dialogue as a principle connecting groups of citizens. This project involves co-beneficiaries from two other Central European countries (Hungary and the Czech Republic), and it is based on the activation of grassroots civic activities in Slovakia. The planned activities of the Project of National Public Education Centre consist of: - Expert International Conference “Animation of the European Citizenship in the Slovak Local Culture” (July 2008), which consists of theoretical sessions and workshops (presented in the fields of arts, gastronomy, environment and dancing). There are 110 expert participants: representatives of cultural organisations, municipalities, third sector and private 5 More information on projects, activities and events in Poland, see: “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland”, http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/553.0.html?&L=0; Adam Mickiewicz Institute, http: //www.iam.pl/en/site/; The Borderland Foundation, http: //www.pogranicze.sejny.pl/?s=flash&lang=eng; Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, http: //www.men.gov.pl/; “Youth and Culture in Dialogue”, http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/432.0.html. 6 More information on projects, activities and events in Romania, see: „Puzzle”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/554.0.html?&L=0; Guvernul României. Departamentul pentru relaŃii interetnice / Government of Romania. Interethnic Relations Department, http: //www.dri.gov.ro/; Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programs, http: //www.eurocult.ro/en/index.html; “Youth and Culture in Dialogue”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/432.0.html?&L=0; Ministerul Culturii şi Cultelor / The Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs, http: //www.cultura.ro/; Institutul Intercultural TImişoara / Intercultural Institute of Timişoara, http: //www.intercultural.ro/. 59 sector, educational institutions. The conclusion of the Conference is the call - The Days of European Citizenship and Intercultural Dialogue in Slovakia. - Days of Intercultural Dialogue in Slovakia - Public Call for organising workshops throughout Slovakia: My Home is Europe (September 2008). Due to the aim of this part, people react on the Call and realize activities with the possibility of using the logo and slogan of the Year. They will record their activities and provide this record to the National Public Education Centre. The National Public Education Centre has to make these records available on its respective website. Target groups of this project are very diverse, from towns to small municipalities, from senior citizens to the youngest age groups. The target will be engaged in civil society initiatives at the local level and the creation of an interactive Internet platform.7 National Strategies of the states define actions foreseen to involve civil society and the communication sector. The Hungarian Ministry of Education and Culture invites a wide spectrum of cultural, educational and minority non-governmental organisations to participate. Non-governmental and professional advocacy organisations should develop the efforts of the National Coordination Body which also invite the media and private organisations to actively help formulate ideas and carry out the programme. In the context of civil society, it is worth mentioning that the preparation of Poland’s National strategy has been consulted with the representatives of national cultural institutions. Those included: the Adam Mickiewicz Institute, the International Cultural Centre, the Fryderyk Chopin National Institute, the National Centre for Culture. The Council of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland is composed of the representatives of leading non-governmental organisations in Poland, ethnic and national minorities’ organisations, academic communities as well as government institutions and offices. In Romania, as it was mentioned, a special partnership contract is established with the Intercultural Institute of Timişoara.8 In “Consultations of civil society and stakeholders” chapter of National strategy it is notified that in the main, different members of the civil society, i.e. journalists, sociologists, researchers and communication experts are involved in the process of public consultations. The Slovak National strategy shows that activities of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 are aimed towards the following target groups: general public – extra-scientific and scientific, majority community, children and young people, members of national minorities and ethnic groups, marginalized groups of the population, immigrants. In the countries considered for this paper, the influence of non-government organisations and authorised persons are crucial and civil society (in cooperation with official state institutions) is effectively involved in implementation of projects. For instance, the representatives of civil society strongly cooperate with Ministries of Foreign affairs, Ministries of Culture, Ministries of Education, etc. Every National strategy has a chapter which determines cooperation with stakeholders. Therefore, cultural cooperation (in the context proposed by 7 8 More information on projects, activities and events in Slovakia, see: Podpredseda vlády Slovenskej republiky pre vedomostnú spoločnos, európske záležitosti, l’udské práva a menšiny, http: //www.caplovic.vlada.gov.sk/; Ministerstvo Kultúry Slovenskej Republiky / The Ministry of Culture of Slovak Republik, http: //www.culture.gov.sk/; “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 in Slovakia” http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/559.0.html The Intercultural Institute of Timişoara was established in 1992 with the support of the local authorities of Timişoara and of the Council of Europe. This is an autonomous, non-governmental institution, having a cultural, civic and scientific activity, without political purposes, which adheres to the values and the principles of the Council of Europe concerning intercultural actions. Through its programmes and activities, the Intercultural Institute of Timişoara pursues the development of the intercultural dimension in the fields of education and culture. The Intercultural Institute of Timişoara has established a wide network of partners from different regions of Romania and from several European countries, including institutions, non-government organisations and professionals from its interest areas. Intercultural Institute of Timişoara is cooperating very well with local, regional and national authorities in the fields of education, culture, youth and national minorities. A particularly fruitful cooperation has been established with the Council of Europe, mainly with the departments of education, culture and youth and with the Confidence Building Measures Programme (for more information, see: http: //www.intercultural.ro/). 60 European Union and the states) is closely connected with people-to-people activity, which improves the process of cooperation and exchanges in different spheres. Conclusion It is necessary to notice that the success of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in 2008, the future of relevant processes, and its extending beyond this year, will very much depend on the active involvement of civil society. For a long time, the European Union has encouraged intercultural dialogue through various programmes and initiatives. So, now it needs to involve not only public authorities but also civil society as a whole. As the documents and projects considered in this article show, many cultural initiatives are taking place with the support of civil society. Non-government organisations are actively involved in the process of cultural exchange, research projects, educational activity, art events, and promotion of intercultural dialogue in general. Subsequently, an efficiency of intercultural dialogue depends on the participation of non-government organisations, religious groups, art communities, educational organisations, other members of civil society. The reason for this cooperation is successful start of such dialogue precisely in the communities (created by people beyond the state’s influence) where people have direct contacts and aspiration to interact more closely. On the one hand, successful contribution on this level leads to expansion of good results. Participation of civil society is an evidence of real interest of social groups and individuals to considered projects and initiatives. When we analyse an appropriate legislation of European Union and the context of National projects of the states, we note that great attention is paid to intercultural cooperation. It proves an importance of democratic principles of cooperation, respect of mentioned states to democratic values. Citizen’s participation in the shaping of cultural policy is an important precondition of efficient implementation of appropriate projects: it respects cultural diversity; supports solidarity; recognises equal rights; integration of minorities; intention to promotion common values, heritage and symbols; realizing efficient partnership with neighbouring countries could be very powerful. Moreover, cooperation on the regional level is very effective due to existence of motivation and opportunities to take the influence and needs of neighbouring states into consideration. Therefore, the Carpathian Euroregion states, which have some common traditions, cultural heritage, past, historical relations between countries, can find mutual understanding not only in the sphere of political and economical cooperation, but also in promotion of intercultural dialogue, as well as in the sphere of people-to-people activity. As a result, the coordination of the objectives involving civil society in the process of cultural cooperation proves an efficient tool for the promotion of intercultural dialogue and makes cooperation within the context of cultural diversity possible, fostering and supporting the region’s common values and, thus, guaranteeing the stability in the region. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bennett, Tony (2001), Differing diversities. Transversal study on the theme of cultural policy and cultural diversity, Strasbourg, Council of Europe Publishing, 2001, 202 p. Commission of the European Communities, Recommendation from the Commission to the Council to authorise the Commission to participate, on behalf of the Community, in the negotiations within UNESCO on the convention on the protection of the diversity of cultural contents and artistic expressions, Brussels, 1.9.2004 SEC (2004), 1062 Commission of the European Communities, 7 p. “Consolidated version of the Treaty establishing the European Community”, in: Official Journal of European Communities, C325 E, 24.12.2002, p. 33-184. “Decision № 1855/2006/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 12 December 2006 establishing the Culture Programme (2007 to 2013)”, Official Journal of European Union, L 372, 27.12.2006, p. 1-11. “Decision № 1983/2006/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 December 2006 concerning the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008)”, Official Journal of European Union, L 412 EN, 30.12.2006, p. 44-49. 61 European Commission (2007), “Intercultural dialogue in Europe. Summary. Analytical Report”, in Flash Survey on attitudes of EU citizens to intercultural dialogue and intercultural relations. / Conducted by The Gallup Organization Hungary upon the request of DG Education and Culture. December 2007, 12 p. “European Parliament resolution on cultural cooperation in the European Union (2000/2323(INI)) of 5 September 2001”, in: Official Journal of the European Union, C72 E, 21.3.2002, p. 142-145. Gordon, Christopher (2007), “Culture and the European Union in a Global Context”, in: Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society; Spring 2007, Vol. 37 Issue 1, p. 11-30. Mokre, Monika (2007), “European Cultural Policies and European Democracy”, in: Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society, Spring 2007, Vol. 37, Issue 1, p. 31-47. National Strategy and Priorities. Hungary (2008), “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008”, see: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_hungary.doc National Strategy of the Slovak Republic for the Implementation of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008, see: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_slovakia.doc Poland’s National Strategy for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, see: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_poland.pdf Stahl, Gerhard (2008), “United in Diversity”, Social Europe: The Journal of the European Left, Winter 2008, Vol. 3, Issue 2, p. 90-95. “The European Neighborhood Policy: Why, What, and How?” (2008), in: Foreign Policy, Jan/Feb 2008 Issue 164, special section, p. 2-3. UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions. Paris, 20 October 2005, 18 p. Varbanova, Lidia (2007), “The European Union Enlargement Process: Culture in between National Policies and European Priorities”, in: Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society, Spring 2007, Vol. 37, Issue 1, p. 48-64. ELECTRONIC SOURCES Adam Mickiewicz Institute, http: //www.iam.pl/en/site/ (consulted August 2008) *** (2008, consulted) “THE ARTS Festivals' Declaration on Intercultural Dialogue”, in: http: //www.ljubljana.si/en/highlights/current_topics/art_festivals/default.html (consulted August 2008) Bevándorlási és Állampolgársági Hivatal / Office of Immigration and Nationality, http: //www.bmbah.hu/ (consulted August 2008) The Borderland Foundation, http: //www.pogranicze.sejny.pl/?s=flash&lang=eng Carpathian Foundation, http: //www.carpathianfoundation.org/cf/web/hq/index.jsp (consulted 2008) Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programs, http: //www.eurocult.ro/en/index.html „European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008. National Strategy of Romania, see: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_romania.doc (consulted July 2008) “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue 2008.eu/553.0.html?&L=0 (consulted August 2008) European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008. National Strategy of Romania, see: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_romania.doc “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 in Slovakia”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/559.0.html (consulted July 2008) Ferrero-Waldner, Benita (2007), “The European Neighbourhood Policy and the Regions”, Speech of Benita FerreroWaldner, European Commissioner for External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy, Brussels, December 18, 2007, in: http: //www.europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/07/829&format=HTML &aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en (consulted August 2008) Guvernul României. Departamentul pentru relaŃii interetnice / Government of Romania. Interethnic Relations Department, http: //www.dri.gov.ro/ (consulted August 2008) Institutul Intercultural Timişoara / Intercultural Institute of Timişoara, http: //www.intercultural.ro/ (consulted August 2008) KultúrPont Iroda, http: //www.kulturpont.hu/ (consulted August 2008) Ministerstvo Kultúry Slovenskej Republiky / The Ministry of Culture of Slovak Republik, http: //www.culture.gov.sk/ (consulted July 2008) Ministerul Culturii şi Cultelor / The Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs, http: //www.cultura.ro/ (consulted August 2008) Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, http: //www.men.gov.pl/ (consulted August 2008) Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Ukraine, www.mincult.gov.ua (consulted July 2008) Miniszterelnöki Portál / Prime Minister Office, http: //www.meh.hu/ (consulted September 2008) 62 National strategies for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/archive/dialogue/ strategies_en.html National Strategy and Priorities. Hungary, “European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008”, in: http: //ec.europa.eu/ culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_hungary.doc (consulted September 2008) National Strategy of the Slovak Republic for the Implementation of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008, in: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_slovakia.doc (consulted July 2008) Podpredseda vlády Slovenskej republiky pre vedomostnú spoločnos, európske záležitosti, l’udské práva a menšiny, http: //www.caplovic.vlada.gov.sk/ (consulted August 2008) Population and Housing Census 2002 Population, in: http: //www.stat.gov.pl/bdren_n/app/dane_podgrup.katgrupg (consulte in September 2008) „Poland’s National Strategy for European Year of Intercultural Dialogue”, in: http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/eac/ dialogue/pdf_word/strategy_poland.pdf (consulted August 2008) “Population Census 2001. Hungarian Central Statistical Office”, in: http: //www.nepszamlalas.hu/eng/ „Puzzle”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/554.0.html?&L=0 (consulted July 2008) “Rezultate”, in: http: //www.recensamant.ro/pagini/rezultate.html (consulted August 2008) State Statistics Committee of Ukraine, www.ukrstat.gov.ua (consulted August 2008) UNESCO Convention on cultural diversity”, in: ec.europa.eu/culture/portal/action/diversity/unesco_en.htm (consulted July 2008) “Youth and Culture in Dialogue”, http: //www.interculturaldialogue2008.eu/432.0.html (consulted July 2008) “Youth and culture in dialogue. Start and End dates”, in: http: //www.interculturaldialogue 2008.eu/432.0.html?&L=0 (consulted July 2008) Emigration, Immigration and Interculturality: The Meaning of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Portugal Teresa PINHEIRO Abstract: Owing to its colonial past, Portugal has been confronted for centuries with cultural otherness. From the Age of the Overseas Discoveries until the end of the colonial empire in Africa in 1975, Portugal's policy, economy and culture were orientated towards the overseas colonies. Due to this and to the huge emigration during the 1960s and 1970s to European industrial countries, Portugal has been considered to be traditionally an emigration country. The lost of the colonies in Africa, the re-centralisation and the joining of the European Union brought to Portuguese society a rapid change. Portugal was no longer only an emigration country. It also became the destination of some thousands of immigrants, coming especially from Eastern Europe, Africa, and Brazil. Within this context, the Emigration Museum in Fafe seeks to keep alive the memory of emigration in Portuguese society, bearing in mind that the consciousness of having been an emigration country contributes to a better understanding of immigration intra muros. The activities of the museum during the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008) give an example of this social mission of mediating between the experience of emigration and immigration. Key words: intercultural dialogue, emigration, immigration, Portugal 1. Portugal between Emigration and Immigration With the end of the Iberian dictatorships of Franco and Salazar in the mid 1970s and the joining of the European Union in 1986, both Spain and Portugal experienced a period of rapid and complex political, economic and social change. This context also had repercussions in the migration movements from and to both countries. The economic growth and the integration in the European Union provoked in Spain a clear change from a traditionally emigration country to an important destination for world migration. Social scientists agree in regarding Spain as basically an immigration country at present (Kreienbrink, 2004: 66). Portugal's case is more complex. Among Portuguese migration experts, emigration has been considered a structural constant since the beginnings of the overseas expansion. The growing immigration movements into Portugal after 1986 were interpreted at that time as a sign of change from being an emigration to an immigration country, similar to what had happened in Spain. But in reality, Portuguese emigration did not diminish rapidly, and even grew in the mid 1990s. In the last few years, many studies have paid attention to this, claiming that Portugal is at the present still an emigration country, being at the same time an important destination for world-wide immigration. Portugal is an emigration and an immigration country (Peixoto, 2004). In the following pages I shall outline the most significant conjunctures of Portuguese emigration and immigration until today. This brief overview should make clear that both tendencies have had and still do have a huge influence on the Portuguese society. 1.1. Emigration as a Structural Constant in Portuguese History With the first Portuguese "discoveries" on the Atlantic coasts during the 15th century, the mobility of population from the Portuguese continental territory to overseas colonies also began. Although there had been a dislocation of population to the fortifications along the coast of Africa and in India, it was only during the colonisation of Azores, Madeira, Cape Verde and especially of Brazil that the first significant settlements of a Portuguese population in the overseas territories can be attested (Russell; Wood 1998a: 228-230). During the first landing of Pedro Álvares Cabral's fleet in 1500 in Brazil, the court writer of Manuel I, Pêro Vaz de Caminha, wrote from Brazil to his king: 64 […] and I believe that if your highness sends someone here who can be among them [the Brazilians] they will all turn out according to your wishes (Caminha 1500: fl. 13).1 Although Caminha recognised the necessity of populating the new land in order to colonise it and defend its possession from other rising overseas powers, the 16th to 18th century's colonisation of Brazil can be defined as a long struggle of the central and colonial administration for recruiting settlers from the small and sparsely populated mother country to the enormous South American colony. The historical sources only give us some disperse facts on the flows of Portuguese population to the colonies, but they confirm that during this period, Portuguese emigration to the overseas territories remained residual compared with the 19th century (Russell; Wood 1998b: 125).2 In fact, only during the 19th century can we speak of Portuguese emigration to Brazil3 in the assertion of the term as a numerically considerable relocation of population from one state to another. Indeed between 1855 and 1914 about 1 million people abandoned Portugal and emigrated to the independent state of Brazil (since 1822), looking for better living conditions (Monteiro, 2008: 2). According to the characteristics of Portuguese emigration to Brazil during this period and to its push and pull factors, we can place it in the huge conjuncture of the European emigration to the American continent during the second half of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century. The most important period of Portuguese emigration to Brazil was between 1850 and the world economic crisis of the late 1920s. It was a mainly male emigration, composed of young men between 15 and 30 years, who were employed either as sellers in Portuguese companies or as peasants substituting the slave manpower after the abolition of slavery in 1888. They were pushed out of Portugal for reasons similar to other European countries, such as the demographic growth and the huge unemployment rates due to industrialisation (Coelho, 2004: 23). Most of the Portuguese emigrants to Brazil left the north of Portugal, mostly the region of Oporto and Minho, due to the social and economic structure of this region. The rolling countryside conditioned the emergence of small land ownerships, which could only be inherited by the eldest son, provoking an excess of population composed of young men excluded from land ownership. The impact of Portuguese emigration to Brazil on the homeland was significant, for many of the emigrants to Brazil returned to Portugal.4 The Portuguese romantic literature perpetuated the stereotyped image of the "Brazilian". This was a Portuguese Brazil emigrant, mostly illiterate, who returned rich to his homeland in Northern Portugal and used to exhibit his richness by building an incommensurable representative mansion.5 Many scholars have taken efforts to find out the historical reality behind this stereotype of the rich Brazilian. They have concluded that only about 5% of the Portuguese Brazil emigrants returned to Portugal owning a considerable fortune (Rowland, 2000: 338) that could be transformed into symbolic capital (Bourdieu, 1972). But this minority was visible enough, since they gathered to bring economic and cultural dynamism to their hometowns by building schools, hospitals, public parks or private houses. After Brazil’s independence, the Portuguese king moved the strategic focus to its African territories. In 1836, the Portuguese Prime Minister Sá da Bandeira presented his proposal of 1 Translation by T.P. The same seemed to happen within the wider context of European emigration. Between the 16th and 18th century about 1 million people left the European continent; in contrast to this, only between 1840 and 1930 did European emigration reach 60 million people (Coelho 2004: 21). 3 The Portuguese emigration flows during the 19th century were mostly canalised to Brazil, due to the settlement of a Portuguese colonial population since the 16th century. Between 1836 and 1899 95.8% of the passengers who left the city of Oporto went to Brazil (Rowland 2000: 304). 4 Virgínia Aníbal Coelho estimates that about 30% of the Portuguese emigrant population in Brazil returned to Portugal (Coelho 2004: 24). 5 Some examples of the success of this figure are the works of Camilo Castelo Branco: Os Brilhantes do Brasileiro (1869); Novelas do Minho (1875-77); Eusébio Macário (1879); A Brasileira de Prazins (1882). Also Júlio Dinis in A Morgadinha dos Canaviais and Luis de Magalhães in O Brasileiro Soares contributed to the petrification of the "Brazilian". 2 65 intensifying the colonisation of African possessions. In his "Report to the Cortes" of February 19, Sá da Bandeira pleaded for the settlement of a European population in Angola, Mozambique and Cape Verde in order to increase the cultivation of colonial products and thus create an economic alternative to Brazil. This new orientation brought consequences for the emigration policy. It was to make emigration to Brazil more difficult and promote the transfer of population from the excolony to the African possessions (Rowland, 2000: 315). In 1851 the Overseas Council was established with the main mission of intensifying the colonisation of the African territories and of canalising the Portuguese emigration to the colonies (Alexandre, 2000: 90). In spite of these measures, a significant increase in Portuguese residents in Africa could not be observed until the end of the 19th century, as the colonial powers in Europe started to move their interests to Africa. With the competition of the European imperial powers for possessions in Africa after the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, Portugal had to further improve the colonial structures in the African colonies with the so-called Campaigns of Occupation (Alexandre, 2000b: 182). The historical arguments advanced by Portugal to defend its right of possession – the discovery of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe during the 15th century – no longer gained a hearing during the negotiations. Instead, only factual occupation was to legitimate the colonial possession. These changes in the conditions of the world order resulted in the increase of a European population in Africa. In Lourenço Marques,6 for example, the European population increased from 591 people in 1894 to 3,322 in 1900, of whom 64% were of Portuguese and 22% of British origin (Rowland, 2000: 320). By this time, and especially during the dictatorship of the New State under Oliveira Salazar, the African possessions became more an ideological and political, rather than economic basis of national politics. Being the Minister for the Colonies for a few months in 1930, Salazar established with the "Colonial Act" the legal foundations of the Portuguese colonisation of the African possessions and reinforced through a foreign policy mainly made of symbols the idea of Portuguese colonies in Africa not being at the disposal of the other European imperial powers (Silva, 1996: 21). The participation of Portugal in the colonial exhibition of Paris in 1931, the organisation of its own colonial exhibition three years after, the publication of the famous map, in which the Portuguese colonies were drawn upon the European territory bearing the title "Portugal is not a small country" – all of these contributed to establishing Portugal as a colonial power during the 20th century (Léonard, 2000: 23-24). As the Portuguese conduct of maintaining the colonies started to be contested by the UN after the Second World War (Pinto, 2000: 56), the cabinet of Salazar introduced some measures to accentuate the establishment of Portuguese people in Africa. This, together with the strategic change of nomenclature of the African territories from colonies to overseas provinces, was to make clear that the main land and the overseas territories formed an organic unity, which was not supposed to be divided (Oliveira, 1992: 71). Although it never achieved the proportions of the flows to Brazil, in the decades of 1950 and 1960, emigration to the Portuguese colonies of Africa significantly increased again. 1966 was the year with the highest outflow to the African colonies, with 5,011 persons (Peixoto, 2000: 154). But if we compare these numbers with Portuguese emigration to European industrial countries in the second half of the 20th century, it will be clear that (i) the 1960s and 1970s are, together with emigration to Brazil in the 19th century, one of the most important contexts of Portuguese emigration; (ii) the destinations of Portuguese emigration at that time were not in Africa but rather France, Germany, Luxemburg and Switzerland. In 1966 itself, legal emigration to France is estimated at 63,611 people (ibidem), about twelve times more than departures to the African colonies. The economic stagnation in Portugal due to the politics of autonomy of the New State was increased by the high financial and human costs of the colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea Bissau from 1961 to 1974. The colonial war had a double pushing effect on Portuguese emigration. Despite leading the country to economic ruin, it also encouraged men to leave the country as a way of escaping military service in the colonial war in 6 Today Maputo, the capital of Mozambique. 66 Africa. In 1970 about 860,000 Portuguese immigrants lived in France. Germany and Luxemburg were the other destination countries of Portuguese emigration. In 1964 the German State signed an agreement with Portugal to contract guest workers in order to rapidly reconstruct the country after the Second World War. Until the agreement was cancelled in 1973 due to the first oil crisis, Portuguese emigration to Germany steadily increased (Portugiesische Botschaft in Berlin, 2004: 2). Joining the European Union in 1986 brought about rapid economic growth in Portugal, which curbed the emigration flows of the previous decades. Nevertheless, this did not mean the end of Portuguese emigration, as it was stated in some scientific publications (Paiva, 1985). In fact, European membership also made it easier for Portuguese workers to leave their homeland and settle down in another EU country or go there for seasonal work. When the so-called "Aufbau Ost" – the reconstruction of Eastern Germany after the fall of the Berlin wall – increased the demand for construction workers, Portuguese emigration to Germany rose once more. More recently, Switzerland has been the main destination of Portuguese emigration. Indeed, at the beginning of the 1990s Switzerland was the destination of about 40% of Portuguese emigration (Peixoto, 2000: 158). These tendencies in Portuguese emigration during the last five centuries caused the Portuguese historian Vitorino Magalhães Godinho to consider emigration as a structural constant of Portuguese history (Godinho, 1978: 22; Peixoto, 2000: 152). Although the decades of 1960 and 1970 were the zenith of Portuguese emigration flows, it is a fact that emigration did not come to an end, nor has it been reduced to an insignificant dimension. Nowadays there are still about 25,000 people per year who leave Portugal to work abroad (Peixoto, 2004: 98). 1.2. New Challenges for the Small Country: Immigration Since the last decade of the 20th century, immigration has become a much discussed topic in the Portuguese media. The main reason for this has been the rapid increase of immigration coming from Brazil and Eastern Europe. Nevertheless, immigration is already an important social phenomenon in Portugal since the 1960s. The huge emigration flows of Portuguese working population to European countries caused a manpower shortage at this time in some sectors of industrial production in Portugal. The New State tried to compensate for this by recruiting a working force from the African colonies, especially from Cape Verde (Pires, 2003: 123). Because at that time the African colonies were officially part of the Portuguese territory, these movements of population were considered to be inter-regional migration of Portuguese citizens. The consequence of this is that the immigration from African colonies cannot be quantified. With the end of the New State in 1974 and the subsequent independence of the former colonies in Africa, the Portuguese society has experienced not only an important political and social change, but also the highest dislocation of population ever since. Between 1974 and 1975, about half million Portuguese settlers in Africa were repatriated to Portugal. Although not considered immigrants, because of their Portuguese nationality, the phenomenon of the repatriates – so-called retornados – confronted the Portuguese State with the greatest growth of residential population in a short time ever since. During 1975, about half a million Portuguese citizens coming mainly from Angola and Mozambique returned to Portugal. Although the Portuguese State was not in a favourable condition to integrate these citizens during the politically and economically unstable situation in the years after the Carnation Revolution, the fact is that the integration of retornados is considered to have been successful, according to current sociological research, since this biographical particularity of this community is not visible in Portuguese society. The main reason for this may lay hidden in the fact that most retornados were first-generation emigrants who had gone to the African possession in the 1950s and 1960s, as the New State sought to increase the settlement of Portuguese population in Africa. As the political situation in Angola and Mozambique became unstable between the Carnation Revolution and the independence of the colonies, this Portuguese population returned to a country they knew well, since they had been socialised there. Rui Pena Pires emphasises 67 the importance of this constellation in comparing it with the more difficult process of reintegration of the French pied noirs, of whom 80% were born in Algeria (Pires, 2003: 193). With the retornados also came approximately 28,000 Africans, both refugees from the civil wars in Angola and Mozambique and working immigrants from all former colonies (ibidem, 132-133). Unlike the retornados, this African community had no special connection to Portugal or Portuguese nationality since they came from independent states. These African citizens coming from the former colonies made up the most significant community of immigrants in Portugal. This was to change with Portugal’s joining the European Union (ibidem, 132). The integration of Portugal into the European Community brought along higher economic growth. Subsequently, Portugal has attracted a significant number of working immigrants since the 1980s. Between 1980 and 1998, the number of immigrants in Portugal increased from 58,000 to 191,000 people (ibidem, 137). While during the 1970s and 1980s immigration in Portugal was confined to movements from the former colonies of Africa, at the end of the 1990s there was a significant change in immigration flows, with an increase in immigrants from Brazil. Immigration also increased from about 1% at the end of the 1980s to about 2% at the end of the 1990s. It was fundamentally lusophone immigration, with citizens from Cape Verde, Brazil, Angola and Guinea-Bissau being the most represented. With the intensified investments in Portugal after joining the EU, there was also an increment in immigration of highly qualified manpower coming from industrial countries like Great Britain, Germany and the USA (Rocha-Trindade, 2004: 76). At about the end of the 20th century a significant change in immigration to Portugal occurred due to the coming of citizens from Eastern Europe, especially from the Ukraine. If Ukrainians did not appear in immigrations statistics in 1999, they were the most represented group with 62.834 residents in 2003 (ibidem, 2004: 78). In addition, Moldavia and the Russian Federation are represented in the Portuguese immigration statistics. The immigration from Eastern Europe brought two important changes. On the one hand, it contributed to the growth of foreign population from about 2% at the end of the 1990s to about 4% in 2003. On the other hand, it was the first immigration flow that was not the result of historical ties between the origin countries and Portugal. It was rather an effect of Portugal's opening to the global migratory system. For the first time, Portugal was the recipient of labour immigration from countries with which there were no special relations before and whose citizens did not speak Portuguese as their mother tongue. This significant growth in population figures coming from Eastern Europe should not cast a shadow over the fact that also the Brazilian population grew significantly7, and is the most represented foreign population in Portugal today. In 2007 the most represented origin countries of immigration to Portugal were Brazil, Cape Verde, and the Ukraine.8 Although statistically immigration in Portugal is not as significant as in other European states9, it should be said that it is remarkably visible. This is due, on the one hand, to the fact that citizens from Eastern Europe mainly speaking Slavic languages were residual until the end of the 20th century and, on the other hand, to the fact that both Ukrainians and Brazilians work especially in the tertiary sector and are thus present in everyday life of the urban centres. As Portugal is both an emigration and an immigration country nowadays, both issues are very present in Portuguese mass media. One and the same newspaper will contain an article denouncing badly-treated Portuguese working abroad and one about immigrants being victims of racism in Portugal, as well as success stories about Portuguese citizens in foreign countries and about foreign citizens in Portugal (Leite, 2004: 30). 7 From 3.608 in 1980 to 12.678 in 1991 (Rocha-Trindade 2004: 82) and 42.319 in 2008 (INE 2008). With respectively 66,354, 63,925 and 39,480 residents in Portugal (SEF 2007). 9 In 2007 immigrants represented 4.3% of the total population in Portugal (SEF 2007). 8 68 2. Fafe as an Open Air Emigration Museum Fafe, a small town in the North of Portugal, with a total population of about 53.000 inhabitants, accommodates the only emigration museum in Portugal. In a traditionally centralised country like Portugal, it may be surprising that the museum is not located in Lisbon. Yet the history of Fafe has predestined this town to be a centre of research and information about the topic of emigration in Portugal. The city of Fafe participated in the context of Portuguese emigration to Brazil during the 19th century. Only between 1834 and 1926 did 8.722 inhabitants of Fafe go to Brazil. (Monteiro, 2000: 142) Some of these people returned to Fafe and considerably influenced the development of the city by building schools, factories, houses and hospitals. The memory of the heritage of Portuguese emigration to Brazil is present in every corner of Fafe and makes this city a living museum of Portuguese emigration history. Fafe presents the synthesis of the elements necessary to understand that period of time. It concentrates all dimensions of the industrial, commercial and cultural revolution of the 19th and first decades of the 20th century, especially of emigration and the return of the “Brazilians” to their towns of origin. In fact, since 1858, the first Brazilian emigrants returned to Fafe. Their return was soon visible through the palaces and houses they built. In their fronts we find the representation of a new social type. In its interior, we can visit an elegant, urban and cultured life of capitalist Bourgeois, of which pieces consist such as the piano, foreign reviews, imported jewels and furnishings made of Brazilian wood. The Brazilians had drawn a city, opening streets and squares, constructing the exotic romantic garden Passeio Público (1892), seeking to imitate the metropolises. They financed music bands and supported the Voluntary Firemen (1890). They engaged in politics, reflecting the struggles between progressives, regenerators and republicans, testified in the innumerable local press. A signal of their success and the achieved cultural and symbolic capital of these returned emigrants is the fact that the "Brazilians" were the centre of Fafe's social life. They were frequent visitors of casinos, beaches, coffee houses, theatres and hotels, as a class that had made leisure the expression of a new social status. The principles of freedom, reason and of mutual aid, learned in Brazil, influenced these newcomers in their decisions to support civic constructions. In fact, the hospital (1858), asylums (1877, 1906), the school (1866), and the new church (1895) of Fafe were built thanks to the spirit of philanthropy and to the money of the "Brazilians". But also the first factories, the introduction of electrical energy and the first telegraph in Fafe have the mark of the capital and the belief in progress that this new bourgeoisie brought with them from Brazil (Monteiro, 2001). 2.1. The Concept of the Museum on Emigration Fafe’s Emigration Museum aims to work out this memory of Portuguese emigration and its expression in two perspectives: departure and return. It was founded in 2001 as mainly an online museum10. The idea of having an online museum was justified by the technological possibilities of archiving documentation and making it accessible to a large public. It thus fulfils the mission of being a platform of communication for research and qualification activities, having social scientists, associations related to migration, and migrants as individuals as its target audience. The main thematic emphasis of the museum is in the two most significant contexts of the Portuguese emigration history: the emigration to Brazil in the second half of the 19th and the first decade of the 20th century and the emigration to European countries north of the Pyrenees in the 1960s and 1970s. It founds its existence on the premise of mobility being a structural constant of the Portuguese society and regards the new phenomenon of immigration as part of this. This project seeks to make visible the effects of Portuguese emigration and immigration in Portugal both in the countries of origin as well as in the destination countries. Migration phenomena always bring with them the transfer of knowledge and ideas in different areas such as industry, architecture, commerce, arts, associative movements, etc. The virtual museum is composed of six thematic sites: Memory, Diaspora, Ancestry, Communities, Lusophony, and Knowledge. In the Memory Site, the virtual audience can 10 The web museum can be found at: www.museu-emigrantes.org. 69 visualise the material and symbolic expressions of emigration in the origin and destination places as well as its influences produced in social behaviour and private life. The Diaspora Site consists of a database, divided into different areas: Europe, North America, Africa, Asia, Oceania, Brazil and other South American countries. The aim is to identify the communities of Portuguese origin spread all over the world. The Ancestry Site aims to reconstruct the genealogies of those who emigrated. Different documentary sources on families are put together to tell "histories of life" of each one of its elements. The Site Communities is directed at the associations of immigrants in Europe, North America, Africa, Asia and South America. It contributes to compiling the knowledge of its history, the spreading of its activities and the maintenance of links with the origin territories. The Lusophony Site divulges the life and work of those who more significantly contributed to the development of lusophone cultural expressions. The information comprises the time from the appropriation of the colonial territories until today. The Knowledge Site contributes to the spread of scientific works in the different areas of migration phenomena (Monteiro, 2001). But if the museum is first and foremost a web museum, its virtual nucleus is supported by physical sites: the museum itself, the Museological and the Historical Sites and the archive. The museum is structured in rooms devoted to the reconstitution of the origin, the journey, and the migratory experience. It displays personal objects, trying to reconstruct the everyday life of emigrant and returned families. The Historical and Museological Sites are physical places that can be visited with specialised guides. Knowing the history of these places is a way to keep alive the memory of emigration and return. Some of these places are private houses of "Brazilians", public parks, hospitals and schools built with the financial support of the returned emigrants. The Historical Archive seeks to acquire documents and objects of the emigrants and descendants, in order to create an estate on Portuguese emigration. This estate should be composed of documents like personal letters, diaries and photographs with both illustrative and documentary functions. Especially such documents related to the migratory movements such as issued passports, lists of ship passengers, work contracts and censuses are precious elements in every emigration museum. A Support Service also belongs to the museum. Its main mission is to research ancestries, give information on the origin territories, establish contacts and link the research centres. It also collects documentation on scientific studies and specialised bibliography and organises temporary expositions as well as cultural, educational and scientific meetings on the subject of emigration and immigration. Finally, the museum also includes a research centre, which is composed of junior and senior scholars working on the area of migration (ibidem, 2001). This project does not intend to be a great narrative of the two most important periods of Portuguese emigration. It rather draws attention to the particular and unique: family stories, biographies and family trees. It looks at the lives of the thousands of children, women and men who were banished to the edge of history and now emerge in the memory of grandchildren and great-grandchildren. It also pays attention to aspects of economic, social and cultural history, of quantitative and qualitative nature, clarifying the particulars in structural contexts. The aim of the Emigration Museum is thus not to archive historical past, but rather to keep alive the memory of Portuguese emigration. In this purpose, it shares the ideals of the UNESCO Migration Museums Network, of which it is a member. The Migration Museums Network summarises the aims of this initiative in three aspects: While these initiatives also serve the duty to remember, they seem to have three main objectives: Acknowledge, integrate and build awareness. - Acknowledge: The contributions made by migrants to their host societies; the diversity and wealth of the origin cultures; the right to a dual-belonging. - Include and integrate: Foster the sense of belonging; enable the communities to feel an integral part of the nation; find common ground and contribute to a national identity. - Build awareness and educate about the events that induced individuals – and refugees in particular – to leave their land, thus developing empathy among the host population. More generally, deconstruct stereotypes about immigration (Migration Museums Network (2008)). 70 The fact that the Emigration Museum was created in 2001 does not come as a surprise if we take into account this aim. Since the 1990s, immigration, especially from Eastern Europe and Brazil, has considerably increased in Portugal. Keeping the memory of Portuguese emigration alive should contribute to a better integration of foreign citizens. The museum creates the consciousness that Portugal, being traditionally an emigration country, has a moral duty to integrate the newcomers. The temporary exhibition Terra longe, terra perto. Traços da emigração portuguesa that was on show during the spring of 2008 in the museum seeks to raise awareness and to turn emigration into a "lieux de mémoire" (Nora, 1984-1992) of Portuguese national identity. The exhibition was promoted by the Museum of the Presidency of the Republic and integrated into the commemorations of the "Day of Portugal and the Communities" in Setúbal. The sample applies to works of art representing emigration like the painting "Emigrantes" by Domingos Rebelo and the sculpture Desterrados by Soares dos Reis. But also personal documents of Portuguese emigrants in Brazil and France are part of the exhibits. The following comment made by a visitor illustrates the role of such exhibitions in making emigration a fundamental part of the Portuguese collective identity: More than the pictures, sculptures or tapestries, what fascinates me in this exhibition is the Portuguese identity. Leaving the country to conquer the future, without certainties; the desire to return, which contradicts the feeling of belonging to the destination country; the anguish and homesickness – this is what the 5 million Portuguese who live outside their country feel. I participated in the ERASMUS programme. I lived four months out of my country, of my city. Although telephone and Internet helped to keep in touch, I always felt the anguish of departure, the discomfort of the arrival, the homesickness after the return… I felt like an emigrant (Marques, 2007)11. But how is it possible for a museum focused on the topic of emigration to forge a link between emigration and immigration? The activities of the Emigration Museum during the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue give us an idea of how this objective can be achieved. 2.2. The Activities of the Museum during the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue: Perception of Cultural Otherness in Portuguese Society In December 2006 the European Commission decided to declare 2008 the Year of Intercultural Dialogue. It aimed to encourage civil society and institutions at European, national and local levels to respect and promote cultural diversity in Europe. Different activities in all Member States of the European Union promoting the intercultural dialogue were to be supported with a budget of 10 million euros (European Commission 2006: 44). The Emigration Museum in Fafe was one of the many institutions in European countries that promoted activities within the scope of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. These activities were divided into three categories: conferences on identities and double territoriality; rap concert Chullage; intercultural dialogue at school. The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue began in Fafe on March 14. On this day, the pupils from Fafe’s Secondary School as well as all citizens of the small town were invited to attend a conference on the subject of intercultural dialogue. The conference was opened by a representative of UNESCO, Carine Rouah, who focused on the importance of language both in integration processes and as a way of constructing social identity. Christine Märzhäuser, a German scholar spoke, on the socio-linguistic basis of Cape Verdean Creole in the suburbs of Lisbon and explained to the young audience the importance of Creole in affirming one's own identity for citizens living in a culturally "double territory". The event comprised the documentary film "Nu bai – rap negro Lisboa", which covers opinions and experiences of rappers from Lisbon suburbs, realised by the Brazilian born social researcher Otávio Raposo. A highlight of the evening was the participation of rap-singer Nuno Santos alias Chullage for both the panel discussion and concert. Rap music as a means of expression of cultural identity, political discourse and as an emancipatory tool in the face of a monolithic mainstream culture is deeply rooted in migrant youth communities in many countries. For rappers of Cape Verdean 11 Translation by T.P. 71 descent, Rap Kriolu not only “gives a voice to those who do not have a voice” (cit. Chullage, in Nu bai) in Portuguese society. It also opens the public stage for Kabuverdianu, the creole language that had so long been despised by the former colonisers and still waits to be fully recognised as an official langugae of Cape Verde. The popularity of Chullage surprised the teachers at Fafe, who had not counted on their students' familiarity and enthusiasm for the Lisbonbased rapper. Chullage's input in the panel discussion opened an important channel to promote diversity and showed that what he said was really being heard and even waited for. He managed to link the student's experiences of being young, marginal in Portuguese society and critical towards discrimination and racism of all colours. The feeling of marginalisation in the case of Fafe is provoked by its geographical position, far from the capital Lisbon. For many young people of Cape Verdean descent in the Lisbon metropolitan area, marginalisation comes from a precarious socio-economic position cemented by living area and skin colour. Sharing experiences and communicating the message of getting a good education, resisting racism and valuing diversity was successfully achieved through the afternoon event and in a festive mood at the concert, where the local audience knew most of Chullage’s lyrics by heart12. Intercultural dialogue at school was organised in co-operation between the Emigration Museum and Fafe’s Secondary School. The target audience was made up of school girls and boys between 13 and 16 years. Between April 7 and 11 the pupils were invited to assist in the screening of four films: “L.A. Chrash”, “Iznogoud”, “Zona J” and “Diários de Guevara”. “L.A. Chrash” is a 2004 film by Paul Haggis on the subject of social tensions in Los Angeles, caused mainly by racism. The screening of the film and the ensuing discussion aim make the young audience aware of the problems derived from an insufficient integration of immigrants. The screening of the 2005 film “Iznogoud” by Patrick Braoudé is to bring the audience into a discussion of the role of stereotypes and prejudices in perceiving cultural otherness. The impact of the film “Zona J” among the young audience of the Secondary School of Fafe was very significant; in this 1998 film by Leonel Vieira the main subjects are, like in “L.A. Crash”, problems of racism and integration of immigrants, but the action of the film is located in Chelas, a district of Lisbon known for the not always pacific co-existence of Portuguese and Africans. The viewing and discussion of this film made the young people of Fafe aware of the fact that racism is not only a problem in Los Angeles. Also in Portugal, especially in Lisbon and suburbs, there are the phenomena of open racism towards the African residents. Some pupils became conscious of similar problems in their own town, especially regarding the Gypsy population living in Fafe. “Diários de Guevara”, a 2004 film by the Brazilian director Walter Salles, completed the film cycle. This film shows the awakening to social inequalities and injustices in one's own country, seen from the perspective of Che Guevara. The fact that Guevara is an icon in youth culture nowadays facilitates identification with the values of solidarity expressed in this film. The effect of all these activities was visible especially among the young audience. We can note this in some commentaries of the pupils: After all, differences do not exist. There are people with different cultures, values, religions or languages. We should not see them as different, but rather as people that can enrich our culture (Magalhães, 2008)13. Such events that make the social and cultural enrichment of immigration in Portugal visible complement the social function of the Emigration Museum in Fafe in keeping the memory of Portuguese emigration alive. 3. Conclusions Although both the Portuguese public opinion and the research on migration put their main emphasis on the immigration phenomenon of the last two decades, it is a fact that Portugal is still an emigration country, with about 5 million Portuguese citizens and their descendents 12 I am most grateful to Christine Märzhäuser (Ludwig-Maximilian University) for the precious information on these events. 13 Translation by T.P. 72 living abroad (Rocha-Trindade, 2004: 73). The fact that at the present in Portugal both emigration and immigration are important phenomena represents a challenge for civic and pedagogical institutions like museums. The Emigration Museum in Fafe is not an isolated case, but rather has to be regarded in a wider context of debates on immigration in Europe. Migration museums pretend to keep the memory of the most important periods of emigration and immigration in which Europe participated alive. The intention is not to write the history of migration and archive it to the annals of the past. They rather try to anchor migration to one of the foundations of national identity. As Jan Assmann defended, collective memory is the knowledge of a society's past that is recalled in order to stabilise its group identity (Assmann, 1988: 13). Migration museums play an important role in the process of putting emigration and immigration side by side with other elements of the national identity of a state as a pluralist society (Motte; Ohliger 2004: 12). The concept of the Emigration Museum in Fafe and the activities promoted during the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue can be regarded within this European framework. Portugal is confronted nowadays with an increasing number of citizens coming not only from more familiar lusophone countries but also from countries with different cultures, languages or religions. Promoting events that show the richness of the cultural otherness of the immigrant communities draws attention to the positive sides of pluralism in Portuguese society. Remembering emigration by telling individual stories of suffering and of success, by showing the material and everyday culture of Portuguese emigrants emphasises that tolerance towards immigration is not an option, but rather a duty. 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(1998a), “Fluxos de emigração”, in: Bethencourt, Francisco; Kirti Chaudhuri, eds., História da Expansão Portuguesa, Vol. 1, A formação do império (1415-1570), Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores, p. 224-237. **** “Ritmos e destinos de emigração”, in: Bethencourt, Francisco; Chaudhuri, Kirti, eds., História da Expansão Portuguesa, Vol. 2, Do Índico ao Atlântico (1570-1697), Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores, p. 114-125. SEF – Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras (2007), “População estrangeira em território nacional por nacionalidede segundo sexo e distribuição por Distritos”, in: Portal SEF, <http: //www.sef.pt/portal/v10/PT/aspx/estatisticas/index.aspx?id_linha=4224&menu_position=4142#0>. Silva, António Duarte (1996), “Acto Colonial”, in: Rosas, Fernando; J.M. Brandão de Brito, eds., Dicionário de história do Estado Novo, Vol 1, p. 20-22. 74 II. The Space of the European Union and the Interculturality Suzana ŞAPTEFRAłI (Bucharest) ◙ The First Step towards Intercultural Dialogue: Acknowledging the “Other” (Non)-stereotypical Representation of Migrants versus Ethnic Minorities Before and After the 2007 European Union Enlargement Martin HOFMANN (Darmstadt, Oradea) ◙ New spatial theories and their influence on intercultural dialogue Observing relational space in Oradea Joke SWIEBEL (Hague) ◙ Intercultural dialogue and diversity within the EU Kristína MORÁVKOVÁ (Bratislava) ◙ The Roma Population in Slovakia: The Study Case of the Intercultural Dialogue The First Step towards Intercultural Dialogue: Acknowledging the “Other”. (Non)-stereotypical Representation of Migrants versus Ethnic Minorities Before and After the 2007 European Union Enlargement Suzana ŞAPTEFRAłI Abstract: The present article provides a critical analysis of the mainstream media representation of ethnicity categorised as ethnic minorities and migrants in the context of the increasing inward migration flow due to globalisation and European Union eastward enlargement by challenging the current views claiming that migrants and national minorities are both under- and misrepresented. It points out that ethnic "otherness" cannot be treated as a single item and that proper categorisation of the concept has to be applied in order to test old theories or formulate new ones. In addition to that research outcomes identifying the lines along which representation takes place-ranging from inclusion and intercultural dialogue on the one hand to neglecting, marginalisation and stereotyping on the other are presented. Last but not least, it offers key questions and issues for further debate. Keywords: ethnic groups, media, under-representation, stereotype The demise of communism in Central and Eastern Europe and the following transition period found (ethnic) majorities and minorities alike in an absence of a meaningful frame of reference, hence ethnicity became the only available tool to resort to for (re)constructing one's identity. Ethnic struggles in the region, although much less violent as during the immediate aftermath of communism, are far away from an end if struggle is regarded beyond armed conflicts or physical violence. Another important characteristic of the Eastern European space is the impact of globalisation which most scholars agree to have a significant role on the resurgence of ethnic and national separatism. On the other hand the Iron Curtain kept the borders of the Eastern block closed in both directions and its fall coincided with the spread of the powerful force of the globalising trends regarded here as economy-driven but accompanied by the creation of new links between cultures and identities as well as resistance to cultural homogenisation. The rebirth of ethnic tensions juxtaposed with the increasing globalisation understood also as reinforcement of localism (or sub-national regionalism) and European Union integration has unfortunately received little attention in the scholarly literature with regard to the formercommunist states which is why I intend to take a closer look at this aspect in a former member of the Warsaw pact, respectively Romania, the choice being made given the unique nature of the Romanian case due to the country's total border closure under the communist regime while the economic, social and political conditions were by far poorer than most states in the region. Thus the collapse of the communist dictatorship left place for stronger phenomena connected to the border opening and contact with “outsiders” under the strong influx of migrants (termed here generically with the meaning of all ethnically different newcomers: economic migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, illegal immigrants, “new citizens” etc.). The central focus of the present article is to examine the extent of representation of ethnic difference as currently displayed in the Romanian society with regard to the “new” versus the “old others” in the context of undergoing globalisation and European integration processes through the lens of reinforcement of localism. From this perspective I seek to investigate the (anti)-stereotype construction of the ethnic “others'” in the eyes of the majority Romanian population, on what grounds is the current construction of ethnic “otherness” based, by stressing the potential barriers for integration of the new ethnic minority groups into the already multiethnic society and on how marginality, stigmatisation or ethnic segregation manifest and influence the ethnically different newcomers. 77 As already mentioned, Romania’s borders were by far more closed than of any other country in the former Communist block in both ways. On the one hand crossing the state border legally was a right only an insignificant part of the population enjoyed while on the other immigration was close to zero due to the state policy as well as to the severe lack of basic resources Romania was facing and thus making it a very unattractive target to immigrants. Once the borders opened after December 1989 the migration flow increased considerably to and from the country. Since Romania joined the European Union in January 2007 we expect to experience an increase in population movement since at least in the case of EU citizens the principle of “free movement of persons” entered into force triggering a much looser policy of access to temporary residence, working permits, etc. Referring to the situation of the Western nation-states, Hjerm states that “in an era of migration and globalisation the goal changed to preserving nationality at the expense of the immigrants living in the territory” (Hjerm, 2003: 426). Does this hold true in the case of Romania? How does the majority Romanian population perceive these new-comers? Borders, as Conversi puts it, “indicate a limit which must not be trespassed” (Conversi, 1995: 75). However the concept of border as such has a double-fold meaning: the physical state-border and the symbolic group border where we use the term group in the generic meaning. Nonetheless both function according to the same mechanism of conservation which is opposition. “By definition, borders are oppositional and rely on otherness” continues Conversi. Moreover, establishing certain borders leads to inclusion or exclusion which again can be legal or symbolic, or in other words socially constructed. The aim of this paper is to touch upon this second aspect, namely the socially constructed inclusion, the reason for this being the considerable amount of already existing academic and non-academic texts dealing with the analysis of the legal documents which define immigration policies, immigrants rights as well as ethnic minorities rights. I will begin by clarifying the terms which I shall be using for my discussion, namely ethnic minority, marginality and exclusion, representation, their relationship with one another and the dimensions along which these phenomena take place. The social constructivist view perceives marginality (and with it exclusion) as a power relation between a group viewing itself as “centre” and all minorities and non-members as “marginal”, while marginalisation is oftentimes defined in terms of social class based on characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, religion, occupation or language (Lefebvre, 1991: 375). Since gender, religion, occupation and language are at least for some immigrant groups identical to the ones of the Romanian population and by Romanian we mean all Romanian citizens irrespective of their ethnic affiliation the only characteristic left is ethnicity. We shall elaborate further on in the article on this aspect in relation to immigrants belonging to the same ethnic groups as the already existing groups in the region in focus. At this point I should make one important remark: the use of the term ethnic minority often leads to confusion, as Kaufmann noted “many theoreticians of political sciences together with […] their colleagues in social sciences continue to consider “ethnic group” as minority. It would seem that only minorities can be ethnic” (Kaufmann, 2000: 1087). We infer from here that ethnic identity applies to majority and minority alike. I will not try to provide a definition of ethnicity as long as it is not one of the concepts I will use in my analysis, but I will limit to ethnic minorities. In so far as the definition of ethnicity is concerned, Oomen pertinently affirms that the “notion [of ethnicity] became something similar to beauty of which it is said that it lays in the eyes of the one who observes it. Each analyst attached another meaning to the term” (Oomen, 1997: 5). Scholars and practitioners seem to have given numerous definitions to ethnic minorities which although sharing certain common elements (especially characteristics connected to culture or language) generally seldom converge. For example, the definition given by Fuchs states that “minorities designate a group […] which differs from majority (in the sense of dominant group) through certain characteristics (for instance racial, linguistic or confessional) which the dominant group considers to be less valuable than its relevant characteristics” (Fuchs in Heckmann, 1983: 10). Another type of definition is the one offered by Laponce which has the merit of including the groups that want to integrate but fail to do so and 78 the ones wishing to preserve their distinct character but are afraid of assimilation: “minority is a group of people that is different than the cultural dominant group given their racial, linguistic or national heritage and either fear that they will be stopped from integrating in the national community they wish to belong to or they will be forced to do it by giving up their own identity” (Laponce, 1960: 6). One of the most quoted definitions of ethnic minorities is provided by Francesco Capotorti, definition according to which ethnic minority is a group numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a state, in a non-dominant position, whose members, being members of the respective state possess ethnic, religious or linguistic features that differ from the ones of the majority and who are characterised, even if only implicitly, by solidarity towards preserving their culture, traditions, religion or language (Capotorti, 1991: 96). Will Kymlicka brings into the discussion and element which is absent from Capotorti’s definition, the problem of immigrants, the author distinguishing between primary ethnic groups or ethno-cultural groups and secondary groups (the latter being the immigrant groups) (Kymlicka, 1995: 18). We find another means of solving the problem of immigrants in Heckmann’s version, who considers ethnic minority as “heterogeneous groups living in the territory of a state different than their national, cultural and historic identity as a consequence of the constitution of bourgeois nation-states (…) which suffered changes of the state borders as a result of the agreements of conflicts between nation-states” (Heckmann, 1983: 12). This definition, however, was elaborated before the dissolution of communist federations (USSR, Yugoslavia or Czechoslovakia) so we could add to it “or the states formed as a result of the break-up of communist federations”. There is one aspect which should be clarified, not for the sake of providing a solution to a thorny issue, for this is not my goal, but because it is necessary further on in the analysis. The problem of immigrants significantly burdens the attempt to define ethnic minorities. A certain means of differentiating primary from secondary ethnic groups from the point of view of time elapsing for although for the first generation of immigrants one cannot possibly question its belonging to a secondary ethnic group the question that arises is how to qualify the second, third generation etc.? This is one of the points which are omitted by most authors focusing on minorities. I found one single remark regarding the immigrants and of the way in which they could be considered primary ethnic group in the sense of a clear quantification, although without taking this quantification into account when defining minorities. Thus Zagar and Novak argue that capturing the time framework of the settlement of an ethnic group in a certain territory could be complicated by the case of the old immigrant communities. They mention forty-fifty years, but this figure does not interfere with their definition given to minorities (Zagar; Novak, 1999: 184). Bearing in mind the above, I will attempt to offer a definition which would touch on all the previously outlined directions, without aiming at an exhaustive definition. Hence, in the context of the present article I shall use the following working definition: (ethnic) minorities represent a group of persons which are generally under-represented numerically, who live in a distinct community and possess ethnic, religious, cultural and/or linguistic characteristics that differ from the ones of the majority population, who developed a different (ethnic) identity and who are motivated to preserve together their identity, religion, culture, language and traditions. The persons belonging to such a distinct community are citizens of the state in which they live and they became an ethnic minority as a result of a specific development of the territory or region in which they live like the bourgeois nation-state formation or dissolution of the communist federations. Again for the purpose of avoiding the errors due to imprecise formulation, we shall consider throughout the article ethnic groups (versus ethnic minorities) as those ethnic communities whose members live within the borders of a state but fail to comply with the working definition in the sense that they do not satisfy one of the suggested criteria. Bozič considers that the political use of ethnicity can be both positive and negative. By positive use she understands "the inclusion of ethnicity affirmation for ensuring a more equal distribution of resources or for improving the situation of disadvantaged groups by various 79 forms of cultural and political autonomy” as compared to the negative use by which she means "the increasing [...] intolerance which gives birth to destructive politics, the negative use of ethnicity being obvious [...] in the destruction of the cultural or religious identity sources of other groups” (Bozič, 1999: 56). Ethnic difference as such was highly praised at the level of the public discourse as well as the level of the legal framework during the communist regime in Romania where it was emphasised from school books to the Constitution that the citizens belonging to the ethnic minorities enjoy the same rights as the majority Romanian, contributing at the same time with their rich cultural heritage to the common socialist Romanian heritage. Although the rights as such were unfortunately oftentimes denied in practice, no ethnic tensions were made public since all the citizens of the state were to be happy builders of communism. The emphasis was clearly on constructive multicultural heterogeneity or, in Bozic’s terms, on the positive use of ethnicity. The early nineties brought along a troubled period in which lots of conflicts between the majority Romanian and mostly the Roma or the Hungarian minorities were present and with the emergence of the free media allowed the majority to become aware of ethnicity viewed as difference in a negative way, or the negative use of ethnicity, the good majority versus the bad minority. The increase of immigration in the nineties and in the first years of the 21st century raises the question of hierarchy between the Romanian majority, the national minorities and immigrants. It has been claimed that “those outside the net of citizenship – refugees, asylum seekers, immigrants – are the least empowered” (Open Society Report, 2000: 11). Ethnicity and (national) citizenship are the key elements through which we can determine whether we can place immigrants before, after or on equal places with national minorities on a positive-negative scale of empowerment. The more an ethnic group/minority is more likely to be viewed as an empowered one the higher the chances for starting a fruitful intercultural dialogue rather that resorting to hostility, marginalisation, exclusion and last but not least violence. Today’s society is too complex for one to become aware of all aspects of the social, political, economic or cultural life. The moment we shift from small villages to bigger administrative units, personal contact is restricted to a tiny share of the total population of the respective administrative unit. Silverstone and Georgiou pertinently remark that “it is through […] various media that our relationship with others, both neighbours and strangers, are facilitated or, indeed, denied. […] Media enable the transmission and sharing of images and ideas, meanings and motivations. Relationships are created and sustained. Prejudices likewise.” (Silverstone; Georgiou, 2005: 434). In spite of the fact that the social responsibility doctrine assigns independent power to the media, it has been claimed that media-producers serve the interests of the powerful to a higher extent than the ones of the powerless (Altschull, 1995: 188). In direct connection to ethnic groups this translates into “minorities appear, or more often do not appear, in mainstream media; and when they do appear it is often through stereotypical and alienating images”. Such stereotypical and alienating images in this context are to be interpreted as “criminals or socially insecure groups on the fringes of society” (Tereskinas, 2003: 203). The consequence of producing these images has a crucial effect on the audience, as Wilson and Gutiérrez note “in the absence of alternative portrayals and broadened coverage, one-sided portrayals and news articles could easily become the reality in the minds of the audience” (Wilson; Gutierrez, 1985: 41-2). Since this is the first in-depth study on this topic so far and since the large communities and spatial distances prohibit intense contact with all these different ''others'' especially with regard to the representations of distant (i.e. from another historical region or even within the same geographical region) ''others'' the most appropriate place to start identifying the current constructions of ethnic difference is the media (analyses of the “language of media texts” allowing us to shed light on three questions: “How is the world represented? What identities are set up for those involved in the […] story? What relationships are set up between those involved?” (Fairclough, 1995: 5)) As a means of facilitating or denying our relationship to those ''others'' assuming that it is more likely that the majority Romanian population will form his/her first images about an unknown “other” through mediated information. 80 Taking into account the proposed theoretical framework the hypotheses I tested in the study are: 1) Members of ethnic groups and minorities are under-represented in the local printed media when compared to the representation of the (ethnic) majority; 2) When visible in the media, ethnic groups and minorities are mostly presented in an unfavourable or stereotypical way; 3) (National) ethnic minorities appear in the media more frequently than migrants. Research design and methodology Coming back to the focus on localism/regionalism, while most scholars having studied Romanian inter-ethnic relations in the past agree that they have taken different shapes in different regions, the research is designed as to capture the current phenomena in one of the historical regions in Romania, namely Dobruja (Dobrogea). The choice of the region was made by bearing in mind two key factors: firstly the already existing ethnic composition of the historical regions varies considerably, Transylvania and Banat being by far more ethnically mixed than the rest of the country leaving the other three regions (Walachia, Moldova and Dobruja) behind and are thus more likely to exhibit a higher level of multiculturalism seen as respect for difference, accepting otherness and peaceful coexistence and secondly, between the three regions left Walachia was much more studied than any other region due to the fact that the country’s capital, Bucharest, is situated in Walachia and it is also the place of the national media production which is the place most researchers start from when examining media productions. The selection between Moldova and Dobruja was made according to its unique geographic position near the Black Sea, an important communication route between East and West more targeted by migrants on the one hand and enjoying a richer mix of ethnic minorities than Moldova on the other that will allow us to draw comparisons between the existing ethnic minorities and the new ethnic groups. The overall number of ''outsiders'' living in Romania is yet to be determined, mostly because the extent of illegal immigration is only partially known and thus a representation pattern with regard to the place of settlement is difficult to investigate. However what is known is that most newcomers settle in the large urban centres rather than small towns and rural areas, consequently I will restrict my research to the “regional capital” and the surrounding areas of the region, ConstanŃa. Combining the two points expressed above with the data on readership and audience rates of broadcast television in Romania the output is the direct relationship between localism and printed media (the consumption pattern in Romania being best described by the phrase “nation-wide television but locally produced newspapers”). Accordingly, the research will be based on analysis of the mainstream media (i.e. all newspapers produced by the members of the Romanian majority in Romanian and from the point of view of the majority) the daily newspaper enjoying the highest readership in the region will be selected. The printed media will be monitored and analysed for a framework period of two months as follows: one month before Romania's accession date to the European Union and five months after accession. The reason for this is the unique chance of recording possible changes in the representations of difference once Romania joined the European Union. A second rationale for this choice is based on the changes in the visa granting regimes and refugee/asylum seeker openness or closure on the one hand, both dictated by Brussels, illegal immigration patterns and the reflection of these changes in the media on the other will also be observed. Romania joined the European Union on January 1, 2007 so the local printed media will be analysed between December 1, 2006 – December 31, 2006 and June 1, 2007 – June 30, 2007. The selection of the local media was made from among the daily newspapers printed in ConstanŃa (the most important urban centre of the region) considering readership rates and the probability that it could contain ethnicity-related topics. There are no exact readership rates available since BRAT (the Romanian Bureau for Audit) does not audit all publications. In the absence of reliable data, I considered the number of printed copies of the newspapers as reference numbers. The publications with the highest amount of printed copies were Telegraf and Cuget Liber (in this order with 15.000 and 10.000 copies per day). Yet, Cuget Liber 81 introduced a special page which was to appear weekly, on Mondays, dedicated to inter-cultural relations and bearing the title “interetnica”(on the second page of the newspaper). Articles relating to ethnic groups and/or minorities were identified from the total number of articles in the local daily newspaper Cuget Liber throughout the research period (24 issues of the newspaper were published in December 2006 and 26 issues in June 2007) excepting advertisements and photographs. Hence the resulted data was textual data, the originals being press data. The selection of articles was made as follows: all articles referring to an ethnic group and/or minority were included in the research together with all the articles indicating particular members of an ethnic group/minority (either by description or because the ethnic group/minority of origin was inferred from the name and surname of the person mentioned in the article – the case applies to the Hungarian, Turkish and Tartar and Armenian ethnic minorities – no instance being recorded in case just the name or the surname was detected as belonging to a certain ethnic group for in the case of the surname, especially for women might be the indicator that they married a member of an ethnic minority, whereas a Romanian name followed by a non-Romanian surname was considered to be a marker of assimilation to the majority Romanian group). The method used for data processing was quantitative and qualitative content analysis while the technique applied was frequency analysis. Since my aim was to explore both the visibility and the way in which this visibility manifests I chose two categories: the first involves the content (message) of the article (positive defined as desirable action/ situation/ position for the quasi-totality of the readers, neuter for actions which cannot be divided into either positive or negative and negative for undesirable actions) while the second deals with the attitude the author of the article revealed in the respective article in relation to ethnic groups or minorities and/or their (individual) members (classified in the same way, namely positive – extraordinary results achieved by the groups as such or their members, neuter if the author’s voice was not implying either a positive or a negative attitude and negative when the journalist clearly implied undesirability of the actions or situations/positions appearing in the article). For the purpose of this article, cultural activities were all classified as positive as opposed to sports, since sports imply winning and losing the latter being considered negative. I will start the discussion with ethnic minorities to continue with ethnic groups and I will draw the parallels and interpret the results for each minority/group separately. I. Ethnic minorities 1) Turks and Tartars First of all we need to stress the high representation of ethnic Turks and Tartars. Since the total number of newspaper issues we selected was 50 for the two months together we note a rate of occurrence of 1.74 articles per issue. Given the high representation of ethnic Turks and Tartars in the total population in the region, one would expect to find them over-represented in the printed media in relation to other ethnic minorities. However, the 1.74 rate indicates that Turks and Tartars were visible to the readers every day which is a step which would be worthwhile to be followed by other media in the region. Table no. 1 Turks and Tartars negative 14 14 28 43 44 87 neuter 15 15 30 Positive 14 15 29 December 2006 June 2007 Total 7 2 9 32 37 69 4 5 9 December 2006 June 2007 Total No. of articles Content Journalist's attitude December 2006 June 2007 Total 82 Examining the figures diachronically we notice that there is almost no difference either from the content, or from the author's point of view. In addition to that, the high number of negative contents (28) versus the much lower number of negative attitudes on behalf of the journalists (9) points out that although journalists were the ones who selected the negative topics to be presented at least they did so mostly in a neuter way. The overall number of negative content occurrences is also clearly outnumbered by the neuter and positive articles (30+29=59) thus contradicting our second hypothesis according to which when ethnic minorities/groups appear in the media they do so in a negative way. The topics in which Turks and Tartars were mostly visible are: culture (mostly ethno dances / music but also writing), politics (usually activity of ethnic Turkish or Tartar MP's), Administration (ethnic Turks and Tartars in various higher administrative positions mostly at the local level, seldom at the national level), education (achievements of ethnic Turkish or Tartar pupils), sports players (football), crime (criminals or accused of crimes from begging, battering or theft to pimping, murder, and traffic of persons) 2) Roma Table no. 2 Roma negative 1 6 7 6 7 13 neuter 3 3 Positive 2 1 3 December 2006 June 2007 Total 1 1 2 5 6 11 - December 2006 June 2007 Total No. of articles Content Journalist's attitude December 2006 June 2007 Total As already expected the extent of the Roma representation in the written media is among the lowest (13 for the two cumulated months versus 87 for the Turks and Tartars), especially if we bear in mind that the Roma constitute the second biggest ethnic minority in the in the region under analysis (for more see population according to ethnicity at the July 18, 2002 Census available at http: //www.insse.ro/cms/files/statistici/ Statistici_teritoriale2007/rom/4.htm). We note a slight increase from December to June, nonetheless, given the overall almost insignificant number of occurrences the only individual occurrence which makes the difference between the two figures cannot actually be interpreted as a real increase, but rather it could be just as well a matter of accident. In so far as the content of the articles is concerned for we encounter a clear shift from positive-neuter towards negative. Thus in December there is only one article with negative content, 3 neuter and 2 positive whereas in June the number of articles with negative content is 6 times higher while the number of positive articles decreases from 2 to 1. It is interesting to observe that although the Roma are both numerically well represented in the total population as well as given the negative light in which it is usually portrayed in December 2006 only one negative article content was published by Cuget Liber. Unfortunately this does no longer hold true six months later, but it proves that it is not a utopian dream to aim at objectivity or why not at refraining from presenting certain negative actions in the name of improving inter-ethnic relations. From the point of view of the author's attitude in relation to the Roma, there is a visible difference between the negative one (recorded twice, once per each month) and the neuter one which is in fact the predominant attitude (11 occurrences) while no positive attitude was identified, which like in the case of the Turks and Tartars discussed before shows that in spite of the subjectivity displayed in the choice of topics (predominantly negative or neuter) journalists appear to offer a neuter approach. 83 If we take the specific topic into account the main issues of the negative articles were: tax evasion, forgery, drug possession and social issues which present the Roma as performers of menial jobs and having no desire to work. 3) Hungarians Table no. 3 Hungarians negative 2 2 8 10 18 neuter 7 6 13 Positive 1 2 3 December 2006 June 2007 Total 1 1 7 9 16 1 1 December 2006 June 2007 Total No. of articles Content Journalist's attitude December 2006 June 2007 Total In the table above, we observe that from December to June there was no major shift between the number of articles in which ethnic Hungarians appeared, the type of the content or the journalist's bias. The content and the bias are predominantly neuter while there is no negative content or bias registered in December, again contradicting our hypothesis that ethnically different "others" if visible are visible in an undesired position or situation. Even the low representation (18 as compared to 87 for the ethnic Turks and Tartars) for the entire period under discussion could be interpreted as relatively normal since there is an extremely low percentage of Hungarians in the region and thus making the minority less likely to appear in the local media. The main topics in which Hungarians appear are politics (activity of ethnic Hungarian MP's, ministers, officials in the upper level management of public administration), sports (football, chess) or crime (supporting international criminal groups). I would like to draw the attention to one specific article which although insignificant from the numeric point of view (counting one article with negative content) is particularly interesting to examine from the content point of view. The article deals with the activity of the members in the Romanian parliament. Although most political parties are criticised in the article the remark about the Democratic Union of Hungarians (the political party of the ethnic Hungarians) caught my eye: "UDMR (the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania) is magyarising Romania" (Cuget Liber, Wednesday, June 27, 2007). The problem in this case is that it is not like in most cases of negative content, at least for the case of Hungarians, a critique of an ethnic Hungarian official for having declared a certain thing. We consider the affirmation much more powerful for it clearly induces the idea of risk as well as the need to fight against such a risk. It is true that this was the only case of openly "revealing" a risk coming from an ethnic (national) minority and threatening the majority throughout the analysed period. As an individual occurrence this may not pose a considerable threat of becoming more than a sentence in an article. On the other hand we have to bear in mind that the article appeared in a region where there are practically no ethnic Hungarians, and most probably, if it had appeared in a region in which the number of ethnic Hungarians is higher this may have led to accelerating ethnic tension. It is regrettable that in spite of all anti-discriminatory laws and years of practice and elaborating codes of ethics for journalists, one still encounters comments which can easily be interpreted as instigating. Moreover, as previously mentioned, Cuget Liber could be termed as a liberal publication from the point of view of treatment of ethnicity as long as it is at least among the publications in ConstanŃa the only daily newspaper dedicating weekly a whole page to inter-ethnic relations. Of course this does not imply that other publications (dailies, weeklies etc.) are indeed less open to discuss such relations or that if they do they do it in an inappropriate way, such a hypothesis definitely needing further investigation, but it raises awareness of the fact that such 84 formulations largely encountered during the 1990's still exist and hence should be, nevertheless monitored and dealt with in a way that builds on the existing inter-ethnic dialogue rather than ignored and leading to ethnic tension, struggle or in the end violence, at the academic and institutional level as well as among politicians. 4) Armenians Table no. 4 Armenians No. of articles Content Journalist's attitude Negative 1 1 5 7 12 neuter December 2006 June 2007 Total 2 2 - 5 4 9 Positive 5 4 9 3 3 December 2006 June 2007 Total December 2006 June 2007 Total As seen in the table above, the representation of Armenians contradicts our hypothesis regarding under-representation (better overall representation as compared to Roma 11 vs. 12 articles and only slightly lower than the overall representation of Hungarians, though if we examine the percentages of Armenians in Dobruja the number of Armenians is more than three times lower than the one of Hungarians so in this respect we might say that as compared to the Hungarians, Armenians are clearly overrepresented) and regarding the content of the articles mis-representation - (9 positive vs. 1 negative). On the other hand, if we take a closer look at the instances in which Armenians appear these are all referring to either a minister of Armenian origin in the Romanian government or to a well-known singer. It is widely known that the two are members of the Armenian ethnic group but it would be desirable that the portraying of Armenians in the media would include besides the two exceptional individuals belonging to this group also other members of the Armenian community. This is particularly important for small and scattered communities like that of the Armenians in Romania for they are much more threatened by extinction, its members being assimilated by the majority Romanian population, both culturally and, to an even wider extend, linguistically. 5) Aromanians Aromanians are visibly under-represented in Cuget Liber when compared to the other minorities so far but we should keep in mind that also the number of Aromanian ethnic people is quite small. Considering this fact, we appreciate their representation being satisfactory. It is also the first minority so far displaying no instance of negative content or negative bias on behalf of the author of the article. Table no. 5 Aromanians 5 2 7 No. of articles Content Journalist's attitude Negative - neuter December 2006 June 2007 Total 1 1 Positive 5 1 6 December 2006 June 2007 Total 4 2 6 1 1 December 2006 June 2007 Total 85 Also the topics in connections with which Aromanians appear in the analysed articles are highly satisfactory all referring to the various cultural activities of Aromanians groups (dancing, singing), the Aromanian cultural heritage or the political and social activity of the Aromanian foundation. As discussed above in the Armenians' case, this is a much more desirable way of minority visibility rather than the exclusive visibility of exceptional individuals. We are not trying to minimise the positive impact the individual members of a certain group have for the image of the group in question, but also we cannot neglect the force given by a stress on the community as such, its cultural values and activities. 6) Russian Lipovans Table no. 6 Russian Lipovans No. of articles Content Journalist's attitude negative - 2 2 4 Neuter 1 1 1 1 December 2006 June 2007 Total Positive 2 1 3 1 2 3 December 2006 June 2007 Total December 2006 June 2007 Total The representation of Russian Lipovans is the first after the one of the Roma which exhibits a clear discrepancy between the number of ethnic Russian Lipovans in the region versus the quantified visibility in the printed media. The number of Russian Lipovans in the region is outnumbered only by the cumulated number of Turks and Tartars and by the one of the Roma. In spite of that, each monitored month only 2 articles were found in the daily newspaper Cuget Liber. It is again remarkable that no negative content or bias was recorded, moreover, all instances proved to have a positive content, especially if we bear in mind the high number of ethnic Lipovans in the region as well as the fact that in all occurrences the stress was on the community of Lipovans and its activities. 7) Bulgarians and Macedonians We grouped together the Bulgarian and Macedonian minorities for two reasons: firstly, they both displayed an equal number of occurrences in Cuget Liber in December 2006 (1 occurrence for each of the two minorities, displaying the same characteristics, namely positive content and a neuter attitude of the journalist) but also because neither of the two appeared six months later. Given their low representation in the population, we consider that their mere appearance in the media is a positive thing, in both instances the focus of the article being on the respective minority group culture and children preserving that culture. The findings so far for all ethnic minorities are divergent: as we have seen, certain minorities exhibit much higher representation frequency than others, while the author’s bias varies as well. Thus the Turkish and Tartar minorities are well-represented, the same thing being identified in the case of small minorities like Aromanians whereas others where a priori restricted from becoming news subjects (for instance the Roma and Russian Lipovans), ironically these forming some of the largest minority communities in the region. Unexpectedly, the second hypothesis we tested referring to the largely negative and stereotyping image ethnic minorities are conveyed by the media is only partially confirmed. It is clearly proven for the Roma, but it is not confirmed for any of the other seven represented minorities. I will continue in the following lines to the second category in the study, that of the migrants for testing the place the migrants are attributed by the media in comparison to ethnic minorities. The particular 86 interest is to what extent the new “others” make it as object of the mainstream news and if they do whether they are ascribed to low marginal positions or not. II. Ethnic groups Before proceeding to the actual data analysis a methodological remark needs to be addressed: for the purpose of this paper, migrants (individual or group) where considered all foreigners (defined as non-Romanian citizens) residing in Romania: temporary and permanent residents, refugees, asylum seeker, illegal immigrants. Tourists or visiting foreigners were not captured in the sample. 1) Arabs Under the term Arab several categories are grouped: on the one hand articles generally portraying Arabs, as well as the ones in which individuals or groups of individuals from particular Arab countries living in Romania appear (in our cases the countries were Syria and Lebanon). The use of the term Arab needs to be clarified for avoiding confusion or potentially wrong interpretations: the term was used according to the significance the term Arab was unfortunately assigned in the material utilised for the analysis. Needless to say that such a classification is not at all accurate, nor does it conform to the basic norms of accepting diversity or promoting a multicultural environment, yet given the impossible quantification of articles in which the word Arab appears we chose to keep the term though stressing that it would be preferable that the media would employ clear formulations which do not allow any room for wrong interpretations. Table no. 7 Arabs 5 2 No. of articles Content December 2006 June 2007 negative 5 2 7 7 Neuter - Positive - 2 - 3 2 - Journalist's attitude 2 5 Total - December 2006 June 2007 Total December 2006 June 2007 Total Arabs constitute in ConstanŃa a community which is almost as high as the entire Armenian community in the whole South-Eastern Romanian region (412 Arabs versus 522 Armenians - (Chiriac; Robotin, 2006: 31, Population according to ethnicity at the July 18, 2002 Census available at http: //www.insse.ro/cms/files/statistici/ Statistici_teritoriale2007 /rom/4.htm), the number of Arabs living in Constanta being probably much higher due to illegal immigration. The figures in Table no. 7 indicate that even if we could claim that Arabs are indeed averagely-represented if we are to compare with the number of persons making up the Arab community in ConstanŃa the same number of 7 occurrences being registered in the case of Armenians, when examining the message of the representation one immediately notices the 180 degrees shift from positive to negative. Thus all 7 contents of the articles were negative (crime ranging from forgery, to criminal networks affiliation, kidnapping or drug trafficking) and although the authors do not manifest any bias in 5 out of the 7 cases the visibility of the Arabs is overall strikingly negative. 2) Turks We have already mentioned the case of ethnic groups sharing the same ethnicity like the one of a national (ethnic) minority existing in the region under discussion. This is the case 87 of the Turks and we also noted their laudable representation in the media. In what follows we shall take a closer look at the Turkish ethnic group (i.e. migrants): Table no. 8 Turks 4 4 No. of articles Content negative 3 3 Neuter 2 2 Journalist's attitude December 2006 June 2007 Total - Positive 1 1 December 2006 June 2007 Total 2 2 - December 2006 June 2007 Total The number of legal Turkish migrants to ConstanŃa is even higher than the one for Arabs (531 vs. 412 (ibid., 34) so one would also expect a better representation, yet, the results contradicts this assumption, Turks being even less represented than the Arabs (overall for the two months 4 and respectively 7). In addition to that all 4 occurrences were in December, Cuget Liber not publishing even one single article about Turks in June. Once again, in spite of the insignificant figures I believe it is safe to assume that there is a clear negative trend. It is notable that among these four articles there is also one with a positive content but this singular occurrence refers to sports which we will come back to further on. The rest of the articles involve topics such as drug possession, drug trafficking, criminal networks, tax-evasion, cheating. 3) Chinese No data concerning the number of Chinese living in Dobruja was found. However, given the overall number of Chinese living in Romania, unofficial estimates mentioning the figure of 20.000 Chinese (ibid., 37) we consider them as under-represented in the media, at least if we compare them to the Arabs or even Turks. Similar to the case of the Turks in all occurrences the content was exclusively negative, the only difference being that this time also the author's attitude was negative. Nonetheless, the Chinese did not appear in Cuget Liber only in connection to crime (Chinese mafia, murders and drug trafficking, but also as providing workers trying to earn much higher salaries in Romania on the expense of Romanians). Table no. 9 Chinese 1 1 2 No. of articles Content Journalist's attitude negative 1 1 2 1 1 2 neuter December 2006 June 2007 Total Positive - - December 2006 June 2007 Total - - December 2006 June 2007 Total All three afore-mentioned groups reveal certain common features which are worthwhile discussing in detail. Firstly they all record mostly negative representations associated with crime and secondly they are the most numerous migrant communities from all the ethnic groups (migrants) present in Cuget Liber. Since these three ethnic groups analysed above display such similarities in their treatment by the media from all points of view (content, 88 bias and topic with which the respective group is associated) we shall also present the cumulated data for the entire period (i.e. December 2006 and June 2007) in the table below. Table no. 10 Arabs, Turks, Chinese Total no. of articles Content negative 12 13 neuter - positive 1 Journalist attitude 4 9 - Such outcomes although not at all unexpected (the very research hypotheses of the present analysis being that the migrants enjoy extremely low representation not only in connection to the majority Romanian population but also from the point of view of the existing ethnic minorities) raise the question whether one can talk about a step forward on the way to intercultural dialogue and multi-cultural society as long as journalists supposed to inform the population and hopefully educate it as successfully done for the national minorities by Cuget Liber exclusively depict the three largest migrant communities in such gloomy colours. The idea of risk mentioned in the section dealing with Hungarians is also present in relation to the Arab, Turkish and Chinese groups (the only instance of overtly depicting threat coming from migrants found in all 50 issues of Cuget Liber studied) as we can see in the following quotes: "Criminal groups of foreign origin already anchored in the economic, politic and social autochthonous environment" ... "the mafia-like groups developed by on Romania's territory by the Chinese, Turks, Arabs or ex-Soviets under the pretext of more or less legal businesses cannot wait to use those new gates open towards Europe to extend their interests towards the Western space and, why not, for shaking their hands with the mafia in the West, especially the Italian one". "In our country [Romania, my note] the Chinese organized crime is involved in committing felonies targeted, generally, towards their co-nationals, but also in drug trafficking." "Drug-trafficking is also practised by the Turkish-Arab groups which supply both the Romanian drug market as well as the Western one" (Cuget Liber, Thursday, December 28, 2006: 4) 4) Other ethnic groups All the other occurrences of migrants in the examined media are grouped together not because of their being less observable (which is not the case as we shall see) but because the ethnic groups they belong to are insignificant in relation to all other ethnic groups and because most of them occur in connection to a specific topic (all but three), namely sports. We chose to separately treat sports because migration due to changing working places in sports is governed by different rules than the traditional economic migration. In sports, it is rather the qualities and "price" of a certain player or coach that dictate the migration trends on the one hand, while on the other more often than not it is not followed by permanent settlement. Thus, foreign players and coaches, having been selected by sports clubs (managed mostly by ethnic Romanians) find themselves in a much more privileged situation than that of most non-sport migrants: they are immediately provided with a well-paid job, a place to live, a group of people to interact with (other players and/or their respective coaches), not to mention a high social status (especially valid for football players and/or coaches, but also for other team-sports like handball, volleyball or rugby). Solely based on empirical observation, it seems that in this case the high social status enjoyed by the migrants is more "powerful" than the fact that they belong to another ethnic group than the majority. The correlation between status and ethnicity definitely constitutes an open field of research which due to the modest length of this article we will not elaborate on. 89 The countries from which these sport players come from range from South America (Argentina and Brazil), to Africa (Congo, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Senegal), Australia, Eurasia (Bulgaria, Serbia, Poland, Ukraine and Georgia). Table no. 11 Other ethnic groups 19 40 December 2006 June 2007 No. of articles Content Journalist's attitude negative 1 2 3 59 neuter 14 33 47 positive 4 5 9 Total December 2006 June 2007 Total 1 1 2 17 38 55 1 1 2 December 2006 June 2007 Total The clear positive course of representation is obvious in June 2007 recording more than double the number of occurrences in December 2006. This might mark the effects of Romania’s integration into the European Union, for topics like sports being daily covered (Cuget Liber devoting two pages per issue to sports) we cannot assume that suddenly these sportsmen made it to the news. Also interesting is the very low number of negative content entries (3) as opposed to 9 positive and 47 neuter entries. The author's bias is also not denoting any negative bias the majority of articles being interpreted as neuter (55). There are three more entries which were not captured by the figures above, one referring to a Pole and the other two to Americans. All three articles are negative from the point of view of the content and unbiased on behalf of their author while the topic for all is fraud. They are not interesting for further investigation precisely because of the groups they belong to, neither of the two constituting a significant ethnic group in Romania at the moment of the analysis. At this point it would be completely irrelevant to cumulate the data recorded for Arabs, Turks and Chinese (mostly economic migrants legal or illegal) with the results scored by the representatives of different ethnic groups who came to Romania as a result of a contract with a sports club. The first three are by far less visible even if absolute figures were taken into account and are overall negative (12 which is more than 90% of the occurrences) while the second group enjoys a high degree of neutrality (47 occurrences out of 59 and an important share of positive instances) in relation to the content of the article. The irrelevance of data cumulating and analysis stems from the high number of neuter occurrences in the second group will lead to overall positive results for the total number of ethnic groups represented in the media. Since the Arab, Turkish and Chinese communities are the most significant migrant communities in Romania we consider it crucially important to point out that they are both under-represented and conveyed the most undesirable image, that of the criminal guilty of the most serious crimes. For the same three major ethnic groups (migrants) all three hypotheses are tested: they are under-represented in relation to most ethnic minorities if the number of occurrences is considered as reference and in relation to all ethnic minorities if the percentage in the total population are taken into account. Also when present they appear in a strikingly undesirable light. The hypotheses were not confirmed for the ethnic groups which made the subjects of the sports topics. The high prestige of their profession (all sport players or coaches) made SouthEasterners (Ukrainians, Georgians or Congolese) enjoy the extremely favourable images to the same extent as Westerners (Australians). We can infer from here two things: similarly to the ethnic minorities case one cannot expect a generally valid algorithm of representation for all migrant groups and another variable should be introduced for offering an accurate explanation of the visibility phenomenon, prestige or social status. 90 Conclusion The transformations undergone by Eastern Europe in the past two decades are major: from the communism of the eighties through a harsher or milder transition period in the nineties towards European integration in the new millennium. The Eastern European space was reconfigured in many ways, opened and closed at the same time with the eastward expansion of the European Union, all these taking place simultaneously with accelerating globalisation trends. In this context, I turned my attention towards one phenomenon which the previously mentioned transformations triggered: migration interpreted as groups of aliens, “others” settling on another territory in relation to the already existing “others”, national minorities. The relation between the old and new "other" was explored with the aim of establishing the position migrants are ascribed to in a society which already displays its previously formed stereotypes and even prejudices about "its own others". Migrants' position is extremely interesting for the Eastern European countries access to the European Union undoubtedly facilitates legal migration at least within the limits of the member states as well as making the new members become much more desirable destinations for third country citizens. An influx of others might pose difficulties especially to those states that experienced the lowest inward migration under communism (like Romania), reason for which I chose Romania as the wider geographical unit of research. Another reason is the lack of scientific literature on inward migration chiefly due to the high outward migration of Romanians to which has been devoted much more attention. Proper recognition and respect is the first step in creating and maintaining good interethnic relations, avoiding ethnic conflict and making the most out of an ethnically diverse society. There are several factors intervening when it comes to ethnic management based on the spirit of multiculturalism: legislators, local and national administrative institutions, politicians, educational facilities etc. The media as the watch dog of democracy have in this sense a heavy influence, for it is through media that we both build up and preserve our relationships, including our relationship to the ethnically different "others". Thus the representation of all "others" was examined in the Romanian mainstream printed media for sketching the main directions of acknowledging migrants and national minorities alike for the purpose of testing three hypotheses: national minorities and migrants are under-represented in the media, when they do appear in the media this is mostly in an unfavourable, stereotypical way, migrants are underrepresented when compared to national minorities. The research results only partially confirmed the hypotheses but pointed out potential directions along which more detailed studies of the issue can be formulated. The concrete outcomes were that both certain national minorities and migrants alike were highly visible as compared to others, mostly independent of the share in the total population. Furthermore, when it comes to prejudices and stereotypes these were also found valid for some groups and not valid for others. Interestingly there is a direct relationship between the low represented groups in the media and the negative stereotypical images they were assigned while the low represented groups happen to be among the most significant groups in terms of proportion of ethnic "others" in the total population (for instance Roma, Arabs, Turks or Chinese). However, we have to note the positive trend of representing the rest of the ethnic groups and minorities since their image in the media was interpreted as mainly desirable. The groups we can include in this category are Turks and Tartars, Hungarians, Aromanians, Congolese or Serb. The only notable exception of the above is the Russian Lipovan minority which is significant as size but extremely under-represented in the media, though in a positive light. Multiplying stereotypes and prejudice is highly dangerous anywhere. The vicious circle one gets into usually proved to be very difficult to break. Each society has its own image of its autochthonous minorities, deeply rooted in years and years of coexistence. Migrants though are in a different position: their image in the eyes of the majority is yet to be formed and it is largely the choice of the newspapers and broadcasters as the fourth wall of democracy to avoid their marginalisation and invisibility or not and contribute to establishing a fruitful interethnic dialogue culture rather than generating hostility, division and struggle. 91 BIBLIOGRAPHY Altschull, J. 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Zagar, Mitja; Ales Novak (1999), “Constitutional and International Protection of National Minorities in Central and Eastern Europe”, in: Mitja Zagar, Boris Jesih, Romana Bester (eds), The Constitutional and Political regulation of ethnic relations and conflicts, Ljubljana, Institute for Ethnic Studies, p. 177-214. *** (2000) Racism in Central and Eastern Europe and Beyond: Origins, Responses, Strategies, Open Society Institute, Budapest, Hungary. *** (2002) „PopulaŃia după etnie, la recensămîntul populaŃiei şi al locuinŃelor, 18 martie 2002” [Population according to ethnicity at the census of population and homes at March 18, 2002], http://www.insse.ro/cms/files/statistici/ Statistici_teritoriale2007 /rom/4.htm, (accessed on August 20, 2008). New spatial theories and their influence on intercultural dialogue observing relational space in Oradea Martin HOFMANN Abstract: Conflicts, present and past, have often a link to questions of borders, territories and space. In newer sociological theory the concept of relational space has been developed, to overcome the weak aspects of the absolute and the relative perception of space. This concept allows us to have a second glance at territories and place that are controversial. A result of this process is the insight, that several spaces can exist at a particular place. This concept of a relational space is exemplified on the street and information sings in the Romanian city of Oradea that has a strong Hungarian minority. In conclusion, proposals are given on how this theory could influence the practical work in the field of reconciliation and politics in areas in which the definition of space is crucial in the understanding the tensions that are occurring. The thesis is that the concept of relational space offers new possibilities in this field. Keywords: intercultural dialogue, relational space, sociology, Oradea Introduction Some of this year’s political events drew the world public’s attention to questions of borders, territories, national autonomy and independence. More or less consciously, the discussions included the perception of space. First, there was the declaration of independency of Kosovo this spring which has been recognised by some states, whereas others denied recognition. Even more recently, the war between Georgia and Russia took place. Abkhazia and South Ossetia, two territories with a controversially discussed status were the catalysts in this short but armed conflict. Besides political questions of power and influence it can be observed how crucial the construction of a territory, eventual of a space, can be. In both cases a territories declared their independence which has not been acknowledged by the state they used to be part of. In both cases there are political entities that do acknowledge this step while others that do not. Foreign forces and observers are present. Regarding these developments it seems to be a rather unimportant task to deal with sociological theories of space while intercultural dialogue should be at the first position of the agenda. This contribution tries to show that contemporary theories of space not only offer a fresh insight in the social construction of reality but rather have developed a concept of space that may help to reconsider political phenomena like the ones mentioned above. More than that, they may even have practical applications on political and administrative work. At last, they can lead to a new form of dialogue between different social groups, cultures and even nations with the long term perspective to find solutions for tensions that build around territories. As the European Union declared the year 2008 as the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue [http: //ec.europa.eu/culture/portal/events/current/dialogue2008_en.htm) these spatial theories should be exemplified at the example of a town that belongs to the EU since the year 2007. It is the city of Oradea, also known as Nagyvárad in Hungarian or Großwardein in German, close to the Hungarian border in the north-west of Romania. As a first step, though, the background and development of the used concept of relational space will be given. Finally a reconciliation concept will be introduced whose principles work probably accidentally according to the new spatial concept and can be a possible way to assist intercultural dialogue. Recent developments in the perception of space The concept that will be discussed can be summed up with the slogan “relational” space. A rough review of developments in the perception of space is given first in order to classify it. In recent years social sciences have increasingly focused on the relation of “space” 93 and “place”, as well as on “global” and “local”. During former debates on globalisation the apparently trivial terms like “place” and the “local” seemed to be of smaller importance compared to global developments that have been in the focus. This led to a neglect of phenomena of local cultures and the term “local” itself. It was stated they would become more and more standardized and thus unimportant. As scholars compared those statements with reality they had to state this had not been the fact. Now the academic interest turns back to the power of the local. (Berking, 2006) Contemporary theorists often refer to Georg Simmel. He, at the founding days of sociology, considered borders and with them the territory they created as a result of social interaction that, vice versa, also influence the social reality. (Simmel, 2006(1908)) Today’s most elaborate works in this area do not try to make up new theoretic antipodes, but, far more, establish a new and integrated perspectives on ”space” and “place” such as Simmel once began to establish. These perspectives have in common that they deconstruct seemingly natural given conditions of space and place that generally are taken for reality. Especially the concept of space as a container and borders as a nature-given fact are in their critique. An example for the concept of natural borders is that of the river Rhine as the Franco-German border. In the new perspective, space is constructed in the social context and places are not fixed but always in transition. The old theoretical background is that space is regarded as a kind of container that is filled with any kind of objects. This concept is known as the “absolute space” and the dominance of this concept is on one hand based on natural science, especially physics, and its model of space. On the other hand it dates back to the rising of the national state in the 19th century as it fits perfectly to the idea of closed linear borders. Questions and issues that are virulent under this paradigm deal with “in” and “out”, “citizen” and “foreigner”, “legal” and “illegal”. They are so familiar that they seem to be nature given. Space exists by itself in this perspective. It can be empty or filled with a whole variety of objects and people. The things that fill it do not have any effect on the space as they are independent from it. And also social practice happens independently from the space in which it takes place. (Eigmüller; Vobruba, 2006) As an opposition to the absolute space the concept of relative space has been evolved. Here the main factors that matter are the relation between person and objects. Space is only produced by the individuals’ actions. They lack an understanding of spatial structures that give behavior certain boundaries and a certain order. (Löw; Steets; Stoetzer, 2007) The dehistorizing and deciphering of the absolute space then has led to a new focus on places and local cultures. While the economic sector of societies might be homogenized on the cultural level scholars rediscover a vast diversity. For example, even prominent signs of Western culture such as McDonalds or IKEA are recoded in different cultural surroundings and have a different meaning related to the local culture. Far more, local cultures are vivid and have a strong influence on travellers, foreigners, goods and ideas. There are, therefore, influencing the flow of the globalization. Even if the same products and goods appear all over the world they are connected with different ideas, different value systems and different social actions. Thus in fact their meaning is never the same. This discovery helps to turn the focus back to the power of the local communities within the discussion on globalization. (Berking, 2006; Massey 2006) An interesting approach is found in Werner Schiffauer’s concept of imagined communities, which can range from national or ethnic communities to a whole variety of groups. The “imagined community”, e.g. the idea that one individual has a special connection with other individuals because of historic events, although there might be no actual link between them, can have serious influences on the way people consider their city, their neighbourhoods and how they act in daily life. The effect of these imagined communities will be seen while discussing spatial phenomena on practical examples. Barbara Stambolis (2007) even shows how so called inner maps can influence its administration and urban planning. She exemplifies that on the meaning of denominations in a mainly catholic area of North-Western Germany: the former Hochstift Paderborn. Inner maps that are influenced by history, experience, identity management and a lot of other factors can be of high influence in structuring the social life within the areas they depict. A repeated practice constituted an identity within, a part of population of a certain area. The Catholic denomination 94 of this region influences the identity of a region until today to a certain degree. This county which only existed until the 19th century influences the social practice as for example organizations form themselves along this border or on an individual level even standards of education and morality show a significant difference. Although the influence of this historical area became weaker throughout the years, it is still present in the administration of the Catholic Church and other organizations, in media, advertisement and even economy. The concept of the relational space – in theory in practice A third sociological approach to space that meets concerns in connection with the model of relative space is the relational space. It has been developed by Martina Löw trying to find a solution for the fact that action is not completely free but also structured by outer influences. To give a quite practical approach to the possible consequences of the new spatial paradigm it will be demonstrated on some visual examples in which the perception of space is of high importance for the interpretation of the depicted things. In conclusion an example of a cultural reconciliation project is given that includes implicitly principles which correspond with the ideas of relational space. Picture 1. A street corner in Oradea at Bulevardul Decebal, © M. Hofmann As mentioned above, the pictures were taken in the city of Oradea in Romania and present some typical scenes in its urban landscape. Today the city with its 205,000 inhabitants is the capital of Bihor County in north-west Romania. Located just 13 km away from the Hungarian border, Oradea belonged since 1692 to Hungary, and used to be one of the most important cities. As a part of the Crişana region it became a part of Romania only by 1920 with the Trianon treaty. During most of World War II (1940-1944) it belonged again to Hungary due to the Second Vienna Award. Since then Oradea had been a part of Romania. Because of the Holocaust, a third of Oradea’s 93,000 inhabitants in 1941 were Hungarian speaking Jews, and because of many Hungarians leaving the country the ethnic composition changed dramatically in a rather short time. The Hungarian population decreased from 90% in 1910 to 62% in 1919. By 1966 half of the population was Hungarian and the percentage decreased to 27% until today. On the other hand the Romanian population increased from 6% in 1910, reached 12% in 1919 and 46% in 1966. Today it is around 70%. Minorities like Roma, Germans and others are not more than 3% together. As a result Oradea is today dominated by Romanians with a strong Hungarian minority. 95 Picture 1 shows a scene near downtown Oradea. A corner of a house is shown on which three different kinds of scripture can be identified. In the center there is an official plate with the street’s name Bulevardul Decebal in Romanian. At the lower left one can see a graffiti in the form of a street sign with an Hungarian name for the street: Vitéz u. Third, on the upper right, a dentist indicates his surgery in both languages: Romanian, Cabinet Stomatologic, and Hungarian, Fogorvosi Rendelı. With an absolute approach to space an explanation of this picture may be like this: There is a state, Romania, which is defined by its borders. Within the state lies Oradea as a part of Romanian territory. The street sign marks a special street that exists in this space called Oradea. It has been put there by the officials to give order to the system of street and helps people to find orientation. The graffiti is a deviant attempt to destroy or at least provoke this system of order. Some outsiders are on battle with the legal system as they do not accept the political status quo of the city. With this simple sketch they question the Romanian state in general. The dentist is trying to attract customers from both major groups of the population. What new perspective has the concept of relative space to offer regarding this picture? Löw overcomes the weakness of the relative concepts of space that has been mentioned earlier by respecting that social action is also led by structures. She regards space as having a dual character. On the one hand there is a social practice that constitutes spaces. On the other hand there is a spatial structure which influences the social practice. By the interdependency of them the reproduction of space works.1 By developing Giddens’ concept practical consciousness Löw concludes that the construction of space in the relational way belongs to this set of actions, as the construction of space happens without being reflected or discussed in the everyday practice. For Löw spaces are the result of synthesis and placing. Synthesis means to connect people and goods and by that creating spaces. At the same time individuals or groups max also place objects. Those objects can also be markers and signs such as street signs an often they own symbolic meaning. Now it becomes obvious how the construction of space in the view of the relational theory works. People connect objects and other people and call it “city of xy”, at the same time they are influenced by the objects and there daily routine. The city itself is in fact an existing reality and influences them in their synthesis. The individuals also are placing material objects according to their conception of space, to their synthesis they have created. The street sign welcomes to the “city of xy”and creates a set of expectations and behaviour. Every action taking place in the material world can be a part of the space. In fact in real life spacing and synthesis happen simultaneously. They cannot be separated from one another. In the theoretical analysis on the other hand, it is helpful to distinguish between those two. As an example Stambolis’ description of the Paderborn County can be mentioned once again. Within the area many crosses and statues of saints are located beside the roads. (Stambolis, 2007) This very obvious place marks the area as a catholic space. People living there or travelling through Paderborn County identify it as catholic influenced by making a synthesis on the basis of exactly these statues. Not only objects but also people can be and are, indeed, connected by synthesis, as mentioned above. The interesting thing with individuals is that they are able to position themselves and also to leave the position where they have been placed. But also by staying at one place they influence the construction of space by their actions. As Löw mentions even objects have the possibility, to a much lower degree, to influence spaces not by action but for example by smell or sound. As people act in social groups the constitution of space is, in the relational theory, always connected to those groups, especially in regard to means of power and authority. This aspect in particular is interesting in describing picture 1 for a second time. As the placing of objects by the individual in its practice is crucial to the construction of space in this regard it can be concluded that in the concept of relational space as Löw introduces it, space is to a high degree dependent on the individual that is living in the material world. Thus it is possible that several spaces exist at one certain place. They are overlapping at the same time at the same material place. Considering the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem an 1 For a short introduction see: (Löw; Steets; Stoetzer, 2007: 51-63). For Löw’s theory in detail see: (Löw 2001). 96 orthodox Jew creates in his synthesis a completely different space than a Palestinian even if they would stand at the same location watching the wall. It is not possible to judge them with categories like right/wrong, legal/illegal, real/unreal as they are a reality for the person doing the synthesis. They exist simultaneously. A quite simple method to experience the effects of the synthesis is asking locals, as a foreigner, for the meaning of certain objects. Especially representative houses, churches or monuments will show the different spatial realities inhabitants of a multi-ethnic city live with. A simple man on a horse can for one person be a reminder of the great history of its country in former centuries, for another person it is a reminder of the occupation that is still going on today. Both perspectives are clotting at this material place. In a different context this mentioned statue marks a space of companionship were youth meet with their skateboard. The same place, mainly the same objects but a different synthesis. At the Oradea corner at least three possible spaces can be identified. At first there is the space of the city’s administration with the official street sign. In its space Oradea is the city that has to be ruled. It is obvious that streets are named and that those names are presented on street signs to establish a certain kind of order, provide orientation and thus make the city administrable. As Romanian is the main language of Romania it is also not unlikely to establish a street sign in Romanian. On the other hand, for the authors of the Hungarian graffiti there exists a different space. It is connected to their experience, their connection to history and their relations to the city. Oradea very likely is Nagyvárad for them. Maybe their family roots back to this city for a long time and for them the city is a traditional Hungarian place. As their graffiti might be a provocation for the official authorities, the Romanian street sign is a provocation for them. The result of the placing of the one group irritates the synthesis of the other one. To point it out, the material place is the same in both cases, but different spaces overlap here. By considering the dentist’s plate also a third space is to be identified at this corner. The dentist, very likely of Hungarian descent, seems to regard as a multicultural city. For him Hungarian as well as Romanian heritage and culture are present all the same. Thus, not only a potentially higher number of patients is addressed he also gives a visual statement on his perception of the place Oradea, which to him is most likely a space of communication and intercultural encounter. By placing his plate he demonstrates his synthesis and is also influencing that of others. It would be a too fast attempt to conclude that the political powers or graffiti artists, respectively, are wrong with their idea of the Oradean territory and the dentist is right because he is able to combine the dominant cultural elements. That is a judgment based on the worldview that multiculturalism is preferred. It does as well not match the point of the concept of relational space. Here all three perceptions exist at the same time. They come from a special point of view from special experiences and serve for the individual a certain purpose. One is as true and as good as the others. The practical differences between the absolute-space model and the relational space model are obvious. Were in the first only one true interpretation of the reality of Oradea can exist, the second allows several possibilities and by that opens the path to a deeper understanding and dialogue. The difference this new theoretical approach makes in perceiving an urban setting shall be demonstrated on some further impressions from Oradea. Picture 2 shows the entrance of a huge children’s playground in the Rogerius quarter, which has been established in 2007 and is known as The Children’s Town. On the left and the right one can identify the shape of the Oradea fortress with a face functioning as a logo. The big letters in the middle, “Bine AŃi Venit!” are welcoming the guests in Romanian. The small letters on the left and on the right do the same in Hungarian, “Isten Hozott!”, and English, “Welcome!”. Thinking within the absolute model one would probably see simply a playground in a Romanian city that welcomes its visitors in several languages. The visitors are supposed to be mainly Romanians, but also Hungarians and from other parts of the world. How does the concept of relational space influence to view at this scene? In the logic of the administration, which once again does not have to mean single individuals but the group in general, the space of the playground is marked. This has been done in the city’s dominant language plus in the 97 language of the largest minority and in one international language, too. The result of the synthesis is again Oradea as a Romanian city. Compared to picture 1, even the minority might be acknowledged. For a member of the Hungarian minority, especially for one who considers the town still as the Hungarian Nagyvárad from the past, this welcome sign is very likely again a provocation and an attempt to suppress the Hungarian minority. Picture 2. The entrance of a children’s playground in the Rogerius quarter, © M.Hofmann The place is marked as a Romanian territory with the Hungarian inscription a lot smaller than the Hungarian. By the way Hungarians are degraded from natives to visitors by giving the English letters the same size. So again the spacing that might have had a very different intention provokes a feeling that strengthens the feeling of being oppressed. It is an obvious sign to them that Nagyvárad is a heavily controversial space. People from the “dentist group” may start to wonder if in this playground there was another project of the US Peace Corps or an international charity. What else would be the reason of the English text? Who belongs to the group of foreigners sees the playground and makes the synthesis with his/her own experiences and knowledge of the city. The English inscription is interesting for them but does not make too much sense. It can be interpreted as Oradea being an open and international city. By the looking at the scene with a relational approach has widened the possible interpretation. As they are a reality (in this way or in another) this concept offers the possibility to deeper understanding and dialogue. Maybe even more important, it also gave some hints for the source of possible social tensions. They are not based on ideology but constructed in a far more real way. The next picture from the streets of Oradea shows again a trilingual plate that marks a historical important building. Picture 3 shows such a plate. The inscription is first in Romanian “Monument Historic”, than in Hungarian “Mőemlék” and last in English “Historic Monument”. The name of the building above and the historic explanations below are given in the same of order. Unlike as in the former example the letters are here of the same size. Looking out for different spaces one can again see a difference. For the Romanian authority’s space there is a building from the time when Oradea belonged to Hungary. The Hungarian history is not denied and the knowledge of it is made public. By placing a plate like this it is indicated the synthesis that has been made creates a space that is aware of the city’s history and presence as well. The three languages all equal in size show openness to the Hungarian population and Hungarian and other tourists as well. In 98 this case the spaces that a Hungarian citizen and a foreigner are constructing and experiencing are probably not as different. The symbolic dominance that a Hungarian might experience should be much weaker in intensity compared to the playground. Picture 3. A plate marking the Moskovits Palace as an important historic building, © M. Hofmann A last example shows how a lack of background information hinders the synthesis of space. Very striking in Oradea is the number of synagogues. In particular, the synagogue with its characteristic dome located next to the river in the town’s center is dominating the Oradean skyline. As mentioned before Oradea has lost a third of its population due to the holocaust. Though quite active just a minor number of Jews is living in the city today. Right now the synagogue is in the process of being renovated as a museum and cultural meeting point. Although next to it there is one of the major parking lots and a many festivals and concerts take place there, the Jewish history of Oradea is not well-known for many of its inhabitants. The objects remained but as just a few people connect it in their synthesis with Jewish life the space of the “Jewish Oradea”. Maybe spacing in the form of memorials, media reports and cultural events in the synagogue can help to promote and (re)discover this space, which is unknown to so many. But still it is crucial that the individual syntheses the objects in this certain way otherwise even a huge number of objects and activities will be without any effect.2 2 On forgetting in an urban context see: (O’Keeffe, 2007). 99 Picture 4. The characteristic dome of Oradea’s synagogue, © M. Hofmann A possible perspective for intercultural dialogue As a practical conclusion thoughtful politics of accountability, as Doreen Massey demands also in the context of space analysis, are essential in dealing with diversity and multiculturalism. The first step could be to acknowledge that the others might live in a different space than oneself. Important at this stage is once again, that the different spaces are a reality, not only in thinking and perception but also in everyday practice, as shown above. So it cannot be argued against them. They can only be taken serious. Important for this should be conversation and the possibility for each party to present its own space that has evolved at a certain place, building, territory. Once this step has been taken a shared basis for further dialogue should exist. Very likely the spaces will not have changed but it is maybe possible to synthesize a new space. The plate of picture 3 is an example that points into this direction. The different perceptions of space do still exist, but for practical purposes they are dealt with in a way that no-one feels insulted. An interesting project in Transylvania is the program “Healing of memories” which now practiced between the traditional Transylvanian churches: Romanian-Orthodox, GreekCatholic, Roman-Catholic, Reformed, Lutheran and Baptists, Jews and others. Also representatives of the different nationalities take part in this project. The goal of the project, that was developed to deal with wounds caused by the apartheid system in South-Africa, is to find mutual perspectives for the future despite conflicts in the past. Since several years the conferences are held where the participating groups talk about their differences. In the first and very important step each party was describing the past from its own religious or ethnic perspective. This could happen as detailed and as long as the particular group desired. By this implicitly the groups introduced the others to their perception of Transylvania and its history. In other words they shared their own synthesis of Transylvania that is dependent on their experiences, even though the place might en the same. The many spaces were brought together and had to be accepted as realities what gave the chance to build bridges to a common future in dialogue, which could take place in a new space or even that spaces that were transformed through the process of intercultural dialogue. 100 The chance exists that sociological theory may help to deal with conflicts connected to territory like the ones mentioned in the introduction. Although it is not very likely that these perspectives become a part of everyday knowledge instantly, it might be possible to use their principles in political life and negotiation. This would be the spatial turn in politics and intercultural dialogue. The model of absolute space has become a part of what is considered a matter of course over the years, by practices like compulsory military service, maps on the walls of classrooms and others. But likewise the new perspectives could be established. It will certainly be a long way until these ideas can be put into practice in regions like the Kosovo or Abkhazia, but it could be a way that is worth going. BIBLIOGRAPHY Berking, Helmuth (2006), „Raumtheoretische Paradoxien im Globalisierungsdiskurs“, in: Idem, ed., Die Macht des Lokalen in einer Welt ohne Grenzen, Frankfurt. Bös, Mathias; Kerstin Zimmer (2006), „Wenn Grenzen wandern. Zur Dynamik von Grenzverschiebungen im Osten Europas“, in: Eigmüller, Monika; Georg Vobruba, eds., Grenzsoziologie. Die politische Strukturierung des Raumes, Wiesbaden. Eigmüller, Monika; Georg Vobruba, eds. (2006), Grenzsoziologie. Die politische Strukturierung des Raumes, Wiesbaden. Löw, Martina (2001), Raumsoziologie, Frankfurt. Löw, Martina; Silke Steets; Sergej Stoetzer (2007), Einführung in die Statdt-und Raumsoziologie, Opladen und Farmington Hills. Massey, Doreen (2006), „Keine Entlastung für das Lokale“, in: Berking, Helmut, ed., Die Macht des Lokalen in einer Welt ohne Grenzen, Frankfurt. Medick, Hans (1993), „Grenzziehungen und die Herstellung des politisch-sozialen Raums“, in: Weisbrod, Bernd, ed., Grenzland. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutsch-deutschen Grenze, Hannover. O’Keeffee, Tadhg (2007), “Landscape and Memory: Historiography, Theory, Methodology”, in: Moore, Niamh; Yvonne Whelan, eds., in: Heritage, Memory and the Politics of Identity. New Perspectives on the Cultural Landscape, Aldershot. Schiffauer, Werner (2006), „Transnationale Solidaritätsgruppen, Imaginäre Räume, Irreal Konditionalsäzte“, in: Berking, Helmut, ed., Die Macht des Lokalen in einer Welt ohne Grenzen, Frankfurt. Simmel, Georg (2006), „Der Raum und die räumliche Ordnung der Gesellschaft“, first: (1908), Soziologie.Untersuchungen über die Formen der Vergesellschaftung. Kapitel IX, in: Eigmüller, Monika; Georg Vobruba, eds., Grenzsoziologie. Die politische Strukturierung des Raumes, Wiesbaden. Stambolis, Barbara (2007), „Konfessionalität als mentale Geographie. Das Beispiel des katholischen Paderborner Landes“, in: Informationen zur Raumentwicklung, Heft 10/11.2007. Online Resources: Healing of Memories, in: http: //www.healingofmemories.co.za (Accesed: September 2008) Intercultural dialogue and diversity within the EU1 Joke SWIEBEL Abstract: The European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008) aims at promoting the value of diversity. This paper explores the meaning of the concept of diversity in EU policies and legislation. Diversity among the Member States is a fundamental basis of the legal and institutional set-up of the EU. Diversity within the Member States is more ambivalent. Although the Copenhagen criteria demanded ‘respect for and protection of minorities’ from the accession states, the EU itself lacked a specific competence on minority policies and could not (or did not want to) demand the same from the ‘old’ Member States. Recent policy developments have replaced multi-culturalism by integration and have replaced group rights with individual rights. EU legislation against discrimination has been given a substantial impetus, but is still contradictory and unbalanced. EU anti-discrimination law discriminates between the various ground of discrimination. While the EU continues to demand comprehensive antidiscrimination policies from its external partners, it so far has failed to bring its own house in order. Keywords: intercultural dialogue, diversity, European Union, minorities, antidiscrimination law, equality hierarchy Introduction In 2006, the European Union decided to promote a so-called ‘intercultural dialogue’. In Decision No. 1983/2006/EC which allocated 10 million Euros for activities in 2008 - the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue - we find the following motivation: Such a dialogue will give a boost to the value of diversity and strengthen respect for different cultural identities and beliefs which co-exist within the Member States, between the Member States and beyond. Highlighting diversity by intercultural dialogue will safeguard the common heritage of Europe and the Member States and will help making people living within the EU better prepared to participate in an increasingly more diverse, more dynamic and more complex world. But why should diversity in itself be something worthwhile, something that should be respected? What exactly is meant by this concept? To what extent is diversity a key value or a principle of the European Union itself and how is it reflected in the organisational structure and the policies decided by the EU? In addition, could a dialogue indeed help to safeguard diversity, or are other means perhaps more effective? The purpose of this paper is to find an answer to this type of questions and thereby contribute to separating facts from fiction. Diversity among the Member States ‘United in diversity’ is the motto of the European Union. At the website of the European Commission we can read: ‘The motto means that, via the EU, Europeans are united in working together for peace and prosperity, and that the many different cultures, traditions and languages in Europe are a positive asset for the continent’. (http: //europa.eu/abc/symbols/motto/index_en.htm) We might ask whether this is merely window-dressing or innocent propaganda, or whether we can find behind this motto some real problems. One small indication that this concept of diversity in the EU is not that innocent is to be found in the controversy on the incorporation of this motto (and other symbols such as the flag and the hymn) in the Treaty 1 This is an updated version of the paper presented at the Seminar on European Parliament to Campus for Intercultural Dialogue and the European Neighbourhood Policy in the Carpathian Area (4 – 11 June 2008). 102 establishing a Constitution for Europe (TCE), as decided by the European Council in 2004. In art. I -8 TCE we find: ‘The motto of the European Union shall be: ‘United in diversity’’. This so-called European Constitution was stowed away, after two Member States, France and The Netherlands, decided by referendum to reject it. The substance of the European Constitution - or at least 95 percent of it - miraculously came back in another form in the socalled Reform Treaty, the Treaty of Lisbon. In these new draft texts for the Treaties of the European Union we do not find the motto ‘United in diversity’ anymore; they have been deleted, together with the other symbols. But in a Declaration to be annexed to the new treaties, 16 Member States stated that these symbols ‘will for them continue […] to express the sense of community of the people in the European Union and their allegiance to it.’ (Final act, 2007) The transformation of the European Constitution into the so-called Reform Treaty has much of a trompe-d’oeil, an optical illusion. It will give employment to generations of legal scholars, political scientists and the like to sort out the mess made by politicians. This is too much and too complicated for this paper. (Búrca, 2008; Kurpas, 2007) I will – more simply - try to find out what the meaning of cultural diversity is in the EU and which role is played by diversity as a political principle. Cultural diversity appeared on stage as the argument of the weak. It is the slogan of smaller groups living in a greater unit, wanting to preserve themselves and protect their identity. But it is more than the self-interest of so-called minorities, it is also a concern of everyone, also of the majority. How to look at it depends from the perspective we take. Politically speaking, it can be used for very different purposes. (Bogdandy, 2007) The concept of cultural diversity can be used to emphasise national identity or distinctiveness, as is done by right-wing populist and/or nationalist movements that use slogans such as ‘Our own people first’2 or – to take an example from my own country – ‘Proud of Holland’. (“Trots op Nederland”) Cultural diversity can however also be used to promote cultural pluralism or multi-culturalism, thereby questioning national identity and giving more prominence to other traits or identities of people, be it religious, ethnical, cultural, etc. Historically, the European Union has been mostly concerned with cultural diversity in the sense of the diversity of the national cultures of the Member States. Remarkably, for this purpose these cultures were seen as homogenous. This cultural diversity came increasingly under threat – so it was feared - with the completion of the single market. The ‘ever closer Union’ (TEU, art. 1) was feared to bring more convergence and standardisation. This explains why the Treaty of Maastricht brought us what now is Article 6(3) TEU as a sort of invocation: ‘The Union shall respect the national identities of its Member States’. I call this an invocation – one could also say: a motto – because in my view it is only to be understood as an extra emphasis on what is already there. Lawyers understand this provision as a legal guarantee of the sovereignty of the Member States. The Member States remain ‘the masters of the treaties’, they stay in control over the limits of the integration process. (Barents, 1997: 30) Many observers have said that the European Union is an international organisation ‘sui generis’. It does not belong to the category of purely intergovernmental international organisations, neither is it a political federation, let alone a federal state. It is something in between. Its construction is a balance between federal elements on the one hand, and ‘national sovereignty’ elements on the other. The national identity of the Member States is protected by a couple of elements in its structure and in the decision-making processes. I mention here the most important ones. The principle of conferral (or competence attribution). The EU can only exercise those competences explicitly conferred upon it by the Member States. These competences are enumerated in the treaties. (TCE, Article I-9; TEU (new consolidated version) Article 5). Revision of the Treaties demands the agreement of all Member States (TEU, Art. 48). Although the powers of the European Parliament have been enlarged by every major revision of the Treaties, the Council, i.e. the Member States still have the most important say in the political life of the Union. This element has been strengthened by the draft European 2 ‘Eigen Volk Eerst’ was the slogan used by the Vlaams Blok (later Vlaams Belang) 103 Constitution and by the Treaty of Lisbon, inter alia by adding the right of the Member States that wish to do so to leave the Union, and by giving the national parliaments an independent role in the EU decision-making processes. (European Parliament Resolution on the Treaty of Lisbon, 2008) Within the Council, the voting procedures prevent a permanent alliance of strong Member States against weaker ones (ibidem). The political machinery of the EU is multi-centered, complex and fragmented; this gives opportunities to many political entrepreneurs inside and outside the system and prevents overall domination from above by one single authority (Richardson, 1996; R. van Schendelen, 2002). The principle of mutual recognition: in the market for goods, services and capital technical standards originating in the home country of these goods et cetera also apply when those goods cross borders and move into another EU member state, provided equivalent levels of protection and safety are guaranteed. In this way, harmonisation from above is not necessary. (Padoa Schioppa, 2005) The languages regime: all official documents are translated in all recognised national languages spoken in the Member States, and so is every oral intervention in the formal sessions of the Council and European Parliament.3 In short: the European Union is not becoming a ‘super state’ but ‘is struggling to find a balance between the whole and the parts, between unity and diversity, coordination and autonomy. It is contested how much unity and how much diversity the Union can live with. Yet, in spite of uncertainty and disagreement, the Union’s system of governance has changed into a consistent direction’. (Olsen, 2007: 44-45) The EU has continually attracted new members, its agenda has expanded and its institutional capabilities have been enhanced. In this historical process, intercultural dialogue between the representatives of the Member States - politicians, diplomats and civil servants, but also experts, business people, professionals, NGO’s and lobby groups – has been essential. Without thousands of people from different European countries meeting every day trying to solve concrete issues and working to find a common ground despite their diversity, the development of the EU would hardly have been thinkable. Political scientists speak of the EU as a political arena, a place where political battles are won and lost. For example, Van Schendelen teaches us about ‘managing the EU Arena’. (Schendelen, 2002) Such a war-like analogy should not mislead us. Convincing other people is an important element of the art of politicking. Convincing somebody or winning over somebody to a new idea will never work if we do not first understand him or her. In this sense, intercultural dialogue is at the heart of the political process of the European Union. The political mechanisms in and around the EU build a multitude of venues for this intercultural political dialogue. The European Parliament as the only directly elected European forum can be said to be the centre of this intercultural political dialogue. In this sense, the multi-lingual European Parliament is essentially different from the national parliaments of most Member States. However, in the European Parliament the main cleavages do not run between groups of MEPs from different Member States, but between MEPs from different political groups. The internal cohesion of the political groups is much stronger than national divisions and has got stronger over time. MEPs vote predominantly along partisan rather than national lines. (Corbett; Jacobs; Shackleton, 2007: 108; Judge; Earnshaw, 2003: 155) In the end, the European political dialogue is much more about how to strike a balance between a diversity of political ideas and policy options, than about the diversity of national identities or origins. Diversity within the Member States Diversity within the Member States is another story. There is no explicit EU competence on the minority policies of the Member States. An overall EU concept of how EU Member States are supposed to deal with their internal minorities and how to manage cultural diversity within their territories is at this moment still a bridge too far. Such an EU policy with respect to diversity within the Member States would run counter the wish to preserve the 3 There are now 23 official EU languages. See: http: //ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/index_en.html 104 diversity between the Member States, in as far as they have different ideas and practices with respect to this issue. Managing diversity in both senses at the same time seems like trying to square the circle. (Toggenburg, 2004c: 11-2) This problem was not unknown when in the early nineties of the last century the 12 to 15 Western Member States of the EU decided to demand decent minority policies from the applicant countries in Central and Eastern Europe. At the Summit at Copenhagen in 1993, the European Council decided that the accession states should have ‘achieved stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities […]’. (European Council in Copenhagen, 1993: 14) This concern for minority rights had a strong political motivation: The EU 15 feared a ‘risk import’ caused by ethnic and social tensions in the accession states that could undermine the security and the stability of the European Union after enlargement. (Toggenburg, 2004c: 7) This fear was no doubt heavily influenced by the falling apart of former Yugoslavia and the wish to prevent other cases of ‘ethnic cleansing’ against minorities. (Williams, 2004: 68ff) The EU at that time lacked a clear set of norms and standards stating what this ‘respect for and protection of minorities’ would entail. Looking at international human rights law would not help very much. Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) reads: ‘In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right. In community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, or to use their own language’. This clause leaves open what the definition of a minority is and who would be entitled to decide whether such a minority exists (the state, people belonging to the minority concerned, or an international supervising body). It only is written in a negative sense, spelling out what states parties are forbidden to do, not what they should do.4 The EU monitoring process of minority policies of the accession states leaned heavily on standards developed by the Council of Europe and – to a lesser extent – recommendations from the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The Council of Europe adopted the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCPN) in 1995; it entered into force 1998. Ratification and implementation of this Framework Convention became the main condition to be met for the fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria with regard to the protection of minorities. The Framework Convention does not define the minority concept either, but is far more concrete in specifying individual and collective rights and obligations of states-parties to the convention than ICCPR art. 27; it highlights the right to an individual choice to belong or not to belong to a minority (art. 3), elaborates the rights of equal treatment (art. 4) and the obligations of state parties (to) ‘undertake to promote the conditions necessary for persons belonging to national minorities to maintain and develop their culture, and to preserve the essential elements of their identity, namely their religion, language, traditions and cultural heritage’ and to refrain from forced assimilation (art. 5). Further provisions deal with freedom of assembly, association and expression and the freedom of thought, conscience and religion, the right to use the minority language, et cetera. On this last issue the Council of Europe also drafted a separate instrument, the European Charter for Regional or Minority languages. This instrument, however, collected substantially less support.5 Recommendations from the OSCE and interventions by the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities also played a role.6 Working through these three international organisations – the EU, the Council of Europe and the OSCE - the governments of Western European countries developed a system of ‘diversity governance’ for the countries in Central and Eastern Europe. (Bogdandy, 2007: 23ff) But this diversity governance lacked a firm foundation in EU law. Moreover, the policies in the 4 For an elaborate criticism see: (Pospisil, 2006). The European Charter of Regional and Minority Languages has until now (August 2008) collected 23 ratifications or accessions, while 10 signatures have not been followed (yet) by ratifications. The Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities is ratified by 39 States, while still 4 signatures have not been followed by ratifications. 6 See for some examples: (Toggenburg, 2004b). 5 105 ‘old’ Member States ranged ‘from elaborate constitutional and legal means for minority protection and political participation to constitutional unitarism and outright denial that national minorities exist’. (Sasse, 2004: 65) These policies of the ‘old’ Member States were not included in this monitoring exercise. This is the notorious double standard, which many observers have noted. It is not only a double standard in a legal sense, but also in a political sense. The EU had never taken a political stance regarding the minority problems of the (old) Member States; the case of Northern Ireland, the situation in the Basque country or the language issue in Belgium have never been a topic on the EU agenda. The Copenhagen criteria and the accompanying monitoring process have brought considerable legal and institutional changes in the acceding states. But whether these resulted in real effective minority protection depended largely on the domestic political agenda. (ibidem) In many cases the political will to deliver more than lip service was lacking. Governments of the candidate states thought ‘more in terms of closing chapters, not solving problems’. (Open Society, 2002: 17) The process of Eastern Enlargement of the European Union has raised the awareness on the situation of minorities and the issue of diversity in Europe. But this policy of ‘conditionality’ had - and still has, in the case of new accession states and potential accession states - serious flaws that hamper its political potential. The credibility of the exercise was undermined because substantive common EU standards were lacking and existing Member States themselves adhere to different views on minorities policies. In my view, the problem sketched above is caused by the two-sided nature by the issue of diversity. Diversity is both about individual rights and about group rights, the latter being much more controversial than the former. Firstly, measures against discrimination are taken to ensure that individuals are not treated differently from others for unjustifiable reasons. Secondly, minority protection measures allow individuals and communities to preserve their cultural identity and protect them from forced assimilation. (Open Society, 2001: 16) This second sort of rights is about the use of languages, education and even forms of political or territorial autonomy. Non-discrimination as an individual human right is not contested in the EU and in its Member States; that is in principle; in reality, some ground of discrimination are taken more seriously than others and the modalities of legislation and policies can arouse heated political debate. But minority protection as a group-right is more difficult. It is mainly applied to the so called ‘traditional’ national minorities, but there are at least two problems here. First, there is a hierarchy of minorities; some Member States recognise some of their ethnic minorities and disregard others. (EU Network…, 2005) Secondly, most EU Member States hesitate to apply the concept of minority protection to immigrants that have recently come to their countries. This can be for a dogmatic reason, such as in France were the constitutional unity of the republic7 forbids to make a distinction between one citizen and another. The reason can also be a political one; in this view the foreign workers and their families (coming from countries like Morocco and Turkey) who have settled in EU Member States since the nineteen seventies, could better be helped to integrate in the countries where they have taken residence and where they are supposed to stay, instead of being permanently marginalized in a minority identity. New developments When Eastern Enlargement of the EU became a fact in 2004, many interested scholars and organisations pleaded for the development of comprehensive EU minority policies that would be binding for old and new Member States alike. (Open Society…, 2001; 2002)8 Some authors, such as Von Bogdandy (2007) even saw a prospect that Western European States would have to accept that the Copenhagen criteria would ‘backfire’ on them, that they would have to accommodate to a notion of democracy that a gives greater prominence to minority 7 « La France est une République indivisible, laïque, démocratique et sociale. Elle assure l'égalité devant la loi de tous les citoyens sans distinction d'origine, de race ou de religion. Elle respecte toutes les croyances. Son organisation est décentralisée. ». Cf. French Constitution of 1958, art. 1. 8 See also The Bolzano/Bozen Declaration, in: (Toggenburg, 2004b: 163-173). 106 protection. Others were less certain and predicted that another option would also be feasible. Sasse predicted ‘a new tacit policy of consensus on inaction’ (Sasse, 2004: 79) and De Witte forsaw ‘a status quo scenario’ (Witte, 2004: 104) where EU law and policy would remain unchanged and minority protection would be left to the Member States. In reality something in between these two options has happened. In my view, two developments have to be noted. From multi-culturalism to integration Firstly, in consequence of the arrival of new immigrants into EU Member States, the EU minority discourse has changed from multi-culturalism to integration. In June 2007, the Council adopted ‘conclusions on the strengthening of integration policies in the EU by promoting unity in diversity’. These conclusions underline that ‘migrants who aim to stay permanently or for the long term should make a deliberate effort to integrate, in particular learning the language of their host society, and understanding the basic values of the European Union.’ (Council of the European Union (Justice…), 2007: 23-6) In such a vision there is less room for minority protection in the sense of safeguarding traditional identities and cultures and more emphasis is put on adherence to universal human rights principles. It is observed that intercultural dialogue has become an important instrument in fostering successful integration. A much more elaborated version of this discourse is to be found in the recently published White Paper in Intercultural Dialogue of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. (Council of Europe, 2008) All this is soft law. But we also find a similar tendency in the (EU) Directive on Long Term Residents, which says (in article 5.2) that ‘Member States may require third-country nationals to comply with integration conditions, in accordance with national law’. (Council Directive 2003…, 2004; Peers (2004: 60) observes that ‘there is nothing in the Directive that aims to preserve difference’ and identifies here a conflict with international norms, such as art. 27 ICCPR and the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe. Toggenburg (2005) however argues that ‘it is exactly this issue of identity preservation which prevents states from accepting new minorities as addressees of international minority law’. From group rights to individual rights Secondly, law and policies of the Union with regard to minorities have changed, mainly in the sense that the protection of individuals from discrimination has been strengthened. In other words, the minority discourse of the EU, which in the Copenhagen criteria had a strong collective undertone (‘respect for and protection of minorities’), has been adjusted into an individual rights-based approach. We can now recount several additions to the European acquis which are relevant for minority protection in the sense of protection against discrimination: Articles 13 - added to the TEC by the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) - widened EU competence to combat discrimination to include five new grounds for discrimination: racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation. In June 2000, the Directive against Race Discrimination was adopted Council Directive 2000/42/EC. (Councile Directive 2000/43/EC, 2000: 22-6) A second Directive, which dealt with discrimination on the basis of religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation, was adopted a few months later, in October 2000 (Council Directive 2000/78/43, 2000: 16-22). Nobody wanted to give the impression that these other types of discrimination were considered as less important than racial discrimination. This does not mean that such an imbalance was absent. That imbalance was - and still is - contained in these legal texts themselves.9 EU legislation offers the most elaborate protection against racial discrimination. The scope of this legislation covers employment (including vocational training, employment conditions and workers organisations), social security, social protection, heath care, social advantages, education and access to goods and services, including housing. EU sex equality legislation now covers not only the employment issues but also the access to goods and 9 For an elaborate analysis, see: (Ellis, 2005). 107 services. The other ‘new’ grounds for discrimination (religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation) are only covered by the prohibition of discrimination at the labour market. This situation is often called the ‘equality hierarchy’. EU anti-discrimination law discriminates between the various grounds of discrimination. (Swiebel, 2004) For a quick overview see Annex 1. I will come back to the ambiguity below. In 2007, political agreement was reached on Framework Decision on combating certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law, which will oblige Member States to make public incitement to racial hatred into a criminal offence. (Council Framework decision, 2007) The EU Charter on Fundamental Rights has confirmed, strengthened and widened the principles of non-discrimination and minority protection in art. 21 and 22.10 Both the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and the Lisbon Reform Treaty have added ‘the rights of persons belonging to minorities’ to the articles which cites the values on which the Union is founded.11 Both Treaties include among the objectives of the Union, that it ‘shall respect its rich cultural and linguistic diversity, and shall ensure that Europe's cultural heritage is safeguarded and enhanced’ (art. 3). There is, however, still no stand-alone EU competence in the area of minority policies. In 2000 an early warning procedure has been added to Art. 7 TEU on Member States where a ‘serious and persistent’ breach of the values of the Union takes place. The Council can now also take measures if ‘a clear risk’ of such a serious breach takes place. So far this article has remained an empty letter. The Commission drafted a proposal how to deal with this new instrument.12 The Parliament gave a reaction,13 but the Council never put this matter on its agenda. The newly established Fundamental Rights Agency, build on the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, has been given very limited tasks and scope. It can and will however deal with racism and discrimination in a broad sense, and with asylum, immigration and integration of migrants. (Council Regulation, 2007; Council Decision 2008/203) 5. EU doublespeak The list above makes clear a couple of things. First, references to group rights are vague and lack a concrete obligation (‘shall respect’ in stead of ‘shall ensure’). Second, serious EU monitoring of the human rights performance in the Member States still is a bridge too far. Third, art. 2 of the new TEU, together with art. 49 on the application and accession procedures for new Member States, can be seen as the codification of the Copenhagen criteria. Does this mean that the notorious double standard is repaired? Everything is there’ (see footnote 2): democracy, the rule of law, human rights and minorities. But no longer is ‘respect for and protection of’ minorities one of the conditions for membership of the EU, but ‘respect for [….] the rights of persons belonging to minorities’. And still there is no stand alone competence on minorities in EU primary law. 10 Art. 21 has expanded the list of forbidden grounds for discrimination to include inter alia language and membership of a national minority. Art. 22 says that the Union shall respect cultural, religious and linguistic diversity. 11 ‘The Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. These values are common to the Member States in a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men prevail’ (TCE I-2; TEU (new consolidated version), art. 2). 12 Communication on Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union; Respect for and promotion of the values on which the Union is based, COM(2003) 606. 13 Report on the Commission Communication on Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union; Respect for and promotion of the values on which the Union is based, adopted 1 April 2004, A5-0227/2004; European Parliament legislative resolution on the Commission communication on Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union: Respect for and promotion of the values on which the Union is based, adopted 20 April 2004, P5_TA (2004) 0309. 108 Politically speaking, my conclusion is the following: in order to overcome the disparity between what the EU demands from its future Member States (and its European Neighbourhood partners) and what is demanded from the Member States themselves, we have to make do with what we have. We have to cherish our jewel in the crown, i.e. Article 13 TEC and the antidiscrimination legislation and action programmes which are based on it. Looking back at the accession process of the nineties, one might say that it would have been much more simple and powerful, if - in stead of demanding from the applicant countries ‘respect for and protection of minorities’ - the European Council had asked to ban all forms of discrimination in all walks of life.14 Such a demand could have a sound base in the Treaties and form part of the acquis communautaire. In reality, the existing patchwork of EU antidiscrimination legislation is skewed and incomplete. As said above, EU anti-discrimination law itself discriminates between the various grounds of discrimination. This situation is often called the ‘equality hierarchy’ (See Annex 1). As a result, different groups enjoy a different standard of legal protection against discrimination. Such a hierarchy of discrimination sends the wrong political message, i.e. that some animals are more equal than others. In other words, it seems to confirm that some types of discrimination are inherently more serious than others. In addition, it has created a hotchpotch of rules which deteriorates not only the quality of legislation and the administration of justice but also hampers its transparency for citizens. It also lacks an answer to the reality of multiple discriminations. Since 2000, the European Parliament and NGO’s repeatedly criticised this state of affairs and urged for a comprehensive anti-discrimination policy that affords an equal degree of protection from discrimination on different grounds. It is no coincidence that the ground of ‘sexual orientation’ turned out to be among the most controversial aspects of this question. After the EP debate on the confirmation hearings of the members of the incoming European Commission, in 2004, the designated Commissioner for Justice and Home Affairs, Mr. Buttiglione, had to be withdrawn and replaced with another candidate, as his views on equality for homosexuals and gender equality were not acceptable to a majority of the Parliament. In this context, the President-elect of the European Commission, Mr. Barroso, wanted to reassure the Parliament that equality and non-discrimination really topped the Commission’s agenda; he promised to table a new broad directive covering all non-discrimination grounds, which the Parliament had been asking for so long. (Intervention by Mr. Barroso, 2004) High hopes were nourished when this promise was formally repeated in the Annual Policy Strategy for 2008.15 But the Commission fell short of these expectations when in April 2008 it became clear that the new legislation the Commission was preparing prohibiting discrimination outside the labour market would only cover disability and would leave out the other discrimination grounds. (“Brussels abandons…”, 2008) Legal professionals and lobby groups have expressed their concerns and started a well-organized campaign.16 In the meantime, the Commission has for the second time made a U-turn. In July 2008, when the much awaited proposal for a new antidiscrimination directive was finally tabled, the Commission had changed its course again. The proposal extends the EU protection against discrimination in areas outside the labour market now to religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation, but leaves the situation regarding sex discriminations as it stands. (Proposal for a Council…, 2008) This means that sex discrimination, the oldest area of European equal treatment legislation, will now become the type of discrimination with the least protection from EU legislation. (See also Annex 1.) Other flaws that are now being discussed in NGO circles are blanket exception concerning the access to education and exceptions around family status and reproductive rights. 14 For a similar argument, see: (Williams, 2004: 67). ‘[The Commission] will […] propose new initiatives designed to prevent and combat discrimination outside the labour market – based on gender, religion, belief, disability, age or sexual orientation’. (Annual Policy Strategy, 2007: 10; See also (Commission Legislative, 2007: 25). 16 For an overview of the arguments, see e.g. the Equinet Opinion ‘Beyond the Labour Market’; for an overview of the campaign see also: http: //www.ilga-europe.org/europe/campaigns_projects/campaign_for_a_new_european_anti_ discrimination_legislation 15 109 Apart from these and other criticisms, the main question remains that it is far from certain that the Member States will be prepared to swallow this proposal. What is at stake, however, is not only the effectiveness and the coherence of the EU anti-discrimination legislation, but also in a wider sense the credibility of the European Union. The infamous double standard, that became notorious during the eastern enlargement of the EU in the nineties, is now coming back in another form. How can the EU be taken seriously, if it promotes an intercultural dialogue to foster respect, tolerance and diversity, and at the same time continues to discriminate along the different non-discrimination grounds? We have to realise that not only fighting discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation is a controversial issue in the EU. European legislation now does not cover discrimination outside the labour market on the grounds of religion or belief. The campaign for intercultural dialogue looks innocent but can become dangerously silly. The EU should practice what it preaches. But in reality, the EU is addicted to doublespeak. Williams has given his book on the EU Human Rights Policies, published in 2004, the subtitle: A Study in Irony. It analyses the ‘bifurcation’ of EU human rights provisions between the internal and the external domain and argues for a deep analysis and an intellectual revision. (Williams, 2004: 203) Today, four years after the publication of this thoughtprovoking book, the EU still demands from its external partners and its future Member States measures that it refuses to adopt and implement in the EU itself. A few examples: In the latest progress report on enlargement, which describes the state of play in the candidate countries and potential candidate countries on the Balkans and in Turkey, we read that these countries are being monitored regarding the progress made in the implementation of human rights standards and in the protection of minorities. We can read criticisms that several of these countries have not adopted a comprehensive anti-discrimination law or lack coherent anti-discrimination strategies. (Enlargement Strategy, 2007) In the EU Annual Human Rights Report 2007 - as in the previous annual reports dealing with the human rights aspects in the external policies of the EU - we find several times the commitment of the EU to fight ‘all types of discrimination’. (Annual Report, 2007: 49, passim) In the latest policy statement on the EU development aid policies (The European Consensus on Development) we can read that the Community aims to prevent social exclusion and to combat discrimination against all groups. (European consensus on Development, 2005: 28) The documents of the European Neighbourhood Strategy are less detailed on combating discrimination, but also here we find the intention of the European Commission ‘to continue to promote stability notably through the sustained promotion of democracy, human rights and the rule of law throughout the neighbourhood’. (A strong European…, 2007: 6) Conclusion The EU intercultural dialogue designed to foster respect, tolerance and diversity can raise awareness in the Member States, among groups in civil society et cetera. But it is rather incomplete and contradictory if it is not supplemented by a political dialogue about repairing the conspicuous omissions in the European anti-discrimination legislation. Monitoring full and timely implementation by the Member States is of course the other side of the coin. During the process of Eastern Enlargement of the EU in the nineties, the EU was sometimes heavily criticized for its double standard. The EU asked the acceding states to show ‘respect for and protection of minorities’ as a condition for membership, but did not put the old Member States along the same yardstick. Human rights conditionality seems to be an issue for partners abroad, not of EU Member States. A serious comprehensive anti-discrimination policy which treats different forms of discrimination alike is a minimum condition for beginning to restore the credibility of the European Union. Ten years ago, a so-called Comité des Sages said there was ‘[…] an urgent need for a human rights policy which is coherent, balanced, substantive and professional’ (Leading by example 1998). 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The Roma Population in Slovakia: The Study Case of the Intercultural Dialogue Kristína MORÁVKOVÁ Abstract: The “Roma issue” had been gaining significance especially due to the attempts of the Slovak republic to join the EU. The international environment was putting still more and more pressure on the state to make some steps which were inevitable in order to improve the status of the minorities in Slovakia. To find solutions to such a complex problem has turned to be difficult especially considering all the circumstances which have been influencing Roma current situation. The opinion of the majority has remained throughout the history more negative than positive. Apart from the different culture and the entire lifestyle of Roma, the gap between the majority and Roma has been even intensified by the prejudices and stereotypes which have been prevalent in the Slovak society. Although the relations are considered to be bad, the cooperation exists and this creates a hope for more pleasant mutual coexistence. Key word: Intercultural dialogue, Roma minority, discrimination Introduction The year 2008 has been designated as the European Year of the Intercultural Dialogue and its aim is to promote the recognition of the diversity of the society we live in. “Unity in diversity”, one of the mottos of the European Union, needs our help to push for it in order to leave the prejudices and intolerance behind us. As far as among the most important steps forward is the mutual tolerance among the nations, those either within or outside the European Union, it is necessary to realize that we have to start from our own countries, from our homes which have never been exclusively the home of one nation. The plurality has existed since the very beginning of the human existence. Although there are many various minorities within the states, even within the small state such as Slovakia, there is one which is very specific for its pan European presence on the one hand and the fact that it is the only nation without any territory on the other hand. The Roma, suffering from its internal unbalances, have been an undeniable part of Slovakia. Throughout the history, their status within Slovak society was worsening, culminating to its tops when Slovakia decided to enter the European Union and to undergo the conditions offering better prospects also for the Roma. However, their position in the society cannot change only with the transformation in their living conditions. First of all, they have to be accepted by the majority population with the aim of the possibility to coexist together side by side. In my work, I would like to illustrate the mutual perceptions of the two nations, their relations as well as both positive and darker sides of this coexistence. Last but not least, I would like to demonstrate that although the cooperation is very fragile and in many cases it is complicated, it does exist. Historical background of the coexistence When speaking about the position of the Roma minority in the Slovak republic, it is necessary to think of their past related to this territory. Their present status has been influenced to the great extent by the history. Roma did not elude cruelties of the Second World War and within Slovakia, which became in 1939 the puppet state of the Nazi Germany, they were exposed to discriminating laws similar to those applying to the Jews. As the extreme of the anti-Roma measures could be considered their forced shifts to the labor camps. It was at that period of time when they had already been facing prejudices of the rest of the society, both of the neighbours and the employees, because of their “otherness”. 114 A special place in the society had the Roma craftsmen. Their flexible lifestyle was allowing them to develop their skills and they were actually sought after. However, although there were tries to integrate themselves within the Slovak society, the attitude of the others did not contribute positively to make it happen. With the end of the Second World War and later the establishment of the socialist state, Roma believed that their status in the society could be improved. There were even the first attempts to establish the Union of Slovak Gypsies, however, state decided not to allow that. The socio-economic standard of the majority of Roma remained a thorn in the eye of the state representatives not only as an economic problem but also as an ideological one. The differences within the society were not compatible with the state’s new policy. Social poverty and catastrophic status of the hygienic conditions after the war were the most alarming especially among the Eastern Slovak Roma. The attitudes of the major population towards this group were dual. On the one hand, there was the socio-charitable line (Jurová, 2002: 54) embodied in the establishment of their equality as citizens and abolishment of discriminating laws. Moreover, people feared being accused of racism. Delinquencies were being overlooked while breaking the laws was being excused by their lack of knowledge and low cultural standard (Šebesta, 2003: 29). On the other hand, there were still many prejudices and aversion causing them many difficulties. Based on the Marxist theory, the state policy claimed that by improving Roma social status, their behavior would change as well (ibidem, 29). Thus, Roma were being excluded from the direct participation on the process of solving the problem to which they were the central subject. They were taken off their right for the ethnic identity and the policy of the social assimilation emerged. The assimilation was supposed to be done especially in the field of employment, education, and living conditions, however, there were areas with the high population of Roma where it was not possible to be implemented. As far as the government did not want the Roma to participate on this so called “social engineering”, the state was denying their ethnicity. The denial was evident also thanks to the labeling the Roma “an ethnographic group of Gypsies”. The goal of the assimilation process was the social and cultural balancing with the majority of population (Jurová, 2002: 61). The differences between the majority and Roma minority only deepened and many Roma left to Czech Republic to find a job. What is more, this political manipulation intensified the problems and Roma began to loose their ethnical identity which has been still remaining as a problem. Finally, the government gave up while stating that the assimilation process is impossible due to the constant movement of the Roma population. This issue of the Roma movement became part of the agenda during 1950’s when the nomadic and semi-nomadic way of life was prohibited. Apart from the fact that this act was considered as an act violating the freedom of movement and residence, it was again impossible to be fully implemented due to the lack of vacancies, housing possibilities and impossible realization of taking nomadic Roma children from their care. Anyway, it should be mentioned that this pushed the Roma people to settle. During 1960’s social engineering continued - government decided to launch the concept of dispersion because most of the Roma in Czechoslovakia were living in Eastern Slovakia. Thus, Roma were obligatorily, however at the same time voluntarily, moved to the Czech lands (Šebesta, 2003: 29). The first priority of the government after removing Roma was destroying the huts and settlements. 263 Roma families were moved to the Czech Republic, 59 settlements were eliminated, and 1490 other families were dispersed within the districts and regions (ibidem, 29). The concept turned out a catastrophe: nobody was prepared- not the Roma, neither the non-Roma population. Many families were being divided which was unacceptable for the Roma traditional family life. It was very difficult for both sides to adapt and to coexist side by side with each other. The most critical issues were housing and employment because it was impossible to project it properly. The Czech government started to send some families back to Slovakia and some just came back on their own. The state spend great amount of money while trying to assimilate Roma minority. Unfortunately, Roma got used to the financial support of the state and they found out how to abuse it. Beside this fact, they also became dependent on the state’s constant manipulation which made 115 them remain passive and surrendering the situation. This Roma attitude developed negative perception of the majority and the gap between these two groups, living within one state, deepened. Meanwhile, the entire Roma population was increasing. During 1966 to 1968 there were 156 thousand Roma in Slovakia from which 90 thousand were living in the eastern region. These numbers were twice as big as in 1947 (ibidem, 29). This demographic boom could be explained on the bases of better health care after 1945. The Roma representatives became active and in 1968 the Union of Gypsies-Roma in Slovakia and Czech Republic was established. Anyway, the cooperation within the organization was not successful and was struggling with the internal conflicts. This inconsistency provided the government the opportunity to abolish the union in 1973. Roma again lost their possibility to gain the status of ethnic group. Another rejection from the state occurred during 1980’s. The paternalist attitude of the socialist state was not successful and after the Velvet Revolution, Roma did not have many expectations and hopes for better future also thanks to the negative historical experience. Changes in political, economical, social and cultural life after 1989 brought difficulties also to the majority, not mentioning the Roma which were totally unprepared for the transformation. Worsening of the socio-economic conditions led to the increase of poverty resulting also in worse hygienic conditions. Housing was being affected by privatization process, many Roma were occupying lands illegally due to the lack of information about how to acquire the poverty (Radičová, 2001: 68). Their inability to adapt to the new conditions was creating wider distance from the majority of the population. The contrast in copying with the struggle to survive was dividing the society- majority preferred “selfsupplying” and one of the family member used to travel abroad to find a job while Roma were trying to find easier and more comfortable ways to get by such as stealing and in their case the whole families were leaving the country. Those departures had negative effect on the majority due to the establishment of visa policy (ibidem, 73-74). Anyway, this underlined the problems of Roma in Slovakia. There were particular reasons why they were leaving and most of those leaving were usually the more educated ones which saw that the situation was not going to change and the discrimination on the labor market still remained. People working with Roma community claim, there are also the positive aspects of this migration such as increase of the living standard of those who came back (Magdolenová, 2006: 33). On the other hand there are proponents of ‘ethno-tourism’ stating that Roma were leaving Slovakia in order to abuse the social allowances in EU countries where they were much more beneficial than in Slovak Republic (Vašečka, 2000: 158). 1990’s brought finally legal equality for the Roma. By adopting the Bases of the government policy towards Roma and their elaboration within the department of education, youth and sports, culture, ministry of labor and social affairs, Roma were recognized as a nation. The acquirement of cultural and political rights was visible in the political participation which was flourishing around 1992, the establishment of the Romathan theatre in Košice and the Department of Romani culture in Nitra (with specialization in teaching the Roma children in 1999), TV broadcasting for Roma and publishing newspaper in Romani language (Kotvanová; Szép; Šebesta, 2003: 39). As far as the political participation is concerned, between the years 1990 to 1992 three representative chambers in Czechoslovakia (the Federal Assembly, the Czech, and the Slovak National Assembly) saw the election of 11 Romani representatives which has never repeated in the whole CEE region (Sobotka, 2007: 141). However, the government somehow perceived that by recognizing Roma as a nation, the problem was solved. As it declared through Jan Carnogursky, the chief for nations, “the Roma issue does not exist in our society anymore; it has been solved by recognizing the status of nation for Roma population”. (Journals Národná obroda, Pravda, April 10, 1991) Higher numbers of Roma in Slovakia than in Czech Republic could be also explained on the bases of the happenings after the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1993 when Czech Republic adopted the narrowest crafted citizenship. Thousands of Roma at that time, finding themselves stateless, were told to go to Slovakia (Sobotka, 2007: 143). According to the Institute for Public Affairs, 919 million Slovak crowns (approximately over 27 million euro) were allocated for Roma community in 2001 from various resources while most of it was provided by Phare programs. The international support, mainly 116 the “euro-money” or pre-accession support, was flowing to Slovakia especially in regard to Slovak ambition to enter the European Union. After the accession to European Union, the projects have been declining. Recent developments Roma’s selfhood is rooted not only in the specific history but also in the fact that they are the Pan-European specific minority without any territory. The current situation of Roma minority within the Slovak Republic has been reflecting the past developments as well as the fact that Slovakia has become the member of the European Union. However, the status of Slovak Roma has been critically discussed in European circles. Before the Enlargement 2004, Romani issue had been great obstacle for the countries such as Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland, states with the biggest Roma minority. Therefore Slovakia started to deal more actively with this problem. Many surveys, projects and other sources can be found from that period thanks to the importance for the EU membership. Significant attention was paid especially to the area of integration of Roma into the Slovak society while pointing out the education, employment, housing and health. Although Slovakia is considered to be a special case, because the accession negotiations with the EU really helped to improve the human rights and minority status, it did not helped to change the opinion of the society towards minorities. As it was stated by the Slovak government “the standard of the integration of minorities and their coexistence with the societal majority is a condition in the successful functioning of the Slovak Republic in the EU” (Basic Thesis of the Slovak Government’s Conception in the Integration of Roma Communities, 2003). The difference between this concept and the one from the socialist era (when it was claimed that by improving social status of Roma, their behaviour would change as well) can be clearly distinguish. The state changed the approach thanks to understanding that the culture could not be changed, it could be only accepted and tolerated as it is and then the relations could be improved. However, the assimilation concept can be still perceived in some fields such as education where the cultural rights are implemented only partially (Lajčáková; Hojsík, 2007: 194). The structure of the Slovak Roma includes three main groups: Rumungri (settled Roma); Vlachika Roma (nomadic Roma), and Sinti (German Roma), while up to 90 percent represent Rumungri. Roma population has been unequally spread- two thirds are living in Eastern Slovakia (especially in the Košice’s surroundings) and in the south of Central Slovakia. The conditions in the east are often compared to the Third World countries- no potable water, very bad infrastructure, problems with sewage, difficult access to schools and hospitals, not decent housing etc. The situation got worse when the competencies were delegated to the regional administration which does not have much interest to deal with the problems. There are villages, such as Svinia, where the contrast reaches the tops – ethnic Slovaks living almost in the whole village which are well educated, living in decent houses and commuting to work while almost the same number of Roma occupying only small part, living in disastrous conditions without any education or skills. Such contrastful scenery is nothing special in the case of Slovakia, Roma belong really to the extreme periphery. The number of Roma living in Slovakia varies from source to source as far as it is difficult to include all of them-some of them do not declare themselves Romani. According to the sources, the number of Roma in Slovakia was in 2002 around 390 000 (Vaňo; Haviarová, 2002: 480) while in 2001 during census only 90 000 declared themselves Roma (ibidem, 791), this would prove that the percentage of Roma is up to 1,7 % and although this is only an underestimated number, it is still higher than in comparison to Czech Republic (0,1%), Poland (0,1%) but lower than in Hungary (2,1%). Social distance between them and the majority of the population is visible also in the housing: there are 619 separated (situated on the suburbs of the cities and villages) or segregated (outside cities and villages) settlements (Kadlečíková; Kriglerová, 2005: 173). This also evokes preference of the life within the community among Roma. To compare the situation with the neighbouring states, most of the Slovak Roma lives in the segregated and separated settlements and their status is usually similar to the one in the neighbourhood. 117 The situation of the East European Roma could be considered to be similar owning to the developments in this region. All the countries had to undergo the process of transformation which required the adoption of the new institutions. The governments had to cope with many difficulties while putting the problem of the Roma aside (Barany, 2002: 284). After 1989, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland launched their way to democracy and their accession negotiations with the EU. Although Slovakia took the same direction, its way to democracy was frozen due to the leadership of Vladimir Meciar and its government with the signs of authoritarianism. It is, however, difficult to compare the acts of the governments as far as the population of Roma varies from state to state, starting with very high number in Romania to very small population of Roma in Poland. Another factor has been the division of the powers. Recently, the Roma issue has been delegated to the hands of the local governments in Slovakia. Some analysts claim this could help to improve their conditions as far as their problem could be thus closer to the local authorities than it was to the national government. On the other hand, the opponents point out that the local administrations rather spend money on some other problems and therefore the Roma issue could be again only postponed. As has been proved, there has been negative correlation between the standard of the social marginalization of Roma community and the interests of the local administrations to solve Roma’s problems (Lajčáková; Hojsík, 2007: 207). Relations of the majority towards Roma As it has been already indicated before, the historical development has significantly influenced the status of Roma population; however, it has had also impact on the mutual relations of Roma minority and the major population. All the negative moments of the history have remained in the minds of both sides. The government’s perception of Roma as the social weaker part of the population emerged the feeling among the society that Roma had been a burden for it. This burden, in the eyes of the society, was needed to be provided with the financial support and was thus being privileged when the rest of the population had to cope with their struggles on their own. Apart from this fact, Roma started to be perceived as “the different ones”. They are different ethnically, culturally, socially, and economically. All these differences are mostly caused by the different past development. Some analysts claim that the ‘social distance’ of the majority is intensified by the fact that there is also visible difference in the physical appearance (Bačová, 1992: 32). The fact that they are different has been still arising most of the prejudices because people tend to connect this difference with the difference in the behaviour (ibidem, 33). The polls held by Los Angeles Times published in September 1991 showed that antiGypsy feelings were the strongest in Czechoslovakia when 91 % of the entire population answered they disliked Gypsies (Sobotka, 2007: 142). Looking at the polls carried out in 1999 by the US Department of State, Slovakia was the third country (after Romania and Hungary) with the most negative attitudes towards Roma (Vašečka, 2007). According to the surveys, the rate of ‘social distance’ is the biggest in relation with the Roma minority, even when people can choose among the groups like homosexuals, drugaddicts, or alcohol addicts (Vašečka, 2002: 343). Three quarters of the asked people do not want Rom as a neighbour (idem, 2002a: 213-217). These figures has remained, people still perceive the same aversion towards this minority, although there is correlation between the age of the respondents, education and the level of aversion. The polls carried out in 2003 by Institute of Public Affairs (IVO) declared that 83% of respondents characterized the relations as bad (Bútorová; Gyarfášová; Velšic, 2003). As the biggest bone of contention is a low level of education of Roma and a high rate of unemployment. Anyway, these two fields are very often interrelated and they are resulting in the problems with housing which has been among the most critical problem of the present. Roma are unable to pay the rents or they destroy the social flats they are given. This strengthens the negative opinions among the majority. Recently, I have researched in my surroundings and have asked 70 people about their perception of the Roma (see appendix). I focused on the three groups: teenagers in the age of 16 to 19 years old studying at high school, adults in the age 40 to 50 years, and finally university students around 20 years old. When answering the question regarding their first thoughts when 118 hearing the word “the Roma”, 30 respondents wrote negative remarks regarding hygiene (a smell, a mess, or a dirt); 20 of those asked mentioned unemployment or laziness; 17 thought of robbery; 14 wrote the expression “Gypsies”; 13 of them had on the mind high birth rate; 11 connected this word with a rudeness or some expression linked to the negative behaviour and the same number mentioned a dark skin. Those who wrote something positive such as optimism, freedom, crafts, folk culture- either dance or music were always under the number of 10. Apart from mentioning a different colour of skin, some of them pointed out settlements, nomadic way of life, minority, or some other expressions proving that people consider them as “different”. Usually only the adults mentioned something positive whilst the university students made remarks showing that they consider the Roma question as the problem of the whole society. Most of the asked have not had any friends within the Roma (46 respondents) and they perceived it mostly as a result of the fact that they do not seek their company. When answering the question whether they would want to have the Rom as a neighbour, 39 respondents answered “no” and 31 said “I do not know” whilst nobody said “yes”. Similarly as in the previous surveys by IVO, I also asked the respondents to mark how much aversion they feel towards the Roma. 22 of them put Roma on the first or the second place in the scale (the highest and the second highest aversion) while they could also choose among the groups of drug addicts, alcohol addicts, Hungarian minority and homosexuals. Regarding the feeling of the compassion 22 people declared they felt compassion in comparison to 31 who did not feel it while those who did, marked the Roma children as the only group with which they were sympathetic. Only 2 respondents were sympathetic with Romany mothers. While trying to identify the causes of the negative situation of the Slovak Roma, 45 respondents agreed with the statement that the Roma are responsible for their own situation“they are not interested in finding a job and they prefer to be on the welfare” whilst 15 people thought that “they are not able to adapt and find their place within the society” and only 7 people (mostly university students) argued that “it is the responsibility of the state which made them become dependent on it”. Trying to find out more about the common every day life situations when people meet somebody of the Roma origin, I asked them whether they are willing to sit next to the Rom in the public transport. Most of the asked (37 respondents), answered “no, I would rather remain standing” in contrast to 18 which do not have any problem with it and 18 which would sit there, however, they would feel uncomfortable. Answering the last question regarding their opinion on the discrimination of the Roma in Slovakia, 38 people answered they did not think there is a discrimination in Slovakia whilst 32 agreed there is a discrimination and most of them mentioned the field of employment or education (a discrimination in the field of education was mostly pointed out by the university students). Taking the whole questionnaire in the account, the attitude of my surrounding is more negative than positive while the most negative opinion within the teenagers could be, in my point of view, a result of the impact of the portrait of the Roma by the mass media as well as the poor situation of the Roma children with which they encounter at schools. This would also explain they mostly connected this minority with the bad hygienic conditions. As far as the adults were almost the only who linked the Roma with their traditional way of life- such as dances, music, crafts, horses etc., it could be claimed that the old way of life of the Roma is more or less disappearing and I would also argue that it is caused by the gradual lost of their identity. Examining the results of my survey, it is visible that people often do not think of some things they take for granted, for example, once they answer they would not sit next to the person of Roma origin or have a Rom as a neighbour, they later argue there is no discrimination among our society. Similarly, they firstly consider Roma’s apathy as the reason for their bad position within the society and later they claim that there is discrimination within our society and especially in the field of the labour market. This also illustrates us the high standard of the existing prejudices and stereotypes and our mechanical behaviour when thinking of the Roma problem not as of our problem. We prefer to distinguish between them and us and prefer to keep away when the problem culminates. However, we do not realize that the problem is going to be solved neither by the Roma, who do not have any resources to solve it, nor it is going to be solved on its own. 119 Majority perceive the Roma not as a heterogenic entity, which they actually are, but as a homogeneous one characterized mostly as the Roma from segregated settlements. This picture in the minds of the population is even enforced by the mass media putting stress on this segregated group. Thus the reasons of the negative attitudes of the majority towards Roma have been in the first place prejudices and stereotypes which very often substitute the own experience. Consequently, those who are not in touch with Roma at all have more negative posture than those who are meeting them (Kriglerová, 2003: 2). The stereotypes could be identified also when taking into account which features of the Roma are considered by the Slovak society as positive, if any, and which as negative ones. On the basis of the research by IVO in 2001, musical talent, family sense, easygoingness, and talent for trading are considered as the positive qualities. However, almost three thirds of the asked people could not appreciate any qualities. On the other hand, criminality, avoiding honest work, or low hygiene was labelled as vices. There have not been many studies about the opinion of the majority about what should be tolerated in relation to the Roma. The survey ‘GFK Praha’ from 1995 revealed that the most people thought Roma’s strange way of dressing should be tolerated (73 %), significant group expressed that they should be tolerated using Romany language on the public (68 %), others declared Roma’s migration (31 %) and formation of large families (29 %) should be accepted by the society. Fewer asked people marked the different hygiene habits should be tolerated (12 %) and the lowest number of the respondents (4 %) thought they should be tolerated their more open attitude to work (Vašečka, 2002: 346). From these polls we can again deduce the most critical points of the relations towards Roma. It is interesting how people can generalize their negative experience with Roma for all the Roma in Slovakia; however, they do not apply the same when having a negative experience with the majority. I am no exception- I have met with many unpleasant people who were NonRoma, however, it do not make me generalize this experience for the whole majority. This is because everybody in this nation has some prejudices and those who would claim the opposite would only lie to the others as well as to themselves. Stereotypes are inherited, they have been strengthened by the whole environment in which we live and due to this fact if we want to change our perceptions or at least to make them changing for the next generation, it is necessary to start from the basics. It means for example, do not create separated classrooms for the Roma children in order to make the children get used to the “differences”. Opponents of this view could claim that children belonging to the majority do not want to sit net to the Roma children because of the lack of hygiene of the Roma children or that the Roma children are slowing down the whole class. My questions is: how can the Roma children know they could take better care of their hygiene or how can they make effort to be better at studying if they are not driven by their environment? Being in one class with children which they would actually compete with is the best way how to show the Roma children they could manage it. On the other hand, staying in a separated classroom with the children from the exactly same conditions would not bring any fruit as far as they would be satisfied with their status there. The problem of discrimination has not been anything exclusive only for Slovakia. Trying to solve this problem could lead to better mutual relations between the majority and the Roma. Slovak government adopted the Action Plan Preventing all Forms of Discrimination in 2006 while adopting an amendment in 2008 to this plan. Among the goals of this plan belongs monitoring in order to avoid shifting the Roma children to special schools and thus help to create a multicultural environment. Anyway, the equal access to education has not been the only bone of contention concerning discrimination. One of the most critical fields where Roma are very often discriminated has been the labour market. It is, however, closely connected with their possibility to study and therefore these two areas have become interrelated. Prejudices and stereotypes among the employers are often resulting in preferring Non-Roma candidates. As far as there is only little chance, if any, that this will change, it is necessary to adopt regulations by the government. There are many opportunities how to do it, for instance, engaging private sector and offer stimulus in return for hiring Roma candidates. This would, however, require positive discrimination. Money on its own cannot help, of course. Therefore it is necessary to educate those people in order to create for them better chances. Here we come across another 120 problem: how to force the Roma to get education? And this is crucial when trying to deal with the complex Roma problem. First of all, they should be explained what for they are supposed to learn and by showing them we understand their needs and preferences, their culture, than it would be easier to explain them the necessity of education. As far as the opinion of the majority towards the race and national hatred is concerned, people express clear disagreement. According to the polls done by IVO in 2000, 65 % of the respondents would like to tighten the punishment of the crimes related to these issues. Moreover, most of the asked people criticized a demonstration of the violence by the skinheads very often aimed against the Roma minority- 70 % agreed that skinheads are dangerous in contrast to 14 % which thought that skinheads are doing the right thing (Vašečka, 2002: 345). Unfortunately, discrimination very often culminates into open conflicts. Racism exists everywhere and its poisonous impact could be observed also in Slovakia. Racially motivated crimes had been increasing and while in 2001 there were only 40 such crimes recorded by the police, in 2002 this number increased to 102 although it is possible that the increase in the numbers could be also the result of better detection of the violence (Jurásková; Kriglerová, 2003: 183). The issue of racially motivated crimes could be also connected with the rising notion of Slovak nationalism supported by the right-oriented part of the government, in particular the representatives of the Slovak National Party. This dark side of the interrelation of the Roma and Non-Roma in Slovakia has not been, unfortunately, anything new. It has been one magic circle: racists commit a crime, Roma are afraid to contact the police or they do not do it just because they think there would not be anything done anyway. And thus the racists continue with their violence without any punishment. It is therefore crucial to develop better relationship between the discriminated Roma and the officers in order to make the work of the police more efficient in solving the crimes committed either on Roma or by Roma. Apart from this, the brutality of the police officers towards Roma has been regarded as a problem in Slovakia by international organizations (Jurásková; Kriglerová; Rybová, 2004: 203). However, the creation of the police specialists for the Roma community has proved to be an efficient way how to cooperate. The pilot program was launched in April 2003 and its evaluation in 2006 claimed that there had been a process in the attitudes of the Roma towards these specialists. Even in the Report on the Racism and Xenophobia in the Member States of the EU from 2006, Slovakia was included in the group of countries where there was an upward trend in recorded racist crimes. Speaking about the violation of the human rights, it is also necessary to point out the importance of solving the violence within the Roma families as well. As the Representative of the Government for the Roma communities has recently stated, solving the problem of the violence committed on the Roma women by their husbands is crucial in forming the image of Roma in the eyes of the majority. Majority has to understand that what is happening (and consequently reported by the media) in the segregated settlements is not characteristic for the whole Roma culture but it is more likely a result of the social exclusion and very unpleasant living conditions (Botošová, 2008). Apart from this, it is important to educate the Roma women about their rights because in many cases they are not aware of them. However, the problem of the majority to distinguish between the segregated Roma and those integrated ones has not always been the case. Some Slovaks know people of Roma origin which are fully integrated within the society and it makes them do not feel uncomfortable. The polls have indicated that those people who meet the Roma regularly do not have such a negative attitude towards this minority. Out of those people who had Roma as a neighbour, 27 % stated they have positive experience, 32 % declared mixed experience and 39 % confirmed negative experience. On the other hand, out of those respondents who did not have Roma as neighbours, only 14 % declared positive experience and almost 43 % confirmed negative ones (Vašečka, 2007). This again clearly uncovers that the existing prejudices and stereotypes make the people blind without having any direct experience with the Roma. The attitudes of the majority can be observed also in the folk language of the Slovaks. Following language features indicate that the existence of the two nations within one state has a long history and despite this fact, the positions have not changed because people tend to use these words. These features of the folk language also evoke us that the negative attitudes 121 prevail. The word “gypsy” is very often used in the spoken language in the sense of “liar” as well as “to lie” is derived from the word “gypsy”. There are also several derogatory comparisons such as “dirty as a gypsy child”, “to lie like a gypsy”, or “dressed like a gypsy” (when somebody is dressed very colourfully and not in a nice way) etc. Parents very often tend to terrify their children that if they are not obedient they will give them to the Gypsy. This evokes to people already in their childhood that Roma are something bad, negative and the part of the society which we should avoid. Among other comparisons used among our society belongs: “a mess like in the Gypsies’ garden” which uncovers the fact that people link the Roma with a lack of hygiene and disorder. Another comparison related to the features of the Roma regarded by the majority is for instance: “Obscure like a Gypsy at work”- meaning that Roma are lazy and try to avoid work. On the other hand, there also several language features indicating that people tend to connect the Roma with their musical talent. For example, there is a saying “the Gypsies are playing in one’s stomach” which is said when somebody is very hungry and his stomach is making some noises. Some people also use to say: “She dances like a gypsy dancer” etc. Roma personalities are very often presented also in the stories where they usually represent some negative character or, on the contrary, they can also represent some musicians. As the ethnologist Mann specifies, the Roma characters within the Slovak folk language are usually tragic or romantic. Role of Media There has been very typical picture of Rom in the Slovak society: noisy man or woman with aversion towards work, taking social welfare, having high number of children which they are unable to take care of and moreover, destroying the flat which he was provided by the state for free. This image is very often depicted also by the media. The typical TV news brings mostly the picture of conflicts: the racially motivated crimes on the one hand and the criminality carried out by Roma on the other hand. This information is forcing the majority to connect the Roma with something negative, in particular with some problems. Apart from this, media used to inform about the demographic increases within Roma which also stimulates negative attitudes of the majority. Consequently, as it has been usually the case, people rather stay away when discussing something unpleasant. TV media lack the information about something we do together with the Roma community. For example, few weeks ago, there has been a project implemented in order to integrate the marginalized social groups into the society and due to this project, several Roma inhabitants of the Nitra region gave blood. This information was spread by the newspaper and radio stations; however, TV stations did not pay much attention to this. This has been, in my point of view, the biggest problem in Slovakia. Television media are among the most influential media within our country and therefore they should pay much more attention to provide balanced information and be aware of the responsibility they have for their audience. I would like to point out here, that the fact that media prefer to inform about the negative happenings is not exclusively in relation to Roma. This applies also to other areas and it is just a general trend resulting in the fact that the audience is much more interested in the disasters and unhappiness. Television media are strong when considering the impact on the audience especially due to the fact that the broadcast information can be immediately clarified, by the eyes of the audience, not like the information broadcast by the radio or in the newspaper (Cangár, 2002: 356). Before entering the EU, TV news were overload by the information about the Roma migration. Besides the fact that this broadcasting contributed to the negative image of Slovakia abroad, it also intensified the tensions between Roma and the majority as far as the immigration had been often connected with the establishment of the visa policy (Kotvanová; Szép: 2002: 381). In order to enhance the quality of the presentation of the Roma minority by the media, the Office of the Government’s Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities declared it would try to contribute to higher focus on the Roma middle class. By selecting and consequently presenting some of the interesting personalities among the Roma middle class, it could help the Roma to identify more closely with their own community as well as to help to decrease the social distance between Roma and the majority. The Office of the Government’s Plenipotentiary for 122 Roma Communities also claims that hiring more Roma journalist could contribute to better situation as well (Správa o činnosti ÚSVRK, 2007). On the other hand, recent survey has proved that media have started to reflect more accurately about the multicultural and multiethnic structure of the Slovak society (Cangár, 2008: 38). The same research also uncovered the fact that the private television media are more likely to inform about the negative happenings concerning Roma whilst the public media are more neutral and inform more professionally about this minority providing space for experts in various fields. However, private media attract traditionally larger audience. While trying to lure high number of spectators, TV stations often scandalize or exaggerate reports (ibidem, 39). Although the media have tend to inform about Roma to a higher extent in comparison to the 90ties, it could be discussed more whether this is beneficial when taking into account more prevalent negative content of the reports. It is also important to mention that the Roma are usually depicted separately- it means, they appear in the TV nearly always regarding some special case and very rarely as a part of the Slovak population. This evidence negatively contributes when attitudes of the majority are being formed. How can the majority include the Roma when they do not meet them personally and their only contact with this minority is through media which make us perceive their “otherness”? I do not remember seeing a Rom when watching the reports from schools, services, factories, companies etc. TV does not offer us the image of a Rom as a part of our society, piece of this nation. It is positive to realize that our society includes several differentiated groups, however, we should be still aware of the fact that this mixture is at the same time something characterized by its “oneness”. Relations of Roma towards the majority Although there have been several studies regarding the attitudes of the majority towards the Roma quite regularly, the opposite surveys approaching the attitudes of the Roma towards the majority have been quite rare. When examining the reasons for intensive Roma migration around 1998, the researches from Institute of Public Affairs (IVO) asked Roma what they thought about Slovakia. It was surprising that their opinions were mostly positive. 66, 8 % of the Roma respondents said they would choose Slovakia as the country to be born in. This number is almost the same in the case of ethnic Slovaks from which 66, 9 % would choose Slovakia as their homeland (Bútorová; Gyarfášová; Krivý; Velšic, 1999). This illustrates although some Roma are not satisfied with their living conditions in Slovakia, the same applies to the ‘native Slovaks’. Many surveys indicate that Roma possess much more positive feelings towards majority than the majority towards Roma. What is more, Roma have ideals among the majority and therefore would like to be its part. “Roma consider Slovaks as a reference group with which they would like to identify.” (Kriglerová, 2003: 2). The trust in the majority is evident from the survey carried out by United Nations Development Program along with the International Labor Organization in 2001 which showed that the number of Roma trusting in the majority population is the highest in Slovakia (46%) - it is higher than in Bulgaria (35%), Hungary (33%), Czech Republic (23%), or Romania (19 %). On the other hand, those trusting in the government represent the lowest number in Slovakia (7%) in comparison to Bulgaria (43%), Hungary (32 %), Romania (21%), or Czech Republic (20%). According to the survey held by IVO in 2001, 63% of Roma consider Slovaks as “ours” while only 21 % Slovaks consider Roma to be “ours”. As this research revealed, Roma appreciate following virtues of Slovaks: wisdom (55,6%), capability (67,6%), being hard working (68,5%), and cleanness (75%). Looking at the results of the same questions when asking the majority, they mostly appreciate musical talent (53%), talent for business (19%), easygoingness (16%), and family sense (10%) while on the other hand 32 % cannot appreciate any virtue. Examining the vices of the majority, most Roma marked they consider the majority to be strange- unknown (9,3%). Asking the same question the majority, they labeled Roma to be lazy (90%) and they also consider violence as the typical quality of Roma (73%). 28 % of the majority consider Roma to be strange-unknown. Results of this survey indicates that Roma mostly 123 appreciate those qualities which they, the Roma, usually miss whilst the majority consider the most negative qualities of the Roma those which they would them to have (idem, 2002: 132). Although the majority regards the relations with the Roma as bad, the Roma, in contrast to this, consider the relations more positive (idem, 2002: 137). Among the interesting findings belongs the fact that many Non-Roma which consider Roma as ‘conflict-creating’ despite the fact that most of them did not have any conflict with these people (idem, 2003: 3). It is very interesting to see that the Roma have such positive attitudes towards Slovakia despite their bad socio-economic conditions as well as they have positive opinion about the majority which tends to exclude the Roma. Recently, a work worked out by the group actively working with the Roma was published. As they declared, the history has been one of the crucial factors influencing this minority and resulting in the bad socio-economic conditions which they have to face now (Magdolenová, 2006: 12). They expressed the opinion that the majority has usually taken the decisions regarding Roma without asking them. The way they see it, those who do not like the Roma make the decisions about them (ibidem, 12). The Roma, in their opinion, have never been explained what for they should do something, they have never been activated or given a possibility to identify with the program prepared for them. As the most important step which should be done from the Non-Roma side they consider to be the realization of the fact that the Roma community is not monolithic but it is heterogeneous, they reflect the society they exist in and last but not least, their needs and preferences can be satisfied only if they are also understood. It is interesting to know special customs of the community which are in relation with their identity. When a child is born, all the Roma in the surroundings come to see him, asking whether he or she is “white” (it means of white skin). If it is, they are happy because it means that the child will be not excluded so much by the majority and it will be possible for him or her to assimilate (ibidem, 53). On the other hand, the family is more likely to be in a struggle if the child has darker skin (ibidem, 53). They appreciate the white colour also in other fields and they prefer the white colour to the black one which signifies their lost of identity and their willingness to be perceived as the part of the majority. This reflects their lack of identity. Opponents of this view argue that although the Roma sometimes use to identify themselves with the majority, they still perceive high rate of identification within their nation (Vašečka, 2002: 405). Cooperation and Initiatives Despite all the conflicts and disputes existing within our society between the Roma and Non-Roma, the cooperation has proved to be the only way how to live together side by side in peace. Neglecting and pretending blindness when the problems occur is not a solution. There have been several tries from both Roma and the majority side, most of which turned successful, in integrating the Roma into the Slovak society on one hand and the tries to preserve and strengthen the Roma identity on the other hand. In order to help to overcome the Roma’s lack of identity, many talented Roma representatives mobilized. Their ideas and activities have been supported in many cases by the state. Roma theatre Romathan was established in 1992 with the support of the Ministry of Culture of Slovak Republic. This project has been successful both at the national and international level. It is based in Košice, in Eastern Slovak region where the concentration of the Roma is the highest and also their poverty is the most critical there. Among its performances belongs for example a fairy tale ‘Who is the most beautiful in the world?’ which tries to post the information, especially to the children, that there are no differences among people depending on the colour of their skin or origin. It declares that the worth of the human being should be appreciated the most. There are several Roma newspapers available also on the internet. However, these periodicals have significant problems with their financing as far as the government has not considered this so far as its priority. On the other hand, the new Government’s Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities would like to change the critical situation of the Roma media as has been already mentioned above. 124 In Slovakia, there is quite high number of civic associations and Roma NGO’s trying to develop projects aimed at the Roma minority. Recently, Cultural Association of the Roma in Slovakia as been cooperating with the local authorities of the town Banska Bystrica and the Ministry of Culture of Slovak Republic in order to prepare cultural festival ‘People of the Roma origin’ presenting the most popular Roma personalities- singers, bands, orchestras, etc. This project has been initiated annually and it demonstrates the musical talent of the Roma as well as the ability to prepare such program together by the Roma and Non-Roma people while being visited by both as well. Due to the fact that Slovak government regards the education of the Roma as crucial, it tries to develop the project of the Roma assistants for teacher. This has become especially needed because the population of the Roma is increasing and the children create the majority of the Slovak Roma. The number of assistants is rising and they proved to be beneficial- for example, the town of Veľký Krtíš declared that the attendance of the children has increased, the communication with their parents got better and the hygiene has improved as well (RPA, 2003). As the evidence that the majority is actively interested in Roma culture can be the fact that with the establishment of the Department of the Roma Culture at Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra many Non-Roma students have decided to study there. The initiators expected more Roma students than Non-Roma students. Anyway, they were pleased to see such an interest from the youth. This faculty prepares the future teachers for the work at schools with mostly Roma children. A significant contribution in developing the dialogue between the majority and the Roma has been the activity of the Open Society Foundation which is part of The Soros Foundation network. This foundation offers grants for Roma high school and university students, it supports the research and analyses of the health status of the Roma, or helps to carry out the anti-extremism projects. In other words, it tries to develop conditions for the Roma to be able to overcome their problems and promote multicultural values. Among other foundations trying to promote Roma’s rights as well as to support their initiatives is the Milan Šimečka Foundation. This NGO is mainly supporting active participation of the Roma in the community work. These were only the examples of the cooperation between the Roma and Non-Roma helping to improve the mutual relations. Although the signs of the cooperation are clearly visible, there is still much what needs to be done in order to promote the dialogue and to suppress the prejudices of the society. Conclusion The conditions in Slovakia after the defeat of fascism were in favour of the establishment of Roma equality and abolishment of the discrimination. During the years 1948 to 1989 several conceptions tried to solve the problem related to their low socio-economic standard as well as the ideological problem which they remained for the socialist state where the manifestation of social equality was in contrast with their living standards. Apart from the fact that they were excluded from the direct participation on taking the decisions aimed at them, they were experiencing still deeper social segregation. Along with the critical developments throughout the history, the public opinion regarding Roma was getting worse. The establishment of the “Czech Citizenship Law” in order to get rid of the Roma minorities and thus avoid the economic problems brought more people of Roma origin into Slovakia. Nowadays, they represent 1,5% of the entire population while 1/3 of them is concentrated in Prešov region in Eastern part of Slovakia. The poor situation of Slovak Roma started to change owning to the pre-accession funds of the EU, in particular the programs Phare. Despite of the better opportunities of the Roma in present, the relations between them and the majority has been still critical. Prejudices and stereotypes still play a crucial role in the mutual relations. The polls, as well as my own research in my close surroundings, have shown that the social distance prevails and our society perceives the Roma as the homogeneous entity, not taking into account its heterogeneousness. Stereotypes have been visible also in the folk language of the majority. Although Slovakia is no exception regarding racially motivated crimes and discrimination, people mostly do not agree with such violence. 125 Media are a significant factor influencing the formation of the public opinion towards the minorities. Television media, being the most influential ones, are usually depicting the Roma in connection to the negative happenings or criminality which enforces the negative attitudes of the majority. Although the opinions of the majority on the Roma are mostly negative, Roma perceive the mutual relations more positively and they can also appreciate more qualities of the majority than vice-versa. They tend to identify themselves with the majority, would like to be part of their world, however, some analysts claim that despite this fact they can still identify themselves with their own nation. Opponents of this view argue that Roma are indeed experiencing their lack of identity. In order to promote better mutual relations and to improve the cohesion within the Roma, the cooperation with the majority is very important. There have been several projects initiated either by the Roma representatives or by the personalities from the majority trying to promote a dialogue. Cultural performances, health research, protecting the rights of the minorities, educational reforms or vocational trainings are small steps towards a great movement forward in creating the dialogue between the two different cultures living side by side for the centuries. There has been one wonderful Roma’s saying with which most of you will surely agree: ‘Each person is different but we are all people’. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bačová Viera (1992), Vzťahy Obyvateľov Slovenska k Rómom [Relations of the Slovak Population to Romanies), in Mann, A.B. (ed.): Neznámi Rómovia [Unknown Romanies], Bratislava, Ister Science Press. 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Cangár, Ján (1998), Monitoring Vplyvu Vybraných Elektronických Médií na Formovanie Verejnej Mienky vo Vzťahu v k Menšinám [Monitoring of the Influence of the Selected Electronic Media on the Formation of Public Opinion in Relation to the Minorities], MEMO 1998. Eurolimes (Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies), Vol. 3: Media, Intercultural Dialogue and the New Frontiers of Europe, Oradea University Press 2007. Hirman, Karel; Zuzana Horníková (2003a), Chudoba Rómov a Nerómov Je Iná [Poverty of Roma and Non-Roma Is Different], TREND, 2003. Hirman, Karel; Zuzana Horníková (2003b), Efektívnosť Pomoci znižuje Slabá Komunikácia [The Efficiency of Help Is Being Decreased by the Weak Communication], TREND, 2003. HIRMAN, Karel (2003), Problém Rómov Je Širší Ako Sa Zdá [The Problem of Roma Is Broader Than It Seems To Be], TREND, 2003. JURÁSKOVÁ, Martina (2003), Rómovia Na Ceste do Európskej Únie [Roma on Their Way to the European Union], IVO 2003. Jurásková, Martina; Elena Kriglerová (2003), Rómovia [The Roma], in: Kollár, M.; G. Mesižnikov, (eds.): Slovensko 2003: Súhrnná Správa o Stave Spoločnosti (Slovakia 2003: Global Report on the State Society], IVO 2003. Jurásková, Martina; Elena Kriglerová; Jana Rybová (2004), Rómovia [The Roma), in: Kollár, M., G. Mesižnikov, eds., Slovensko 2004: Súhrnná Správa o Stave Spoločnosti [Slovakia 2004: Global Report on the State Society], IVO 2004. Jurová, Anna (2002), Rómovia v Období od Roku 1945 po November 1989 [Roma From 1945 Until November 1989), in: Vašečka, M., ed., Čačipen Pal o Roma Súhrnná Správa o Rómoch na Slovensku [Global Report on the Roma in Slovakia], IVO 2002. 126 Kadlečíková, Jana; Elena Kriglerová (2005), Rómovia [The Roma], in: Bútora, M.; M. Kollár; G. Mesižnikov, eds., Slovensko 2005: Súhrnná Správa o Stave Spoločnosti [Slovakia 2005: Global Report on the State Society], IVO 2005. Klobucký, Robert; Katarína Strapcová (2004), Knowledge Utilization in Public Policy: the Case of Roma Population Research in Slovakia, Blackwell Publishing. Koganová Viera (2005), “European Standard of the National Minorities Rights and Situation of the Roma Minority in Slovakia”, in: Romanian Review on Political Geography and Regional Studies, Vol. 7 No. 2, Oradea University Press. Kotvanová, Alena; Attila Szép (2005), Migrácia a Rómovia: Historické, Sociálne a Politické Súvislosti [Migration and Roma: Historical, Social, and Political Context] (Bratislava, Slovenský Inšitút Medzinárodných Štúdií [Slovak Institute of International Studies]). Kotvanová, Alena; Attila Szép; Michal Šebesta (2003), Vládna Politika a Rómovia 1948-2002 [Government Policy and Roma 1948-2002] (Bratislava, Slovenský Inšitút Medzinárodných Štúdií [Slovak Institute of International Studies]. Kriglerová, Elena (2003), Potenciál Vzniku Konfliktov Medzi Rómami a Majoritou [Potential of the Conflicts Origin between Roma and the Majority], Bratislava, IVO 2003. Kriglerová, Elena (2002), Rómovia Verzus Majorita- Postoje, Vzťahy, Konflikty [The Roma Versus the Majority-Attitudes, Relations, Conflicts], in: Vašečka, M.; M. Jurásková; E. Kriglerová; P. Puliš; J. Rzbová, Rómske Hlasy: Rómovia a ich Politická Participácia v Transformačnom Období [Romany Voices: The Roma and Their Political Participation in The Period of Transformation], IVO 2002. Lajčáková, Jarmila; Marek Hojsík (2007), Rómovia [The Roma], in: Bútora, M., M. Kollár, G. Mesižnikov (eds.), Slovensko 2007: Súhrnná Správa o Stave Spoločnosti [Slovakia 2007: Global Report on the State Society], IVO 2007. Magdolenová, Kristina, ed. (2006), So Vakeres? Metodická Príručka Ako Porozumieť Svojmu Susedovi [Methodical Guide How to Understand One’s Neighbour], Roma Press Agency, 2006. Mann, Arne B. (1996), Problém Identity Rómov [The Problem of Roma Identity’], in: Rómovia v Majoritnej Spoločnosti [Roma in Majority Society in Slovakia], Bratislava, SAV, 1996. **** National Action Plan of the Slovak Republic Regarding the Decade of Roma Inclusion 2005 – 2015, in: Národná obroda, Pravda, April 10, 1991. Radičová, Iveta (2001), Hic Sunt Romales (Bratislava, Nadácia S.P.A.C.E. [Nadation S.P.A.C.E.]. RPA (Rómska Tlačová Agentúra) [Roma Press Agency], March 18, 2003, available on http: //www.rpa.sk/rpa.php?lang=SK&m=VYH&id=&show=724 Scheffel, D. Z. (2004), “Slovak Roma on the Threshold of Europe”, in: Anthropology Today, Vol. 20 No. 1, February 2004. Sobotka, Eva (2007), Human Rights and Roma Policy Formation in Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland in Roma: A Minority in Europe, Central Europe University Press. Šebesta, Michal (2003), “Rómovia a Sociálne Inžinierstvo [Roma and Social Engineering]”, in: Magazine História, [History], vol 5, p. 26-29. **** (2007) Správa o činnosti Úradu Splnomocnenkyne Vlády pre Rómske Komunity [Report on the Action of the Office of the Government’s Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities]. Vaňo, Boris; Eva Haviarová (2002), Demografické Trendy Rómskej Populácie [Demographic Trends Within the Roma Population], in: Vašečka, M., ed., Čačipen Pal o Roma Súhrnná Správa o Rómoch na Slovensku [Global Report on the Roma in Slovakia], IVO 2002. Vašečka, Michal (2000), Rómovia [The Roma], in: Kollár, M.; G. Mesižnikov, eds., Slovensko 2000: Súhrnná Správa o Stave Spoločnosti [Slovakia 2000: Global Report on the State Society], IVO 2000. Vašečka, Michal (2002), Vzťah Majority k Rómom [Relations of the Majority Towards Roma], in: Vašečka, M., ed., Čačipen Pal o Roma Súhrnná Správa o Rómoch na Slovensku [‘Global Report on the Roma in Slovakia’], IVO 2002. Vašečka, Michal (2002a), Rómovia. [The Roma], in: Kollár, M.; G. Mesižnikov, eds.: Slovensko 2002: Súhrnná Správa o Stave Spoločnosti [‘Slovakia 2002: Global Report on the State Society’], IVO, 2002. Vašečka, Michal (2007), Interview with Michal Vašečka by Ľudia Proti Rasizmu [People Against Racism], 2007, available on http: //www.rasizmus.sk/detailclanku/75/32 Základné Tézy Koncepcie Slovenskej Vlády v Integrácii Rómskych Komunít. [Basic Thesis of the Conception of Slovak Government in the Integration of Roma communities], 2003. 127 Appendix Questionnaire Write down at least 3 words (could be more) which appears in your mind when hearing the word “the Roma”, please. ………………………………………………………………………………………………...... Do you have any friends or people you meet regularly among the Roma? yes no If you answered “no” the previous question, what do you consider to be the reason? I do not meet them I do not seek their company other…………………………………………………………… Would you want the Rom as Your neighbour? yes no I do not know Mark in which order you feel an aversion towards the groups, please. Give always number of points to each group while the number of points will not repeat. (1= the biggest aversion; 5= the lowest aversion) Drug addicts Hungarians Homosexuals Roma Alcohol addicts Do you feel sympathetic with the Roma? yes no I do not know If you answered “yes” the last question, mark the group with which you feel sympathetic the most, please. Roma children Unemployed Roma Romani fathers Romani mothers What do you consider to be the major reason that the Roma belong to the periphery of our society? They are not able to adapt, to find a place within our society. They are not interested to find a job, they are rather on the welfare. It is the responsibility of the states which made them to be dependent on it. Their situation is more difficult than the situation of the majority, they have been discriminated. Would you sit next to the Rom in the public transport? yes, I have no problem with it yes but I feel uncomfortable no, I rather remain standing Do you think that there is discrimination against the Roma in Slovakia? If you do so, in which field do you think? yes in…………………………………………………… no 128 III. European Borders and the Borders of Europe Gábor CSÜLLÖG (Budapest) ◙ The Trans Tisza Region within the Regional Division of the Carpathian Basin until the end of 17th Century Gábor MICHALKÓ (Budapest); Sándor ILLÉS (Budapest) ◙ The tourist niches of Hungary as the scenes of interculturality Gergely TAGAI (Budapest); János PÉNZES (Debrecen); Ernı MOLNÁR (Debrecen) ◙ Methods of the analysis of integration effect on border areas – the case of Hungary Octavian łÎCU (Kishinew) ◙ Moldova between the Near Abroad Policy of the Russian Federation and the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union The Trans Tisza Region within the Regional Division of the Carpathian Basin until the end of 17th Century Gábor CSÜLLÖG Abstract: By social geographical analysis of the spatial organization of the early Hungarian statehood regional components and processes of the large area are identifiable. It appears much more as an interwoven system of area units of various levels and functions, organized onto the spatial organization lines by similar processes, yet in different ways according to various features. The process of regionalization, determinant in the construction of the country structure, was built on this regional operativity, with close interactions between theses two elements of regionalism. Provinces representing larger spatial connectivity units and smaller spatial units connected to differentiated spatial utilization and spatial concentration were simultaneously present in the spatial forms of administrative authority with various functions. On the basis of the above, it can be stated that the determinant presence and function of the region, the spatial unit defining regional operativity has to be searched not at the level of regionalisation, but rather at the level of regionality/regionalism. Keywords: Carpathian Basin, Hungary, regional division, regions, historical space structure Geographic Elements of the Regional Organization Process Regional development is a process determined by society - its dynamics are always ruled by societal interests and the consequent state of organisation. This process is based on the spatial localisation of various forms (functions) of social activity and the declaration thereof. Changes in the element number, in the organisational balance and in the environmental activities of society groups affect the rate of their fixation and ability to represent regional interests. Maintenance of spatial utilisation connected to spatial locations, as well as the related changes in spatial extension generate spatial mobility of varying directions and strength, making the given spatial units (with the exception of a few isolated geographic locations) the region of manifestation of all spatial events coming from different directions. As a result, cumulative spatial mobility – conflict, adaptation, conciliation - of societal groups of varying characteristics develops, on the basis of balance of events, into spatial units of different levels. Regionalism and Regionalization There are two processes of spatial development of determining direction, effective in the regional operation of the society and the state. One is a process, derived from the society of the region, forming the structure of settlements, economy, trade, cultural-ethnical conditions and religion, called regionalism. The other is a regional regulation activity originated from political power relations and conciliations organized by the state, called regionalization. In their function, the trends of the local spatial organizational activity of the societies (regionally mixing with and dividing from each other) and those of the global, centralizing spatial organizational activity of the homogenizing statehood prevail, with dynamics varying regionally and in time. (Süli-Zakar, 1996: 155) Forms of the regional division of the local societies, related to area utilization, is a system of – in most cases legally not defined – regional spatial units of different origin, order of magnitude and function. Operational spatial units, formed by geographic and organizational interrelations and operated by long-lasting social – economic – and cultural factors, are historic areas, ethnic habilitations, linguistic, economic, geographic (historic) regions, etc. Regionalizational spatial units based on the German/Latin pattern of the European feudal states, royal and nobility counties, dioceses - appearing as legally regulated categories in 131 politics and public administration - and other, more frequently chancing political large spatial units (political regions) as organizational spatial units rest on these operational spatial units. Fields of Regionalism There appear no simple settlement processes at the different geographic locations, but an inter-nested fixation of the forms of area utilization by the various social functions (land utilization, settlement, route and military organization, public administration/politics, the Church). The resulting regional status continuously changes in relation to the dynamics of the organizational level of the society, as well as of the development, and the economic and political aims of the state. The activity expressed by the society is present at various rates and directions in different spatial locations, according to the geographic organization and the aims of the state and the society, therefore the spatial activity of the various spatial units are different. The base point of the activity is the contact among spatial points (locations), and the spatial ranking of their directions. In a societal geographical context, regional processes are interpreted by exploring three determining factors: the geographic environment, the functional appearance of the society, and the division and relationship of the society area (derived from the relationship between the first two factors). (Csüllög, 1997: 9) Energies originated from the differences in the natural and social structure of the area create force fields, continuously changing (both in terms of their conditions and utilization forms). Attempts by the society to adapt to and to utilize these fields are manifested in the process of regionalism. Therefore, area utilization needs to be analyzed – in addition to interpretations by natural geography and historic regional analysis - by social geography, as a science of the regions, on the basis of the relationships of the geographic, activity and migration fields. (Berényi, 2003: 92) The Geographic Field The geographic field is described by the characteristics and the proportion of the natural spatial elements utilizable for society, and by the location of the geographic spatial sites formed by them within the larger area. A deterministic manifestation of the geographic field, from the aspect of habitation, is the feature of natural spatial distribution consisting of the above factors: (Györffy; Zólyomi, 1994: 17) Valley density segmentation is a spatial division factor of primary importance in the further segmentation of surfaces within the larger area. This feature is most characteristic in highly elevated levels. In our case, flat, non-segmented plateaus without any valley network and strongly segmented surfaces with significant differences in their relative levels are formed depending on the altitude and the type of mineral mass. Where not compensated by auxiliary factors (weak and rapidly eroding soils, homogeneous coverage by vegetation due to elevation and the steep slope), the effect of the exceedingly powerful and extreme extension valley density segmentation is disadvantageous for habitation. In contrast, at low altitude spatial sites, primary spatial segmentation is suppressed due to the low extent of elevation differences, river bed density is high, and flooding water surfaces of varying size are significant due to the dominance of water resource network factors. Thus, the hydrographical status and the corresponding soil and vegetation distribution, as coverage segmentation, appears to be a secondary spatial division factor. (Somogyi, 1997: 43) The unique dynamics of natural spatial segmentation are created by the changing appearance of the interrelated valley density and coverage segmentation at a given spatial site. Societal spatial utilization benefits most from the mediocre, equalizing features, yet allowing diverse natural spatial segmentation. At these sites, space utilization is focused and differentiated to certain directions by the spatial segmentation character, and yet the development of spatial contacts is not precluded. The Activity Field Active spatial sites are created by the utilization of natural spatial segmentation (as a natural prerequisite for settlement, economic, transport, etc. activities) depending on the 132 objectives and organizational state of society. Active spatial sites are presented in their most fundamental form by societal spatial elements expressing the spatial fixation of the society. Settlement sites, formed in the societal activation of the spatial sites at various rates, are divided – within the utilization forms limited by the characteristics of spatial segmentation into diverse types being determining factors in the regional activity. The pattern of settlement sites by segmentation region types results in varying densities of settlements and population. On the basis of this process, geographic sites of varying social activity are formed in the Carpathian basin. On the basis of their dominant forms of area utilization, these sites can be described as river, settlement, castle and forest spatial sites. At the active spatial sites, dominant spatial connection directions are formed, depending on the nature and intensity of area utilization and on the rate of settlement density. At the same time, different settlement density states create various forms of regional contact of different intensity and being characteristics for the given spatial site. (Frisnyák, 2004: 13) The Flow Field The increasing number of settlements and population creates agile spatial dynamics of the contacts. State organizing processes related to differentiation of the society become more pronounced – nobility counties and large estates are organized, city types emerge, colonisations, settlements at new areas take place, chamber management develops, regional division of labour and trade activities are fulfilled, etc. The processes of spatial and functional segmentation of settlements due to area utilization are linked into a unified system by connections due to serf services and product transport processes, and by the hierarchy due to the enforcement of the legal and political ownership system (Figure 1). Figure 1. The Spatial Structure of the Carpathian Basin in the Middle Ages 133 The process system, functioning in parallel locally and within the larger area, generate significant spatial movements, two deterministic forms of which are flow and spread. These movements are determined by factors such as the population, goods and commodities, forms of culture and religion, legal and jurisdictional elements determining social relations, as well as military activities, epidemics. Movements are generated by differences in formation and accumulation of these elements. Dominant spatial directions of contact, pointing towards the settlement sites, are activated as spatial organizational flow directions. Definite flow directions appear first and most dynamically at favourable spatial segmentation sites i.e., at feet of mountains and at the alluvial deposit cones of the inner mountain rim. Several connection zones, deterministic in the organization of the spatial processes and having repercussion on the organization of the settlements, are formed from the cumulative effects of the flow directions. Military, political, executive and church organizations, belonging to the state organization process, rapidly appear at the spatial points cumulating connection zone directions of valley gates, and form center sites affecting all spatial sites. During the early periods of state organization history, center sites represent not a single settlement (city), but a connective and functionally divided site of settlements of various function (political, military, church, trade and estate centers), reaching well-defined city roles only by the 13th-14th century. (Kubinyi, 2001: 45) The cumulative effect of mediations and spatial movements – operating in the spatial connection of the historic and internal field effect processes creating the centers – creates (in connection with the above mentioned processes) spatial flow and spread lines of characteristic distribution and direction. The system of the so-called market line - mentioned in the literature in connection with the formation of the city system and the regional market functions by the 13th-14th century - emerges as an energy zone and observable spatial organizational factor even before the formation of the classical city forms. (Györffy, 1997: 49) Spatial movements of the societal-economic processes, adjusting to spatial segmentation and flow directions, create spatial structure lines, determining spread and diffusion paths, and therefore, the entire country as well: Functional zones of the overall movement system and country spatial structure lines (briefly: spatial paths) - connecting density zones of larger area and their center sites with each other and with external centers - are, in parallel, concentration areas of economic power lines, market lines (settlement zones near arable lands, movement system/trade paths) and spatial sites of political/power functions. The Northern spatial path is a mediation line among external field centers at the Carpathian foreground of the Eastern European Plain and at the Northern rim of the Alps. Within the Carpathian basin, the first collection center is the Upper Tisza region, continued in a pair of (inner and outer) lines through the foreground of the Northern mountain-range of medium height, and through the 30-40 km strip of the valley gates of the rivers Ipoly, Garam, Nyitra and Vág. The majority of the determining political centers of the region (Esztergom, Visegrád, Buda, Pozsony) are organized on this spatial path. The Eastern spatial path is the strip from the outer Carpathian effect zone, through centers organized at the valley gates of tributary rivers (of the Tisza), Szamos, Kraszna, the Körös rivers, Maros, Temes, at the line of the mountain foot sites of the Upper Tisza region – Transylvanian mountain-range of medium height – Southern Carpathians until the mouth of Morava, the connecting gate towards the Balkans to the West (towards Slavonia) and to the East (towards Bysantium). The internal spatial paths are linked to the – partly external - Southern spatial path connecting the centers of the Northern Balkanian and Northern Italian regions (Vidin, Nándorfehérvár, Pétervárad, Valkóvár, Pozsegavár, Zágráb) and following the line of the Lower Danube – Mid Száva-Dráva region. The rather complex force effects from the Balkan arrive to this line through the valley of Southern rivers of Száva and the Danube – their mediating effects have always been significant in spite of the fact that this spatial organization is located outside of the Carpathian basin. The organizing lines are similarly positioned as spatial paths, but have narrower function in operating the internal system of two regions. In Transylvania, it is a strip connecting the center sites formed at the boundary of mountains and the hilly regions of the basin (Kolozsvár, Dés, Beszterce, Udvarhely, Brassó, Fogaras, Szeben, Gyulafehérvár, Torda). The similar double strip at the Western 134 Transdanubian region, connecting the junction of the effect system of the Northern Italian and the Southern spatial paths with the Northern spatial path, is a less developed structure. One of its lines connects the center sites of the foreground of the Alps with the Vienna basin, while the other links centers at the foreground of the Transdanubian mountain-range of medium height with Buda. Mediating lines originate from the center sites of the spatial paths. Movement system lines, creating the internal organization and segmentation of various regions, are organized predominantly along the rivers flowing towards the spatial paths (Vág, Garam, Ipoly, Sajó, Hernád, Tapoly, Szamos, Körösök, Maros, Temes). Spatial paths are linked through median and passive regions by connecting lines. These include military, transport, etc. paths with the purpose of distance shortening between active regions. Such lines formed partly along rims of areas flooded by the Danube from the Southland towards Buda and Pest, and partly between the Danube and Tisza from Transylvania towards Pest. (Csüllög, 2003: 23) Spatial Activity States The various rates of development and dynamics of these contacts create spatial activity states complementary to each other and deterministic to the regional organization process: active (open and directed contact structure) and passive (weak in contacts) sites are organized. The regional appearance and proportion of these sites are continuously changing in response to historic and economic processes. The strong intensity and concentration of the spatial flows, in connection to active spatial states, organize the center regions of the larger area. Weak appearance of the spatial flows characteristic to passive spatial states creates peripheral regions of various types around center regions: passive spatial sites far from settlement site spatial paths and encircled with rivers. (Mid Danube-Tisza and Mid Körös-Maros regions), as well as river sites as effect acceptors and absorbers are pro-sites (foreground), while forest sites, that serve as resource generating factors, allow spatial spread, and focus or limit flows, are back-sites (background). Spatial Connectivity Regions of the Carpathian Basin On the basis of force field connections, the Hungarian Kingdom is not a conglomerate of provinces belonging to the natural sites of the Carpathian basin, and is not a rigid and simple structure organized around a central region, but appears to be an interrelated active site – pro-site – back-site system, organized as a region to the spatial organization lines by regional processes. The organization of the interrelated regional factors (active spatial sites, spatial states, center sites, pro-sites, back-sites, flow paths) within the larger area form spatial units of similar structure and operation, but of different character in organizational direction and in certain energies (preceding spatial structure, external centers, external boundaries). These spatial units can be interpreted as geographic regions. The organization of pro-sites and back-sites, with various area utilization rates, to center sites represent the model of geographic division of labour in the Carpathian basin. (Csüllög, 2000: 124) As for the period analyzed on the basis of regional processes, ten geographic regions can be differentiated. These regions can be classified, on the basis of the complexity of their structure, into region groups of complete or incomplete structure. Former includes locations organized directly to spatial paths and complete in their structure (river, settlement, castle and forest sites). These are characteristic/deterministic regions of the Carpathian basin: Trans Tisza, Eastern Inner Tisza, Western Inner Tisza, Inner Danube, the Western Transdanubian region and the Temes Southland regions. Latter includes regions of different appearance from the former, only partially connected to spatial paths, and incomplete in pro-sites or in back-sites: Transylvania, Western Trandanubian, Southern Transdanubian, the Danubian and Savian Southland and the Slavonian Southland regions. (idem, 2002: 72) Regional Characteristics of the Trans Tisza Region The spatial connection between flooded areas of the Tisza and the higher mountain zone links extensive areas with mutually complementary area utilization between the Upper Tisza region and the downstream reaches of the Maros. A geographic characteristic of this region that in 135 contains nearly all site types found in the larger area, from surfaces permanently covered with water and from swamps to the high mountain zone, and that it manifests the majority of the natural geographic features of the Carpathian basin, the most important of which being the basin type terrain and the dense river network. Therefore societal settlement, space utilization and division of labor in this region manifest the spatial organization of the medieval Hungarian State in a form characteristic to the entire Carpathian basin. The settlement site is located on the axis of the region (the North-Eastern – SouthWestern axis). Sites on its side towards the Tisza - segmented by river beds and wide, flat valleys and mountain ridges, and encircled by rivers coming from the mountains i.e., on the Upper surfaces of the alluvial cone plains are characterized by a less protected, open spatial status, with settlements linked to rivers and connected to each other in clusters. Site surfaces with dense valley network and directed spatial states, towards higher elevation spatial sites e.g., mountain foot surfaces, hilly regions, inner- and semi-basins are characterized, in accordance with the valley-ridge segmentation, by favourable extension area utilization (plow-land and forests) and by more protected settlements. Main and secondary valley settlement sites developed in the valleys of the tributary rivers of Tisza towards the back-site, while connection zones between the valley gate and slope settlement sites were formed at the wide river gates. Numerous valley settlement site groups with multi-directional, direct connections, connected to each other in chains or in clusters, are found in one of the most densely populated and most permanently fixed settlement regions of the Carpathian basin. From the active zone towards the Tisza, a low position pro-site of decreasing spatial activity is located, consisting of settlement sites reaching into water-covered areas rather far from the centers, and a river site larger than those in the other regions. Traces of weakly organized settlement sites of closed operation, following the seasonal changes of water levels, were found at spatial sites connected to transport, passage and military roads on strongly winding rivers. This pro-site does not sharply segregate from other regions, the Tisza does not form a boundary to it, and the effects of the nearby centers on the right side of the river in Heves and Borsod counties manifest themselves on the left side as well. A unique feature of the Trans Tisza region, among other regions, is given by the fact that its forest site as a back-site forms a natural boundary not towards external spatial sites, but towards the neighbouring region. Thus, it is the only region of complete structure not being connected with external regions. In consequence, the valleys of the rivers deterministic in the organization of the region (Szamos, the Körös rivers, Maros and Temes) not only connect the mountain spatial sites to this region, but mediate towards the neighbouring region, Transylvania. Therefore, the active spatial sites reaching into the back-site in a complex pattern activate the forest site of lower elevation at an earlier period, compared to other regions. This feature predominantly determines the connective role of the region within the larger area, manifested mostly in the contact between Transylvania and the Highlands. Spatial Units of Large Spatial Regionalization and Interrelations of Spatial Connectivity Regions in the 11th-16th Century Spatial organization of the development of the Hungarian state well illustrates the close correlation and parallelism between regionalization and regionalism, because this process was fundamentally based on spatial characteristics and operational spatial units created by regionality (and regionalism). Main processes among components of regionalization that organized the force fields in the Carpathian basin into a uniform governmental area: (Süli-Zakar; Csüllög, 2003: 18) prevalence of former spatial structures incorporation of external effect directions spatial gain interests and organizational skills of the society spatial distribution of the institutional network of governmental operation development of regional operational structures formation of organizational spatial units built in the regional structures legal codification of the spatial and organizational levels of the spatial units 136 continued proclamation of sacral unity The major regionalizational, manifestational and recording tool for spatial governance has been to follow river courses, as expansion of the presence and assertion of political power could be traced, by a definite system, along rivers. The position of the central area of Árpád dynasty sovereigns and of Saint Stephan, as well as its linkage to the Danube, transferring the power center of the country to the Western part of the region, into the connection zone of the Pannon-Moravian region, was also manifested in the system A fundamentally dual land occupational structure is observable in the 10th century: The Pannon structure follows the split of the late Roman provinces in the Trans-Danube region, where the central area is initially divided into a triple zone by Roman paths and pathways. This division is further manifested in the structure of early dioceses and also that of early counties. Major centers have been formed in this region mainly along pathways, connected to earlier power structures. The basin structure, based fundamentally on land occupation complying with the tributary streams of rivers Danube and Tisza, consisted of several, segregated parts. This system was supplemented along the forest rim region along the corresponding paths of rivers Maros and Szamos, and along the amid river region of rivers Danube and Tisza. Early provinces (Transylvania and Slavonia) manifesting partial organizational independence play an important role in the spatial appearance of early statehood. Determining factors in this process are the discrete status and consolidation of the regions within the basin, as well as the existence of their long functioning centers, because the density of organized population was higher in their cohesion zone. A somewhat different role is played by early dukedoms (principalities) related to regal inheritance laws and manifesting the complexity of land occupation in a territorial form as well. The three determinant dukedoms (Bihar, Temes and Nyitra) are linked to central regions of former spatial structures, and consequently represent the more densely populated and economically more important part of the large region. (Kristó, 2003: 107) The establishment of the county system commenced together with societal transition processes leading to the emergence of regalian posts. This form of spatial units did not emerge against regionality, but incorporated the operational elements of regionality into the legal system of the region as organizational elements. This is seen partly from the fact that core areas of the early counties were formed at the deterministic connection zones linked to already active and continuously activated flow lines: at external valley gates of forest rims, at road entrances of rims of external flooded areas, at crossing points of river spatial sites, at junctions of flow valley lines of forest sites. The spatial appearance of the counties was in a close correlation with the settlement density of the population, with the extension of defendable and utilizable areas, with the order of mobility paths related to the river structure, and with the attainability of the center. The establishment of legally founded counties adjusted to intersections and junctions of main mobility lines (later spatial paths) expands to all three functional spatial sites. Internal structuralisation of counties organized to valley and amid river mobility lines, thus the fixation and expansion of settlements in number and rate of spatial utilization, was accelerated by the establishment of the large estate system and serfdom. The process was related to the establishment of the nobility and to the differentiation of the administrative and legal systems, promoting segmentation and the appearance of new counties. The formation of the early nobility counties took place in parallel with the social transforms leading to the establishment of royal offices. The spatial appearance of the counties was in close correlation with the settlement density of the population, with the size of protectable and utilizable areas, with the location of the routes related to the river network, with the reachability of the center. The internal “filling-up” of the counties organized to paths in valleys and between rivers i.e., the fixation of the settlements, their growth in number, the expansion of their area utilization, was accelerated by the establishment of the large estate system and the emergence of land-owning serfs. This process advanced in connection with the 137 organization of the nobility and with the differentiation of the legal and public administration systems, promoting splits of existing counties and the appearance of new ones. The nobility counties reaching to form an interrelated system by the 14th century (with the exception of the areas of Jazygian, Cumanian, Transylvanian Saxon and Székely (Szekler) centers playing different roles) were subject only to minor development during later periods until the end of this era. Nobility counties of Hungary in the 14th-16th century are classified into characteristic groups on the basis of regionalism components and relations with the regions. The constituent and flow structure uniformity of the majority of the counties and of the regions indicates that the regionalization spatial unit is based on the spatial operation of regionality, and that it manifests regionality in a smaller spatial extent, depending on organizational features and objectives. The fact that region and county boundaries coincide is also explained by this phenomenon. The dukedom function related to the early provinces survived with their remains, yet with an already consolidated aristocracy in the background. This is the period that brought along the first chance, after the 11th century, for the spatial parting of the country. Provinces have been formed on the “peripheries”, their number could range to about 11. Their majority had been of autonomic administration even under the former, dynastic power, for example in the form of early dukedoms. Yet they already showed close overlapping with the spatial connectivity regions being formed, as the formation of undivided large estates, in parallel with the intensification of the economic spatial processes and the expansion of the power range of the centers, became an important factor. Under the Anjous province principal areas, outside the range of earlier provinces (Transylvania, Temes, Slavonia), could show some solidarity only for shorter periods. Under Zsigmond, however, the power of provinces, linked to posts, gained a more intense role, yet the estate structure and size, and its spatial distribution were determinant. According to the political goals of Mátyás, the form of provinces remained in existence only in the two initial areas: in Transylvania Viovidedom and in the Croatian-Slavonian Banovina. Of these two, Transylvania was more significant, so it is not a coincidence that a Transylvanian voivode ship, János Szapolyai could come to the throne in 1526. Regional Interrelations in Segmentation in the 16th-17th Century This is the period when, after nearly 600 years, spatial processes of external power centers appear in the Carpathian basin, i.e., from the Western and Southern directions that used to be deterministic at preceding times as well. These effects were manifested both in direct (a section of the country becoming a part of the Othman Empire) and indirect (incorporation in the Habsburg Empire) forms. Nonetheless, processes in the larger area remained to operate on the basis of the major regional factors and force lines, but causing significant shifts in focal points by suppressing certain forces and amplifying others. Thus, the period determining the medieval spatial conditions of the Hungarian Kingdom came to a conclusion by the end of the 16th century. Although the spatial expansion of the Othman Empire into the Carpathian basin took place fundamentally as determined by the military and political balance, special features of the regional segmentation in the Carpathian basin also participated in the split of the country into three parts. Spatial occupation of the Othman power could become permanent in the middle zone of the country, which was less affected formerly by demographic flows and did not have real centers. At the same time, significant consequences of the fixation of the Othman spatial structure in the operativity of the large basin spatial structure are seen in the 16th-17th century: Transition of intra- and interregional operational border-lines: Disengagement of a significant part of the southland from the former spatial structure. A more intense detachment of the Western and Southern Transdanubian regions. Disengagement of the Békés and in part the Bihar river spatial sites from the further developing areas. Demography flow paths in the Northern Transylvania, the Trans-Tisza and the Eastern Inner Tisza regions become even more interrelated, and variable, yet only political borders among them are being formed by the fight between the Transylvanian sovereigns and Habsburg kings. 138 The energy and market lines undergo some changes: the Temes and Southern Transdanubian segment fall out, yet the Gyulafehérvár, Torda, Kolozsvár, Dés, Nagybánya line engages itself with these lines. The partially separating Nógrád, Esztergom zone is supplemented by shifting to the north, which in turn affects the intensification of the lines along the rivers Hernád, Garam and Vág. The areas of the captain-general districts formed on regal territories were fundamentally adjusted to the remaining regional effect fields: The Croatian captain-general district was organized to the remaining territory of Croatia, the Wendic captain-general district to the Slavonian Southland, the Mid-Balaton-Dráva and the Mid-Danube-Balaton captain-general district to the Western Transdanubian region, the Miner Town captain-general district to the Inner Danube region, and the Upper Hungary captain-general district to the two Inner Tisza regions. The Effect of Changes in the Spatial Structure on Regional Processes in the 17th Century The flexibility of the Hungarian basin structure is seen in the complementary establishment of the variegated and differently developed functional fields (centrum, collision and decay zones). The most intense changes take place in the acquiescence areas. A modification compared to the earlier structure is seen in the appraisement of the passive, mid-Danube-Tisza region, the reformation of its economic structure, the re-development and intensification of its market-town structure, as the beginning of the modern large spatial role of the Hungarian Great Plain: (Beluszky, 1999: 43) The formation of decay zones. Intense transition of the settlement network: “Planification” – abandonment of villages of small and medium population density, decrease in the number of settlements, thinning of the settlement network. Economic activation of the passive, intermediate plain (lowland) region starts with the commencement of the „lowland” path of market-town development. The formation of the large area required for this process is Hungarian and Othman interest in parallel, thus, the process plays a more significant role in the thinning of the settlement structure that military activities do. Amplification and significant modification of demographic flow processes: Military movement lines of major wars, military campaigns. Directions of military marauding and retreat zones. Herd paths for cattle export. Directions of Othman levy lines adjusted to administration centers. Directions of seigneur and county power lines. Directions of cultural, religional (churches of the reformation) linkages and propagation. Directions of the appearance and settlement of various ethnic groups from the Balkan. As a special feature of the thus formed structure, centers of true cohesion zones and definite structural lines are not formed in the acquiescence areas. Changes in the Regional Role of the Trans Tisza region by the 16th -17th Century The regionalizational role of the Trans Tisza region within the larger area was determined by the median location and complex composition of the inner regions, rich in spatial organizational elements. Societal processes, expanding after the 13th century, also modified the spatial appearance of the population. Changes in military organization, the establishment of castle/fortress lines, the expansion of castle estates attracted the population, previously of military livestock-breeding and resource-providing function, from river spatial sites to directed, active spatial sites. The expansion in the function of the centers of the region resulted in the increase in their spatial effects. The importance of the region was manifested also in the 14th15th century provincial organization, and it became several times the domain of major landlords. After the 14th century, spatial energies - generated as a result of population growth at the contacts between settlement and castle sites, and of the reorganization and concentration of estates – could prevail only at a slow pace at mountain regions, and therefore, settlement spatial site sides towards waterside sites were gradually revaluated in a positive sense. This process 139 was accompanied by the change in the activity of the Jazygian and Cumanian population settled at both sides of the Tisza, between the two spatial paths. Economic and political consequences of this change affected the spatial processes of the Heves, Bihar and Csongrád regions, and strengthened the connections, trade directions and estate acquisition activities of a new, rapidly emerging center, Debrecen (Csüllög, 2006: 75). Figure 2. The Trans Tisza Region before the protection against floods in the middle 17th Century River space: 1. Permanently flooded area; 2. Periodically flooded area Settlement space; 3. Passive settlements space (on the plains); 4. Open settlements space (on the plains); 5. Directed settlements space (in the hills); 6. Woodland space (in the mountains); 7. Centres; 8. Cities; 9. Borders in 1664; A: Hungarian Kingdom B: Transylvanian Principality C: Ottoman Empire 140 The effect of the Eastern spatial path became even more powerful during the 15th century, because changes in the Balkan, in connection to the Othman expansion, strongly took effect through influences from the Southlands. The revaluation of the political role of the Southlands was manifested not only in ethnic migrations and reorganization processes, but also in the activation of trade, and in reorganization of large estates. This has significantly modified the directions of spatial activity as well. In the Northern Trans Tisza significant directions of the political, military, cultural and religious spatial organization processes (Eastern Inner Tisza region, Transylvania, Southland) summed up in their effects. In parallel, the Othman power emerged as direct dominion from the direction of the Southlands, creating an activated region on the Mid Danube-Tisza areas being organized from the direction of Bácska (of Southland location). In the early 17th century the Trans Tisza region is segmented politically into three parts as a result of the regionalization intention of the three ruling powers. The spatial status among the Hungarian Kingdom, the Transylvanian Principality and the Othman Empire reformatted the flow directions of the region. Although its fundamental spatial processes continue to be interwoven into a uniform structure (as seen in the example of the land utilization of Debrecen), the development of the northern and southern regions will differ from each other. The Northern part of the Trans Tisza region becomes one of the most important zones of the country. Efforts of Bocskai, Bethlen, and later Thököly created one of the determinant large spatial centers in the Upper Tisza region. The highland-rim energy line, gaining again an animated role in Trans Tisza, was close linked to the Transylvania region. A secondary, direct demography flow line was formed between the Transylvanian and that of the Highland (Borsod-Heves) anterior zones. In parallel, the dynamic reform of the Great Hungarian Plain region is commenced with settlements of the Heyducks as a new population, with Debrecen in its focus, situated amongst the three ruling powers. The massive estate bodies of this new, growing center, reaching towards the river Tisza, intensively activate the formerly passive spatial site. Its economy, the directions of its trade connections, its intensive political and cultural self-assertion created a new regional role of the Trans Tisza region. (Süli-Zakar, 2006: 80) In this role market-town agricultural economy and trade, adjusted to environmental changes and drastic transitions in the estate structure, became of highest prominence. This was also supplemented with the activity of the spatial organization of the Cumanian population, different from its previous form, that in turn, gained high importance within the spatial processes in the region through its economic and political consequences. In contrast, the southern and southern-eastern parts of the Trans Tisza region, as a losing party, fell into a permanently peripheral position with significant depopulated and decay zones. This status later, during the hostile wartime period of the expulsion of the Othman and later combats, became characteristic to nearly the entire region (Figure 2). BIBLIOGRAPHY Beluszky, Pál (1999), “Magyarország településföldrajza” [The Urban geography of Hungary], Dialóg Campus Kiadó, Budapest-Pécs, p. 584. 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Kubinyi, András (2001), “Pécs gazdasági jelentısége és városiassága a késıközépkorban” [The economic importance of Pécs and its urbanism in the Late Middle Ages], in: Font Mária, ed., Pécs szerepe a Mohács elıtti Magyarországon [The role of Pecs in the Hungary before the battle at Mohacs], Pécs, p. 44-50. Somogyi, Sándor (1997), “Hazánk vízrajza a honfoglalás idején és változásának tájrajzi vonatkozásai” [The hydrogeology of our motherland in the time of the settlement of Magyars in Hungary and the aspects of its landscape portrait change], in: Füleky Gy., ed., A táj változásai a honfoglalás óta a Kárpát–medencében [The transformations of the landscape since the settlement of the Magyars in the Capathain Basin], GATE, Gödöllö, p. 41-57. Süli-Zakar, István (1996), “A régió: földrajzi integráció” [The region: geographical integration], in: Dövényi, Z., ed., Budapest, Tér-Gazdaság-Társadalom, p. 139-159. Süli-Zakar, István (2006), “A Euroregional Contact Region - where three borders meet”, in: Süli-Zakar, I.; I. Horga, eds., Regional development in the Romanian-Hungarian Cross-border Space – From National to European Perspective, Debrecen, p. 77-90. Süli-Zakar, István; Csüllög Gábor (2003), “A regionalizmus történeti elızményei Magyarországon” [The historical premises of regionalism in Hungary], in: Süli-Zakar, I., ed., A terület és településfejlesztés alapjai [The basis of the territorial and settlement improvement], Dialóg Campus Kiadó, Budapest-Pécs, p. 15-44. The tourist niches of Hungary as the scenes of interculturality Gábor MICHALKÓ, Sándor ILLÉS Abstract: Due to the continuous mobility of society, people are concentrated where the living conditions are able to fulfill their expectations. The world is full of niches in which living standards and living conditions make people happy and satisfied. These secure niches are in the focus of both migrants and tourists. As a consequence of the disappearance of state borders within the EU, it becomes more and more difficult to distinguish tourists from migrants. These two figures of international mobility often put on each other’s costume, so their real status is not established easily. It is the hypothesis of this paper that the new global tourists go on a journey searching not only for tourist experiences, but also with the aim of finding the new niches. Hungary has long been in the focus of international mobility. Year by year approximately 30–40 million foreign citizens cross the borders, among whom probably many people arrive to Hungary to find their niche. In the lack of periodical collection of data we can only assume that several visitors who first visit Hungary as tourists, after exploring the values of the country, decide to remain longer next time, perhaps over one year, and some of them may even purchase real estate here. Hungary is considered as the source of the welfare and wellbeing by many foreign citizens who prefer to visit a Central European country. In the paper we are focusing on the relationship of real estate purchase-oriented mobility and interculturality. We examine the nexus between international tourists, migrants and real estate purchasers arriving to Hungary and make an effort to explore the presence and specific activities of new tourists in Hungary. Keywords: interculturality, tourism, migration, tourist niche, Hungary Introduction Travelling has been the embodiment of interculturality for ages. Visiting a remote place is likely to provide a chance for the dialogue between cultures, and cross-border journeys are to deepen international and global processes of interculturality. The tourist is a travelling envoy (or agent) of his/her country transmitting the cultural background of his/her own, at the same time being influenced by the experience obtained in the destination visited. Interculturality in tourism in most cases is a hidden process when the mutual absorption of cultures represented by the visitor and his/her host takes place almost unnoticed. In certain cases tourist is able to feel being identified with the culture of the place visited and he/she is apt to think of, together with the natural environment, as a niche of his/her life. It might occur that a niche remote from the living place is discovered outside of one’s homeland, during a travel abroad. In contrast to species in flora and fauna, it is difficult to outline the niche for the human individuals i.e. a space segment viable for their natural existence. Nevertheless, humans strive to find or create habitats where they would be able to spend everyday life in a way that meet their expectations while feeling satisfied, relaxed and happy, and personality could achieve perfect harmony. There might be found places both for work and leisure time of the individual that contribute to the improvement of the quality of life. Whilst several workplaces could generate a niche feeling it is quite probable that leisure time activities are more suitable for shaping niche awareness. Those who cannot find niche in their immediate living environment might seek it as participants of mobility processes. When consuming space specific tourist products (offered by urban, rural, mountain, waterside tourism, and by ecotourism) the individuals have an excellent opportunity to find a place existing in their imagination as the ideal (and not necessarily an idyllic) environment or a niche for an absolute relaxation, physical and mental regeneration. There are tourists who would 143 not rest content with a passive enjoyment of the services and experiences in their favourite destinations, far away from the place where they live. They are a sort of people who are most likely to occur in the given space as potential property purchasers and later as residents, i.e. migrants. Migrants driven by existential motivations also tend to seek a niche of their own. One group of new tourists comprises real property owners who have bought apartments, dwellings or cottages abroad as foreign citizens. These purchases are prompted by highly different and sometimes mixed motivations such as intention to invest, stay in the country for less than one year, conducting studies, obtaining residence for the time of occasional work, buying second home, by following the mode or maintaining prestige. The desire to find a niche – often provoked by an atavistic attraction of the place – might also be a trigger. In the present study an answer is sought to the question: to what an extent may Hungary rely on the demand from the new tourists arriving in the country with an intent to buy real estates; does this kind of demand have preliminaries in this country of East Central Europe; and, finally, what spatial interrelationships could be established between the requirements for overnight accommodation in tourism and real property purchases by foreigners. In order to respond the issues, raised above a combined secondary analysis of the databases referring to international tourism in Hungary and real property purchase by foreign citizens is to be performed. In addition a theoretical overview of the niche concept and its intercultural connotations will be provided from the perspective of tourism. The niche market The marketing experts called niche a segment of the market in which a particular product can be sold profitably to a specific group – avoiding sharp competition (Ballai, 2000). The task of niche marketing is to forward the product developed for a particular target group into the most profitable gap of the market. To recognize niche and to meet the requirements arisen need incredible innovation ability (Hjalager, 2002), and the latter should appear in the development of both the tourist services and destinations. Examining the processes in the expansion of low cost flies (Dobruszkes, 2006) and those of the spread of electronic ticketing in air passenger transport (Shon; Chen; Chang, 2003) has shown that the prerequisite of product development in both cases was the recognition of niche. Similar processes have been decisive in the development of certain tourist products (Michael, 2002; Hughes; Macbeth, 2005; Sterk et al, 2006) or certain exotic destinations (Wade; Mwasaga; Eagles, 2001; Díaz; Pérez; Bethencourt; Cejas; Álvarez; González, 2005). In selling places of accommodation (Pryce, 2002), or in finding links between tourism and retailing (Asplet; Cooper, 2000) opportunities of niche marketing could also be recognised. One of the specific features of the niche market is that a narrow segment of demand can be broadened with time and, consequently, niche – after losing its original function – can be solved on the market. This is why – in the course of examining relationships between quality of life and mobility – the ecological interpretation of niche has become the starting point at the expense of the niche marketing approach. Existential and mental niches of mankind Niche is a key concept in plant and animal ecology denoting a space where environmental parameters for the existence of a species are disposable (Meszéna, 2005). Niche is an area providing resources for the survival of the given species (Nánási, 2005). As factors necessary for the survival and reproduction are limited, the various populations compete for the possession of the niche. In spite of the fact that human beings are able of self-subsistence under most different environmental conditions, they strive for finding places that offer optimum living conditions. Some strive for spaces of welfare, whereas others prefer places of well-being as the primary aim. The former make trips to improve living conditions, to raise living standards, the latter are targeted at the prolonged or recurring experiences and enjoyment offered by the place to be visited. 144 According to an interpretation related to the science on tourism, existential niches are called places outside the venues of everyday life that offer optimum conditions for the most efficient use of workforce, knowledge, skills and abilities of an individual. Mental niches – sometimes existing in symbiosis with the existential ones – are places providing impulses of joy and pleasure for leisure time activities outside of the living environment of the individuals. The latter – for the sake of a long-term provision of these impulses stemming from the niche – try to spend maximum time at the favourite place and to do it as frequently as possible. The concept that a place becomes niche exactly because there is a well-defined circle of its consumers is valid both for the existential and mental niches. The survey of existential and mental niches and of the access to them, safeguarding the mobility between the starting point and target area as a rule belong to the domain of tourism. In order to get acquainted with a workplace or to have an idea about the labour market situation in a foreign country, to be oriented on the real estate market, or to chose second home, one should possess real experience on the actual environment to be obtained in the course of travel. The role of niche in alternative tourism As a result of the diversification of activities relating to the consummation of tourist products, the inception of alternatives for mass tourism could be traced back to the first steps in the perception of niche market and for meeting the demand (Rátz; Puczkó, 2002). For example, the tours having separated from the mass of city sightseeing and organized for tourists interested in the specific cultural values (focusing on quarters built in different historical epochs or on those offering antique monuments) is a token of the presence of niche. According to Robinson and Novelli (2005) every tourist product and place satisfying the demands of a relatively narrow market segment, is a topic for niche tourism. The authors use the concept of niche tourism as a synonym of alternative tourism. In order to avoid concept overlapping they distinguish between macro niche and micro niche. The former is assigned to tourist products in a wider sense (e.g. cultural tourism or rural tourism), whereas the latter denote the narrower sectors (religious tourism or wine tourism). Interpreting niche they distinguish geography, product and consumer oriented approaches. Accordingly, the periphery (Grumo; Ivona, 2005), wildlife (Novelli; Humavindu, 2005) and cosmic space (Duval, 2005) are linked to geography, the gastronomy (Hall; Mitchell 2005), transport (Hall, 2005) and cultural heritage (Wickens, 2005) are incorporated in tourist products, whilst youth (Richards; Wilson 2005) and volunteers (Callanan; Thomas, 2005) are tackled from the viewpoint of the tourist persons; all of them as niches addressed by the literature on tourism. In our opinion the main shortcoming of the niche concept by Robinson and Novelli (2005) is its relatedness to marketing roots. Once each destination, each product and each consumer are considered carriers of niche tourism options – as they all could be turned into part of the niche market through adequate development and marketing communication – the concept obtains elusive interpretations that might lead to obscure approaches. Macleod (2006) formulated his critical remarks from the perspectives of sustainable development. According to this criticism there is a never ending diversification of tourist activities resulting from the constant exploration, discovery and exploitation of new gaps, which jeopardizes the requirements emphasized just in relation to alternative tourism. Consequently, of the various endevours to lay theoretical foundations of the niche concept we prefer those aimed at the return to the ecological bases. Niches for tourists Niche utilized in tourism is a space segment, regular or prolonged consummation of which stimulates the accomplishment of spiritual processes related to labour or touristic activities when spending leisure time. Touristic niche denotes a place where the tourist could satisfy demands of growth formulated by Maslow (2003). Niche of the business tourist is a place where his/her knowledge and skills necessary for performing labour could be best utilized in relation with the expectations of his/her own. Niche of the tourist person spending holiday is a place where he/she reaches a perfect relaxation, is filled up with energy, and organism 145 regenerated most effectively. Thus an important feature of touristic niche is the embodiment of the high quality of the place in values assigned to it by the visitor and in the positive impact upon his/her quality of life. Niche offers long-term, short-term or repeated opportunities for the accomplishment of the personality and abilities of the visitor, and for the achievement of physical, mental and spiritual harmony. The individual should be tied existentially and/or mentally with the place and be convinced in the possibility and reality that his/her desires and dreams would come true. Niche is nothing else but a spatial projection of a mental construction which has a direct impact on the quality of life. Niche is to be conceived in the framework of a relational system, in the dimensions of starting and target areas. The consummation of niche, staying in the space assumed as niche is preceded by the travel there i.e. leaving the living environment, but the return is also part of the phenomenon behind the niche concept. It is just the time dimension and the return to one’s residence that differentiate between the phenomenon of touristic niche and a change of residence as a migrational feature. From time to time the individual returns from the niche to the residence and does not give it up preserving double or multiple identity of his/her own. A settlement used as touristic niche might turn eventually into the scene of one’s migration, thus consuming niche is to be considered a link between tourism and migration. Touristic niche is transitive between tourist destination and the living environment chosen by the migrant. Starting from the concept of ecological niche, touristic niches are deemed those places that the individual has got acquainted with during travels in his/her lifetime and – staying on the ground of reality – were found viable as living space, residence for himself/herself and family. In a perpetual and conscious search for welfare and well-being the new tourists are apt to insure a niche for themselves through buying real estates abroad, far away from the home environment. The expression “second home” related to dwelling, apartment or cottage purchased in such a way is a hint about the given real property as a real home (Duval, 2004; Timothy, 2004). Niches beyond the frontiers: tourism and interculturality Interculturality is one of the aspects of the studies on mobility and it has been gaining an increasing relevance over the past decade (Pieterse, 2000; Peltokorpi, 2007; Rátz; Sárdi, 2007). When evaluating the success of the process of adaptation it is the role of the dialogue between cultures which becomes highly emphasised (Valtonen, 1994; Hansen, 1998), but it has a key role in a successful collaboration between those living within the opposite stripes of the border zones as well (Süli-Zakar; Czimre; Teperics, 2002; Ilieş, 2005). International tourist mobility is an encounter of people with different cultural background, in the course of which the problems stemming from the temporary co-existence necessarily emerging in tourism range from communication through consumption up to human rights (Scherle; Coles, 2006; Hervai; Szabó, 2007). The outcome of a journey largely depends on how one can find common language with the local people, how he/she is able to fit in the expectations of the service industry and how he/she is affected by the legal norms decisive in functioning of the host society. Citizens of the European Union are becoming increasingly travelling; their mobility as tourists is promoted by the processes of integration and globalisation (Rátz, 2004). With the enrichment of one’s travel experience some spaces might emerge as alternative living places. To feel comfortably in a remote place and to recognise a touristic niche with time means one’s close attachment to both the physical and cultural environments. Natural values often generate a feeling of attraction resulting in repeated return, but it only culminates in a purchase of real estate if accompanied by adoption of the local culture to a certain extent. In this case elements of milieu make up an environment acceptable by the buyer with a different cultural background. Cultural landscapes are a print of intercultural links between the indigeneous people (whose culture they bear), and the new proprietors. Touristic niches emerging through international mobility are to be conceived as intercultural isles within the given space segment. The new owners of real property are 146 expected to adapt themselves to the everyday life of the local society, but the aborigenes also cannot avoid the effect of the cultural patterns imported by the newcomers (Gössling, 2002; Rátz; Puczkó, 2002). Due to the lifestyle of the actors interconnections built in interculturality are much stronger within the zones of recreation than in the metropolitan regions. In the former zones the maintainance of close ties with the neighbours is a common phenomenon whereas in the latter ones such interpersonal links are established occasionally. Tourists in the new world are to play a main part in the process characterized by the emergence of interculturality through real property acquisition. New tourists in Hungary Hungary has long been located in the focus of international currents of tourism. Geographical setting, cultural heritage and natural endowments of the country with the disposable infrastructure and superstructure promote an annual 30–40 million border crossings (KSH 2007). A significant part of people visiting Hungary are transit passengers or excursionists, but even within the group of the visitors considered tourists there are many whose activities are different from those of tourists in the classical sense. In 2006, 38 million arrivals in Hungary were registered; 37% of the foreigners were transit travellers, 39% were excursionists and only 24% of them were tourists. Activities of tourists who spend several days in Hungary are highly diversified; most of them spend leisure time or manage business. A number of foreigners formally are tourists, but their activities are similar to those of the migrants. First of all these are people who indicate studies or work as the purpose of their stay but persons driven by other motivations probably also belong to this category. Foreigners with occupations outside of leisure time and business activities can be classed as new tourists. They are transitory between tourists and migrants, for their stay is related to building carrier and raising living standards, consuming the place on the longer run. Apart from their distinct motivations the new tourists are characterised by spending longer time so as they could have an opportunity to gain a deeper insight into the local socialeconomic conditions. During their stay – partly for the minimization and rationalization of the living costs – they collect information on housing market, real property prices, leasing and renting related expenses, therefore they are to be considered potential customers. An average time spent by a foreign tourist in Hungary was 7.7 days in 2006; purposes to learn generated 43.9 days, to work – 12.4 days, whereas other motivations resulted in 13.1 days of stay. In spite of the fact that recreation belongs to leisure time tourism the occurrence of new tourists among those arriving with recreational purposes is highly possible. Comparing a 9.4 day of duration of stay of foreign citizens in Hungary with an average 2.9 days registered at places of commercial and private accommodation, it is very probable that most of them had overnight in sites outside touristic superstructure. The motivation and duration of stay in Hungary of the foreigners considered new tourists indicate that the space examined is rather used as niches than tourist destinations.The place can be interpreted as existential niche for those coming to pursuit studies and to work, and it is mental niche for others arriving to make holiday and enjoy recreation. The change of living environment for the new tourists is provided by relatives and acquaintances (apartments to rent or owned by themselves). Consuming niche on the long run is mainly granted by the ownership of real property. In a lack of empirical studies the potential niches in Hungary can be the settlements to have been found in the focus of the interest of foreign realtors and private buyers. Potential niches in the Hungarian tourist space In order to get closer to the verification of the niche concept, data had to be evaluated on the settlement level. For that purpose settlements of Hungary were ranked according to the number of foreigners who bought real estates between 2001 and 2005 (out of the aggregate number of 3121, 994 settlements were affected). Then an attempt was made to reveal the interrelationship between tourist functions and real property transactions for the first 100 of them. Budapest has proven to be the mostly preferred settlement. Within the capital city with 1.7 million inhabitants, the quarters located in the immediate vicinity of the city, mainly with 3– 147 5 storeyed blocks of flats built at the turn of 19–20th centuries were the most attractive. Among the first hundred were all the regional centres: Szeged–2nd place; Debrecen–5th; Pécs–6th; Gyır– 11th; Miskolc–40th; Székesfehérvár–85th place, (but of the 19 county seats 6 are missing). At the same time there are 15 villages of the 100 leaders with the population number less than 1000. Fig 1. The most popular (Top 100) settlements among foreign real estate purchasers in Hungary, 2001–2006 In 54 out of the 100 settlements investigated the new proprietors of German citizenship dominated (their ratio exceeded 50%). No spatial interrelationship could be observed between the geographical distribution of these urban and rural settlements and touristic behaviour of the Germans. The former could be found both in Transdanubia and in the Great Plain. Beside the Germans, Austrian owners formed the majority in 5 settlements (predominantly near the Hungarian–Austrian borders), whereas Dutch ones – in 4, Romanians – in 2 (close to the Hungarian–Romanian borders). It is quite conspicuous that no dominance could be achieved by any group of foreign citizenship in Budapest and in the regional centres. This can be attributed to the multi-functional character of big cities which attract a broad spectrum of foreigners involved in the search for existential and mental niches. Concerning the touristic functions of urban and rural settlements affected by real property transactions, most of the busiest 100 cities, towns and villages (54%) belong to target areas of international tourist traffic flow within Hungary. Of them preferred by real estate customers from abroad there are favourite lakeside resorts (e.g. Siófok), thermal spas (Hévíz) or towns with developed cultural functions (Keszthely). Conclusion It has been shown that in the course of turning of a place into niche no objective geographical criteria have been found which would control the appearance of the demand of new tourists, or this demand could be predicted. Villages, cities and towns, regional centres, settlements highly or less frequented touristically all are potential niches in Hungary. Indicators at our disposal are not sufficient for the delineation of existential and mental niches. It should be stated however that there are certain characteristic features promising for turning a particular settlement into a touristic niche. They are the followings: Regional functions, Environment suitable for waterside holidaying, Medical factors usable in health and wellness tourism, 148 Location close to the potential markets, Abundance in attractive landscapes. In cases of a cumulative appearance of the above factors, the interpretation of the given place as niche can be boosted and demand on real properties tends to brisk. Though the favourable circumstances and the triggers for real estate purchasing cannot be identified by objective indicators, the secondary analysis of the databases have confirmed the assumption that among the foreigners arriving in Hungary there are people who consider the place visited as their niche and intend to buy real property securing a prolonged stay in the country. Acknowledgement This paper was supported by the Bolyai János Research Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and OTKA (K67573). The authors would like to thank Tamara Rátz for her useful comments. BIBLIOGRAPHY Asplet, M.; M. Cooper (2000), “Cultural designs in New Zealand souvenir clothing: the question of authenticity”, in: Tourism Management, 21, 3, 2000, p. 307-312. Ballai, L. 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Methods of the analysis of integration effect on border areas – the case of Hungary Gergely TAGAI, János PÉNZES, Ernı MOLNÁR Abstract1: The most important and popular methods in analysing the effect of economic integration are represented in the current study primarily focusing on border areas. One of the most spectacular methods – the potential model – is investigated in order to analyse the theoretical effect of the most important economic centres on the border areas of Hungary. Keywords: accession, borders, employment, integration, potential model Introduction Hungary is situated in East-Central Europe and it is specific among the European countries, as there are seven neighbouring countries along its borders. The neighbouring countries – except for Austria – are post-socialist states struggling with the same transformation problems after the political changes in 1989-1990, when communism collapsed. Hungary is situated in the lower central parts of the Carpathian Basin, therefore most of the state borders are not natural barriers – put aside the river Danube on the north-west and the rivers on the south-west. Presently Austria, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia are members of the European Union, since 2007 Romania has also been a member of the community and Croatia is a candidate state. Accordingly, most part of the Hungarian state borders are internal borders of the European Union (after the end of 2007 – besides Austria – Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia are members of the Schengen Agreement, so the traffic at border crossing points might have become freer). The total Hungarian state border is 2238 km long, which is divided into 359 km long Austrian, 667 km long Slovakian, 144 km long Ukrainian, 437 km long Romanian section. The formerly coherent 621 km long Hungarian-Yugoslavian border is now separated into three parts – Serbian (174 km long), Croatian (348 km long) and Slovenian (99 km long) sections. The development level of the infrastructure that creates the background of the crossborder co-operations is characterised by significant regional disparities as a result of different natural, political, social and economic conditions. The density of border crossing points is above average along the Austrian, the Slovenian and surprisingly the Ukrainian border sections, while the Romanian, the Croatian and the Slovakian border sections show lower density (due to the barrier effect of the border rivers in the case of the latter two countries). In order to describe the situation of the border areas of Hungary, it is necessary to illustrate the changes of the spatial pattern of the country. The most important dimensions are the following: Since the evolvement of the modernisation of Hungary – since the middle of the 19th century – the role of Budapest has become a determinant factor in the spatial pattern. After the political transition the dichotomy between Budapest and the countryside became to more significant. Macro-regional disparity has appeared between the western and the eastern part of Hungary, which can be modelled like a West-East slope. Partly as a result of the development policy of the communist era that focused on the towns and the major settlements, the urban-rural dichotomy according to the hierarchy and size of the settlements has become a characteristic feature of the Hungarian spatial pattern (Nemes Nagy, 1994). The border areas generally declined prior the political transition in 1989/90, because of the endeavours to concentrate the developments into the central areas of the country. Although in the case of the north-eastern part of Hungary, this process and the traditional backwardness were summarised (Süli-Zakar, 1992). 1 The current study is modified version of a former article written by the authors (Pénzes - Tagai - Molnár 2008). 151 The consequential changes in the economy have caused the increase of inequalities and the revaluation of some areas since the political transition. The difference between the development of the western border area and the depression of the eastern border area has become significant as a result of the alteration of the Hungarian foreign policy and the orientation of the foreign trade. Western-Hungary – owing to the favourable geographical position – has become one of the most important scenes of foreign direct investments. These investments have a dominant role in the transition of the economic structure, the modernisation and the integration of the Hungarian economy to the world economy. North-Eastern Hungary has not been induced because of the limited internal resources and the inconsiderable extent of the foreign direct investments. On the other hand, the development of the given area has been discouraged by the neighbouring areas on the other side of the border that have been more underdeveloped than the backward territory of Hungary. The aim of the current study is to illustrate and calculate the economic effect of the neighbouring participants of the economy on the border area of Hungary. Effects of integration and the integration of borders Fundamentally, an integration process should be a win-win game (Breuss, 2001). But, as a matter of fact, gains and losses are not balanced in many cases; some pay most of the costs of the enlargement while others have the benefits of it. This can vary over not just different countries, but also over different regions of a state. In this framework border regions are one of the most important types of areas. It is easy to understand how borders can have a place of high priority in the integration process by looking back upon the theory of August Lösch (1962) on regional systems of market areas, which points out the role of the borders as barriers. The economic landscape that Lösch sketched out is divided by borders. Borders always have a distortive effect on possible functional (market, employment, etc.) networks, even if they are not completely impermeable (Niebuhr; Stiller, 2002). Consequently, the presence of borders can generally have a negative effect on spatial relations, as they block potential connections and reduce the productivity of the economic sector in many ways. For this reason, economic entities strive to settle more distant from the border, near to the inner centres, where they can extend their market area. Thus border regions themselves suffer a great handicap in the field of economic activities and that of the accessibility of goods, and in many instances they can be viewed as deserts (Lösch, 1962). Border regions are frequently described as underdeveloped areas and it can often be affirmed empirically (Petrakos; Topaloglou, 2006), especially in Central and Eastern Europe (Erkut; Özgen, 2003). However, typically not just the formation of present borders effected the less favourable situation of these regions, as the settlement structure and many characteristics of the economic and social activities had grown much earlier. Borders of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe have been changed many times in the course of the past centuries, and have broken again and again the natural run of development. The ‘melting’ of national borders can help to re-establish former spatial relations, as their barrier function decreases; in this manner their contact zone-role can become stronger (ibidem). Besides, opening national borders also help social cohesion by increasing the mobility of people or just creating the possibility of it. Consequently, border regions may be put in a state of flux by their changing economic role through the reallocation of activities and opportunities (Topaloglou et al. 2005). Nevertheless, the effects of integration on border regions are hard to judge unanimously. Some authors claim (for example Huber 2004) that the influence of the enlargement of the European Union in the past twenty years was mainly neutral on borderlands with a few positive and with a few negative consequences. Whereas, the latest great integration step of the EU – the Eastern Enlargement – seemed as an important and very effective act with respect to the border regions. In this process, those border areas which are near to a prospering market or an economic centre of a neighbouring country can take advantage of integration. The increase in cross-border trade, the change in wage rates, the growth of employment related to gain in labour supply affect mainly the newly joined and less developed countries (Niebuhr 2004; Pfaffermayr 152 et al. 2004). On the other hand, the border regions of neighbouring countries have often suffered a decline in wages and increase in unemployment as a consequence of that. This evidence was also investigated through the impacts of the German re-unification (Buettner; Ricke, 2007). The situation of border regions, as mentioned above, is an important aspect of judging them, since they can gain above average benefits by it (Niebuhr, 2004, 2005). Border areas with favoured location make profit of their attractiveness and better accessibility conditions in many respects, relative to other non-border regions and along the external borders of the integration areas. While borders are ‘melting’ in the EU internal space, they are 'freezing' in the external spaces (Topaloglou et al. 2005). Consequently, these areas are facing many problems, possible serious difficulties due to their low economic performance and unfavourable access to European markets (Niebuhr, 2004; Radics, 2005). The success of the integration of border areas is influenced by not just the ‘destruction’ of the borders themselves, but by the real possibilities of a single person, firm or investment to cross a border (Kozma, 2006). Common language or common currency has a stimulating effect on this and the lack of these advantageous elements can raise many difficulties in the flow of cross-border migration and co-operation. Moreover, it can also be an ‘invisible’ barrier when the differences in development are too considerable between the neighbouring countries: if the purchasing power of an area lags behind another’s remarkably, it can not take advantage of the opportunity of the ‘melting’ borders as required. Methods to measure integration benefits and border effects The methods of describing the impact of an integration process cover a wide spectre of techniques of spatial analysis. Benefits can be measured simply by statistical enumeration or typifying regions through their several characteristics, supported by factor and cluster analysis (Topaloglou et al., 2005). Measuring the change of economic specialisation and spatial concentration relating to integration can also be useful to reveal the benefits (Wieser, 2004). Multivariate regression models are also often used in the investigation of possible integration effects (Buettner; Rincke, 2007; Huber, 2004), and in the exploration of special impacts of border regions on the border situation can easily be built in them as a determinant factor (Niebuhr, 2004, 2005). Several spatial econometric models of macroeconomics can be found among the techniques of measuring the integration benefits and border effects. Spatial computable general equilibrium (SCGE) models serve to investigate the local and tradable sectors in regions, and show the possibilities of trade, labour or migration flows between areas (Bröcker, 1998; Haddad et al. 2002). The likelihood of the occurrence of these flows mainly depends on the costs of crossing a border, and in SCGE models integration is simulated by reducing impediments (costs, distances) between countries. Special regional forecasting models, like MASST (macroeconomic, sectoral, social and territorial, (Capello, 2007)) or OEF World Macroeconomic Model (Breuss, 2001) are built up to estimate integration benefits by taking account of all possible elements of the effect (trade and market effects, movements and costs, etc.). Besides, core-periphery NEG models based on the theory of New Economic Geography by Krugman (1991) also have their role in exploring how an integration process affects border regions (Niebuhr, 2005; Niebuhr; Stiller, 2002). Completed by other techniques, for example, regression analysis (Buettner; Rincke, 2007; Niebuhr, 2004), these applications can give a properly complex explanation of the phenomenon. However, besides the great variety of measurements to describe the integration benefits and impacts especially on border regions, the most frequent methods of investigations, are rooted in gravity based approaches. Based on a formal-logical analogy with the Newton law of gravitation, gravitation models are often used to estimate the measure of trade or migration (labour and employment) flows. For these types of flows, physical borders and other barriers (tariffs, currency and language) are strict impediments and it is hard to cross them. Nevertheless, these elements are used to be built in the models to denote border effects (Feenstra et al. 2001; McCallum, 1995). The possible benefits of integration on borders can be revealed by simulating the reduction of border effects (Brown; Anderson, 2002; Chaptea, 2005; 153 Cieslik; Ryan 2007; Mayer; Zignago, 2005; Olper; Raimondi, 2007; Pénzes; Molnár, 2007), modelling unimpeded trade and migration flows and an advantaged market access. Potential model applications and their use in the investigation of borders and integration The potential model developed by John Quincy Stewart for geographical application (1941, 1948) is one of the key methods of measuring spatial interaction. In potential model applications, similarly to gravity models, the strength of interaction is taken into account by the masses (number of inhabitants (Bene; Tekse, 1966; Tagai, 2004), income (Nemes, 1998), economic power (Pénzes; Molnár, 2007)) and distances of spatial bodies (in most of the cases settlements, regions, countries). In contradiction to the former one, the potential model does not concentrate on single forces affecting an entity, but on the sum of them. Namely, it shows how the entirety of a system affects one of its elements. To describe the complex situation of a system built up by spatial relations it is useful to investigate all the influential factors. The most important thing is to reveal the internal conditions of a system, how large impulses overtake a given point. It is expressed in the term of internal potential, and it is used to be measured according to the next formula (1)2: n (1) Pin (Ai ) = Mj ∑d j=1 b ij ; Mi ; d iib n M (3) Pex (Ai ) = ∑ bk . k=1 d ik (2) Pself (Ai ) = Besides, as the elements of the system have their effect on themselves, values of self potential in many instances need to be regarded (2). Internal and self potentials reveal the inner structure of an investigated system as it would be completely closed without any external connections. Generally, it would conduce to a misleading result, as closed (economic) systems are hard to find in the world. Thus, external effects of a defined area outside the investigated system can also be taken into account, through external potential (3). By summing up the elements, total potentials can be supplied. One of the original meanings of term ‘potential’ is the measure of proximity of people or economic goods to a given point (Stewart, 1948). The proximity of a place indicates the accessibility of people to the given system (for example a region, a country or a continent). Whereas the probability of the occurrence of social interactions is greater in the more accessible places, accessibility can be interpreted as a measure of the intensity of possible contact or social intensity (Pooler 1987). The intensity of possible contacts can change in several ways. It can occur that the weight of a social or economic mass is the changing element of a system (Frost; Spence 1995). Similarly, accessibility conditions can also be developed (Linneker; Spence, 1992; Smith; Gibb, 1993; Tóth, 2005). When an improvement in potential values can not be attached directly to accessibility or mass function, but it is related to the reduction of impediments (tariffs, borders) among the parts of the system, then integration benefits can be estimated (Clark et al. 1969; Keeble et al. 1982). Without barriers, border regions become more permeable and can be the main beneficiaries of the gains related to an integration process, on the basis of the principles of the 2 (1) Pin(Ai): internal potential of „i” point; Mj: the weight of „j” point within the investigated area; dij: distance between „i” and „j” points; (2) Pself(Ai): self potential of „i” point; Mi: the own weight of „i” point; dii: the distance assigned to „i” point; (3) Pex(Ai): external potential of „i” point; Mk: the weight of „k” point locating outside the investigated area; dik: distance between „i” and „k” points; (1-2-3) b: index based on experience, in this investigation equals with 2. 154 model, as they are closer to foreign economic centres than the internal parts of the country (Niebuhr, 2004, 2005). The roles of distance, market size and agglomeration economies in the process of cross-border interaction, which are built in the potential model, constitute a complex framework, which shows how the release of different barriers generates benefits not just for the border region but for the whole system, too (Petrakos; Topaloglou, 2006; Pfaffermayr et al., 2004). By the combination of the model with other techniques and applications this image can be shaded onward (Topaloglou et al., 2005; Capello, 2007; Niebuhr, 2004, 2005). Methods of the analysis In order to measure the contribution of the substantial local economies along the Hungarian state border to the economic potential of the border area, it is essential to find an indicator that represents the extent of the local economies (settlements or municipalities), is calculated by the same (or at least similar) methods of data collection in several countries, is measured at the same time period. Under these constrains, the number of persons in employment by the locality of place of work has been chosen in the investigation (in fact this definition might be simplified as the number of local places of work). It is important to emphasise that the selected indicator cannot reflect the differences of the labour-productivity (e.g. gross value added or production per capita) and the real economic production. The data collection is based on the census of Hungary and those of the neighbouring countries in 2001 and 2002. In the case of several countries, only the data about the number of persons in employment by the locality of residence are available. However, this indicator does not make allowance for commuting, but it is appropriate to represent the economic weight of the localities. There are more significant dissimilarities between the statistical bases of other economic indicators (for instance personal incomes). Fig. 1. The settlements and municipalities involved in the investigation In order to create a detailed model about the border area, the lowest territorial level – that can be researched with statistics available in the censuses – is the base of the analysis. According to the different administrational categories of data collection in the countries, settlements or municipalities (the LAU2 or former NUTS5 level in the methodology of the 155 European Union) are regarded in the study. Nevertheless, it has been necessary to narrow the number of localities. It is assumed that the larger centres might illustrate appropriately the economical potential of a given area. Those localities are involved in the investigation that has higher value than the Hungarian average number of persons in employment by the locality of place of work in the light of the censuses in 2001 and 2002. The mentioned threshold value is 1117 employed persons by localities. The primary aim of the current study is to analyse the border areas in Hungary, so a specific zone has been allocated. The zone is based on the accessibility of the non-stop road border crossing points. It has also been assumed that only a narrow belt is affected directly by the economic centres located beyond the state border. In the current study, this distance has been limited in 60-65 minutes far from the non-stop road border crossing points situated along the Hungarian state border. Distances have been calculated by road accessibility and have been expressed in minutes. The use of time intervals instead of road distances is defensible as the ranking and quality of public roads provide a better opportunity to model the conditions of real accessibility. The difference between a by-pass road and a motorway can be expressed on this wise. The localities involved in the investigation have been allocated with the help of a route planner (Marco Polo EuroRoute 2005) and a mapping software (ArcView GIS version 3.3) (Figure 1). After narrowing the size and decreasing the territorial extent – 145 Hungarian and 367 surrounding localities have been involved in the subsequent analysis. 67 Austrian, 83 Slovakian, 12 Ukrainian, 98 Romanian, 11 Serbian, 88 Croatian and 8 Slovenian localities have been calculated. The number of localities depends on the administrative system of a given country and the density of settlements (that is usually higher in the neighbourhood of the capital and larger cities). These factors are particularly affected by the physical geography, the history and the economic characteristics of a given area. The spatial differences are also illustrated by the previous map. Results of the application of the potential model The core question of the study is how the potential effect of the external economic centres can be modelled in the case of the settlements of the Hungarian border area. In order to illustrate the value of the influence the potential model has been applied for the concerned zone. The formula and the most important attributions of the potential model have already been detailed previously. Only the internal and external potential has been regarded in the calculation from the three components of the model, as the value of the self potential is unimportant from the aspect of the analysed problem. In the case of both regarded components of the calculation the points of potential fields are composed by the localities. The weight of points has been expressed by the number of persons in employment by the locality of place of work or the number of persons in employment by the locality of residence. Finally, the distances between the localities have been calculated by road accession in minutes (as it has been detailed formerly). The exponent of the distance component has been square number in the denominator of the formula. The following maps illustrating the potential field were created with the help of interpolation method (by the GoldenSoftware Surfer software) that simplifies and models the real pattern. The internal potential has been calculated by all the Hungarian localities – not only in the border area – that have higher number of persons in employment by the locality of place of work than the average value. Altogether 297 settlements have been involved in this part of the analysis, disregarding the administrative status. The results can be summarised as the value of internal potential depends on the distance from Budapest (the number of persons in employment is approximately tenfold higher in the capital than in the second largest town, Debrecen). The highest internal potential values occur at the western ‘gate’ settlements (edge cities) of Budapest, close to the turn-off motorways. However, a continuous zone of low internal potential appears on the north, east, south and west parts of the country along the state border (except North-Western Hungary) as a result of the calculation. The effect of the largest regional centres in Hungary – Miskolc, Debrecen, Szeged, Pécs – can not modify significantly this kind of peripheral situation (Figure 2). 156 14000 13000 12000 11000 10000 9000 8000 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 Fig. 2. The pattern of internal potential 1800 1700 1600 1500 1400 1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 Fig. 3. The pattern of external potential The external potential has been calculated for the settlements of the Hungarian border area by the weight or effect of the main localities on the other side of the state border (the method of selection can be seen formerly). The pattern obviously shows a completely different distribution of the values. (Figure 3) The represented effect appears in the centre of Hungary far away from the border area due to the interpolation. In spite of this, the external effect is basically confined to the Hungarian border area. The highest values of external potential and the most extended influence occurs in the north-western part of the country, from where the accessibility of Vienna and Bratislava is quite good thanks to the developed motorway network. The maximum value appears in the surroundings of the border crossing place Komárom, which is located near the river Danube and the Slovakian Komárno situated on the other side of the 157 river. The top value emerges as a result of the closeness of these twin cities. The external effect on potential is weaker in the case of the other sections of the Hungarian state border, although the effect of Zagreb and Osijek can be detected along the Hungarian-Croatian border. Similarly, the influence of Subotica near the Hungarian-Serbian border and the effect of Oradea along the Hungarian-Romanian border appear visually. The sum of the internal and external potential shows a similar pattern to the internal potential, as the values of the internal potential are significantly higher than the latter ones. The potential field is modified significantly by the external effects only in the case of NorthWestern-Hungary. In other parts of the border area the external effect is not continuous and the influence appears only in the form of patches. This phenomenon strengthens the preconception that the north-western part of Hungary profits principally from the unifying economic space. 70 65 60 55 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Fig. 4. The contribution of external potential to the summarized potential value (without self potential), in percentage The contribution of external potential to the summarized potential value (the ratio of external potential) represents a particular spatial pattern. The relative value of the external potential shows an even trend, as also the Hungarian-Ukrainian border area can be emphasized besides the formerly mentioned influences in the light of the percentage of external potential. This tendency can be attributed to the low contribution of the internal potential, because these regions are the farthest from Budapest. Therefore, the importance of external potential is rather relative than absolute. Conclusions In the current study, the theoretical effect of the ‘melting’ state borders on the economy of the border areas of Hungary has been estimated with the help of the potential analysis adopted from physical methods. The results of the calculations strengthen the main conclusions of the references that are collected in the paragraph titled as “Effects of integration and the integration of borders”. On the one hand, the internal potential values are determined by the distance from Budapest and the border areas are represented as peripheries in the theoretical case of the closed boundaries (that was almost a real phenomenon during the socialist era). On the other hand, added potential values appear with the vanishing of the separating function of the borders and the unhindered success of the external effects. The features of the external effects depend on the 158 economic character and development of the other side of the border. Due to the closeness of Wien and Bratislava, the benefit of the north-western part of the Hungarian border area is clearly seen. The favourable situation of the given area can also explain the revaluation and development after the political transition. 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Institute of Public Finance and Infrastructure Policy, Vienna University of Technology, Working Paper Nr.: 01/2004, Wien, 31p. Moldova between the Near Abroad Policy of the Russian Federation and the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union Octavian łÎCU Abstract: The present paper is focused on the complex analysis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova after independence, taking in consideration especially its oscillating and evasive attitude between the Near Abroad policy of the Russian Federation and the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union. Unlike the Baltic States which had clearly expressed the willingness to join the European Union after being annexed by the Soviet Union, Moldova showed a mixed policy in this sense. From one side, the Republic of Moldova became a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States, a reformed substitute of the Soviet Union, and continued to be viewed by the Russian Federation as a part of what has been called the “Near Abroad”, a region of its “special” and “vital” interests. From another side, Moldova expressed many time its desire to be viewed as a European state and announced its political decision to have closer relationships with the European Union. The ambiguity of the Moldovan foreign policy caused many problems and difficulties in assessing the country’s internal and external stability. Key-words: Moldova, Near Abroad, Russian Federation, Neighbourhood Policy, European Union. Introduction After the implosion of the USSR in 1991, Moldova found itself in a totally new reality. Along with the establishment of its state institutions and with undertaking a complex process of reforms, the Republic of Moldova had also to redefine its relations with the external world. Given the fact that the outside world of Moldova revolves around its neighbours and several key international actors, one can make a virtual divide of foreign policy of Moldova according to several pillars. Two of them are crucial. The first one would be the relations between Moldova and the Russian Federation as the latter is the source and, at the same time, the key to most of Moldova’s problems. This entails by far the Transnistrian problem and the sovereignty of the Moldovan state, the economic and energetic dependence on Russian markets, as well as oil and gas. The second pillar would incorporate the relations between Moldova and the European Union. Already in 2003 Moldova, led by the Communist government, had declared that integration into the European Union is one of its main priorities of the foreign policy. Several steps have been made to accomplish this goal, seemingly not enough to generate a full scale metamorphosis from a transitional democracy to a full-fledged democratic and modern state capable of undertaking the obligations and rights of an EU member state. Unlike the Baltic States, however, which had clearly expressed their willingness to join the European Union after being annexed by the Soviet Union, Moldova showed a mixed policy in this sense. From one side, the Republic of Moldova became a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States, a reformed substitute of the Soviet Union, and continued to be viewed by the Russian Federation as a part of what has been called the “Near Abroad”, a region of its “special” and “vital” interests. From another side, Moldova expressed many times its desire to be viewed as an European state and announced its political decision to have closer relationships with the European Union. The ambiguity of the Moldovan foreign policy caused many problems and difficulties in assessing the country’s internal and external stability. The present paper is focused on the complex analysis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova after independence, taking in consideration especially its oscillating and evasive attitude between the Near Abroad policy of the Russian Federation and the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union. 161 Moldova in the context of the Russian Federation interests in the Near Abroad Over the course of 1992, a significant shift of opinion occurred within Russian governmental circles concerning Russia’s relations to its new neighbours. As pointed out by Russian leaders back then, as a result of miscalculations in assessing the role and place of the new Russia, they drew the strategically erroneous political conclusion that Russia would turn inward, within the borders of the Russian Federation, getting out of all the former USSR republics, thereby openly renouncing any special rights and interests in the post-Soviet space outside the Russian Federation” (Beissinger, 1995: 165). It was in particular the events in Moldova in 1992, when ethnic Russians for the first time were pulled into military action that pushed Russians out of their inward-looking policy (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, January 12, 1994). Besides, there were the problems generated by the Baltic citizenship restrictions, the conflict with Ukraine over Crimea, the former Soviet Fleet and policy of “Ukrainization”, massive out-migration of Russians from Central Asia and Transcaucasia and the widespread perception of Russia’s artificial borders that stimulated the shift from the inward-looking policy of the Russian Federation towards the Near Abroad (Beissinger, 1995, 166). The so-called neo-authoritarian representatives of the Russian foreign policy stressed that the problems cited above as well as the guaranties for security led Russia to become the centre for reintegration of the former Soviet republics (Boffa, 1996: 278). In the Russian political language, the notion “Near Abroad” implies, therefore, two aspects: the official one, invoked for the external uses, which means the natural desire to protect the interests of the Russian or Russian-speaking community in the former Soviet republics; the second aspect, accepted unofficially, is the using of the first aspect as well as of the various economic and military mechanisms for the restoration of the viable integrated structure in the former Soviet space having Moscow as a decisional centre. Already in the spring of 1992, in the context of the Transnistrian conflict, a debate emerged within government circles over the issue of Russia’s geopolitical interests in the “Near Abroad”. Russia had moved to define its own “Monroe Doctrine” towards the post-Soviet republics and began to interfere more actively in their domestic affairs (Greu; łăranu, 2004: 13). Even though the basic contours of the Russia’s policy towards the “Near Abroad” were already in place well before the December 1993 elections, it was explicitly the strong showing of nationalists and neo-communists during the elections that stressed the Russian geopolitical interests throughout the region. In January 1994, in his opening speech to the new Federation Council, Eltsin stressed Russia’s destiny as “a great power” and as “first among equals” among the former Soviet republics (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, January 26, 1994). At the same time, Russian officials made a distinction between a “great power” and an “imperial power”: the first was about the legitimate pursuit of state interests towards its neighbours within the norms and expectations of the state system, the second was a policy of domination standing outside those norms. Within the postSoviet context, however, the distinction between the legitimate pursuit of state interests and empire-building is entirely nebulous and is likely to remain so for long time. Very suggesting in this sense was Alexander Rutskoi, Vice-President of the Russian Federation, when he said in 1994 that “…the peoples of the former Soviet Union are destined by the Lord God himself to live as one family, one nation, one state – a great power” (Beissinger, 1995: 168). Russia's predominance over the economic infrastructure and military resources of the former Union assures it not only a pivotal position within the CIS, but is increasingly being used to inhibit the external orientation of the other states, including Moldova. The grounds for believing that a neo-imperial policy is emerging are all the more legitimate given the increasing linkage between Russian policy in the near abroad and the commitment to rebuilding the country's great power status: This policy (of re-integration) fits in very well with a bid to assign Russia the role of a great power. According to a stereotype that has won widespread recognition in Russian political thinking, which is stung by an awareness of contemporary Russia's weakness and its loss of a decisive say in global processes, 'unless the Russian Federation is leader in its own region of the world, still less can it expect to become a power of truly global stature'. Self-assertion in the Near Abroad has become something of a substitute for the superpower-status complex inherited from both the Soviet period and a remoter, pre-revolutionary era (Kerr, 1995: 977-8). 162 Some circles within the Russian government have viewed issues of citizenship and human rights as proxies for other goals of expanding Russian influence. As Gennady Mozhayev said in March 1994, the strategic task of Russia was to keep all Eurasian territory of the former Soviet Union if not under control, the under strong influence. From this point of view, he said, it is an advantage for us to have a big number of Russian in the Near Abroad (Kaufman, 1996: 127). The Russian special mediator in the Transnistrian conflict said at the first round of negotiations that Russia has geostrategic interests in Moldova and also to defend the Russian speaking population clearly linking geopolitical and human rights concerns (ibidem, 127-8). More explicitly on this point was the seminar held on December 17, 1993 in Moscow, which focused on the perspective for solving the Transnistrian conflict. At the seminar were presented officials from the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the State Duma, Military Head Quarter, academics from Academy of Diplomacy and Russian Academy of Science, but also N. Medvedev, who was Boris Eltsin’s adviser for the solution of the Transnistrian conflict. During the seminar, it was pointed out that the interests of the Russian Federation in Transnistria were determined by the following considerations: a) to maintain the strategic positions of the Russian Federation in South-Eastern Europe; b) to defend in Moldova the interests of the Russian population and other nationalities that consider Russia as their historical motherland; c) to maintain the strategic links with the economic enterprises of Transnistria, many of them being unique within the military-industrial complex; d) to solve the conflict in the interest of Russia’s own stability and the consolidation of Russia’s relationships with the states from near abroad having a Russian minority; e) to establish stable and predictable relations with Romania and to not admit the growing of its nationalist influence on Moldova (Bezopanosti, 1994: 53-4). Indeed, Russia policy toward Moldova is not an exception in this sense: Russia has promoted ethnic wars for its own strategic gain in the Transcaucasus and Tajikistan as well (Kaufman, 1996: 129-132). Russia under Vladimir Putin also started a process of “regaining” control on the international arena and first of all over its Near Abroad. The politics of oil and gas have been used to promote Russian interests in Europe. This was the case of Moldova too. Unlike other countries, Moldova is triple dependent on Russia – oil and gas, markets for Moldovan export and Transnistria. The Putin Administration has used all of these to get the expected results: Moldova shall not be a candidate for EU accession; it has to stay neutral as long as Russia can keep its military forces in Transnistria and Moldovan political class shall be obedient. Otherwise no progress in any of the above mentioned issues shall be probable. During 2007, the president of Moldova Vladimir Voronin met dozens of times with his Russian counterpart and has been suspected of leading back-stage negotiations on the resolution of Transnistrian issue. This has been more obvious in the second half of the year when Putin’s mandate was coming to an end. In such a way, Voronin was loosing the hope of fulfilling his major electoral promise – reintegration of the country. However, it could be noticed that Russia was applying the Roman principle of “divide et impera” withholding the resolution of the Transnistrian problem by promising on the one hand support to Voronin and on the other to Smirnov, but a different kind of support – to stay in power and “independent” from Chisinau, but not from Moscow. In order to get Voronin into compromise and hinder the process of European integration, Russia has kept its markets closed for Moldovan wines and spirits, as well as agricultural production which represent the traditional Moldovan exports to Russia. The losses were extremely high, given the fact that revenues from the export of wine and agricultural products represent a considerable part of the Moldovan budget. While Voronin never admitted the fact of having secret negotiations with Putin, he launched several initiatives to build trust between Chisinau and Tiraspol which tacitly were encouraged by Moscow. However, according to the same principle of “divide et impera”, Smirnov refused any cooperation with official Chisinau and the negotiations on the Transnistrian problem are still stalemated. This situation pleases mainly Russia. It keeps under control both sides of Nistru and a frozen conflict in the proximity of EU who will never accept a candidate with foreign troops on its territory and unresolved territorial issues. 163 EU-Moldova Relations since the Independence: the Period of Missed Opportunities Indeed, Moldova’s incoherence in foreign policy has been much complicated by the secessionist conflict in Transnistria and by assertive Russian power influence in the region. Therefore, certain equilibrium in foreign policy and neutrality as a security policy option were chosen as safeguards of Moldovan fragile statehood. Having these in play, Moldova was reluctant to follow the examples provided by Baltic States in approaching their relations with the EU. At the same time, incoherence in foreign policy of subsequent Moldovan Governments made the EU to be reticent towards Moldova, too. In an attempt to explain this reality, some reflections on the evolution of the EU-Moldova relations since independence will be helpful. The first period (from 1991 till 2004) is related to the evolution of the relationships between the European Union and the Republic of Moldova up to May 2004, when the EU launched the European Neighbourhood Policy which articulates a revised policy approach towards sixteen countries in the EU neighbourhood. The second period, the EU-Moldova relations seek the articulation of the Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union, when after increasing interest of the EU in its neighbourhood, as a result of its enlargement to the East and South in 2004, along with other external and domestic factors linked with the resolution process of the Transnistrian conflict, made both parties more willing to advance their bilateral relations. The European Community (EC) adapted itself very soon to the new international architecture, brought by the dissolution of the USSR. The EC expressed its view on the developments brought by the dissolution of USSR in two documents: “Declaration on Developments in the Soviet Union”, adopted by the Maastricht European Council as of 9-10 December 1991; “EPC Declaration on the ’Guidelines on the Recognition of New States in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union’”, adopted on 16 December 1991 (MFAEI; IPP, 2007). Following these documents, in 1992 the European Commission proposed to replace the Agreement between the EC and USSR on Trade and Commercial and Economic Cooperation, signed in December 1989, with agreements to be concluded bilaterally with CIS members. Along with the establishment of the new relations with the former soviet republics, the EC committed itself to support their political and economic transformation. The EC TACIS programme became thus the main instrument, aimed at enhancing the transition process in all former soviet republics, except Baltic States. When TACIS was initiated, in 1991, the technical assistance through this programme was a stand-alone activity. Later it became part of a more complex policy approach of the EU towards countries in Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia, due to a gradual development and formalisation of their bilateral relations through new legal frameworks – Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (PCA). After two rounds of negotiations, the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the EU and Moldova was signed in November 1994. While the EU-Moldova PCA was passing through a cumbersome ratification procedure by the EU Member States and understanding that the Agreement aimed at cooperation, not at integration into the EU, the second Moldovan President Petru Lucinschi expressed, by successive official letters, the European aspirations of Moldova. The first two letters were sent in December 1996 and, respectively, in October 1997 to the President of the European Commission Jacques Santer. They expressed, for the first time, Moldova’s will to become an associate member of the EU by 2000 and start negotiations on an Association Agreement (AA). In December 1997, Petru Lucinschi sent letters of similar content to all EU heads of states and governments. In addition, during the same month, Prime Minister Ion Ciubuc met in Brussels Jean-Luc Dehaene, Prime Minister of Belgium; Hans van den Broek, European Commissioner; and François Lamoureux, Deputy Director General of the European Commission DG1A, asking for support so that Moldova be granted the statute of an association member of the EU. All interlocutors welcomed Moldova’s political will in this regard, but underlined that before passing to another stage in the negotiations, Moldova should fulfil its obligations under PCA. The EU-Moldova PCA entered into force on 1 July 1998, providing thus a new contractual relationship between the Parties concerned and setting out a cooperation framework in a broad spectrum of policy areas. 164 In 1999, despite the reticent attitude of the EU towards the European aspirations of Moldova, Sturza Government appointed by the ruling parliamentary coalition Alliance for Democracy and Reforms declared European integration as its main foreign policy priority. However, due to the frictions inside political parties, Sturza Government has been resigned, fact which undermined substantially the diplomatic efforts of Moldova on its way to European integration. According to the authors of the European Strategy of the Republic of Moldova, the omission of the Republic of Moldova from the conclusions on EU enlargement to the East, approved by Helsinki European Council in December 1999, was the most serious consequence of that fact (ibidem, 8). In May 2001, after early parliamentary elections and an incoherent to some degree foreign policy, the European dimension of Moldova’s foreign policy started to gradually come back to the top of its external relations agenda. The starting point of this surprising in that time return to the pro-EU rhetoric could be largely considered the establishment by the President Vladimir Voronin, in November 2002, of the National Commission for European Integration, aimed at the elaboration of the European Integration Strategy of the Republic of Moldova. Few days after its fifth enlargement in May 2004, the EU launched the European Neighbourhood Policy which articulates a revised policy approach towards sixteen countries in the EU neighbourhood. The ENP is a response to the extension of the EU’s borders and to the limits of this extension. As the EU cannot enlarge ad infinitum, while its enlargement already brought it closer to potentially unstable regions, the ENP attempts in normative terms: to develop a friendly neighbourhood and a zone of prosperity with the EU neighbours; to avoid drawing new dividing lines in Europe; and to promote stability and prosperity within and beyond the new borders of the Union (European Commission, 2003). The main vehicle for taking the ENP forward is the Action Plans, documents which come to set the frame in short and medium run for the dialogue between the EU and its neighbours in a variety of fields. The Republic of Moldova met the EU initiative towards its neighbourhood with mixed feelings. On one side, Moldova welcomed the EU intention to deepen its relations with neighbouring countries, but on the other side it was more or less disappointed as the new Neighbourhood Policy of the EU was not considering a clear European perspective for Moldova. Another important reason for these reticent attitudes was the inclusion of Moldova at the same level with states without a European vocation. Despite these attitudes, the EU’s initiative towards its neighbourhood brought in Moldova new hopes with regard to its future European destiny. Although the ENP is not offering a membership perspective, Moldovan authorities conceived this initiative as an additional way of cooperation with the EU and as “a bridge towards the following stage – association and integration into the EU” (Gheorghiu, 2005). The head of Moldovan diplomacy Andrei Stratan expressed the view that “once Moldova fulfils the tasks outlined in the (EU-Moldova Action Plan), it would acquire a more advanced status in relations with EU, and Chişinău’s aspirations to become an associated member might become quite realistic” (ADEPT, 2004). Although this has been stated later, the negotiation process on the EU-Moldova Action Plan began with similar hopes. The EU and Moldova negotiated the Action Plan during four rounds of negotiations held in January, February and June 2004 (Buşcăneanu, 2006). On 9 December 2004, the European Commission launched the EU-Moldova Action Plan, together with other six similar documents for Israel, Jordan, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, and Ukraine. Already on 22 February 2005, at the seventh meeting of EU-Moldova Cooperation Council, held in Brussels, Jean Asselborn, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Immigration of Luxembourg, on behalf of the Council, and Vasile Tarlev, Prime Minister of Moldova signed the EU-Moldova Action Plan (MFAEI, 2005). Shortly after the signing the EUMAP, the EU started to show that it was serious when promised a strong commitment to support the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict. In March 2005 the Council appointed an EU Special Representative (EUSR) for Moldova, whose mandate was primarily linked with the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Since October 2005, the EU started to participate as an observer to the negotiation process for the settlement of the 165 Transnistrian conflict in the so-called “Five-Plus-Two” format. Following the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding on the EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM) in October, the official opening ceremony of the EUBAM took place on 1 December 2005. The EUBAM works very closely with the EUSR for Moldova and aims at preventing smuggling, trafficking, and customs fraud, by providing advice and training to improve the capacity of the Moldovan and Ukrainian border and customs services. The EUBAM was offered a two year mandate, which was extended in 2007 for another two years. In May 2006, Moldova was accepted as a member of the South East Europe Cooperation Process (SEECP), seen by Moldovan authorities as an additional way get involved within the processes occurring in the region covered by this regional organisation and as a tool opening up new perspectives in relations between Moldova and the EU. The following important event marking the EU-Moldova political contacts was President Vladimir Voronin official visit to Brussels on 5-6 December 2007. The President’s visit to Brussels aimed to totalise the results of cooperation with the EU in the past years and to make clear the further cooperation possibilities with EU institutions. Although Voronin stressed that he did not come to Brussels to negotiate Moldova’s perspective to join the EU, observers said that the visit of the Moldovan President to the EU institutions aimed to assure that Moldova continues to be dedicated to its European course and to persuade European officials to allow Chisinau to succeed to a new qualitative relationship with the EU. When President Voronin arrived in Brussels on 5 December 2007, the European Commission released a new Communication titled “A Strong European Neighbourhood Policy” (European Commission, 2007). The document, among others, answered the question regarding the future EU-Moldova relations, but on a short term. It recommended a roll-over of the EUMAP for one year along with similar documents for Ukraine and Israel, which were to reach the end of their term in early 2008. Shortly, on 14 January 2008, President Vladimir Voronin was on another formal visit to Brussels. The meeting with the European Commission President José Manuel Barroso was the main one on the president’s agenda. According to Commission’s civil servants, the meeting between Voronin and Barroso was rather a protocol meeting. As the European Commission President could not receive the Moldovan leader during the last visit to Brussels on 5-6 December 2007, the meeting of the two officials was postponed for January 2008. Prior to the visit to Brussels, President Voronin had told journalists that “Moldova will not extend the implementation deadline of (EUMAP) after February 2008, when the term is over”. However, the conviction that a perspective of advancing to a different type of contractual relation with the EU will be shaping for Moldova after February 2008, when the three-year period established initially for the implementation of the EUMAP ended, was exaggerated. José Manuel Barroso reconfirmed the 5 December 2007 proposal by the European Commission, which was launched via the Communication A Strong European Neighbourhood Policy to extend the EUMAP implementation term. In spite of Moldova’s accomplishments regarding the EUMAP implementation stressed by Barroso at a news conference after meeting Vladimir Voronin, the European official concluded that the EUMAP potential was not fully exploited and, hence, has to be kept in place as a guiding tool for EU-Moldova day to day work. Finally, Mrs. Benita Ferrero Waldner, European Commissioner for Foreign Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy, was on a formal visit to Chişinău on 14-15 February 2008. In her meetings with Moldovan officials, Ferrero Waldner has reaffirmed what was said in December 2007 and January 2008 that the EU will consider the possibility to sign a new agreement with Moldova only “after the complete implementation” of the EUMAP. Nor in December 2007 the announcement of this possibility was new, as the EUMAP stipulates such a perspective. While on a visit to the Moldova State University, Waldner added that she is sure of the willingness of both sides to promote their relations at a higher level and hopes that the future ENP progress report on Moldova to be released by the European Commission in April 2008 will allow such an evolution. Benita Ferrero Waldner has praised Moldovan authorities for the success in implementing the EUMAP, but signalled problematical fields which require more efforts. The problematical areas signalled by the European Commissioner are those that EU-Moldova 166 cooperation bodies and the European Commission have earlier indicated (2.3.1.2 EU-Moldova Action Plan). Also, Waldner reiterated the need of effectively enforcing the laws adopted during the implementation of the EUMAP. In turn, President Voronin has assured that Moldova will implement the new regulations and will organise parliamentary elections in 2009, which he described as “the first and perhaps the most important test for Moldova,” in a democratic, transparent and free way. The double standards applied by Voronin administration and the ambiguity in the relations with the EU made the Union to adopt the policy of small steps towards Moldova, a tool which does not oblige to anything unless the target country starts to correspond to the European norms and values, a prerequisite for future accession. Conclusion Moldova’s incoherence in foreign policy has been much complicated by the secessionist conflict in Transnistria and by assertive Russian power influence in the region. Therefore, certain equilibrium in foreign policy and neutrality as a security policy option were chosen as safeguards of Moldovan fragile statehood. Having these in play, Moldova was reluctant to follow the examples provided by Baltic States in approaching their relations with the EU. The official Chişinău would like to see the EU as a full participant in the format of negotiations for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict and a counterbalance for Russian influence in the region. But Europe is not ready yet to pledge either conditional or unconditional support to the Western Newly Independent States (Moldova, Ukraine and to some extent Belarus). At the same time, incoherence in foreign policy of subsequent Moldovan Governments made the EU to be reticent towards Moldova, too. EU-Moldova PCA and TACIS programme have been seen in those circumstances as adequate instruments to manage the EU-Moldova relations. Though there were cases when particular Moldovan Governments attempted to develop a more solid vision on relations with the EU, political crises, followed by deceptions of Moldovan citizens, brought to an end such attempts. These were additional arguments for the EU that it did not make a mistake when it offered to Moldova nothing more than few incentives embedded in a “partnership and cooperation” appealing formula. Increasing interest of the EU in its neighbourhood, as a result of its enlargement to the East and South in 2004, along with other external and domestic factors linked with the resolution process of the Transnistrian conflict, made both Parties more willing to advance their bilateral relations. The ENP and EUMAP are the direct result of this will. The new partnership perspectives, EU incentives in a broad policy areas and increased financial assistance, all as elements of the EU soft power and attractiveness, did what hardly could be predicted in 2001, when Party of Communists took over power. Having in mind the experience since EUMAP has been put in place, some would be optimistic about the European perspective of Moldova, while others definitely would not share the same optimism. Indeed, EUMAP could be viewed, with all problems related to its implementation, as a modernization and Europeanization effort. At the same time Moldova faced a strong pressure from Moscow since the most important aims followed by the Russian Federation in the Near Abroad are to maintain its strategic positions in the regions considered as part of “vital interests”, to defend in these territories the interests of Russian population and other nationalities that consider Russia as their historical motherland, to put pressure on these states in the interest of Russia’s own stability and the consolidation of Russia’s relationships with the states from near abroad having a Russian minority and as a whole to establish stable and predictable relations with these states and to not admit the growing influence there of any other power. The ability of Russia to control the territory of the Near Abroad is considered to be one of the main arguments that grant (and probably will grant to Russia in the next future) the status of regional or even world power. The disintegration of this geopolitical space would separate Russia from Europe by a “cordon” of independent states which in many cases expressed hostility toward its policy in the Near Abroad and could be easily involved in various organisations for security unfavourable to Russian interests. The extension of NATO and of the European Union to the Eastern Europe and former Soviet space increased suddenly the importance of the Near Abroad as a security area for 167 the Russian Federation and controlled by it. In this sense the Russian Federation’s major interest in the Near Abroad is to maintain the lost influence in the former Soviet republics and to oppose NATO’s and European Union’s extension further to East. The recent events in Georgia confirmed expressively this fact and Moldova should take in consideration the situation in Transnistria. From this point of view the pro-European stance of Moldova and the active involvement of the EU in the settling of its territorial dispute are the only reasonable actions to be undertaken to avoid a similar scenario here. It is true that the EU, despite being a pole of attraction, is not doing enough to preclude Russia from dictating the rules of game in the Eastern Europe. A more visible diplomatic and political presence of the US would balance Russia and give hope to Moldova for a successful completion of the transition process and a clear European policy. The integration within Community of Independent States is not anymore a prospect for Moldova. This semi-dead organization is a relic of the past used by Russia to maintain control over former Soviet republics. With a lot of initiatives launched in economic, political and security sectors, no progress has been achieved whatsoever. While the goal of European integration is conflicting with Moldovan presence in CIS, Voronin cannot and does not want to quit from this organisation only because of Russia. Per se, CIS does not bring too much added value to the security or welfare of Moldova. No doubt, the friendly relations with CIS countries have to be preserved, but not to be a barrier for the European integration. BIBLIOGRAPHY ADEPT (2004), Governance and Democracy in Moldova, # 30, 33, 2004, ADEPT, http: //www.edemocracy.md/en/e-journal/2004.shtml. Beissinger, Mark R. (1995), “The Persisting Ambiguity of Empire”, in: Post-Soviet Affairs, 11, 2. Bezopasnosti [Security] (1994), Informatsionnyi sbornik Fonda Natsional’noi i Mezhdunarodnoi Bezopasnosti [Informational Collection of the National and International Secutiry Fondation], nr. 1-2, January-February. Boffa, D. (1996), Ot SSSR k Rossii [From the USSR to Russia], Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenia. 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Documente şi materiale [The Russian Troops in the Republic of Moldova. Documents and Materials], Chişinău, Litera. Kaufman, Stuart J. (1996),“Spiraling to Ethnic War: Elites, Masses, and Moscow in Moldova's Civil War”, in: International Security, Vol. 21, No. 2, Autumn 1996. Kerr, D. (1995), “The New Eurasianism: The Rise of Geopolitics in Russia's Foreign Policy”, in: EuropeAsia Studies, Vol. 47, No. 6, Sep. 1995. MFAEI (2005), “Reuniunea a VII a Consiliului de Cooperare Republica Moldova – Uniunea Europeană,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration, http: //www.mfa.md/Ro/Comunicate/2005-0224ReuniuneaConsiliuluiCooperareRM_UE.htm. MFAEI; IPP, ed. (2007), “European Strategy of the Republic of Moldova”, 2007 updated version (English), Institute for Public Policy, http: //www.ip.md/biblioteca1.php?l=ro&id=142. Nezavisimaya Gazeta [Independent Newspaper], January 26, 1994. Nezavisimaya Gazeta [Independent Newspaper], January 12, 1994. FOCUS Georges CONTOGEORGIS (Athéna) ◙ Culture et civilisation. Images et représentation des concepts Culture et civilisation. Images et représentation des concepts Georges CONTOGEORGIS Abstract: The attempt to definite the concepts of culture and civilisation don’t offered until now a clearly result concerning their object and relationship. So, we approach these concepts by the point of view of the cosmosystemic theory. The civilisation is so considered as an assembly of pragmatologic data, forming a particular kind of society, depending by the etape traversed by the cosmosystem where it integrate. In this construction the culture imply the level of the osmose between the society and concerned cosmosystemic civilisation within in integrate, and that crystalize in mentalities, comportements, values, namely conceptions and way of life. Cosmosystemic unification of humanity determines at the present that identitary confrontations develop on the fundament of different cultural representations of a single civilisation, the anthropocentric one, and not on that of the different cosmosystems. Keywords: cultural representations, mentality, liberty, Ocident, cosmo-system 1. Le concept de culture a fait l’objet de jugements nombreux et variés, selon lesquels tantôt il recoupe le concept de civilisation ou est confrontée avec lui, tantôt il est envisagé comme son synonyme. Ces deux concepts apparaissent presque simultanément dans le monde moderne, et plus concrètement à la phase du passage du despotisme à l’anthropocentrisme, au sein des enclaves sociales qui avaient déjà été constituées en termes de liberté, vers le milieu du XVIIIe siècle. Ce n’est donc pas un hasard qu’au départ, le concept de culture, consécutivement à la notion de civilisation, a été appelé à traduire le développement intellectuel de l’homme, l’éducation, la poursuite de valeurs supérieures, mais aussi l’adoption de modes de vie seyant à la société de la civitas/cité. À présent, culture et civilisation sont liées à la sortie de l’homme de la barbarie (Taylor, 1874). Le passé despotique du monde occidental européen avec lequel «l’homme nouveau» civilisé venait en pleine opposition a fourni le point de comparaison. La rencontre de «l’homme nouveau», d’une part, avec la connaissance scientifique et les formidables réussites du nouveau cosmosystème, le cosmosystème anthropocentrique, et d’autre part avec l’ancien régime en décomposition et les sociétés primitives apportées par les grandes découvertes, devait lui donner une évidente confiance en soi et, par extension, le persuader que le concept de culture était une tautologie de celui de civilisation1. L’homme fut ensuite appelé à se libérer des servitudes de la nature, construisant les conditions d’un environnement qui aurait pour axe de référence la coexistence civilisée, sur la base de la liberté et de la prospérité. Ces conditions concernent avant tout les bases matérielles de la civilisation2. Mais elles concernent tout autant la formation de modes de comportement, d’habitudes et de valeurs3 qui mettront l’homme en harmonie avec la nouvelle situation. L’homme devait, dans ce cadre, se débarrasser des préjugés et des dogmes hérités du Moyen Âge, de l’état primitif ou du despotisme. Cette approche du concept de culture comme synonyme d’une certaine conception de la civilisation devait inévitablement alimenter l’idée d’une supériorité unique du nouveau facteur hégémonique émergent du monde et, dans le même temps, une périodisation linéaire des étapes de la civilisation. Edward Burnett Taylor distingue trois périodes majeures dans l’évolution de 1 «Culture or civilization, taken in its wide ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society». (Taylor, 1874) 2 La création des outils, des institutions, des structures sociales, des «conventions» communicationnelles et économiques, etc. 3 À partir de l’adaptation de l’habillement aux nouveaux besoins et de la culture de conceptions et de mentalités institutionnelles etc. 171 l’homme social: la sauvagerie, la barbarie et la civilisation4. Mais de la sorte, la culture, tout comme la civilisation, cesse de définir une phase concrète de la situation humaine, pour traduire de manière univoque son status évolutif le plus élevé. Le processus de civilisation, la division des peuples en fonction de leur envergure culturelle, c’est-à-dire en supérieurs et inférieurs culturellement, seront identifiés à la consécration de lois, à la maîtrise de la violence et, enfin, à l’apparition de l’État moderne5, qui se réserve le monopole de la violence légitime (Max Weber). Le choc des totalitarismes de l’entre-deux-guerres va conduire à une relativisation de la conception de la civilisation et de la culture et permettre la rencontre de l’homme occidental avec d’autres civilisations et la reconnaissance à celles-ci d’éléments de progrès. Malgré tous les efforts qui seront accomplis dès lors pour la cristallisation du concept de culture et une délimitation de son champ par rapport à la civilisation, il ne sera pas possible en réalité d’aboutir à un accord sur leur objet, ni même sur leur incontestable distinction. Cependant, une première définition de la culture pourrait englober aussi bien les réalisations qui concernent le développement intellectuel et esthétique (les arts, etc.) de l’homme social, que l’ensemble de ses comportements ou mentalités et valeurs (les coutumes, les habitudes, les croyances, la manière de concevoir le droit, le travail, la relation politique et sociale, la conduite morale, le genre de vécu religieux, etc.). Ces «expressions de la vie» que les marxistes devaient intégrer à la catégorie de la superstructure, R. M. MacIver va les opposer aux créations de la «civilisation matérielle», dans lesquelles il englobe les infrastructures de «l’organisation sociale, la technique et la technologie» (R. M. Iver; Page H., 1950)6. Parmi ces dernières, occupent une place capitale les villes, la division du travail social, la haute complexité du fait socioéconomique et politique, et, enfin, l’État. Sur la base des caractéristiques de la civilisation se développent des règles, des comportements, des mentalités, des valeurs qui façonnent le mode de vie d’une société et composent l’image de la culture. Celle-ci peut alors, en l’occurrence, être appréhendée comme une catégorie plus large que la civilisation. Cette conception de la relation entre culture et civilisation s’accorde avec la base étiologique dont dépend, selon la modernité, leur cause efficiente. Le genre et le niveau de civilisation que vit une société ou une époque découlent de certains paramètres culturels qui, pour une raison donnée, dominent à un certain moment. Mais il ne résulte de ce raisonnement ni leur base étiologique ni la cause d’une priorité ou d’une autre sur laquelle se concentre la marque culturelle de chaque civilisation. Les efforts déployés par certains penseurs attachent toute leur attention aux points visibles qui composent les manifestations culturelles extérieures d’une probable différenciation, mais ne vont pas au fond de la question. La remarque, par exemple, que l’époque romaine contient comme trait distinctif le droit n’apporte pas de réponse convaincante à la question de la cause efficiente ni du caractère de la civilisation «romaine». Elle ne soulève pas de manière essentielle la question de savoir s’il s’agit d’une civilisation différente ou simplement d’une manifestation particulière d’une autre civilisation, comme la civilisation hellénique. Dans son livre A Study of History (1834-1961) Arnold Toynbee distingue vingt-six civilisations différentes et s’interroge sur les conditions de leur genèse et de leur destruction. Oswald Spengler (1922) soutient des hypothèses similaires, distinguant huit civilisations que caractérise leur maturité mais aussi une vie historique concrète. La définition des civilisations selon le critère des traits culturels extérieurs par les penseurs de la modernité est manifeste dans deux cas exemplaires: le premier est celui de 4 Dans la lignée de la conception linéaire de l’évolution de la civilisation inaugurée par Auguste Comte s’inscrit une pléiade de penseurs, de Morgan à Marx. Dans la même vision linéaire se rangent également de nombreux chercheurs modernes et contemporains comme Leslie A. White, Julian H. Steward, F. Service, etc. Pour une périodisation alternative de l’évolution, voir: (Gibbon, 1776-1789). 5 Voir à ce propos (Gordon, 1942), où la civilisation se distingue par différents éléments du devenir social, comme les moyens d’existence, les formes de gouvernement, la structure sociale, le système économique, la vie intellectuelle etc. 6 Comme on l’a souligné, cette distinction, inspirée de la typologie stricte d’Alfred Weber, a été généralement admise par la communauté scientifique. 172 Spengler, qui estime que «l’Occident» a déjà passé le stade de la maturité et, même plus, est entré dans la phase de son étiolement naturel, alors que, comme nous le constaterons plus tard, ce monde et, par extension, l’époque moderne ont à peine commencé leur processus anthropocentrique. L’autre cas est celui, plus caractéristique, de Samuel Huntington (1996), qui considère la religion comme cause efficiente de la civilisation et, par conséquent, de la culture. C’est elle qui définit le genre de la société, sa familiarité avec les bases matérielles de la vie humaine, les libertés, et, enfin, la démocratie. Ces approches, indépendamment de leurs différences, convergent dans leurs composantes fondamentales. Elles tendent toutes à justifier la supériorité de «l’Occident», c’est-à-dire sa supériorité culturelle par rapport aux civilisations aussi bien passées que modernes. À l’appui de cet argument, la modernité invoque des notions telles que la complexité7 ou la division du travail social8 ainsi que le dogme de la supériorité de la liberté des modernes sur la liberté des anciens9. Or, il est manifeste que ces arguments se focalisent essentiellement sur le souci qu’elle a de dépasser certains obstacles fondamentaux, liés à ladite «Antiquité grecque». Mais elle oublie que des notions comme la complexité ou la division du travail ne dépendent pas de l’indice de difficulté que présentent les questions à envisager ou du degré de complexité des sociétés. Ces deux paramètres sont directement liés au niveau de développement des sociétés d’une époque. Par exemple, les sociétés contemporaines sont plus complexes que celles du XIXe siècle, mais aujourd’hui, leurs membres ont une immixtion plus directe dans la gestion de leurs affaires. De même, la division du travail, dans la mesure où elle n’est pas simplement liée à la nécessaire spécialisation dans le cadre du devenir social (le médecin, l’ingénieur, l’avocat, etc.), mais fait partie de la constitution de la hiérarchisation sociale qu’entraîne la relation entre système et société coupée de la propriété ou du pouvoir, est la preuve d’un acquis de civilisation primaire. L’exemple de la cité-État hellénique prouve que la division du travail dans l’économie et la politique est un trait caractéristique des systèmes pré-démocratiques, et non de la démocratie. Dans la démocratie, le citoyen est libéré de la dépendance du travail, et la notion de hiérarchie structurée et, par extension, de pouvoir politique disparaît. Dans la démocratie, le système politique appartient au corps de la société des citoyens politiquement constitué (le démos), et non à l’État/système, ni, par conséquent, aux spécialistes10. L’optique de la liberté est la même. L’opposition entre liberté individuelle (la liberté des «modernes») et liberté politique (la liberté des «anciens») contient au moins une erreur logique. La liberté individuelle peut exister en soi comme qualité humaine. Mais la liberté politique, pour exister, présuppose le concours cumulé en l’homme des deux autres libertés: individuelle et sociale. En ce cas, l’opposition se situe entre la liberté simplement individuelle (celle des «modernes») et la liberté globale (c’est-à-dire cumulativement individuelle, sociale et politique) (celle des «anciens»). Cette opposition dissimule en fait le produit de deux stades différents de civilisation. Car la sphère culturelle et, dans ce cadre, les comportements, les mentalités, les valeurs, les mœurs, l’appréhension des institutions sont une chose quand domine la liberté individuelle univoque, et ils en sont une autre quand la mesure de la situation de l’homme dans la société est la liberté globale. Ces remarques révèlent le déficit gnoséologique de l’argument de la conceptualisation de la culture et de la constitution de sa relation avec la civilisation. Mais elles laissent aussi apparaître sa finalité idéologique. Cette finalité dissimule le projet politique du facteur euro-atlantique de compenser le bipolarisme qu’a suscité la division socio-économique et politique du monde (l’opposition entre libéralisme et socialisme «réel») par la définition du cosmosystème planétaire en sphères culturelles, de sorte à forger les conditions de son leadership à l’époque nouvelle. En ce sens, la religion devait être mobilisée et a été mise en avant non pas comme représentation de l’état réel de civilisation d’un peuple ou d’un ensemble de peuples, mais comme la cause efficiente de la civilisation. C’est pourquoi aussi le paramètre de la religion a été appelé à 7 À titre d’exemple: (Tainter, 1990). À commencer par (Durkheim, 1930). 9 Argument qu’a introduit M. de Condorcet, mais qui a été adopté, voire élevé par la suite en doctrine. 10 Pour plus de détails, voir: (Contogeorgis, 2007). 8 173 définir le caractère tant de l’adversaire qui, en l’occurrence, est évalué comme inférieur, que de l’espace «propre», c’est-à-dire l’Occident (Huntington, 1996). Cependant, la représentation de «l’Occident» à travers le prisme de la religion est en contradiction avec sa nature même. «L’Occident» a été au cours de l’histoire une définition géographique traduisant le processus occidental du monde hellénique, romain puis byzantin. On est revenu de nos jours à cette notion pour définir l’espace géographique où régnait le Moyen Âge féodal et qui, à partir d’un certain moment, a pris une trajectoire anthropocentrique. Le dilemme est donc de savoir si la position d’avant-garde que revendique «l’Occident» remonte à ses origines féodales (et aux représentations culturelles correspondantes) ou doit être attribuée aux raisons qui ont provoqué la sortie de l’Europe du Moyen Âge. En fait, le recours au concept de Moyen Âge renvoie à une déviation par rapport au cours de civilisation dans lequel s’était engagé «l’Occident» et auquel il est revenu manifestement avec la «Renaissance». De même, les phénomènes culturels qui semblent composer les stéréotypes et les réticences des espaces non «occidentaux» au changement sont ceux qu’a rencontrés «l’Occident» lui-même à la phase de sa sortie du Moyen Âge. La conception despotique de la religion est l’un d’entre eux. Qu’est-ce donc qui a fait que «l’Occident» a accédé plus tôt à la civilisation ? Et quelle est la nature de la civilisation qu’il représente et qui prouve sa supériorité ? Manifestement, ce n’est pas sa géographie, qui s’est installée dans l’imaginaire de l’homme moderne comme cause efficiente de civilisation. Le cas le plus caractéristique de cette conception est apparemment celui de la «Méditerranée». On l’invoque, en fait, pour rejeter dans l’ombre les différenciations cosmohistoriques qu’a connues la région dans le passé11. La Méditerranée n’est pas plus que les autres régions de la planète une cause productrice de civilisation. La motivation de la civilisation remonte à des causes différentes, indépendantes de la focalisation géographique. Dans la Méditerranée comme en «Occident» furent produites différentes espèces de civilisation au sens cosmosystémique du terme. Ces quelques observations mettent en évidence les difficultés qu’a la modernité à constituer une gnoséologie globale concernant le phénomène social, qui serait en même temps capable de soumettre à l’épreuve critique ou d’interpréter et classifier ses diverses manifestations. D’où, aussi, l’insistance sur la classification linéaire du fait culturel, l’idée que la culture est un concept plus général que la civilisation, son érection en cause efficiente de la situation humaine, et enfin, l’approche niveleuse du devenir historique. Nous tenterons de montrer dans les lignes qui suivent que chaque société a sa propre culture, en fonction de son parcours historique et des conditions de vie de l’époque à laquelle elle appartient. Cependant, la particularité du culturel est classée comme une émanation de la civilisation à laquelle participe la société en question, dont les fondements sont définis par le cosmosystème concerné. 2. Dans la lignée de cette introduction méthodologique, nous définissons la culture comme l’ensemble des éléments qui composent la conception de la vie, qui reflètent le vécu quotidien ou relèvent de l’héritage du passé. Par conséquent, la culture est une synthèse des représentations de la réalité et des représentations que porte en lui l’homme social en raison de sa présence dans l’histoire. En ce sens, on peut parler de cultures au pluriel dans le cadre de la même civilisation. D’un autre côté, la civilisation traduit le cadre général dans lequel sont représentées les différenciations culturelles et, en cela, constitue la base pragmatologique du fait social. La civilisation est donc l’arrière-fond qui dicte en principe les manifestations extérieures, le genre de besoins, les comportements, le mode et le contenu de la pensée et de l’action, la «langue» de l’homme social. Du point de vue systématique, nous distinguons deux types généraux de civilisations, qui correspondent aux deux grandes catégories archétypes de société: despotique et anthropocentrique12. 11 12 L’exemple le plus caractéristique est celui de Fernand Braudel. Voir : (Braudel 1949 ; 1998). Nous ne prenons pas en compte, en l’occurrence, la société primitive, qui constitue une catégorie précosmosystémique. La modernité définit la «civilisation» comme un processus de civilisation au sens 174 La catégorie despotique concerne les sociétés qui ont été constituées sur le mode du cosmosystème despotique, c’est-à-dire avec pour projet la propriété du despote à la fois sur le système et sur ses membres. La civilisation despotique est fondamentalement rurale, est liée à des logiques, des mentalités et des comportements ou des valeurs d’auto-suffisance. Les représentations de la vie relèvent de la relation de l’homme/sujet avec le despote. L’individu ne dispose pas d’identité propre et sa différenciation par rapport à «l’autre» passe par l’«appartenance» au même despote ou à un autre. Le cosmosystème despotique et, par extension, la civilisation despotique entrent dans la typologie du despotisme privé (cas de l’Europe occidentale médiévale) et du despotisme étatique (cas du despotisme afro-asiatique et, en un certain sens, de l’absolutisme européen), qui produit des effets culturels pluriels et plus complexes. La civilisation anthropocentrique concerne les sociétés qui tirent leur substance de la liberté de leurs membres. En ce cas, les représentations de la vie se focalisent sur des questions connexes à l’expérience vécue de la liberté ou de ses illustrations plus générales. La civilisation anthropocentrique, tout comme la civilisation despotique, entre dans une typologie en fonction du développement ou des phases d’évolution du cosmosystème anthropocentrique. Nous distinguons deux grandes périodes: celle du cosmosystème hellénique et celle du cosmosystème ethnocentrique ou moderne. La première a eu pour base la petite échelle de la cité; la seconde a pour base la grande échelle de la nation-État. D’un autre point de vue, la civilisation anthropocentrique est évaluée en fonction de son achèvement interne, qui va de pair avec l’espace de la réalisation de la liberté et son produit cumulé (la liberté individuelle ou à la fois sociale et politique). Quand l’espace de réalisation de la liberté est l’État, l’individu au-delà de celui-ci est vu, dans les relations interétatiques, comme étranger, et la liberté et les droits attachés à la qualité de citoyen ne lui sont pas reconnus. À l’époque du statocentrisme, pour ce qui est des relations interétatiques, la politique est conçue comme une relation de force. Et cela parce que ces relations s’intègrent au cadre d’un «ordre», non d’un système (Contogeorgis, 2005b). La phase de l’œcuméné établit une époque poststatocentrique au cours de laquelle le monde continue à vivre la société fondamentale de l’État. Mais les relations entre États s’inscrivent dans le contexte d’une formation étatique supérieure qui fonctionne harmonieusement dans l’ensemble. Il s’agit de la cosmopolis œcuménique, qui annonce la reconstitution du cosmosystème anthropocentrique (ou d’une partie importante de celui-ci) dans une cité-État. En réalité, le système de ce cosmo-État, ou cosmopolitéia, traduit la synthèse politique du territoire global sur la base des diverses cités-États et du système politique central. Synthèse qui entraîne l’inscription dans une trajectoire anthropocentrique de la politique interétatique, à son tour, puisqu’elle cesse d’utiliser la force comme mesure de réalisation. L’individu, dans l’œcuméné, est libéré des restrictions de la société fondamentale (de l’État où il exerce sa citoyenneté) et, d’étranger, devient citoyen de la cosmopolis, un cosmocitoyen (cosmopolite) (Contogeorgis, 2000; 2003). Ainsi, à la période du statocentrisme, le développement anthropocentrique de l’individu social a lieu exclusivement à l’intérieur de l’État auquel il appartient. Pendant la période de l’œcuméné qui suit, son développement anthropocentrique s’achève dans le contexte du cosmosystème global et en tout cas de la cosmopolis. Dans les deux cas, cependant, la mesure de l’évaluation du devenir évolutif et du statut culturel de l’homme est son degré d’achèvement du point de vue de la liberté. En l’occurence, la question ne concerne pas la distinction entre société libre et société non libre produite par l’opposition entre cosmosystème anthropocentrique et cosmosystème despotique (voire société primitive), mais l’espace de la réalisation de la liberté et son degré d’achèvement. Et cela, parce que la liberté, comme enjeu, est le facteur déterminant dans toutes les manifestations de la civilisation, c’est-à-dire de la vie de l’homme dans la société: actif ou comme une notion équivalente à celle de civilisé, en l’opposant au statut de non civilisé. Mais elle ignore la dimension cosmosystémique de la civilisation. Le concept de cosmosystème définit un ensemble de sociétés qui reposent sur des fondements socio-économiques, politiques et idéologiques communs, composant un tout doté d’une cohérence interne et autosuffisant. Voir plus de détails dans : (Contogeorgis, 2006). 175 la justice, l’égalité, la politique, l’économie, l’identité individuelle et collective, l’idéologie et, naturellement, les systèmes qui les abritent. En d’autres termes, le contenu de ces concepts est différent et, donc, le genre de société, selon que c’est la liberté individuelle ou, cumulativement, la liberté individuelle, sociale et politique qui s’impose. Dans un cas règnent, par exemple, les valeurs de «travail dépendant» en économie et de «société privée» en politique, puisque le sous-système économique appartient au propriétaire (particulier ou État), et le système politique à l’État. À cette phase, la liberté est définie comme autonomie uniquement en ce qui concerne la substantiation individuelle de l’homme et sa vie privée. Dans l’espace social (là où l’individu passe des contrats avec des soussystèmes, comme celui de l’économie) et dans l’espace politique (dans la relation de l’individu avec l’ensemble de la société), la liberté est approchée en termes de «droits», c’est-à-dire comme hétéronomie. La civilisation de la liberté individuelle et des droits socio-politiques focalise le principe de l’égalité sur leurs priorités: l’égalité devant la loi, éventuellement la propriété individuelle et, au-delà, la protection du travail, la redistribution de la plus-value économique, la prévoyance, etc. Dans le secteur de la politique, le principe de l’égalité est assimilé, au fond, à l’égalité du vote et de l’expression. Mais cette égalité s’inscrit dans la liberté individuelle, qui la vit comme un droit. Elle ne prouve pas la notion de liberté politique. Au contraire, au stade de la liberté globale, le contexte de valeurs qui dicte le contenu de l’égalité et de la justice focalise ses priorités sur les conventions sociales (et économiques) et sur la politique. Le travail dépendant, dans l’économie, est rejeté au profit soit du travail politique – à travers lequel est obtenue la participation à la redistribution du produit économique –, soit du travail partenarial (et autonome). Dans ce dernier cas, la propriété, dans les moyens de production, se différencie de la propriété dans le (sous-)système économique (de l’entreprise, par exemple), qui revient à l’ensemble des partenaires. De même, dans la politique, la société cesse d’être privée et devient partenaire institutionnel du système, en assumant soit la qualité de mandant (représentation), soit la compétence politique dans sa totalité (démocratie). Par conséquent, l’État, en l’occurrence, cesse d’être le possesseur unique du système politique et devient le serviteur de la société de citoyens, qui s’investit en partie (dans la représentation) ou en totalité (dans la démocratie) dans le système politique (Contogeorgis, 2005a). Dans ce cadre, l’ensemble des mentalités, des comportements, des valeurs, du mode de pensée, du but de la vie, change de contenu. Nous ne citerons qu’un seul exemple: dans le système politique pré-représentatif, tel celui que vit notre époque, la notion de participation politique est conçue comme une intervention extra-institutionnelle en lisière des détenteurs du système. Dans la démocratie, cette participation (par exemple le droit de grève ou de manifester) devient superflue, car c’est le citoyen lui-même qui détient le système politique et qui décide sur les questions de l’ensemble de la société. En l’occurrence, la notion de participation du corps des citoyens s’identifie au fait qu’il incarne lui-même le système de gouvernement. Il est non moins évident que ces phases de la civilisation anthropocentrique existent non pas d’elles-mêmes ou en résultat d’une conception distributive, mais parce qu’elles reposent sur des paramètres productifs concrets (l’économie, la composition démographique et sociale, la communication, les institutions, etc.) qui en constituent la base matérielle. Il est tout aussi vrai cependant que les cristallisations de cet acquis de civilisation créent en l’homme une «conscience de société», une marque de valeurs et de modes de vie, bref, la dimension culturelle de la civilisation, qui fonctionnent ensuite comme une composante autonome qui s’élève au statut de paramètre du cosmosystème. Ce paramètre est fondamental, précisément, parce qu’il différencie, comme nous le verrons, la culture du stade vécu de la civilisation. La culture traduit, comme nous l’avons déjà constaté, l’expérience assimilée par la société, les cristallisations du vécu d’une époque donnée, qui se sont transformées progressivement en valeurs de la vie. C’est pourquoi les Grecs ont traduit cette culture par la notion de «paideia», à savoir le résultat de l’apprentissage acquis par l’homme dans l’exercice de la vie et qui constitue finalement la composante constitutive de sa personnalité. Quand on demande à Lysistrata, l’héroïne de la pièce d’Aristophane, comment et où elle a appris à exercer sa compétence politique, elle répond: par ma présence à l’assemblée du peuple. 176 La culture, en tant que conscience de société, suit le stade vécu de la civilisation mais ne s’y harmonise pas pleinement. Et cela parce que toutes les couches d’une société ou toutes les sociétés ne participent pas de manière égale aux évolutions du cosmosystème. Quand, au XIXe siècle, la classe bourgeoise était essentiellement parvenue au stade proto-anthropocentrique de la civilisation, les masses populaires luttaient pour secouer les vestiges despotiques de l’ancien régime ou pour conquérir des droits élémentaires, comme le droit de vote politique ou de protection du travail. Et dans le même temps, parce que les membres de la société portent en eux des valeurs, des mentalités et des comportements hérités, qui ou bien persistent ou bien s’articulent aux nouvelles habitudes, créant ainsi des parallélismes entre la réalité et ses représentations, des déviations ou même des modifications déformantes de celle-ci. La modernité occidentale, en choisissant de dialoguer et de se comparer à son passé despotique récent ou avec la périphérie tiers-mondiste de la planète qui se reconstitue tardivement sur le mode anthropocentrique, a marqué négativement les persistances du passé. Elle les a classées dans le domaine de la «tradition», qui conduit les sociétés à résister à la «modernisation». Nous avons déjà observé que dans la pensée occidentale contemporaine, le concept de «modernisation» ne se focalise pas sur le contenu de la transition anthropocentrique, auquel cas elle aurait pour projet le progrès, mais cherche aussi à intervenir dans les constantes du fait culturel. Par conséquent, elle ne cherche pas à le réadapter aux nouvelles conditions anthropocentriques, comme par exemple celles de l’islam ou du bouddhisme, par rapport à l’acquis de la liberté individuelle et des droits socio-politiques. Elle définit l’islam et, à un certain degré, le bouddhisme, comme des composantes culturelles incompatibles par définition avec l’anthropocentrisme, qu’ils doivent donc abandonner. Une observation plus approfondie de l’évolution historique de l’Europe montrerait un passé fort peu éloigné de celui des pays qui viennent juste d’accomplir leur transition. La difficulté de la pensée contemporaine à comprendre ces dimensions du fait culturel et sa relation avec la dimension cosmosystémique de la civilisation est due manifestement à sa profondeur historique limitée. On ignore souvent que notre époque vit à peine son stade postdespotique où, en d’autres termes, proto-anthropocentrique, ce qui l’empêche d’élaborer un paradigme gnoséologique achevé, auquel elle pourrait subsumer son cas13. Dans cette difficulté, son éloignement du passé hellénique du cosmosystème anthropocentrique, auquel elle doit d’ailleurs son existence même, a été fondamental. L’invocation du cosmosystème hellénique ou anthropocentrique à petite échelle ne prône pas le retour au passé ou la démolition du présent. Son importance réside dans le fait que, ayant vécu un parcours évolutif complet du point de vue anthropocentrique, il s’offre comme un paradigme unique pour la constitution d’une gnoséologie sphérique de l’évolution cosmosystémique de l’homme et de la civilisation. Mais il s’offre aussi à une lecture de la notion de « tradition » – et, par extension, des éléments culturels du passé qui parcourent le présent – qui renverse le dogme de la modernité qui adjuge le progrès à cette dernière. Le conflit qui couve pendant toute la durée du XIXe siècle et en partie au XXe, dans le cadre du monde grec, entre « société du travail » et « travail partenarial » ou entre une société concevant la participation politique en ayant pour projet la qualité de mandant face à un système/État proclamant sa nature absolutiste, n’est qu’un exemple indicatif. Ce n’est pas du tout un hasard que le travail, dans la langue grecque, continue à être défini négativement, aujourd’hui encore, comme «absence de loisir», et le travail dépendant comme « esclavage ». Notre dernière remarque concerne la victoire planétaire du cosmosystème anthropocentrique et ses retombées annexes sur la question de la culture et de la civilisation. Dans le passé historique, à partir du moment où a émergé la civilisation hellénique ou anthropocentrique, s’est instauré sur la Terre un dualisme cosmosystémique: d’une part, la civilisation despotique et, de l’autre, la civilisation hellénique ou anthropocentrique. Leur rencontre, au bout d’un certain temps, a conduit à des croisements culturels intéressants, comme l’arabe et le chrétien, celui du monde européen à partir de la Renaissance étant le plus important. Ce dualisme a disparu peu à peu au cours du XXe siècle, et le cosmosystème 13 Paradigme évident dans le contenu de la liberté mais aussi dans l’ensemble des paramètres liés au stade vécu de l’homme moderne. Voir sur ce point (Contogeorgis, 2007) 177 anthropocentrique et sa base axiologique se sont imposés sur toute la planète. Depuis, nous nous trouvons devant une civilisation cosmosystémique unique, celle de l’anthropocentrisme, et même au moment d’une phase unique – primaire – qui traverse l’ensemble de l’humanité. La différenciation entre l’avant-garde européenne (et eurogène) et le reste de la planète concerne exclusivement le degré d’incorporation de ce dernier à l’ère anthropocentrique. En d’autres termes, elle est endocosmosystémique et non intercosmosystémique. Mais en même temps, le fait culturel et, plus précisément, les composantes culturelles héritées du passé se révèlent, pour cette raison, une composante capitale de la différenciation. D’une part, parce que l’adaptation implique toujours la difficulté du détenteur de se défaire des habitudes, des mentalités ou des valeurs dont il a été pétri dans le passé. D’autre part, parce que derrière celles-ci se dissimulent des relations hégémoniques et des corrélations à l’intérieur tant de l’État que du cosmosystème dans son ensemble. Telle est précisément la raison pour laquelle la division du monde en sphères culturelles a conduit «l’Occident» à des contradictions importantes dans son approche de l’évolution. Quoi qu’il en soit, désormais, le point de tension ne sera plus la différenciation sur la question de la civilisation mais sur celle de la culture. En somme, culture et civilisation évoluent en un processus dialectique dont le produit aura affaire, dans l’avenir, avec l’harmonisation de l’humanité planétaire à l’acquis du cosmosystème anthropocentrique. BIBLIOGRAPHIE Braudel, Fernand (1994), La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II, Paris, Armand Colin. Braudel, Fernand (1998), Les mémoires de la Méditerranée, Paris, éd. de Fallois. Contogeorgis, Georges (2000), «Le citoyen dans la cité», dans: Bertrand Badie, Pascal Perrineau (dir.), Le citoyen, Presses des Sciences Po, Paris. Contogeorgis, Georges (2003), Citoyenneté et État. Concept et typologie de la citoyenneté, Athènes, Éd. Papazissis. Contogeorgis, Georges (2006), Le cosmosystème hellénique, t. 1. La période statocentrique, Athènes, éd. Sideris. Contogeorgis, Georges (2005a), «Democracy and Representation. The Question of Freedom and the Typology of Politics», dans: E. Venizelos, A. Pantelis (dir.), Civilization and Public Law, Esperia Publications, Londres, p. 79-92. Contogeorgis, Georges (2007), La démocratie comme liberté, Athènes, Ed. Patakis. Contogeorgis, Georges (2005b), «La politique entre l’‘État pouvoir’ et l’‘État puissance’», dans: Revista de Historia das Ideias, 26/2005, p. 7-33. Gordon, Childe V. (1942), What happened in History, London, Penguin. Gibbon, Edward (1776-1789), The Decline and the Fall of the Roman Empire, London, Strahan & Cadell. Hungtington, Samuel (1996), The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of World Order, New York, Simon & Schuster. MacIver, Robert M.; Charles H. Page (1950), Society: An Introductory Analysis, London: MacMillan. Spengler, Oswald (1922), Decline of the West. Perspectives of World History, Munich, C.H. Beck. Tainter, Joseph (1990), The Collapse of Complex Societies, Cambridge University Press. Taylor, Edward Burnett (1874), Primitive Culture: Researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art and custom. Book reviews 180 Michel DROUET; Xavier RICHET (coord.), Vers l’élargissement de l’Union Européenne à l’Europe du Sud-Est, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2007, ISBN 978-2-7535-0357-1, 251p. The volume, which is the result of a conference in Haute Bretagne (France) in 2004, groups contributions of the specialists in Eastern Europe, analyzing the extension of the EU, the 2004 wave and the ways used by the former socialist countries that have succeeded in going through the time of transition and in adhering to the European Union. The book is structured in two parts; the first one looks into the integration into the EU of the ten Eastern European countries, while the second part looks into the perspectives of the integration of the countries in the Occidental Balkans and Turkey. The adhesion of the ten countries has influenced (according to Xavier Richet) the functionality of the Union and has modified the balance, resource distribution and ways of regulation. The ability of these countries to line up as quickly as possible to the life level of “the fifteen” conditions the ability of the EU to create compact economical policies (Claude Albagli), which is rather difficult to accomplish considering the diversity and the different levels of development of the new members’ economies. The issue of convergence has therefore become a major issue, giving the European officials a lot of trouble. The extension has also brought challenges concerning security (Elisabeth de Reau), amplified by the international matters, and marked by the crisis in the new zone neighboring the EU (conflicts in the Middle East). In order to favor the adherence of the Central and Eastern European countries, the European Union has created strategies that have evolved from political and moral motivations to the regional issue and the strategic and political motivation, looking into providing a warranty for the stability in the new area of vicinity of the Union (Danielle Charles-Le Bihan). The EU strategy is defined by the search of a balance between the regional axis, that refers to regional cooperation and stability, and the axis of the adherence of new states, including a process of stabilization and association and introduces the concept of “conditionality” (assistance in different areas for the integration of the new countries). Before the institutional integration, the countries must accomplish economical integration through commercial trade and direct foreign investments. This is the case of Bulgaria, for whom the external trade statistics confirm this tendency (Polia Todorova). Economical integration implies the fulfillment of rigorous requirements – the ones at Copenhagen imposed to the candidate countries. The economical adjustment to the new requirements imposed by the strong competition on the market is an essential condition in order to face the pressures existing on the Union’s market. Therefore, the countries that would candidate to adhere in 2007, Romania and Bulgaria, have to reorganize their labor market through a growth of labor productivity – an indicator dependent of the progress of the changes referring to restructuring the labor market, as shown by Romania (Constantin Zaman). Economical growth has to always be related to institutionalism, due to the fact that development depends on the ability of the new institutions to ensure liberty for the enterprisers and mutual trust (Fahmi Ben-Abdelkader, Daniel Labaronne). After the gradual expansions from 2004 until 2007, the process of the European Union’s enlargement remains an unfinished one, leaving the borders not yet set. There are countries in the Eastern Balkans, alongside of Turkey, that can become members. The disintegration of Yugoslavia has led to the requirement of new frontiers between the forming states, also reducing the intensity of commercial trades between these (Jose de Sousa, Olivier Lamotte). For all these new states, the EU countries have become markets of reference, privileged when it comes to commercial trade – showing their intention to get as near as possible to the European Union. The Union is looking into developing new politics, specific for the integration of the Occidental Balkans, through commercial and cooperation agreements that will possibly lead to future association agreements. These politics are developed while keeping in mind the conflict issues in the area, and the integration of these countries in the EU is seen as the durable solution for the stability of the region (Michel Drouet, Cecile Rapoport). Croatia is 181 the country in the region that has created the best environment in order to adhere to the Union, by changing its economy through conversion and private property. The main objectives of the private property are, for all the countries in the area, accomplishing a market economy, the growth of economical efficiency and competitiveness (Vinko Kandzija). As for Turkey, its desire to adhere to the EU is not recent and is due to both economical and political causes. The European Union has a leading position within Turkey’s external trade, and their rapid economical development is an interesting potential for the EU, although the European budget would have to put significant amounts of money in the adherence of this country. Politically, the Turkish government aims, through the adherence, at modernizing the society and most of all, its democratization (Kamil Tugen). The complex perspective used to tap this subject makes this work significant and recommends it as a landmark in the area of the expansion process of the European Union. (LuminiŃa ŞOPRONI, e-mail: [email protected]) Federica DI SARCINA; Laura GRAZI; Laura SCICHILONE (eds.), Europa vicina e lontana. Idee e percorsi dell’integrazione europea, Centro Editoriale Toscano, 2008, ISBN 88-7957-273-3, 376p. During its long activity – almost twenty years – the European Integration Research Center (EIRC) of the University of Siena, supported by the experience of the Interdisciplinary Seminar on the European integration which took the lead, at the beginning of the 80’s, in the Politic Sciences graduation course of the Law School, due to the encouragements, cultural sensitivity and some European congressmen’s support, is always associated the scientific effort and cultural organization with a bigger attention to the formation’s dimension, so that the academic activity to be always on its way to integration, but the profound identity crisis of the academic world goes frequently to scission and almost to the lack of communication point. This was not the Center’s way. Following the formative and informative activity advised by the interdisciplinary Seminar during the 80’s, in the stimulant atmosphere of an universally elected European Parliament legislation, and following the re-lancing of the community process by the Delors Commission, at the beginning of the 90’s EIRC was threw the co-founders of an inter-academic Doctorate in federal history and European integration, and at the beginning of the new century the coordinator of an interdisciplinary Master degree in European Studies in cooperation with other “Athens” of the European Union. This encouraged the Center to create and maintain changing connections with an interested young generation, Italians, Europeans and outerEuropeans, approaching them to a new domain, that connected to the construction of the Europe process, where several disciplinary approaches are still in the faze of definition and where remains alive the identity debate. A field of attractive studies, “young”, with a methodology based on construction and with necessary disciplinary confronting, in order to maintain both part’s scientific autonomy. Passing from this important experience, formative and scientific, the Center developed the choice of institutionalizing an annual meeting opened to the degree candidates and young researchers of the multitude of disciplines connected to the study of the European integration, arrived from several communitarian countries, and not only. So, in 2004 came to light the “Dialogue About Europe”, an international and interdisciplinary seminar which, at the University of Siena, attracts every year a bigger number of interested young students. These students help to the formation of a very complex scientific network. In order to maintain the vivid spirit and the interest of these meetings, their contributions are collected and published in several editorials. The third edition of the “Dialogue” has something new, being in this way a stimulant. The EIRC decided to enrich itself with a new editorial line dedicated to revealing its own research and scientific activity. It is permanently the leading point to those who cooperate 182 and helps its initiatives: it is about the “European Studies” line published at the CET publishing house in Florence from where appeared this volume. The book Europe-Close and Away. Ideas and Itineraries of European Integration, like the precedent publications, is the opera of three ambitious students who develop their activity as researchers in the Center. These marvelous students are Federica Di Sarcina, Laura Grazi and Laura Scichilone. To their competence as historians of the communitarian politics, comes added the huge capacity of cultural leaders which helped this time too to the publication of these new contributions. This volume was divided in three parts which collect the essays about the ideas and the politic debate on the process of the construction of the Europe. This was collected by Laura Grazi. The Europe’s image seen from inside and outside was collected by Laura Scichilone, and the communitarian legislation by Federica Di Sarcina. Three introductory essays mark the beginning of every section, showing everything new brought by every contribution to the “European Studies” view from where it starts an analysis, synthetic, that wants to show the most recent and interesting lines of researching. In this way, the line has the ambition to put itself as the beginning point to a debate already present threw the young students, a debate that wants to destroy a series of obstacles and to change the old traditional disciplinary features with those with which were already confronted the well-known themes of the European integration. (Diana CAVASDAN, e-mail: [email protected]) Peter TEREM; Omer CAHA (eds.), Process of EU Enlargement in the 21st Century-New Challenges, Banska Bystrica, 2005, ISBN: 80-8083-204-8, EAN: 9788080832049 This volume is the result of a conference organized by two universities, University of Matej Bel, Banska Bistrca and Fatih University Istanbul. It comprises miscellaneous essays about the EU, about acceding countries to the EU, the problems they confront with in this process as well as different opinions on the question: why should the EU be enlarged? There are many essays written by professors from the Fatih University, thus the book gives a multi perspective view upon Turkey, its problems and wishes, the intellectuals' way of seeing the country's accession to the EU, the situation of economy, society, agriculture. The first paper assesses the necessity of a new concept that should explain the reasons and aims of the enlargement under certain circumstances, namely the beginning of the Asian century, Hubbert's theory of the oil peak. The author, Oskar Krejci, advises to eliminate stereotypes in thinking for a new future of the EU because enlargement doesn't mean geographical borders but institutions and procedures. An interesting idea presented here is that the enlargement should go up to Siberia and it also contains an advice addressed to the West: to get rid of the scornful attitude and of the phobia against Russia and the Muslim world and find mutual economic advantages for the benefit of the world. Turkish civil society is under scrutiny in the next paper, and its role in sustaining liberal ideas, mainly among the intellectuals, ideas which brought about dynamism in the political life. Before the reader's eyes it is unfolded the struggle between the traditionalists and the modernists and its negative impact upon integration. Turkey's accession to the EU has been a subject for debates for a long time. This accession is approached from different points of view, one of them being that of a linguist whose conclusion is that Turkey is already in the EU, no matter how the West considers the situation. The relationship between Ukraine and the EU is also analysed, before and after the Orange Revolution and it is also pointed out the importance of Ukraine for the EU because of its strategic position. 183 There are countries neighbouring the EU that would like to become members and some of the essays study their situation, and their future perspectives. We find out about many historical events that took place in Croatia, how the country gained credibility when the new government made integration its goal and started working on problems needing urgent solutions: rights of minorities, reform of the judiciary system and full cooperation with the Hague Tribunal. The frame of the Mediterranean and Middle East Policy, the basic principles of the EU, its institutions and EU objectives are studied by Rudolf Kucharcik, while Ratislav Kazansky presents Visegard Group (V4), the countries, their common interests, areas for future cooperation and their present problems. An interesting essay makes a research upon the relations between USA and the EU presenting the framework of their situation with all tensions, disparities, the economic dimensions and concludes that both Americans and Europeans will have to confront a difficult and complex 21st century. Drahomira Ondrova presents a study upon British foreign policy, upon Tony Blair and the changes he brought about in the political attitude of his party and upon the way EU policies have affected many aspects of British economic and social life. There are theoretical essays, one of them presents the sovereignty of state and its limits, the federalism and its problematic as an integration theory, theories of intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism. Another one deals with building contemporary security structures, while other assesses the needs for optimal models in the EU structures and institutions. Another subject approached in this volume is that of terrorism; the conference was being held on the day of the 4th anniversary of 9/11. The reader can find topics on world economy, globalization, economic competitiveness as well as on EU's regional policy and the transitional periods of the candidate countries and knowledge economy. This volume brings the reader a large variety of topics concerning the developing countries, their hopes and the challenges they have to face in order to achieve their goals. The only concept that brings together all these topics is the European Union. The conclusion that can be drawn after having read the book, is the characteristic wish of all neighbouring countries to become member states. (Dana PANTEA, [email protected]) Bronisłav GEREMEK; Robert PICH, Visions d’Europe, Odile Jacob, 2007, ISBN 978-2-7381-2011-3, 479p. Conceived following a lot of meetings, works and debates, the collective volume coordinated by Bronisłav Geremek and Robert Pich offers to its readers a series of articles dedicated to some very actual European questions. The interrogative character of the book results even by the first article, signed by Bronisłav Geremek and suggestively entitled “L’Europe en crise”. Here, the author expresses his critics on the so-called “morose air” of the Europe, its permanent self-criticism which Geremek considers as unconstructive if it is prevailing on the positive and optimistic attitude. European Union may be considered a successful project, and some defeats like the reject of the European Constitution. According to Geremek opinion the most important thing is to consolidate the European identity. And the volume continues in the same manner, the next section being entitled “Préliminaires. Diagnostics de crise” and assembling two suggestive titles: “L’Europe a-t-elle encore un projet politique?”, signed by Dominique Shnapper, and “L’esprit communautaire a disparu”, under the signature of Éric Le Boucher. The two authors interrogate themselves on the possibilities to realize a real European unity and express their hopes regarding the accomplishment of this objective. 184 This first part of cross-examination of the stage of the European unity is followed by four chapters, all having an interrogative character. So, the first chapter, entitled “L’Europe peut-elle être démocratique ?”, assemble six articles focused on more topics, id est: democratic deficit (Jean-Louis Bourlanges; Jens-Peter Bonde; Anja Thomas); European Constitution (Guillaume McLaughlin); the problem of authority and power in European Union (Larry Siedentop) and European constitutional crises (Wolfgang Wessels and Anja Thomas). We will analyse only this late mentioned article, especially because the situation presented by authors appears to be similar with that of the Treaty of Lisbon. The two authors (Wessels and Thomas) explains the situation created after the failure of the last European constitutional project and point out the solutions advanced by several European decision-makers. The authors have also theirs owns scenarios concerning the crisis, and doesn’t hesitate to expose them: maintaining the Constitutional Treaty in its integrity; make more with the little, namely taking all the best from the existing European treaties; the failure (spill-back) of the process of realization of the European Union; adopting of a new plan, in order to create a “new Europe”. All of presented solutions are presented by an objective and scientific manner, without any personal attachment, almost technocratic. The second chapter, having the title “Comment répondre aux défis de la cohésion sociale et culturelle en Europe ?”, joint six articles concerning mainly two topic, that is social Europe (articles signed by Andras Innotai, Tito Boeri, Bernd Marin) and immigration. Although we don’t minimise the importance of European social politics, we will examine only the studies dedicated to immigration problem. So, Hartmut Kaelble, in his study “L’héritage de l’immigration en Europe”, reveals four questions on immigration: the particularity of immigration in each European member state and in non-EU states; the legacy of European attitudes toward immigration; immigration’ problems necessary to be solved by European Union. The next article on immigration, “Une approche européenne du défi posé par l’intégration des immigrés”, is signed by Anna Triandafyllidou, who follows to achieve two objectives: to expose the stage of the public debates concerning the actual integration of immigrants and an exposure on the European approach of immigrants’ integration. Finally, the well-known esseyst and novelist Umberto Eco talks about “L’Europe du métissage”, making a parallel between the situation of Europe and America (inclusively South-America) as regards the miscegenation, a process that, according to the opinion of U. Eco, will develop giving either by immigration and migration. At the end of the chapters another two studies (signed by Ruby Gropas and respectively Mathieu Briens and Francesca Doria) present us the “l’état de la question”, namely of social and cultural cohesion of the Europe. The next chapter of the volume concerns, under the question sign too, the borders of Europe. The editors reunited here the articles of Heinrich August Winkler, Peter Van Ham, Kalypso Nikolaidis and Jacques Rupnik. Following more ideas concerning European borders (political power, security, mentality or history), this chapter finishes, like the precedent, with a general study regarding the border and the limits of the European integration, a study signed by Hans Vollaard. The last chapter, entitled “Faut-il construire une mémoire commune à l’Europe ?”, gives us the articles of two very important voices of the european space: Tzvetan Todorov and Jacques le Goff. This fourth part of concerns a more abstract Europe, one of a common memory considered as a necessary instrument to realize the unity of Europe. As a general line of this part, history is concerned both as a part of the European memory and as an instrument to create this memory. That is more important is the assumption of the history, the assumption of the past by a self-critical manner. This chapter also finishes with a general study, signed by Daniel Brückenhaus. After its beginning with the self-interrogations of Bronisłav Geremek, the volume finishes with the essay of Robert Pich to offer an answer and to establish the equilibrium between the numerous question signs recorded by this work. It is obviously in this moment that the volume coordinated by Bronisłav Geremek and Robert Pich is not a typical descriptive one. All the authors adopt an analytical style, beginning with a general presentation of the subject, continuing with a deep heuristic part and finishing 185 with the presentation of a sum of the possible solutions. With its alert style and heuristic method, the present volume is an excellent analytical instrument both for researcher and for students, for the European unity unconditionally advocates and for its critics also. Thanks for editors and for the authors also for their efforts to transpose the dialogical spirit of Europe in their works. (Cristina DOGOT, e-mail: [email protected]) Heather N. NICOL; Ian TOWNSEND-GAULT, Holding the Line. Borders in a Global World, Vancouver, UBC Press, 2005, ISBN 0-7748-0932-9, 440p. In the first part of Holding the Line, a global perception is given to the altering disposition of borders. The authors question the stability of borders in an escalating global context. There are three main themes that are emphasized. Firstly, borders are viewed as having a vibrant nature and signify expansive geopolitical, cultural, and economic progression. Secondly, some insight is given to the cross border flows of information and capital. Lastly, the role of law and its influence on globalization is taken into consideration. The second part focuses mainly on the EU and its growing frontiers. For example, The Schengen initiative is attributed to having increased cooperation not only in security, but also various environmental issues. The chapters in this section are concerned with novel regional procedures to border making within the EU and the role they play in redefining environmental and security matters. The challenges involved in sharing elements of national autonomy are also given some insight. Part three of Holding the Line highlights another geographical aspect with regard to the emergence of new regions in the non-western world. These regions are thought to be “compelled to interact” in terms of shared interests. They are often under institutional, political, economic, and environmental pressures to cooperate. Part four is dedicated to explicating general trends in the redefinition of boundaries among South and Latin American countries. One of the key matters introduced in part four is whether the “global world” notion is constructive for the countries that haven’t developed in accordance with the “classic Eurocentric” model of the nation-state. This section reminds us of an important aspect regarding borders in all world regions. The issue of trans-border regionalism in North America is the subject of matter in part five. The North American transnational experience is considered to be limited. The United States borders with Canada and Mexico are examined from the viewpoint of ongoing regional efforts to regulate cultural, economic, social, and political divisions among border communities. The authors focus on the integration of borders in North America. Part six of Holding the Line discovers various aspects of globalised understanding of development. It is asserted that borders are influenced by “power arrangements.” This section takes great initiative in theorizing borders. The ethnocentric, perceptual, and predominantly influenced cultural and political procedures responsible for metaphors concerning boundaries are investigated. The consistent theme throughout this section is that boundaries are metaphors. The theme of part seven is the significance of the “nation-state as an actor.” Borders are thought to be the result of diplomatic efforts, geopolitical processes, global institutions, and changing international conditions. Importance is given to the idea that “choice,” “discourse,” or “constructed reality” weren’t popular ideas during the the early development of “geopolitical discourse.” It is suggested that circumstances have changed now. The 8th part of the book sheds some light on current predicaments regarding border studies in the previous sections of Holding the Line. The issue of how the study of borders will adjust to the new realities and perceptions in the fields of political geography, geopolitics, international law, and political studies is left open for consideration. (Lia DERECICHEI, [email protected]) 186 Gilles PÉCOUT (coord.), Penser les frontières de l’Europe du XIXe au XXIe siècle, PUF, 2004, ISBN 2 13 054301 4; ISSN 1770-2208, 383p. The book coordinated by M. Giles Pécout brings together the studies of some wellknown historians of Europe, followed by some economists, geographers, jurists or specialists in European integration. Names as Catherine Durandin, Fabrice Jesné, Christophe Charle or Antoine Vauchez are already at least familiar if not famous for the academic world. More that, the presence of Daniel Dăianu, one of the titred ministers of Romania, increases the interest of Romanian reader for the subjects presented in the volume. The mentioned volume is structured in three different parts: Héritages européens: l’Europe des letters, une Europe avant la lettre?; Frontières de l’Europe et frontières européennes depuis le XIXe siècle et Pays candidats: dialogues sur l’européanité, XIXe-XXIe siècles. The first part, like we expect, is dedicated to the European idea reflected in some literary works. Thus, the historian Maurice Agulhon point out the evolution of the European idea in the work of Victor Hugo until this idea becomes that of “United States of Europe”. The author offers us, with generosity, the examples of the Hugo’s poetry reflecting republican and European idea and underlines the importance of the famous literate actions in a very turbulent period both for France and Europe. Another author who signs in this first part, François Waquet, offers, in his article “L’Europe de la République des Lettres”, a fresco of the European idea reflected in the literary works of the XVII-XVIII centuries. And M. Waquet underlines the occidental limits of the European idea according to opinion of Western “savants’ community”, although at the East intellectuals as Dimitrie Cantemir or Nicolae Mavrocordat really merited to be mentioned as representatives of the modern European thought. The last author who signs in this part, Cristophe Charle, speaks about “Les réseaux intellectuels européens aux XIXe siècle”. The title of the article is very provocative and the study is really complex, but according to opinion of the author, researching the intellectuals’ networks, yet at the level of XIX, century was possible only if the researcher imposes himself a lot of limits of approach. Thus, the author of research, excluding some variables (the relationships between the representatives of arts and writers, the commercial – translators, imitations, plagiarism etc. – or political relationships), analyses by a qualitative manner the European intellectual, literary and academic world and the scientific publications of the proposed period. The second part of the volume includes mainly articles concerning the borders of Europe, although we can find also some studies relating to other themes (like the Europe of the lawyers, of Antoine Vauchez and Guillaume Sacriste; Rome as the capital of Europe of Phillipe Boutry or Europeqn enlargement of Robert Frank). On the topic of the European borders approaches are multiple: Gilles Pécout pay attention of the Europe’ geographic limits in XIX century as they reflect in specialised works of the time; Pierre-Yves Péchoux interrogates himself on the ambiguity and relativity of the term of “European borders” and argues with various historical examples; Fabrice Jesné transposes the question of the borders in the space of the mentality, and the title of his study is more that relevant (Les frontières balkaniques: frontiers européennes ou frontière de l’Europe?). This last study helps us to direct to the last part of the volume, dedicated to the candidate countries. With regard to this part, we may affirm that although is not exhaustive, the authors give attention to the majority of the former or actual candidate states: the Baltic States (studies of Yves Plasseraud or Jurgita Maciulyte), Cyprus (studies of Marc Aymes or Kyriakos Pierides), Hungary (Nicolas Bauquet), Poland (Josef Laptos), Romania (Catherine Durandin; Daniel Dăianu), Slovakia (Edita Ivaničková), Slovenia (Božo Repe) or Turkey (Jean-François Pérouse). The quality of the articles recommends each of them as an instrument of research for all interested on the newest member or candidate states. Nevertheless, we will concentrate on the two articles concerning Romania, appeared under the signature of Catherine Durandine and Daniel Dăianu. Regarding the study of historian C. Durandin, entitled „Roumanie-Europe: mémoires et perspectives” the author are going from the period of the spring of the peoples and 187 presents us the importance of each historical stage, inclusively that of the communist regime, for the European path of Romania. C. Durandin doesn’t forget the importance of Romanian Diaspora as an element of connection between the Europe and those Romanians sequestered between the borders of the authoritarian system. The author continues by explaining the situation after the collapse of the Ceauşescu’ regime, the difficult way to the creation of a really democratic system, the fight against corruption (many time criticized by the foreign representatives), etc. Finally the author remarks the irony of the fate of Romania: long time waited during the communist period, Americans arrived in Romania in 2003, by creating a military base. The other author who focuses his analyses on Romania, Daniel Dăianu, pays attention to the rapports between Romania and European Union, rapports possible to study from many points of view: economic, of security, of globalisation etc. The study of M. Dăianu explains some realities that Romania knows after the fall of the communism and during a process called generally of transition. The Romania’ effort to adhere and to integrate in the European Union is seen as a secular modernisation one, necessary to go together with perseverance and pragmatism. Fortunately for the former communist states, European Union exists and this is a chance for these states to overlap their economic backwardness. The handicap of the postcommunist Romania was the lack of a long-term societal project, necessary as a catalyst for a society who suffered many constraints before and much confusion and disorder after the fall of the totalitarian regime. The aid offered by the European Union, based on particular projects, will accomplish partially the role of the necessary project. Finally, we may affirm that the European integration can be considered a same project, but it is not again totally, deeply and consciously assumed at social level. More that, this project was long time only superficially adopted at political level, either because of its ideological incapacity or because of its immaturity to assume it. There are nevertheless another group, that of technocrats and of intellectuals, who make efforts to push the process of European integration. Maybe the effects are not yet largely visible, but at a long term the result will be a positive one. (Cristina DOGOT, [email protected]) Thomas LUNDÉN, On the Boundary – About humans at the end of territory, Södertörn University College, 2004, 232 p. Thomas Lundén is professor of Human Geography at the Baltic and East European Graduate School of Södertörn University College in Stockholm, Sweden. He has spent most of his academic career on researching about boundaries. His book is a kind of summary of all his works and major findings. In the introduction he state that the book can be viewed in two ways: either as book on or about the boundary, or a book on or about being at the boundary. The first chapter defines the central concepts. His definition of a boundary is that it is the line itself in comparison with a border which includes the line and the space next to it. In chapter 2 the author outlines factors influencing boundary behaviour. Inspired by the Swedish geographer Torsten Hägerstrand he connects dimensions of space and time and perceive them in a unified form. He then argue from realistic and functionalistic point of view how nature and technology are important factors determining behaviour on the boundary. However, he is mainly preoccupied with how regulations, politics and exercise of power influence this behaviour. In general the author argue that the state has the ultimate power of the territory and that state behaviour is decisive, however not neglecting other factors as the economy, communication (including language), culture and individual behaviour. This outline is a kind of approach to study the behaviour at the boundary and it does not state in a priori which factors are more important than other, even though the political level implicitly seems to be more important as it is given more attention. 188 The third chapter is about boundary towns in general and here the author gives examples from his own case studies, like for example Narva and Ivangorod as well as Valga and Valka. In these cases he is applying the general framework given in chapter 2. Chapter 4 analyses boundary regions in general and uses cases from Torne Valley between Sweden and Finland as well as regions between Denmark-Sweden, Denmark-Germany and Sweden-Norway. The latter is partly based on the research from the author’s dissertation from the 1970’s. In the synthesis the author state both that boundaries are necessary, because agreements need territorial limitations, but also that transgressing the boundary is necessary, as there will be no perfect line of demarcation. This latter means that there will be ethnic minorities, but according to the author two things are or rather should be more decisive than ethnicity: citizenship, which regulates the obligation between the stat and its members; and language, in which the state should be obliged to talk to its (autochthonous) citizens in their native language. This latter include the obligation to teach the official language to the autochthonous inhabitants (defined as living continuously more then 100 years) as well as to boundary trespassers, like refugees and immigrants, who should demand the right of learning the state languages. Our overall impression is that I recommend the book for anyone interested in boundary/border regions and its research. The general framework offers an approach for boundary research that I find useful. However I would also like to add factors how historical and mental perceptions influence the behaviour at the boundary, as I believe they are important as well. (PhD student Anders BLOMQVIST, Baltic and East European Graduate School Södertörn University College / Stockholm University e-mail: [email protected]) James Wesley SCOTT (ed.), EU Enlargement, Region Building and Shifting Borders of Inclusion and Exclusion, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Hampshire, 2006, ISBN-10: 0 754645428, ISBN-13: 978-0-7546-4542-9 The book edited by James Wesley Scott brings about issues concerning the European borders which have suffered immense and significant changes, mostly over the past decade. American by birth, biologist as first specialization, James Wesley Scott came to Europe and studied geography at the Free University of Berlin, where he was also awarded his doctorate and post doctorate qualifications. His work focuses on euroregions, boundaries and regional development in the Wider Europe. Being published in 2006 the book refers to the 2004 enlargement and its consequences from the point of view of the borders and cross-border cooperation and sees the 2007 enlargement in perspective. James Wesley Scott rises an important question in this work: if border regions can function as “laboratories of cooperation and/or post national political communities” and the book is structured as an answer to this question. It is in fact a collection of case studies about region-building across national borders in the EU The author structures his work in four thematic sections. The first section deals with the borders and geopolitics of the EU enlargement and begins with an essay written by the author himself on the geopolitics of inclusion and exclusion at the EU's new external boundaries. A highly academic essay it is the theoretical basis of the book presenting a general view of the main idea and issue of Wider Europe. As the author assesses, a central element of the new EU's policy is the friendly and effective working relationships with neighbouring regions expressed in the European Neighbourhood Policy. The essay brings about the new relationships of the EU to the north (Russia), Middle East, Maghreb and other Mediterranean regions. Comparing EU with NAFTA, MERCOSUR and APEC, James Wesley Scott points out the difference between Europe's new type of regionalism based on a process of integration, including economic, political, social and cultural aspects, while the other organizations are based only on regional cooperation and open markets. The author analyzes the initiatives of the European Commission regarding the interdependence with Europe's neighbours and the consequences of future enlargement and how cross-border relationships can be influenced by 189 this process. According to the latest enlargement process (2004) James Wesley Scott draws four contexts of Europe's approach to regional partnership: the “northern”, including the Baltic and Barents Sea; the eastern (Russia, Belarus,and Ukraine); the Mediterranean context and the Balkan one. The author analyzes two of these four dimensions with their specific environmental issues: crime prevention, minority rights, the post colonial ties with some of the European Union member states, respect of human rights and democracy, building closer contacts between different peoples. He also points out the critical reaction of some of the neighbouring countries concerning the respect, the trading preferences of the EU, the search for peace and he shows Wider Europe's lack of strategic vision in developing regional partnership. In conclusion James Wesley Scott presents the weaknesses and contradictions of the Wider Europe strategy as pointed out by the dimensional aspects of EU geopolitics. He expresses his opinion that if Wider Europe is to succeed, it should apply a transnationalization of space, thus extending alliances and developing opportunities to EU members. The analysis of the east dimension is continued by Gabriel Popescu who focuses on problems of Euroregions established in the Romanian-Ukrainian-Moldovan border lands. He considers this region to be representative of the issues confronting borderland in Eastern Europe and makes a through presentation of the four Euroregions with their institutions, funding projects, cross-border cooperation, contentious issues, conflicts, trade restrictions, visa, as well as the negative consequences of the new frontier such as the reinforcement of the barrier function of the EU's external borders. As a follow up of the above mentioned issues, comes the problem of migration policies adopted by the EU. The next two authors, Henk van Houtum and Roos Pijpers see the European Community as a gated community because the non-EU countries have received both political and financial incentives to reinforce the border controls because of the fear of massive westward flows of migrants. The second part of this book begins with an essay which exemplifies some of the problems previously discussed: the new situation of Hungary's borders after its accession to the EU and after becoming a NATO member. Another case study is that of Olga Marinska who analyzes the situation of Ukraine with its 8 macro regions being influenced by its different neighbours. The study moves eastward, towards the Ukrainian-Russian cross-border cooperation under the circumstances of Ukraine's desire to become a member of the EU. EU border policies are examined, their evolution and the undertaken changes, and direct references to Euroregio Karelia and the border between Finland and Russia are made. The third part of the book brings under discussion cross-border cooperation between Moldova and Romania, between Hungary and Ukraine and Hungary and Romania. The reader finds out about the historical relations between these countries, their evolution at the end of the 20th century and how they came to be influenced by the EU enlargement policies and institutions as well as by the creation of the euroregions. Gyula Szabo and Gabor Koncz present a local perspective upon the personal relations between citizens on both sides of the border and the impact of the Euroregion upon their life. Another cross-border cooperation is analyzed in the next essay: that between Poland and Ukraine. Here the situation is different because the Polish-Ukrainian border is an external one and dominated by the “fortress Europe” syndrome. The essay is based on a research carried out between 1998 and 2002 with the aim of studying labour migration along HungarianUkrainian border and its implications in pedestrian and vehicular traffic, illegal employment and immigrants. The next essay describes the cross border cooperation between Poland and Ukraine and how the changes which appeared in the relations between these two countries after Poland has become an EU member leave their mark upon cooperation. The last part of the book focuses on the cross-border cooperation and regional development at the EU former external borders. It is the particular case of Poland and Germany, the countries that embarked on their way towards a political normalization of the border after 1989-1990. The last two essays present the benefits of euroregional policies in developing cross-border cooperation. 190 Reading the book leaves you with the impression of a round and complete work as if written by one and the same author. The core problem which is under scrutiny – the euroregion and its policy – reveals positive results in the changing of present day history of the European Union and its neighbours and also the necessity of multilevel governance to fight against the emergence of new dividing lines around EU's external borders. Any reader can but appreciate the high quality of the efforts done by each author in order to analyze so many different situations all over the euroregions with the aim of better contribute to understanding cooperation and relationships inside and outside the EU. (Dana PANTEA, [email protected]) Observatoire des Etats post-soviétiques: De l’U.R.S.S. à la C.E.I., 12 Etats en quête d’identité, Paris, Ellipses, 1997, ISBN 2-7298-5769-9, 208p. Le livre De l’U.R.S.S. à la C.E.I., 12 Etats en quête d’identité, explique et exemplifie brièvement ce qui s’est passé avec l’ancien URSS et la manière dans laquelle la Communauté des Etats Indépendants s’est formée. Ce livre est destiné à un large public, étudiants et chercheurs en politologie, relations internationales et géographie, grâce à la multitude des annexes et des cartes présentées. En ce qui concerne la structure, on distingue quatre grandes parties: Dans un premier temps, le collectif des auteurs donne des informations précises sur le contexte historique et les événements qui ont mené à la formation de la C.E.I. Du principaux changements de noms aux mythes et réalités qui, inévitablement, sont apparus, tout est présenté dans le cadre de ce processus fragile et contrasté, marqué par l'ampleur des crises économiques et politiques, jalonné dans plusieurs cas par des conflits dont les effets sont loin d'être entièrement dissipés. La deuxième, la troisième et la dernière partie du livre proposent une approche identique de tous les pays membres appartenant à la C.E.I., groupés par son appartenance géographique. De cette manière, dans la première partie on trouve les pays appartenant à la frange occidentale de la C.E.I. (la Fédération de Russie, la Biélorussie, la Moldavie et l’Ukraine), dans la deuxième partie, les pays appartenant au Caucase (la République d’Arménie, l’Azerbaïdjan et la Georgie), un espace stratégique, mais toujours en convulsion. Dans la dernière partie sont présentés les pays de l’Asie Centrale post-soviétique, le Kazakhstan, le Kirghizstan, l’Ouzbékistan, le Tadjikistan et le Turkménistan, pays qui appartiennent à « un cœur de continent à désenclaver », selon l’opinion des auteurs. Chaque état, sans importer l’appartenance territoriale, bénéficie d’une présentation et d’une caractérisation, d’après plusieurs aspects: les questions nationales et identitaires, les caractéristiques politiques, la situation économique, le commerce et les relations extérieurs et, finalement, les tendances et les risques. Bref, le livre propose une analyse des évolutions dans quatre domaines clés que sont les fondements historiques et territoriaux de l'identité, les systèmes politiques, les réformes économiques et les choix en matière de relations internationales et de sécurité. En effet, tel que le titre de la publication mentionne, on ne fait qu’observer ces pays, sans implications directes et effectives de la part des auteurs. En conclusion, tout semble opposer les États baltes, désormais intégrés dans les structures européennes et atlantiques, et les États du Caucase ou d'Asie centrale qui doivent à la fois mettre au point leur mode de fonctionnement politique et économique et définir leurs systèmes d'alliance dans un environnement régional tendu. Mais une période de transition est difficile pour tous et on observe, après plusieurs années d'indépendance, combien les voies sont divergentes dans cette quête de reconnaissance et d'affirmation des souverainetés, face à une Russie affaiblie mais de plus en plus active dont l'influence est contrebalancée par des intervenants extérieurs, l'Europe, les États-Unis, toujours présents. A présent, les États nés en 1991 lors de l'éclatement de l'URSS ont peu à peu trouvé leur place dans la communauté internationale, même si, parfois, ils se confrontent avec des problèmes. (Mariana BUDA, e-mail: [email protected]) 191 “Serbia 2007 / Iliberal Transformation or Prolonged Transition. Adapting to Democracy: Reflections on transition in Serbia and the Western Balkans”, in Western Balkans Security Observer, No. 7-8, October 2007-March 2008. The cover title of the mentioned journal specialized on the problems of the Western Balkans is sufficiently attractive both for initiated readers and for those who don’t know many information about this European region. The long lack of impartial information about this region was perceived by many peoples, indifferently if they are specialized in political or economical fields or if they are simply spectators of the world’ arena. So, the chance to find a journal that try to expose the situation of the Western Balkans is really useful for the specialist in Balkan studies or generally in international relations. This issue of Western Balkans Security Observer focused on three parts that assemble a lot of individual article, and finish with the review of a webpage (www.bezbenost.org). The first part of the review, entitled “Serbia 2007 – Iliberal Transformation or Prolonged Transition”, is the most consistent of the review and assemble the articles of Timothy Edmunds, Denisa Kostovicova, Ðorñe Pavićević, Miroslav Hadžić and Will Barlett. All articles offer important information and analyses on the situation of Serbia and of Western Balkans by a different perspective. So, T. Edmunds, in his article “Adapting to Democracy: Reflections on transition in Serbia and the Western Balkans” speaks us about the political, economical and social changes and the transition to democratic system in the named country and region; D. Kostovicova present her considerations on the effect of weakness of Balkan states on the security of the region, without neglect the role of European Union and yet of globalization on the region; Ð. Pavićević make a condensed examination of Serbian political scene (characterised as instable again) after the parliamentary elections of 2007, while M. Hadžić announce a lack of instruments and methods necessary to realise the analysis of Serbian security sector reform. The last article of this first part belongs to Will Bartlett, who presents us the article “Economic Transition in Serbia since 2000: Trends and Prospects”, by which the author make a descriptive exploration of recent developments of Serbian economy and economic policies. The topic of the second part of the review concern rather the field of political anthropology and is entitled “Security and Identity”, two items whose collation is very important and never-failing subject of debate for the space of the Western Balkans. All the articles presented in this section are useful for an analysis of the region of the Balkans. The first article of this part, written by Filip Ejdus and entitled “Security, Culture and Identity in Serbia”, is really consistent and has an impartial and general perspective. The author underlines the importance of “ideational factors, such as culture and identity on foreign, security and defense policy of Serbia”. Author advertise us upon the research method, that of poststructuralism, and on the instrument used in his analysis, that of “Serbian strategic culture”, meant as “a tension between two divergent discourses, national-liberal and civic-democratic”. The next article belong of Dijana Gaćeša and focuses on “Fundamentalist Tendencies of Serbian Orthodox Christianity”. The author has a critical perspective on the contribution of the Orthodox Church in modernizing Serbian society, but she remark too that recently the Serbian Orthodox Church began to change its rhetoric. The article of Mrs Gaćeša is a good basis for understand, like the author underline, the “complex interrelatedness of religious, political and cultural dimensions of contemporary Serbian society”. The last article of this section has a provocative title “Regional Identity: The Missing Element in Western Balkans Security Cooperation”. The author, Cvete Koneska proposes himself to underline the limits of the progress of regional initiatives concerning the security of the region of the Balkans. C. Koneska considers that these limits are due to the negative perceptions of the Balkans countries political decision-makers on the region ant to their reluctance to be associated with the region of the Balkans. The third part of the review is dedicated to the analysis of the public policies in the Western Balkans space, and joins, in order, the articles of Djordje Popović, Bogoljub Milosavljević and Predrag Petrović. In the first article M. Popović realizes an analysis of the draft Law on the Serbian military (regulating “the placement and the competence of the military service, commanding and administering of the military service, rank and vocation, symbols and 192 insignias, and military holidays”) and the Law of the Defense (regulating the Serbian defense system). The two legislative projects were debated in the Serbian parliament in the summer of 2007. The author presents shortly the debate and the favorable and the unfavorable opinions concerning these laws. So, the principal reasons favorable to adopting the mentioned laws are persuasive: civilian democratic control of the military forces; changing of the values that are protected by protected by the two laws and establishing of a clear chain of command; change of the methods of military recruitment. Even a cross-examination of this Serbian review is sufficient to realize the importance of this scientific instrument for a more complete analysis of the Balkans region. Accessing the information on this part of Europe can be a difficult process, especially because the local languages and the difficulty to discern the quality of the sources. So, the community of Balkan region’ researchers welcome the existence of the review Western Balkans Security Observer and hope that collaborations with its contributors will became a manner to transcend the mental or physical borders. (Cristina DOGOT, [email protected]) Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review, University of Bucharest. Institute for Political Research, vol. 1-3/2007; vol 1/2008, ISSN 1582-4551. In a emergent democracy, like is the case of Romania, the existence of some publications concerned both with the Romanian political scene questions and general political concepts or political philosophy is really very useful both for the scholars or the students at political sciences and for the decision-makers or analysts. This is the case of the quarterly Studia Politica, edited by the Institute for Political Research of the Department of Political Science at the University of Bucharest. In order to offer a properly image of the review we have choice the last its four issues, namely the volumes 1, 2 and 3 edited in 2007 and the volume 1-2008. After we familiarised with the topics approached in the four issues of the review, we may affirm that these are really various and concerning different historical periods and subject matters and an exhaustive presentation of the articles will be impossible. By these reasons we tried to select the contributions that refer to the problem of identity and multiculturalism and some articles that are focused on topics less or insufficiently debated in the Romanian public discourse. Maybe due to its quality of cultural capital of the Europe, the article of Dragoş Dragoman (1/2007) is focused on the problem of modernity and nationalism in the city of Sibiu at the beginning of XX century. Referring to a “competition of elites in a multicultural city”, the author begins with a recent event, the success of Forumul Democrat German (German Democrat Forum, the political group of the Germans living in Romania) in electoral year 2004 as a fundament to analyse ethnic relations and the live of this city at the begin of the XX century (1905-1930), a period when political changes (the disintegration of Austro-Hungarian Empire and creation of Romanian state) constituted determinant factors for the development of interethnic relations in the Transylvanian space. Three other authors are focused on the topic of identity and multiculturalism: two by religious perspective (Silviu E. Rogobete, “ReflecŃii asupra religiei şi multiculturalismului în România: spre o reevaluare a gramaticii tradiŃiilor [Reflections on religion and multiculturalism in Romania: for a re-evaluation of the framework of traditions]”, in 3/2007; and Iuliana Conovici, „Les pratiques identitaires de l’Église Orthodoxe Roumaine: carnet de route”, in 1/2007) and by a general point of view (Camil Alexandru Pârvu, „From Diversity to Difference. Structural Dilemaas of Identity Politics”, in 2/2007). What concerning the study of S. Rogobete, the author underlines the great attachment, at least at declarative level, for Church and religion of the peoples of the Eastern Europe, Balkans and Turkey, attachment perceived as a lack of modernity. M. Rogobete continue with an analysis of the manner in that the state rapport itself to religious groups or associations (the so called Law of the religious cults) and of the manner 193 of majority to rapport to ethnic and religious difference. The great question of the author is that eastern peoples are prepared to accept multiculturalism, especially if we think at the former Yugoslav experience, and the answer is not yet a positive one. In the same context we can mention the study of Iuliana Conovici, that reflect the efforts of Romanian Orthodox Church to participate at the (re)construction of the Romanian public identity both in the communist and post-communist period, at institutional and also by the practices of public religion or of public religious discourse. The last mentioned study, which of C. A. Pârvu, reflects the question of identity by the perspective of theoretical approach, the author exposing us some theories on identity and difference. In the same context we can mention the article of Ciprian Bogdan, who debates the question of the self in the philosophy of Charles Taylor. Among the articles concerning provocative topics we can refer to those of Mihaela Grancea, who speak about one of the aspects of Romanian historical mythology, that of the “dacism”. The author names by this manner a phenomenon with deep roots in the Romanian collective mentalities, that of considering the dacian civilisation as continue an uninterrupted one on the Romanian territory. Some subjects concerning Romanian foreign policy are also present, and we remarked especially the article of Ruxandra Ivan concerning Romania-Ukraine bilateral relations after the collapse of communism (1992-2006). Two of the issues selected for this review reflect the documents of two colloquies, one with reference to the Belgian influence on Romania and Bulgaria in XIX and XX centuries (1/2008), and one concerning the Churches and the politic actions in XX century Romania (3/2007). For the first mentioned issue we can point out some very relevant studies: Daniel Barbu, “La Cité des Ro(u)mains. Un projet roumain de constitution imprimé à Bruxelles en 1857 (Emanoil Chinezu, ConstituaŃiunea României reintegrată, sau schiŃă pentru o ConstituaŃiune în România]”; Cristian Preda, “L’influence belge, hier et aujourd’hui”; LaurenŃiu Vlad, „Quelques moments d’une histoire de la propagande. La Roumanie aux expositions universelles et internationales d’Anvers, Bruxelles, Liège et Gand, 1894-1935”; Ioan Stanomir, „1866: imagination constitutionnelle et modération politique en Roumanie”; Antony Todorov, „Des étiquetes aux idées. Influences belges sur la démocratisation postcommuniste en Bulgarie”. For the other issue we remark firstly the study of Radu Carp, “EducaŃie universitară şi fundaŃii confesionale în Transilvania secolului al XIX-lea – un model de actualitate în Europa? [Academic education and confessional organizations in the XIX century’ Transylvania – an actual European model?]”. The author presents us the importance of the subsidies offered by religious organisations (initially those Greco-Catholic, followed by the orthodox) in order to assure a high quality instruction for the young Romanians, usually in the Empire’ universities of Budapest or Vienna. This tradition will be continued, with some difficulties, after the collapse of the communist regime. Beside some articles dedicated to the legionary phenomenon in interwar and postcommunist Romania (belonging to Mihai Chioveanu and Alexandru Bogdan Duca), this issue of Studia Politica offers us a great diversity of studies, all of them important both for scholars and advised readers. Some authors (Paul Brusanowski, Dorin Dobrincu, Andreea Nanu, Cristian Vasile) was preoccupied on the evolution of the Orthodox Church and thought along the years. Nevertheles, the importance of the Church for Romanian society after the fall of the communist regime impose us to mention some of the article referring to the actual topics: Gheorghe Modoran, “Confesiunile neoprotestante în România în perioada regimului comunist: 1945-1965 [Neoprotestants cults during the Romanian communist regime: 1945-1965]”; Lucian Ovidiu Ivan, “Provocarea Europei: excurs asupra vieŃii şi practicii religioase din România, pe drumul integrării europene” [Europe’ challenge: excurse on the Romanian religious life and practice in the context of European integration]; Mihail NeamŃu, “România 2007: război cultural, criză politică şi armistiŃiu religios”[Romania 2007: cultural fight, political crisis and religious armistice]; Mihaela Ghimici, „DependenŃa de cale şi Bisericile majoritare în contextul instaurării regimurilor comuniste din România şi Polonia” [Path dependence and prevailing Churches during the installation of communist regimes in Romania and Poland]; Ana Maria Rădulescu, “DesfiinŃarea mânăstirilor din Arhiepiscopia Craiovei: 1958-1960” [Abolition of the 194 monastery of Craiova’ Archiepiscopate: 1958-1960]; Cristian Barta, “Coordonatele actuale ale raporturilor dintre Biserica Română Unită cu Roma şi politică” [Actual coordinates of the rapports between Romanian United Church and politics]; Iuliana Conovici, Aspecte ale discursului public al Bisericii Ortodoxe Române după 1989: (auto)secularizarea [Aspects of the public discourse of Romanian Orthodox Church after 1989: auto-secularisation]; Sorin Gog, “Individualizarea experienŃei religioase şi erodarea funcŃiilor ecleziale în România postsocialistă [Individualising religious experience and the grinding down of ecclesial functions in post-socialist Romania]. In the same context we must refer to the study concerning a long time publicly debated subject: the collaboration of the clergy with political policy during the communist regime. Radu Preda, the author of the study “Securitatea şi insecurităŃile deconspirării ei. Comunismul în memoria clasei politice, a societăŃii civile şi a Bisericii [Securitatea and the insecurities of its deconspiracy. The communism in the memory of political class, of civil society and of Church]”, reveal us the importance of knowing communist deep history and the social effects of deconspiracy, using superficial methods, of collaborationism of some public actors, especially of the Church. It is obvious in this moment the degree of complexity and difference of the studies presented in Studia Politica. Therefore we consider that if all studies will be written in French or English the review will be an important research instrument for the foreign analysts or interested readers. (Cristina DOGOT, [email protected]) Alain DIECKHOFF; Christophe JAFFRELOT, Repenser le nationalisme. Theories et pratiques, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2006, ISBN 13/978-2-72460957-8, 463p. A profound revolution occurred during the 19th century, one which became a reality through multiple-deed transformations with the status-quo in the international system. The world as it was known centuries ago has transformed into a new one. The idea of progress, which was based on democracy, has created the nation and the national-state. The existing values have lost their significance. To gain a better understanding, one must be able to answer two very important questions. What is the nation and what is nationalism? They are two banal terms which are customary, yet very difficult to define due to profound, complex, and diverse realities. After enduring centuries of national mythology, we are witnesses of a slow but intense change. The end of the Cold War and cease of the ideological and military struggle between the “socialist field” and the “liberal world”, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inauguration of the European Union, are all events that have determined a new reorganization of the world, based on other rules and values. The previous two centuries seem to have been left behind. The establishment of the European Union lead to the disappearance or relativization of certain borders, thus creating the context for a new phase regarding the national states. The fear of losing some bench-marks that were familiar until that moment determined a return to what could be called “need for nations”. There was a great fear of ceaseless migration from the East to the South, West, and North, from which a new failure of the European solidarity had resulted, creating an isolation tendency of the old industrialized nations as a last frontier of protectionism. Nevertheless, “the nationalism must be rethought”, according to the two scientific coordinators, Alain Dieckhoff and Christophe Jaffrelot (research directors at the Centre d’études et de recherches internationales, Sciences Po, in Paris), who are also supported by other experts in the field. This work involves reuniting scientific notions regarding nationalism from famous researchers in the field of political philosophy, and its main merit is of inviting the reader to reanalyze the near past and the present through its way of presenting such a complex and sensitive issue. 195 The work is divided into four parts, each with its distinct approach to the ideas of nation and nationalism. In the first part, “Theories et typologies”, the first preoccupation of authors is analyzing the heterogeneity of nationalism. From a critical perspective of the main theories of nationalism, the researchers have concluded an explanatory model of creating nationalism, initiated on a process of socio-cultural reforms. Continuing these thoughts, Alain Dieckhoff emphasized that the agreed opposition between the political and cultural nationalism or between the civic and ethnic nationalism is worth being relativized. The second part of the book, “La Fabrique du nationalisme” explores the components of nationalism from a historical perspective. Starting from the way the national identities have been created during the 19th century, the authors have identified two main points. Firstly, they have emphasized the fact that the identification resources in the phase of national mobilization are almost always the same, correlating to the following concepts: history, language, tradition, geography, etc. The main idea is the accomplishment of introducing modernity to a nation, while keeping the archaic values as an identity point. Nowadays however, the globalization process brings about “modernity” but at the same time it represents a threat to the archaic values. In each nation-state, the national truth is consoled by competition, thus representing the second point. Therefore, the creation of the national identities is deemed as a transnational phenomenon. On the other hand, language and religion are considered as two sustaining pillars of national identity. The implication of the two components is well explained and analyzed in this second part of the collective work. The third part, “L’autre face du nationalisme” examines the populist extensions of nationalism and its violent power. It is about a contesting populism holding a clear ethnical dimension. There have always been and still are pathological nationalist excesses and inrushes, some of which have been analyzed in this chapter. However, according to the authors, it would be incorrect to hold only nationalism responsible for starting wars between states. The causes are much more complex and diverse (ideology, opposition of interests, the actions of the political leaders). The central idea portrays nationalism as being a strong “conflict potential”. The last part, “Au-dela du nationalime” recognizes post-nationalism and brings forward a new point of view regarding the European construction, “the most ambitious project, even beyond that of the nation-state”. The authors estimate that the intensification of the democratic practices within the EU will gradually give an authentic coherence to European citizens. In this new world, Cosmopolitism will prevail over nationalism and the globalization process will compel ethnic and nationalist mobility. The paper accomplishes in portraying the evolution of nationalism starting from the 19th century until present day. The clarity of each chapter makes this work comprehensible to those not specialized in this field. (Alina STOICA, [email protected]) Maria Manuela TAVARES RIBEIRO (Coord.): Mare Oceanus. Atlântico: Espaço de Diálogos, Coimbra, Almedina, 2007, ISBN-13: 978-972-40-3221-4, 148p. The latest number of the Collection Studies about Europe, coordinated by Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro and dedicated to the Relations Europe-Atlantic is the result of the reflections carried out by a group of academics during a Conference that took place at Coimbra’s University, included on the VIII Cultural Week of Coimbra’s University under the theme From Sea to Sea, from 2 to 7 March 2006. It is a work that deserves the attention from all that worry about the European duality. That is, the attention given by investigators, thinkers, historians, politicians, among others, that makes a reflection about this crossroads: Europe and the Atlantic. In what concerns its contents, the present volume puts a provocative challenge that comes to contribute with an interdisciplinary and critical dialogue, with innovation and stimulus, to the 196 European debate. Along the six texts by great national and international experts coming from the different areas of knowledge (Political Science, History, Law, Economy, Literature) questions about Atlantic solidarity, transatlantic relations, Atlantic revolution, Atlantic union, the Sea as a frontier, Atlantic inspirations and identities are put with a particular acuity. It deals with themes that are always up-to-date and opportune, in a moment when Europe rethinks its destiny and prepares itself to the new challenges of the “new European Century” (Mark Leonard, 2005), not in the sense that Europe will rule over the world as an empire, but because the “European way of doing things will be adopted all over the world.” In the light of this panorama, the words by Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro achieve a particular importance: “Europe and the Atlantic are genetically linked”. This same “ocean that might be understood more as an articulation, more as a link, than as a limit that cannot be transposed”. Besides, this connection gives rise to the idea of creation of a new form of power that Europe has developed through two aspects, which are the dimension of its market and of its diplomacy. One might illustrate what has just been said with some particularly clear examples. Among them, it’s worth stressing the Atlantic as a bridging point of identity, or better, of several identities, of the European values and of the “European unity” itself that was simultaneously being constituted with the “Atlantic community”. With this we want to say that the idea of Europe, of an Atlantic-Europe founded in the occidental values goes back to the notion of mare nostrum, a repository of Greek and Roman heroes as Cristina Robalo Cordeiro refers. In this context, it will not be too much to analyze and refer the most relevant aspects of the articles published in this work. Adriano Moreira approaches the question of the “Atlantic solidarity” defending that, in a “panorama of great areas and emerging powers, the Western people need to assume that Atlanticism is the strong nucleus of a conception of the world and of life ready for dialogue, but determined to safeguard its values.” In an article about Los países de la Europa central, suroriental, báltica y balcânica. El nuevo vínculo euroatlântico en el paso de un siglo a outro (The countries of central Europe, southeast, Baltic and Balcani. The new Euroatlantic bond in the transition from a century to another), Guillermo Á. Pérez Sánchez exposes the possible effects in a short, medium and long term of the new Euroatlantic bond following the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. On the other hand, Ricardo Martín de la Guardia defends that the contacts between officials and politicians of the European Union and the United States have allowed finding a new and mutual interest in broadening the collaboration between the two margins of the Atlantic. He also considers that the coordination between the European and North American administrations was an important landmark to transform the transatlantic agenda in a new reality. Estêvão de Rezende Martins, in his article entitled “Atlantic Revolution: frontier or hint of Union?”, draws the evolution of the transatlantic relations from the 15th century to the present day, revealing the fact that, along the times, the Atlantic functioned as a factor of social and institutional transformation so deep that, according to the author, one can talk about “Atlantic Revolution”. In a specialized article about “Frontier and function: the European case”, Rui Cunha Martins analyzes the concept of frontier in four problematic levels – definition of frontiers, mobility of frontiers, articulation of frontiers and regionalization of frontiers and he concludes that, in the specific case of Europe, the frontier must be “valued not only in its historical sense, but, above all, in its value as an ordering mechanism of the European construction: a mechanism with certain functions and, that way, producer of several European scales”. Cristina Robalo Cordeiro through a careful analysis of the French literature, that, in this article, she considers as the voice of the Atlantic Europe, uses notions as “classicism”, “romanticism” and “realism” in the approach to this problematic, doing it in a differential way. 197 Here is an important work, innovative and that helps us to understand the relationship of Europe with the Atlantic, the same is to say that the European space itself that is, as Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro states, “still a space to make. Europe is a territory to be made”. (Isabel Maria FREITAS VALENTE, e-mail: [email protected]) David DUNKERLEY; Lesley HODGSON; Stanislaw KONOPACKI; Tony SPYBEY; Andrew THOMPSON, National and Ethnic Identity in the European Context, Lodz University Press, Lodz, 2001, ISBN 83-7171-448-3, 221p. The book National and Ethnic Identity in the European Context is a collection of articles written by several authors (David Dunkerley, Lesley Hodgson, Stanislaw Konopacki, Tony Spybey, Andrew Thompson). It was published in 2001 and approaches the existing problems in the European Union at that time such as the future of nation-states in Europe and the future of European integration. Articles written by Andrew Thompson (The Nation-State in Europe), Tony Spybey (The Nation-State and European Integration), Tony Spybey (The Nation-State and European Institutions), Andrew Thompson (Nationalism in Europe) present the evolution of nation-state as a European creation, since its birth, at the end of 18th century until contemporary times. The authors emphasize the European origin of nation-state whose model expanded to the rest of the world, as the nation-states are represented in the United Nations Organization today. The European model spread throughout world as a result of colonization and maintained in administration even after the colonies regained independence. But the nation-state implies the existence of democratic institutions and modern principles which developed over time. Today’s state administration has its roots in the administration of centralized state during 16th and 17th centuries. Over time, the state separated from the monarchy, and democracy was established. What we know today as the democratic Parliament took shape after the model of British Parliament. The bureaucracy of contemporary nation-state was inspired after the centralized state and the reforms of Colbert. In the chapter People’s Europe?: The Social Dimensions of European Integration written by Andrew Thompson, several problems are emphasized. The author considers that the social dimension of European Integration was neglected in favor of economic interests of the process of integration. The author considers that at its origins, European integration was more an economic project, but the social dimension of the integration gains more and more importance. More and more, European Union tends to become a Europe of peoples. Now when the problem of a European citizenship gains more and more importance it is obvious that European integration is not anymore a problem of elites, but of all citizens of Europe. The subnational dimension of European integration, the voice of inhabitants living in different regions of the EU, brings Europe closer to its citizens. In 2001, when the present book was written, the problem of European enlargement was in vogue, as the European Union was planning its largest enlargement towards the East. Eastern Europe countries saw in this enlargement their chance to “return to Europe”. This idea is also emphasized by David Dunkerley in his article The Enlargement of the European Union. The author thinks that the first wave of enlargement towards Eastern and Central Europe is “in fact, providing divisive and exposing current weakness within the EU itself”. Enlargement takes place in the context of continuous globalization. But in 2001, euroskepticism of certain European states was noticeable. In the chapter Citizenship: the Concept and its development written by Stanislaw Konopacki, the author analyzes the concept of citizenship in the European political thought starting with Aristotle, who considered human beings as political animals, continuing with Machiavelli, who considered that people become citizens through “education, religion and recognition of duty”, referring then to modern citizenship as emphasized by Burke who considers the family as the main cell of the society and Rousseau who binds the individual of state. 198 The discussion around the concept of citizenship is continued by Stanislaw Konopacki in the chapter European Citizenship –Maastricht and After who describes how European citizenship is reflected in the Treaty of Maastricht according to which any national of a member state is a citizen of the European Union and the citizens of the European Union “have the right to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States” and can candidate for municipal election in the state where they reside. The treaty excludes external countries nationals from the possibility of having European Union citizenship. The present book is worth reading for a better understanding of European contemporary problems as the future of the nation-state in Europe or the future of the European Union. The authors debate contemporary problems looking back in the European tradition and history in order to make the reader perceive the elements of continuity in European concepts and ideas. (Anca OLTEAN, [email protected]) Cacipen Pal o Roma. A Global Report on Roma in Slovakia, Institute for Public Affairs, Bratislava, 2002, ISBN 80-88935-46-6, 525p. The broadest publication about the Roma in Slovakia came into existence with the support of the Civic Society Development Foundation, Open Society Institute, and United States Information Service. Institute for Public Affairs decided to publish this book due to the pressure of the international community, especially the EU, on the one hand, and the significance of the problematic Roma question for the entire Slovak society on the other hand. This issue became the thorn in the eye of the Slovak political elites because it remained to be the last obstacle for Slovakia, at those times, EU candidate country. As the authors indicates in the Preface: “the book speaks about the potential which Slovakia possesses for the start of the changes”. The authors of the publication are reputable analysts working for IVO, various think tanks, NGOs, universities, and public administration. All those 48 people brought to the book professional experience of high standard while being controlled by 18 lectors. As for the lectors, they include such renowned personalities of Slovak analytical community such as Iveta Radicova, Grigorij Meseznikov, or Olga Gyarfasova. The editor, Michal Vašečka, successful Slovak sociologist, has worked throughout his carrier for several think tanks (including IVO), and institutions such as The World Bank, Hoover Institute, Stanford University, Open Society Institute, European Center for Minority Issues etc. Recently, he has served as a professor at the Masaryk University in Brno, faculty of Social and Economic Sciences of the Comenius University in Bratislava, and last but not least, in 2006 he became a director of the of the Center for Research of Ethnicity and Culture. Cacipen Pal o Roma is trying to post an important message to its readers- that it is necessary to distinguish among the various subtypes of Roma population and perceive its heterogeneity in order not to repeat the mistakes of the past. As far as there was missing the valuable source of information about the Roma issue, which also influenced the international community to put more pressure on the state, one of the main goals of the book is to provide an access to he information about Roma for the wide society. Apart from that, it also reveals steps to possible solutions for the individual problems which are discussed in the chapters. The book is divided into 8 parts, each focused on different topic: Historical context; Roma culture and identity; Legislature, politics and public sphere; Roma and majority in the mutual interaction; Roma demographic situation; Roma social situation and poverty; Education; International context. Each part is also divided into chapters- the book contains 43 chapters. Historical context starts with the text by which tries to reveal the Indian origin of Roma, pointing out the heterogeneity of the castes in the Indian society and the beginning of the Roma settlement in different parts of Europe. The rest of the historical part follows the life of Roma on the Slovak territory starting with the reign of Maria Theresa until the period of transformation which has mostly affected Roma current situation. 199 Second part, Roma culture and identity, deals with the ethnical identity of Roma, their language, spiritual life, cultural activities comprising arts and various institutions supporting its development, and finally the Roma media- especially their development after 1989 while pointing out the role of journalism. The third part regarding the legislature focuses on the legal status of Roma and their both active and passive presence in the Slovak political life. One of the crucial chapters is the one related to the third sector which has been recently making effort to support the changes. Reading the part Roma and majority in the mutual interaction, the reader is provided by both the attitudes of majority and Roma while taking into account the results of the surveys, polls and other empirical data as well as the role of the media in the mutual relations. This part also emphasizes the dark side of the relations- the discrimination which could not be overseen. In Roma demographic situation the authors deal with their number and the layout on the Slovak territory. This part is significant due to the rising fears of the Slovak population about the growing number of Roma minority which is usually exaggerated by the media. Thus it was necessary to include accurate data and take into account the mortality and all the factors affecting Roma demographic development in order to provide the readers with the precise information. Next part, Social situation and the poverty analyses social exclusion of Roma in the Slovak society, the unemployment rising from the exclusion as well as the role of the state regarding this issue. The part also contains the life strategies of Roma which are being limited by the entire situation they have to face, it includes the chapter Housing and last but not least the Health situation of the minority. Education has been the part of special importance owning to the fact that many analysts consider this topic as a first step toward the changes. The authors emphasize the development of the educational system, the problems related to the education of Roma, the ongoing projects as well as the attitudes of the Roma towards the education while pointing out the significance of their opinions. The last part, International Context, deals with the notion of the Roma migration which had been raising fears of the international community, especially the EU countries, just before Slovak entering the EU. In addition to this, this part also devotes attention to the phenomena related to the migration such as asylum or the free movement of persons. In the last chapter the authors speak about multiculturalism and what needs to be done so that we can speak about the multicultural society in Slovakia. Cacipen Pal o Roma has been one of the few publications, if not the only one, which works with all the so far assembled accessible information about the Roma in Slovakia. It analyses all the aspects of the present Roma situation, referring to each factor which have been influencing their status and brings to its readers unbiased information supported by the empirical data and real evidence. Slovak society needs such a book in order to gain the knowledge about the biggest minority it coexists with, especially when it remains to be one of the crucial social problems. As the editor writes in the Preface, “for solving the social problem one must firstly knows the problem”. Reading this publication can be considered as an excellent way how to learn more. (Kristina MORAVKOVA, e-mail: [email protected]) 200 Our European Projects 202 The implementation of the project “European Parliament to campus for intercultural dialogue and the european neighborhood policy in the carpathian area” Mariana BUDA Manuela POPOVICI The enlargement of the European Union has changed its historical shape and the role of its western borders. The European Neighbourhood Policy is the reply which the European Union is offering to this challenge, meanwhile the objective of this policy is centered on the reinforcement of the stability and security of the European Union and of its neighbours. On this purpose, The Jean Monnet European Center of Excellence – Institute for Euroregional Studies is the promoter of a several actions which are upholding the research in the new fields of significance of the borders, of the crossborder cooperation and of the intercultural dialogue on the European Union’s Eastern border. One of these actions consisted in organizing the international seminar „European Parliament to Campus for Intercultural Dialogue and the European Neighbourhood Policy in the Carpathian Area”, 4-11 of June 2008, in partnership with the Association of the Former Members of the European Parliament, the Association of Carpathian Region Universities and universities from Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. This event forgatherd visions of former members of the European Parliament and researchers from the region, with a strong will of presenting the students, the proffesors and the general public a new approaching of the intercultural dialogue and as well the fact that barriers wouldn’t be raised inside the new borders of the European Union, barriers that could slow the communication beacuse of the enlargement, but on the contrary, they would turn into decks between the acdemical averages on each side. The international seminary has a strong transnational element, which is amongst other reasons, due to the fact that it has been organized in 4 states that are members of the European Union (Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia) and has crossed the western side of Ukraine. The following members of the European Parliament were part of the seminary: Joke Swiebel, Marijke van Hemeldonck, Ursula Braun Moser, Michael Elliott, Hugh R. McMahon and Christine Oddy. The project promotes debates, reasonings and knowledge in the area of dialogue between cultures and people and the European Union’s neighbourhood policz; it has two levels at each stage: the former members of the European Parliament who express their points of view by referring to the intercultural dialogue and the European Union’s neighbourhood policy, and the young researchers who express their points of view as derived from their own research. Both levels focus on the nature of this challenge as an analysis of the realtions between closed and open intercultural dialogues, relations between memory and identity in the intercultural dialogue, relations between the religious and ethnic and national borders in the carpathic region, setting out the means of promoting the intercultural dialogue in the carpathic area, ways to be used by the European Parliament in order to promote the intercultural dialogue and the European Union’s neighbourhood policy in the Carpathic region. The projoect also includes the publishing of a book that would contain all the participant’s works. This book is to have 500 copies, 200 of which are to be placed within at least 200 libraries and institutions who are interested in this matter. The seminary ended with an impressive visit to the Auschwith Memorial Museum, leaving the participants fully touched. Therefore, they came up with a declaration signed by them and the former members of the European Parliament that they decided to publish in the Official Bulletin of the Association of the Former Members of the European Parliament. Following this seminary, the University of Oradea will sign new bilateral Erasmus contracts with the support of the former members of the European Parliament, who are professors at different universities throughout Europe, and who in the nearing future will organise a series of conferences at the universities in Transylvania. Furthermore, it was decided that a summer school would be held during the summer of 2009 on the topic of multilingvism. During the last session of the seminary, all the participants were handed diplomas. ([email protected]; [email protected]) 203 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE MEDIA AND EUROPEAN DIVERSITY Oradea, 16-17 October 2008 LuminiŃa ŞOPRONI1, PhD The peoples of the European Union are increasingly made up of a mosaic of cultures, languages, traditions, origins and religions. The real challenge is to move from a “multicultural” society to an “inter-cultural” one. We have identified a clear and growing recognition and awareness in Europe of the need for deeper and more structured intercultural dialogue involving not only national authorities but also civil society at large. All these imply the need to become familiar with different cultures, to involve the media in cultural diversity management, to achieve a dialogue between cultures in the context of a greater, multinational, and borderless Europe. The conference was organized by the University of Oradea, Faculty of History, Geography and International Relations and the Institute for Euroregional Studies, as an activity within the Module Jean Monnet “Mass-Media and Intercultural Dialogue in Europe Without Borders”. The conference, which benefited from a very large participation of specialists in mass media issues from all over Europe, aims to multiply and disseminate information about the relationship between mass media and cultural, economic and political diversity, to analyze the way in which media transmits the information relating to national, regional, and European identity and to raise awareness about the need to have real efficient dialogue between the peoples of Europe. We succeeded in offering a comprehensive overview of both tradition and transformation in the social, economic, political and cultural relationships at the heart of the political and socio-economic landscape in Europe today. The key- issues to discuss were: the role of mass media in managing the European diversity, the European Integration and the dialogue between cultures and peoples; the economic convergence of EU member-states; economic, political and social regional comparisons among European areas; the relations between memory and identity in intercultural dialogue; the relations between cultural and ethno-national frontiers in the EU; means to promote intercultural dialogue in EU – especially, how it should be promoted by the EU institutions. The programme of the conference included besides plenary lectures, the following workshops: 1. Europe: “Unity in Diversity”. Regional disparities. Managing the European Diversity 2. Diversity versus convergence in European economic integration 3. Mass media and local/regional/European identity. European citizenship 4. European visibility in the world. Mass media and the image of Europe 1 Academic coordinator of Jean Monnet Module “Mass-Media and Intercultural Dialogue in Europe without Borders”, University of Oradea. 204 About the authors 206 Enrique BANÚS, Ph.D., M.A., has studied Comparative Literature, Romance and German Philology at the Universities of Bonn and Aachen in Germany. After having worked at the Universities in Aachen, Bonn, Cologne and Paderboen, he was appointed Director of the Centre for European Studies at the University of Navarra in Spain, where he has taught European Literature, Cultural Studies and History of European Integration. He has collaborated with the European Commission in irganising Conferences in Intercultural Dialogue and has been President of the 9 Conferences "European Culture" organised in Pamplona. Since 2007 he is Director of the Master's Degree in Cultural Management at the Universitat Internacional de Catalunya in Barcelona; since 2008 Dean of he Faculty of Humanities and Director of the Institute for European Studies at the same University. Jean Monnet Chair ad personal "European Culture". E-mail: [email protected] Margarita CHABANNA followed the Department of Economic Sciences of the National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”, a master in political science at the same University and has a PhD in political sciences. In 2007 she complete the program “EU Neighbourhood Policy and Programmes” within the project “Democracy and Public Service Capacity building in Ukraine”, Kyiv-Brussels. Professional experience: Associate professor of the Department of Political Science, National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy” (2006); executive secretary of the journal “Scientific transactions of NaUKMA. Political Science”, University of “KievMohyla Academy” (2006); senior teacher of the Department of Political Science, National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy” (2005/6); Assistant of the Department of Political Science, National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy” (2002/5). E-mail: [email protected] Georges CONTOGEORGIS, ancien Recteur, directeur de recherche au CNRS de France et membre correspondant de l’Académie internationale de la culture portugaise, est professeur de science politique à l’Université Panteion d’Athènes. Parmi ses publications: Nation et modernité, Athènes, 2006; Le phénomène autoritaire, Athènes, 2003; Citoyenneté et État. Concept et typologie de la citoyenneté, Athènes, 2004; Histoire de la Grèce, Paris, 1992; Le cosmosystème hellénique. t. A. La période statocentrique, Athènes, 2006; La démocratie comme liberté, Athènes, 2007. E-mail: [email protected] Gábor CSÜLLÖG is an assistant professor at the Eötvös Lorand University, Institute of Geography and Earth Sciences, Department of Environmental and Landscape Geography. He graduated as geographical teacher in 1982 at Kossuth Lajos University of Debrecen and as archaeologist in 1991 at Eötvös Lorand University, where he has been taught since 1988. He received his PhD in Earth Sciences at University of Debrecen. Education activity: social geography, cultural geography, historical geography, political geography. Research field: Historical geography of Carpathian Basin and Balkan, historical spatial structure of Hungary, types of historical landscape in the Carpathian Basin. Selected publications: “The Revaluation of Border Regions in the Changing Spatial Structure”, in: Süli-Zakar, I. (Ed.), Borders and Cross-border Co-operations in the Central European Transformation Countries, Debreceni Egyetem Kossuth Egyetemi Kiadója Debrecen, 2002, p. 69-79; “The Changes of the Spatial Structure in the Carpathian Basin”, in: Vaishar, A.; Zapletalova, J.; Munzar, J. (eds.), Regional Geography and its Applications, Institute of Geonics, Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Regiograph, Brno 2003, p. 20-25; “Bihar in the Historical Territorial Structure of the Carpathian Basin”, in: Süli-Zakar, I.; Horga, I. (eds.), Regional development in the RomanianHungarian Cross-border Space – From National to European Perspective, Debrecen, 2006, p. 71-76. E-mail: [email protected] Cristina DOGOT: PhD (2002-2007) in history and political sciences (European federalism). Actually she is lecturer at the Faculty of History, Geography and International Relations, University of Oradea where she taught courses on comparative political analyses, history of European integration, European institutions. Selected studies: „Central and Eastern Europe, the 207 State, and the Challenges of Modernity”, in: Steven Tötösy de Zepetnek, Carmen Andraş, Magdalena Marsowsky (eds.), New Central and East European Culture, Aachen, Shaker Verlag, 2006, p. 100-112. ISBN-10: 3-8322-5143-X; ISBN-13: 978-3-8322-5143-7; „Regiunile, fundament al viitoarei federaŃii europene în abordarea propusă de Denis de Rougemont” [The Regions as fondament for the future European Federation. Denis de Rougemont’ idea], p. 239262, in: Nicolae Păun (ed.) Actualitatea mesajului fondatorilor Uniunii Europene [The Actuality of the Message of the Founders of European Union]; secretary of redaction Cristina Dogot, ClujNapoca, Editura FundaŃiei pentru Studii Europene, 2006. ISBN (10) 973-7677-21-8; ISBN (13) 978-973-7677-21-1. CNCSIS Project no. 1785 / 2006; La longue histoire d’un « nouveau » concept: le principe de subsidiarité [The long history of a new concept: the principe of subsidiarity], p. 33-50, in: Simion Costea (coord.), For a Stronger and Wider European Union, ED. NAPOCA STAR, Cluj-Napoca, 2005. E-mail: [email protected] Martin HOFMANN (1977), graduated in sociology (Dipl.-Soz.) at the Darmstadt University of Technology/Germany, associated researcher and lecturer of the Robert Bosch Foundation at the University of Oradea, Romania, Department of International Relations and European Studies, work experiences: German Evangelic Church Budapest/Hungary, Institut Wohnen und Umwelt (Institute for Housing and Environment) Darmstadt, Deutsches Polen Institut (German Poland Institute) Darmstadt. Leading educational seminars for youth doing a Voluntary Year of Social Service. Fields of interest: postmodernity, spatial theory, borders, urban anthropology, cities, Middle and Eastern Europe. PhD project: The Heritage of the 89 Revolution in Timişoara, Gdańsk and Leipzig. A Comparism. E-mail: [email protected] Sándor ILLÉS, PhD is Senior Research Fellow of Demographic Research Institute of Hungarian Central Statistical Office (Budapest) and Professor Associate at the Kodolányi János University College (Székesfehérvár). He graduated from the University of Szeged, Hungary in 1990 with a Master degree in Geography and History. He was awarded a Ph.D. in Geography from the University of Eötvös Lóránd (ELTE) in 1999. He has written on level of internal migration in Hungary, European perspectives of international migration policy, international elderly migration. He has published 6 books and more than 60 scientific articles in different languages. His research outcomes was presented in many international conferences. E-mail: [email protected] Gábor MICHALKÓ, PhD, is Senior Research Fellow at the Geographical Research Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Budapest) and Professor of Tourism at the Kodolányi János University College, Hungary (Székesfehérvár). He graduated from the University of Debrecen, Hungary in 1993 with a Master degree in Geography and History. He also received a BA in Tourism from the Budapest Business School in 2000. He was awarded a Ph.D. in Geography from the University of Debrecen in 1998. His recent research interests include urban tourism, shopping tourism, human ecology of tourism and the relationship between tourism and quality of life. He has published 6 books and more than 100 scientific articles in different languages. His research outcomes was presented in many international conferences. E-mail: [email protected] Kristina MORAVKOVA followed the Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences at the Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia where she studied European Studies. During the academic year 2007-2008 she participated in the Erasmus exchange program when she attended the faculty of International Relations at the University of Oradea, Romania. Her work “The Roma Population in Slovakia: The Study Case of the Intercultural Dialogue” is her first published article. Recently she has been working on the paper work related to the topic of intercultural dialogue called “Islam and Europe”. E-mail: [email protected] János PÉNZES is assistant lecturer at the Department of Social Geography and Regional Development Planning, University of Debrecen. He graduated as geographer in 2004 and as 208 English-Hungarian geographer special translator in 2007. He had PhD scholarship between 2004 and 2007. He is currently writing his PhD thesis about the income inequalities of NorthEastern Hungary with special attention to the effect of borders on the income pattern. His special field of interest is the socio-economic problems in the North-Eastern part of Hungary, especially the regional disparities, the using of mathematical-statistical methods concerning the spatial analysis. E-mail: [email protected] Teresa PINHEIRO, PhD, Junior Professor for Cultural and Social Change at the Chemnitz University of Technology. She graduated at the Universities of Cologne and of Lisbon in German and Portuguese studies; PhD thesis on the constructions (or images) of Brasil and the Brasilians in 16th century Portuguese eye-witness reports (University of Paderborn, in 2002). Research fields: Iberian Cultural Studies; Emigration; Representations of collective Identity. Recent publications: 2008: „Das ‚Verstummen’ des portugiesischen Tonfilms im Estado Novo“ in: Gisela Febel, Natascha Ueckmann (Hgg.), Europäischer Film im Kontext der Romania: Geschichte und Innovation (Akten der gleichnamigen Sektion des XXIX. Deutschen Romanistentages vom 25.9.-29.9.2005 in Saarbrücken). Münster: LIT-Verlag, 45-65; 2008: “Iberische Sichten der EU-Osterweiterung” in: Mathias Niedobitek / Peter Jurczek (Hgg.), Europäische Forschungsperspektiven – Elemente einer Europawissenschaft. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 385-408; 2008: „Memória histórica no Portugal contemporâneo” in: Anna Kalewska (ed.), Diálogos com a Lusofonia. Colóquio comemorativo dos 30 anos do Instituto de Estudos Ibéricos e Ibero-americanos da Universidade de Varsóvia. Warschau: Instituto de Estudos Ibéricos e Ibero-americanos da Universidade de Varsóvia, 299-314; 2008: “Die Gefangenschaftsberichte von Hans Staden und José de Anchieta zwischen Märtyrertum und Suspense“ in: Franz Obermeier/Wolfgang Schiffner (Hgg.), Die Wahrhaftige Historia – Das erste Brasilienbuch. Akten des Wolfhager Kongresses zu 450 Jahren Hans-Staden-Rezeption. Kiel: Westensee-Verlag, 101-119. E-mail: [email protected] Joke SWIEBEL studied political science and economics at the University of Amsterdam. After her studies she worked nine years at the same university, first as a researcher in the economics department and later as head of the political science library. In 1977 she took up policy-making for women's equality as her profession and joined the staff of the first so-called 'national machinery' for the advancement of women, the Emancipation Commitee, an advisory body of the Netherlands government. In 1979 she moved to the Department for the Co-ordination of Emancipation Policy at the then Ministry of Welfare; in 1982 this department was transferred to the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment. From 1979 to 1995 Joke Swiebel worked in this department as a senior civil servant responsible subsequently for socio-economic and legal affairs, general policy planning and international relations. She was elected Member of the European Parliament in 1999. As a member of the Netherlands Labour Party Delegation she belongs to the Parliamentary Group of European Socialists. Within Parliament she participates in the Committee on Citizens' Freedoms and Rights, Justice and Home Affairs and in the Committee on Women's Rights and Equal Opportunities. She performs an active role in policy areas such as human rights, anti-discrimination legislation, asylum and migration policies and the drugs issue. Joke Swiebel is Chairperson of the EP's Gay and Lesbian Intergroup, i.e. an informal grouping of MEP's and officials of various political backgrounds working together in order to promote gay and lesbian rights. Since the sixties, she has also been an activist and a resource person in both the feminist movement and in the gay and lesbian movement. Joke Swiebel has published numerous articles, papers etc. on subjects such as equality policy, human rights, labour market and social security reform and governmental organization. E-mail: [email protected] Nadia-Suzana ŞAPTEFRAłI has got her B.A. in political science at the National School of Political and Administrative Studies, Bucharest, Romania, her M.A. at the Central European University, Budapest, Hungary and is currently pursuing her PhD studies at Institutum Studiorum Humanitatis in Ljubljana, Slovenia. She has worked at the Institute of British 209 Cultural Studies, Bucharest, Romania, at the University of Bucharest, at the Institute of Sociology of the Romanian Academy of Sciences, at the Slovene Government and for various international organizations such as Amnesty International, European Roma Rights Centre or National Democratic Institute. Her main research interests are ethnicity, immigration, multiculturalism, gender, labour market in the European Union. E-mail: [email protected] Gergely TAGAI is young researcher at Centre for Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of Science, Budapest. He graduated as geographer in 2004 and he had Ph.D scholarship between 2004 and 2007 at Department of Regional Geography (Regional Science), University Eötvös Loránd. He is currently writing his Ph.D thesis about the using of Spatial Interaction Models in regional studies. His special field of interest is spatial inequalities in Hungary and in Central and Eastern Europe, mathematical models in spatial analysis and spatial theories in philosophy. He is a member of Hungarian Regional Science Association. E-mail: [email protected] Octavian łÎCU is Head of International Relations Department at the International Free University of Moldova. Born at 21.08.1972, Ungheni, Moldova, he developed his PhD studies in History between 1994-2000 at “Al.I. Cuza” University, Iaşi, Romania with the thesis “The Bessarabia Problem in the Romanian-Soviet Relationships (1917-1940)“. Between September 2006 - May 2007 he was Fulbright Visiting Professor, Russian, East European and Eurasian Center, Urbana-Champaign, the United States of America. In 2004 he received National Prize of Moldova in the Field of Science and Literature for the book Problema Basarabiei şi relaŃiile sovieto-române în perioada interbelică (1919-1939) (The Bessarabia Problem and SovietRomanian Relationships in the Interwar Period (1919-1939)), Chişinău, Prut InternaŃional, 2004, 269p. E-mail: [email protected] 210 Eurolimes Journal of the Institute for Euroregional Studies “Jean Monnet” European Centre of Excellence Has published Vol. 1/2006 Europe and its Borders: Historical Perspective Vol. 2/2006 From Smaller to Greater Europe: Border Identitary Testimonies Vol. 3/2007 Media, Intercultural Dialogue and the New Frontiers of Europe Vol. 4/2007 Europe from Exclusive Borders to Inclusive Frontiers Vol. 5/2008 Religious frontiers of Europe Vol. 6/2008 The Intercultural Dialogue and the European Frontiers Will publish Vol. 7/2009 Europe and the Neighbourhood Vol. 8/2009 ????????????????