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Actes des travaux du 5éme congrès
des Recherches Féministes dans la Francophonie Plurielle
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du multiculturalisme
Rabat, les 21 -­ 25 Octobre 2008
Maroc
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Les organisatrices et organisateurs du 5ème Congrès des Recherches Féministes Francophones
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Allocution de Monsieur Lahcen Oulhaj, Doyen de la Faculté des Sciences Juridiques
Economiques et Sociales de Rabat-Agdal...................................................................... 08
Allocution de Madame Zineb Touimi Benjelloun
Directrice régionale des programmes de l’UNIFEM pour l’Afrique du Nord..................10
Rapport Introductif Pr.Malika Benradi, Directrice du 5ème Congrès des RFF.................13
Études femmes/féministes ou genre : des approches qui ne s’excluent pas
Dr. Lorena PARINI..........................................................................................................24
Conjuguer le « multi », l’« inter » et le « trans » avec féminisme
La présence des jeunes féministes au sein du mouvement des femmes
Pr. Marcelle DUBÉ ........................................................................................................29
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Latifa EL BOUHSINI.....................................................................................................39
Féminisme et instrumentation de la laïcité
Marie-Blanche TAHON..................................................................................................56
Du Féminisme Islamique
Pr. Abdessamad DIALMY...............................................................................................69
Militantisme / études féministes / études de genre : Regard sur les enjeux d’aujourd’hui
Françoise PICQ...............................................................................................................75
« Troisième vague », une tempête dans un verre d’eau? : une critique féministe radicale
Mélissa BLAIS, Eve-Marie LAMPRON, Geneviève PAGÉ..........................................86
La différence est dans le passé : vers un « 2nd World feminism » en Europe de l’est
postcommuniste.
Ioana CRISTOCEA.........................................................................................................99
Solidarité : Créativité et stratégies plurielles d’écoute
Anna ROCCA................................................................................................................117
Le cas des politiques environnementales au Cameroun
Sariette BATIBONAK ..................................................................................................140
Le développement peut-il composer avec les inégalités de genre ?
Cheikh DIAW ..............................................................................................................151
Religion et Politique : renégocier avec les religieux .
Fatou SOW.................................................................................................................. ..163
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Une représentation politique au service des femmes. De quelles femmes au juste ?
Manon TREMBLAY.....................................................................................................308
Parité et démocratie : ambivalence d’une égalité dans la différence
Réjane SENAC-SLAWINSKI ......................................................................................339
La démocratie au service des droits des femmes :approche critique, Le cas des débats
marocain et sénégalais sur le statut des femmes dans le droit de la famille
Marième N’DIAYE........................................................................................................352
Femmes, féministes et conquête du pouvoir politique : Un ‘Nous femmes’ plus que
jamais actuel.
Lydia ROUAMBA.........................................................................................................383
Femmes, modernité et modernisation au Maroc l’Etat gestionnaire des relations de genre
Houria ALAMI MCHICHI............................................................................................397
Droits sexuels et reproductifs et genre. Où en sommes-nous ?
Katinka IN ‘T ZANDT.................................................................................................412
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une ville du sud du Brésil
Maria juracy...................................................................................................................430
Dieu n’est pas mort, le machisme non plus… Le cas du Mexique
Guitté HARTOG et Nohemi ALDANA MATA ............................................................443
Du crime dit passionnel au crime dit d’honneur : aux racines d’une même culture, celle
de la virilité.
Annik HOUEL, Patricia MercadeR et Helga SOBOTA...............................................449
L’éducation populaire au MFPF clef de l’égalité : l’action femmes de cultures différentes.
Latfa DARIF & KHadija AZOUGACH........................................................................460
L’argument culturel comme obstacle à la reconnaissance de groupes sociaux :
L’exemple des mères célibataires en Tunisie
Anne LE BRIS..............................................................................................................467
Le Grain du sable et le pavé
Dédicace au participantes du 5°Congrès des RFF
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Allocution d’ouverture des travaux du 5° congrès des RFF Monsieur Lahcen Oulhaj Doyen de la Faculté de Droit Agdal-­Rabat
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Allocution de Madame Zineb Touimi Benjelloun
Directrice régionale des programmes de l’UNIFEM pour l’Afrique du Nord Madame la Ministre du développement Social de la Famille et de la Solidarité
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207
Tensions et contradictions d’un possible féminisme
religieux chez les étudiantes musulmanes descendantes de
migrants nord-africains
Rania HANAFI*
J’ai effectué mon enquête de terrain par des entretiens semi-directifs d’une durée
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supérieur en voie de professionnalisation, principalement à Bordeaux (quelques unes
à Grenoble et à Marseille). Sur le principe d’une compréhension participante au cours
de mes entretiens (groupes de discussion, débats à l’Université…), j’ai recueilli leurs
vécus, leurs discours et représentations de leurs expériences religieuses. Elles sont dans
leur majorité issues de parents originaires du Maroc. Nombreuses sont celles qui ont
saisi l’occasion pour s’exprimer sur la question de la condition de la femme musulmane
en France – débat dont elles se sentent exclues, tant par les féministes (à travers le
mouvement NPNS par ex.) que par leurs familles. Traités sur le mode de l’immédiateté,
les débats passionnés sur l’inusable « foulard islamique » ne laissent pas de place au
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la pression de leur environnement (familial, scolaire…), les étudiantes font le choix
d’une appartenance religieuse musulmane (inscrite dans des processus de conversion) en
rupture avec l’héritage religieux familial.
Le référent religieux des étudiantes fournit le cadre opératoire d’une militance qui
devient de ce fait, l’expression d’une nouvelle manière de croire et d’agir dans l’espace
public français. Elles façonnent ainsi une nouvelle manière d’être au monde à la lumière
de leurs expériences religieuses vécues à travers ce que nous appelons la dynamique
conversionnelle d’« arrachement et de rattachement ». Nous envisageons les processus
de conversion à partir d’une lecture du double mouvement d’« arrachement et de
rattachement » (j’emprunte cette distinction à Derrida dans Foi et Savoir) à soi et aux
autres : « arrachement et rattachement […] à la famille, au familier, au domestique, au
propre…
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208
à tout ce qu’on rassemble confusément sous le terme de «l’identitaire» : ce qui, à la
fois ex-proprie et ré-approprie, dé-racine et ré-enracine […] » pour « revenir » vers une
communauté spirituelle dans la fraternité.
Le philosophème derridien d’«arrachement et de rattachement» permet de mettre en
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patriarcal, et de manière plus radicale jusqu’à l’autorité de l’héritage familial. Plus encore,
nous repérons chez les étudiantes pratiquantes un faisceau de ruptures avec : les schémas
traditionnels de la pratique religieuse «patriarcale/matriarcale» de l’islam «coutumier»
de leurs parents ; les représentations de la femme développées par une certaine vulgate
médiatique (vivement exprimée au moment de la loi sur le voile) qu’elles tiennent pour
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de façon plus générale, les normes auquelles les leur environnement ne cesse de les
renvoyer.
On s’intéresse ici à une forme nouvelle d’appropriation des questions sociales au service
d’une « fraternité musulmane », par la militance féminine religieuse que les descendantes
de migrants nord-africains activent au sein de halqas (des cercles de lecture religieuses
et de discussion sur thèmes variés entre femmes étudiantes ou pas), des associations
caritatives, et des mosquées. Elles tissent un réseau d’entraide, auprès des femmes,
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qu’elles pratiquent dans un contexte de globalisation et de solidarités religieuses
internationales. A cet égard, la militance féminine des étudiantes interviewées, et c’est là
une de nos hypothèses, redessine les contours d’une nouvelle manière subjective de se
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contextualisons dans sa dimension intergénérationnelle des familles migrantes. Nous
repérons deux étapes dans les parcours des étudiantes qui favorisent l’émergence de cette
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l’expression d’une militance féminine :
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Une individuation des pratiques religieuses à l’Université, ou en écoles supérieures :
construction des réseaux d’amitié dans la « sororité » ;
‡
Des pratiques religieuses d’un nouveau genre au sein de halqas et d’associations
caritatives : c’est ce que nous appelons « émergence d’une militance féminine ».
209
1ère étape : Une individuation des pratiques religieuses
Les pratiques religieuses des étudiantes de nos entretiens ne se déroulent pas dans le
prolongement de l’héritage parental, mais bien dans l’arrachement (à soi et aux autres,
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que simple détachement, dans la mesure où le processus ne va pas sans tensions ni
contradictions.
Notons tout d’abord que le rapport à l’islam que les étudiantes expriment à travers
leurs participations à des lectures collectives de textes fondateurs, à des conférences
de théologiens, à des congrès comme celui du Bourget (Organisation islamique), à
l’organisation de débats, etc., se veut « intellectuel », par opposition à celui des parents
qu’elles décrivent comme ancré dans des pratiques « aveugles » et « coutumières ».
« J’ai commencé à m’instruire avec ma sœur, pendant mes études à Grenoble, nous
raconte Lydia. On comprenait des choses, « Pourquoi l’unicité ? Pourquoi l’amour de
dieu ? Comment c’est arrivé ? Dans quelles conditions ? […] » (Lydia, 26 ans Master1
Commerce international)
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d’émancipation scolaire voulu par les parents. Mais, si les études supérieures représentent
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va pas que de cet enjeu chez les interviewées. En effet, l’Université devient pour elles
également, une opportunité de développer et de vivre pleinement leur foi, en dehors
du giron familial. Ainsi, Fatima (21 ans en LEA après une classe Prépas Lettres), qui à
l’époque du lycée s’était vu refuser par son père des cours d’initiation religieuse dans
le quartier voisin au sien, a pu pleinement s’investir dans sa foi pendant ses études
supérieures :
«[…] J’ai eu le déclic de la religion en 1ère. Un étudiant de Paris est venu étudier à B.
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je découvrais, j’y connaissais rien. Il a commencé avec nos frères. Je me disais pourquoi
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frères et il nous a fait des cours le dimanche. Ça se passait un peu loin de chez moi, à
la ZUP. Mais c’était super intéressant ! Et là je me suis dit, ouah, la femme, c’est pas
selon des traditions. On veut nous le faire croire alors que dans l’islam c’est pas ça !
210
Pourquoi ? […] Je me suis de plus en plus interrogée, et là, mon père m’a dit « Tu n’y vas
plus ». Ça a duré 6 mois. Au début, je lui racontais tout et puis je crois que ça lui a fait
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de vide. (Fatima, 21 ans 3ème année de LEA après une classe Prépa Lettres).
La conversion à l’islam de Fatima correspond à un moment où elle s’interroge de façon
quasi anthropologique sur la condition féminine dans les familles dites « musulmanes ».
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un étudiant venu prêcher la bonne parole dans une ZUP à forte concentration maghrébine,
et potentiellement téléguidé par des associations islamiques, il est toutefois intéressant
de voir comment Fatima interprète le contenu du message religieux, en particulier sur la
femme en islam, contre une vision traditionaliste de la condition féminine.
Source de désordre et de crainte, comme en témoigne la réaction brusque de son père
qui lui interdit de poursuivre cet enseignement religieux, le processus de conversion de
Fatima porte en lui un caractère potentiellement subversif : non seulement une critique du
primat de l’enseignement religieux aux seuls garçons (elle avait du négocier sa présence
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ne pourraient-elles pas s’initier comme les garçons au Coran et à la Tradition ? » L’épreuve
de l’injustice fondée sur la différence « sexuelle » a une incidence dans le cheminement
religieux de cette étudiante, en ce qu’il la conduit à interroger la légitimité des pratiques
religieuses coutumières des parents dans le champ patriarcal. C’est pour elle, le début
d’un long questionnement personnel qu’elle développera à son arrivée à l’Université en
participant à des cours à la mosquée ou encore en formant avec d’autres étudiants une
halqa mixte sur le mode associatif. L’entrée à l’Université ou dans une école supérieure,
représente ainsi une première étape de l’individuation religieuse des étudiantes en même
temps qu’elles « inventent une nouvelle lignée croyante » selon la formule de J. Césari,
dans la sororité.
Une autre étudiante, Ikram (21 ans en 3ème année LLCE d’Arabe), nous dit employer
le terme de « sœur » entre croyantes comme une « marque de reconnaissance entre
elles ». La plupart des interviewées ont ainsi rompu avec les amies du quartier d’où
elles viennent, et partagent leurs expériences religieuses avec d’autres coreligionnaires
au moment de leur entrée en études supérieures. Fatima tout comme Nadifa (22 ans
en Master1 de Philosophie, après une classe Prépa Lettres), qui se sont heurtées à la
GpVDSSUREDWLRQSDUHQWDOHORUVTX·HOOHVRQWYRXOXDIÀFKHUOHXUUHOLJLRVLWpLQGLYLGXHOOHHQ
211
dehors de la sphère privée de la maison, ont toutes les deux noué des liens « fraternels »
selon elles, avec d’autres pratiquantes à la Fac :
©(QÀQGHère année de prépa, je me suis mise à lire le Coran. Je me rendais souvent à la
mosquée. Je m’étais fait de bonnes copines, nous raconte Fatima » (Fatima, 21 ans 3ème
année de LEA après une classe Prépas Lettres)
« Finalement, mon vrai groupe avec lequel je me reconnais, c’est mes cousines et mes
copines de la mosquée. Aujourd’hui, les copines du collège et du lycée je ne les vois plus,
alors que le groupe de la mosquée, du cours de N., […] est un noyau plus solide auquel
V·HVWJUHIIpG·DXWUHVÀOOHVDUULYpHVSOXVWDUG&·HVWOHJURXSHOHSOXVLPSRUWDQW>@-·DYDLV
G·DXWUHVFRSLQHVjO·pSRTXHGXO\FpHPDLVDSUqVF·pWDLWSOXW{WjOD)DFTX·RQHVWGHYHQXHV
SOXVOLpHVDYHFOHVÀOOHVGHODPRVTXpHª1DGLIDDQVHQ0GH3KLORVRSKLHDSUqV
une classe Prépa Lettres)
/DPLVHHQSHUVSHFWLYHGHVSUDWLTXHVUHOLJLHXVHVGHVSDUHQWVDYHFFHOOHVGHOHXUVÀOOHV
révèle, sur la question de l’engagement religieux, un fossé intergénérationnel. A cet
égard, la conversion religieuse s’offre comme un analyseur de cette situation de rupture
avec la pratique religieuse des parents. Les jeunes femmes, pour la quasi-totalité d’entre
elles, parlent d’une désapprobation de la part de leurs parents. Ils réprouvent l’expression
G·XQH UHOLJLRVLWp LQGLYLGXHOOH GH OHXUV ÀOOHV TXL VRUWH GH OD VSKqUH SULYpH FLUFRQVFULWH
à sa dimension intrafamiliale. On comprend dès lors, l’importance que les étudiantes
accordent à la poursuite d’études dans le supérieur : c’est non seulement une première étape
d’autonomisation du sujet, mais surtout une individuation des pratiques religieuses,
qui prend forme au sein de réseaux d’amitiés « fraternelles » que les étudiantes tissent
aussi bien à l’Université qu’à la mosquée, deux espaces de sociabilité qui favorisent
leur expression religieuse. Ainsi qu’en est-il du groupe d’amis chez les étudiantes qui
WLHQWXQU{OHGHPRELOLVDWLRQUHOLJLHXVHGHJUDQGHHIIHUYHVFHQFHWDQWDXVHLQGXJURXSH
de pairs que vis-à-vis de la société dans son ensemble (famille comprise)?. Ce nouvel
environnement relationnel et affectif se développe pendant les études supérieures, où
les étudiantes se « reconnaissent » comme « des sœurs en Dieu toutes descendantes
d’Adam et Eve » ainsi que l’évoque Linda (27 ans en Licence3 de Droit). Nous assistons
dés lors, au rattachement des étudiantes, je cite, à un « islam universel », sans frontière,
qui se voudrait visible dans l’espace public. Envisageons plus avant les deux formes de
cette mobilisation religieuse qui, selon nous, caractérisent la militance féminine des
étudiantes : l’une, spirituelle, se traduit par la participation à des cercles de discussion
212
au sein d’une halqa, et l’autre, caritative, passe par l’engagement au sein d’associations
humanitaires.
2ème étape : Une mobilisation religieuse d’un genre nouveau
(halqa, associations caritatives …)
Les pratiques religieuses des étudiantes prennent forme dans un contexte urbain
(universités / associations et mosquées) où des branchements (au sens que propose J./ $PVHOOH © G·XQH GpULYDWLRQ GH VLJQLÀpV SDUWLFXODULVWHV SDU UDSSRUW j XQ UpVHDX GH
VLJQLÀDQWV SODQpWDLUHV ª LFL OH UpIpUHQW XQLYHUVDOLVWH GH O·LVODP WLVVHQW XQH WUDPH GH
fond sur laquelle se construit une mise en forme sociale des pratiques religieuses des
étudiantes. Notre enquête révèle que sur la quarantaine d’interviewées :
1.
Un tiers des étudiantes participent activement à une halqa, soit dans un groupe de
femmes de tous âges et venant de tous horizons, soit dans un groupe d’étudiantes et
militantes au sein d’une association caritative ;
2.
Un deuxième tiers militent uniquement dans des associations caritatives ;
3.
Un troisième tiers est sans militance ou de manière occasionnelle.
L’expérience de l’une d’elles (Lydia, 26 ans Master1 Commerce international) nous révèle
dans toute sa singularité le cheminement des étudiantes interviewées vers ce que l’on
pourrait appeler une « militance féminine ». Elle se rend régulièrement dans des halqa
depuis quatre ans dans un groupe d’étudiantes et depuis trois dans un groupe de femmes
venant de tous horizons. Le groupe dont il est question ici, concerne des femmes de tous
kJHV TXL SDUWLFLSHQW DX F{Wp GHV pWXGLDQWHV j GHV GLVFXVVLRQV WKpRORJLTXHV &H JURXSH
ainsi constitué depuis les années 90, forme « un cercle autour de la sœur la plus instruite,
selon Lydia, où l’on apprend des sourates que l’on récite ensemble ». En fonction de la
formation des « sœurs », elles proposeront respectivement par exemple, un cours sur
la spiritualité, sur l’amour du prophète, ou sur l’histoire des califes. L’une d’elles fait
une lecture du Coran à partir d’un exposé sur un thème choisi la séance précédente. La
lecture est suivie d’un échange entre elles :
©<·HQDXQHTXLGRQQHVRQDYLVVXUODTXHVWLRQVXUXQHDIÀUPDWLRQTXHODV±XUDDYDQFp
en référence à des savants ; des fois, elle donne son avis par rapport à son expérience
personnelle. Par exemple, on avait fait un sujet sur la vie de couple, le mariage…Les
relations affectives entre l’homme et la femme, certaines parlent de leur vécu. […]
213
mais les questions intimes se disent plus en aparté. » (Lydia, 26 ans Master1 Commerce
international)
L’animatrice du groupe est une « sœur » comme la désigne Lydia, qui a fait un DEA en Droit
HWSUpSDUHXQGLSO{PHHQ6FLHQFHVUHOLJLHXVHVj&KkWHDX&KLQRQSDUFRUUHVSRQGDQFH
Elle prépare deux sujets chez elle, l’un spirituel et l’autre politique, de jurisprudence
ou de ÀTK. La « sœur » la plus instruite en religion propose également du « tafsir », de
l’exégèse qui permet d’expliquer des sourates du Coran qu’elle « contextualise à l’époque
de son énonciation en précisant le lieu et les circonstances de sa révélation qui couvre
une période allant du VIIIè au XIVè siècles », nous précise Lydia qui s’interroge : « un
verset révélé à une époque pour tel groupe de personnes, s’applique-t-il encore à nous,
à notre époque ? ». La modernité de ce questionnement traverse toute une génération de
penseurs de l’islam qui s’inscrit dans une démarche d’interprétation et d’historisation de
la lecture du Texte. Elles souscrivent en cela à la proposition de l’historien Mohamed
Talbi, d’une exégèse du Coran « qui aille de pair avec l’évolution de la société et de la
vie en général ». Elles intègrent dans leurs références théologiques, tout du moins dans
leurs lectures interprétatives, ce que Fethi Benslama désigne par « la culture et la pensée
moderne du sujet, dans ses soubassements humains, juridiques, éthiques », qui procède à
l’invention du sujet féminin, agissant dans une muslimité.
Elles s’engagent également dans l’action militante au sein de réseaux de solidarité d’aide
aux plus démunis. Ce qui se joue dans les réseaux d’entraides porte en germe le
©U{OHªVRFLDOGHO·LVODPGDQVOHVLQWHUDFWLRQVDYHFODVRFLpWpIUDQoDLVHGDQVVRQHQVHPEOH
Leurs engagements au sein de différentes associations caritatives s’imposent comme
des impératifs moraux qui guident leurs conduites à l’image des femmes du prophète et
donnent sens à leur vie. Une façon de tendre vers un idéal de vie selon Linda :
« Le comportement est très important. Ici, ou ailleurs dans un pays musulman, je me
dois de faire très attention. Que je le veuille ou pas, je porte sur mes épaules un certain
jugement que pourront porter les autres sur moi ou sur ma communauté. Je représente ma
religion. […] les gens vont d’abord voir le comportement des musulmans ! » (Linda, 27
ans 3ème année de Droit)
&HWWH PLOLWDQFH IpPLQLQH UpDIÀUPH OD GLVWLQFWLRQ VRXOLJQpH SDU %UXQR (WLHQQH GDQV
La France et l’islam, entre « […] les pratiques des hommes en situation et la loi
transcendante ». C’est ainsi que Samia, une étudiante en voie de professionnalisation,
à l’origine d’une association naissante à Marseille, en direction des femmes pour « leur
214
mieux-être », comme nous pouvons le lire sur la plaquette de présentation, rappelle la
nécessaire adaptation des pratiques religieuses au contexte de la société dans laquelle
les femmes musulmanes vivent, sans pour autant renier leurs valeurs. L’objectif de cette
association est de permettre aux femmes musulmanes qui le désirent de pratiquer un sport
tout en portant le voile dans des installations sportives gérées par la mairie de Marseille.
A cet égard, elle préconise ce que P. Haenni désigne par «l’engagement positif dans la
VRFLpWpª R VHURQW YDORULVpV O·HIIRUW SHUVRQQHO HW OD UpDOLVDWLRQ GH VRL 6DPLD MXVWLÀHUD
ainsi sa démarche sportive et son envie de soins du corps comme une « obligation, ditelle, liée à l’adoration d’Allah ».
Outre la recherche d’un « bien-être personnel », les étudiantes de nos entretiens
construisent un discours fait d’emprunts, tant aux littératures de leurs formations
universitaires dans les domaines aussi divers que la philosophie, l’histoire, la littérature
des sciences sociales (vus néanmoins à travers le prisme de l’islam), qu’aux littératures
religieuses et aux sites internet dits « musulmans », dans un souci de « bricoler »
des réponses à leurs préoccupations sur des thèmes aussi variés et actuels que : « les
présidentielles, l’éducation, l’image des musulmans dans les médias, les droits des
IHPPHVOHVUHODWLRQVGHFRXSOHVHWFª(OOHVDIÀFKHQWDLQVLXQHYRORQWpG·LQGpSHQGDQFH
G·DIÀUPDWLRQHWG·DFFRPSOLVVHPHQWGHVRLGDQVODUHOLJLRVLWpTX·HOOHVV·DSSURSULHQWSDU
une lecture que l’on pourrait dire « féministe » des Textes. En effet, elles ambitionnent
de se réaliser dans le travail et les loisirs en même temps que d’être reconnues comme
des femmes pratiquantes, prenant part à la vie sociale. Elles prennent part à la course aux
biens et aux statuts de la société française sans pour autant négliger « le cheminement
spirituel» qu’elles empruntent pour tendre vers le « Bien », selon Linda (27 ans, 3ème année
GH 'URLW RX HQFRUH YHUV OD © 3HUIHFWLRQ ª VHORQ 1H]KD DQV 3URIHVVHXUH FHUWLÀpH
stagiaire d’Eco-Gestion).
Cette militance féminine permet l’émergence d’une autre voie, propice aux
questionnements, aux doutes, aux interprétations, qui tend vers une autonomisation du
sujet féminin religieux et une individualisation des pratiques :
« Ce que j’aime c’est les récits des compagnons du prophète sur les femmes de l’époque.
Je me disais, si toutes les femmes savaient, elles adhèreraient à l’islam ! La culture
d’origine a laissé deux places à la femme : celle de la mère et de la maîtresse de maison.
[…] Moi j’aime bien me renseigner sur les droits de la femme au vu de l’islam. Elle n’a
pas la place que la religion lui donne. Ce changement ne peut se faire que par l’éducation.
La femme doit réapprendre son droit. Comment est-ce possible que dans notre culture, les
femmes en soient arrivées là ! Seul l’homme à une éducation et la femme est soumise. Ce
n’est pas la musulmane, mais celle qui manque d’éducation religieuse. Elle doit connaître
ses droits et les revendiquer ! Le droit, de dire « non », de choisir son mari, de réclamer
sa dot, de s’éduquer. Des droits élémentaires, mais tellement importants. » (Maryam, 21
ans DUT Génie civil)
En revendiquant un islam « émancipateur » par opposition à un islam dit « culturel »,
SULVRQQLHU GHV SDUWLFXODULWpV ORFDOHV GX SD\V G·RULJLQH HW DFFXVp GH ÀJHU O·H[SpULHQFH
UHOLJLHXVH0DU\DPUHIXVHO·DOLpQDWLRQjGHVU{OHVVRFLDOHPHQWGpÀQLVFRPPHOHFXOWH
de l’honneur, de la virginité, de la virilité). Elle souligne sa prise de distance nette
vis-à-vis de l’héritage religieux familial pour mieux marquer son choix d’appartenir à
une communauté spirituelle (Umma) : une manière de se démarquer radicalement de
l’autorité familiale et transnationale du pays d’origine, et surtout de rejeter des pratiques
PDFKLVWHVG·RSSUHVVLRQGHODIHPPH/HVpWXGLDQWHVLQVLVWHURQWVXUOHU{OHpPDQFLSDWHXU
de la femme au début de l’islam, pour ne pas avoir à choisir entre la vie professionnelle,
la vie de famille et la pratique religieuse. A ce titre, les discours de Lydia et Maryam,
l’une étudiante en Commerce international et l’autre en DUT Génie civil (après être
SDVVpHSDUXQHFODVVH3UpSDVFLHQWLÀTXHUHSUpVHQWHQWXQHYRLHDXFKDQJHPHQWHQWHQGX
comme un plaidoyer en faveur des femmes musulmanes émancipées par une éducation
religieuse et qui prennent part à la vie économique et sociale :
« Si l’on regarde de plus près la vie du prophète, les femmes prennent part à la vie
politique. Ce qui nous différencie des sœurs chrétiennes, c’est le devoir, pour nous, de
prendre part à la vie publique, de travailler, étudier, s’engager dans le social, remplir son
devoir de citoyenne, aider les autres ». (Lydia, 26 ans Master1 Commerce international)
/HV pWXGLDQWHV LQWHUYLHZpHV DIÀUPHQW YRXORLU VH GLVWLQJXHU GH OHXUV SDUHQWV TXL VHORQ
elles, restent enfermés dans des traditions qui conditionnent leur quotidien. Un quotidien
TX·HOOHVGpQRQFHQWjWUDYHUVOHVU{OHVHWUpSDUWLWLRQVLQpJDX[GDQVO·DFFRPSOLVVHPHQWGHV
tâches et obligations familiales. Comment sortir de cette domination masculine, qui selon
elles, relève de la culture patriarcale et non de l’islam ? « Comment est-ce possible que
dans notre culture, les femmes en soient arrivées là ! », insistera Maryam qui à fait le
choix de dénoncer par une argumentation religieuse, l’oppression sexuelle telle qu’elle
la repère chez sa mère. « […] Moi, j’aime bien me renseigner sur les droits de la femme
au vu de l’islam. […] Elle doit connaître ses droits et les revendiquer ! Le droit, de dire «
non », de choisir son mari, de réclamer sa dot, de s’éduquer. Des droits élémentaires, mais
tellement importants », martèle cette étudiante, qui a osé braver l’interdit de sa mère pour
216
se marier avec l’homme de son choix, mais musulman avant tout. La femme, regrette
Maryam, n’a pas la place que la religion lui donne. Les étudiantes de nos entretiens
expliquent ainsi les relations, tout en dissymétrie, des parents, par l’absence d’éducation
religieuse des mères.
Elles décrivent ce manque d’éducation religieuse comme une situation d’injustice qui
autorise l’assignation des femmes aux seuls attributs du mariage et de la maternité1 .
Dans une dialectique du maintien des contraires, l’absolu de la soumission en Dieu
que les étudiantes expriment neutralise les formes profanes de la soumission (famille,
pression médiatique, environnement social…), et produit, de façon paradoxale, une
autonomie « religieuse » d’un nouveau genre, qui s’énonce par un discours novateur
sur les droits des femmes et se donne à voir par la militance féminine. Outre le refus de
l’oppression du modèle patriarcal/matriarcal, les discours des étudiantes portent en germe
une « conscience critique » pour le dire à la façon de Gramsci, des pratiques religieuses
populaires familiales « imposées » mécaniquement par le « milieu ambiant ». A cet égard,
la distinction gramscienne entre « philosophie spontanée » et « philosophie critique »
SHXW IRXUQLU XQ SDUDGLJPH SRXU OD FRQVWUXFWLRQ SDU OHV ÀOOHV G·XQ © LVODP FULWLTXH ª
contre « l’islam spontané » du sens commun représenté par les parents, et de manière plus
générale par une pensée sociale dominante de l’assignation identitaire.
« […] avec un niveau d’études élevé, un travail, des activités extérieures, j’ai l’impression
TX·RQ HVW WRXWHV GHV IpPLQLVWHV ª DIÀUPHUD /\GLD /\GLD DQV 0DVWHU &RPPHUFH
international)
Les processus de conversion des étudiantes descendantes de migrants nord-africains
(prenant racine dans une société sécularisée par appartenance religieuse musulmane
FKRLVLHSUpÀJXUHQWDORUVQRQVHXOHPHQWO·LQYHQWLRQG·XQHOLJQpHFUR\DQWHPDLVDXVVL
une invention de soi dans la militance comme l’émergence d’un possible féminisme
religieux en France (quand bien même certaines interviewées ne se reconnaissent pas
dans ce terme).
&HSHQGDQW OD IDoRQ GRQW V·DIÀUPH FHWWH PLOLWDQFH IpPLQLQH Q·HVW SDV H[HPSWH GH
WHQVLRQVHQSDUWLFXOLHUORUVTXHOHVÀOOHVWHQWHQWGHFRQFLOLHUjO·pFKHOOHLQGLYLGXHOOHOHXU
SURMHWPDWULPRQLDOHWIDPLOLDODYHFOHXUGpVLUG·DXWRQRPLHHWG·DIÀUPDWLRQGHVRL/HFDV
de la nuit de noces de Majda que m’a relaté cette étudiante (qui n’est pas isolé chez les
ÀOOHVPDULpHVHWGLYRUFpHVGHQRVHQWUHWLHQVFRQIURQWHDORUVGHX[QRUPHVDQWDJRQLVWHV
GHO·LQWLPHODSUHPLqUHFHOOHGHODPqUHVRXVO·DXWRULWpGHODFRXWXPHHVWJORULÀpH
217
collectivement et publiquement : le drap ensanglanté est exhibé, etc. ; la seconde (celle
GHODÀOOHIDLWHGHVLOHQFHGHVHFUHWVGHSXGHXUHVWOHIDLWG·XQHUHYHQGLFDWLRQGXVXMHW
féminin autonome à s’affranchir de ce modèle coutumier et familial pour lui préférer
celui de l’individu, du privé, et de rapports conjugaux fondés sur le droit et non sur une
inégalité de nature.
Dans cette mesure, la question de la militance féminine des pratiquantes déborde
largement sa dimension religieuse, laquelle nécessite alors d’être réévaluée, à rebours
de nombre de nos préjugés et présupposés. De façon inattendue, cette représentation de
l’intime passe par une rupture avec l’injonction de soumission à un ordre social normatif
et encouragé par la mère : celui du « drap de la virginité » pendant la nuit de noces.
4X·HVWFHTXLVHQRXHVHIURLVVHRXVHGpFKLUHGDQVOHVWUDPHVGHODÀOLDWLRQjWUDYHUVFHWWH
opposition de deux modèles normatifs, celui du voile et celui du drap de la virginité ? A
FHWpJDUG0DMGDDQVGLYRUFpHHWUHPDULpHTXLYLHQWGHUpXVVLUOHFRQFRXUVG·LQÀUPLqUH
après un abandon d’études en 1ère année d’Anglais et 6 ans de vie comme mère au
foyer), exprime la façon dont sa mère lui a martelé, dès son plus jeune âge, les craintes
d’une sexualité hors mariage :
« Ma mère a bien réussi à nous inculquer l’interdit de coucher avant le mariage. Elle
nous parlait tellement de ça comme quelque chose de mal, en nous disant « Allah vous
regarde, il va vous punir », que j’en éprouvais une hantise ! C’était plus par tradition que
par religion ! A l’époque, c’était important de montrer le drap rouge de la femme vierge ! »
0DMGDDQVUpXVVLWHDXFRQFRXUVG·LQÀUPLqUH
(QVHPDULDQWWUqVW{WjO·kJHGHDQV0DMGDQ·DSDVHQFRUHG·DUJXPHQWVWKpRORJLTXHV
lui permettant de rejeter cette pratique « traditionnelle » du drap rouge de la vierge.
Pourtant, elle refuse d’être tributaire de normes liées au genre dans un environnement
familial matriarcal. Elle évoque le ridicule de la satisfaction de son mari et de sa mère
lors de la consommation sexuelle du mariage. Majda laisse entrevoir le processus de
distanciation avec les normes familiales de « genre » via la mère et le mari, processus
qui prend forme dans la construction de son identité religieuse, et en particulier dans ses
références à des théologiens pour répondre ainsi, de façon « légitime », selon elle, à son
questionnement critique, mais aussi et surtout à ses préoccupations de femme.
« Dès qu’il a vu le sang, il était content ! Cette réaction m’a marqué. […] Je trouvais
218
ce principe ridicule ! Je me souviens avoir lu dans un livre de Y. Qârdhawi, sa réponse
à une femme qui n’était pas vierge et qui craignait que cela se voit à son mariage. Il
répondit que c’est illicite de dévoiler aux gens son intimité, et que personne n’a à entrer
là-dedans ! Je me suis dit qu’avec un minimum de science religieuse, il est possible de
faire autrement. J’avais été déçue par la réaction excessive de mon mari ! Tout ça pour un
peu de sang ! »
Là, en tout cas peuvent apparaître les tensions qui traversent les relations d’une mère
©PLJUDQWHª QRUGDIULFDLQH HW GH VD ÀOOH HQJDJpH GDQV XQ SURFHVVXV GH FRQYHUVLRQ
religieuse. A ce titre, l’opposition du voile et du drap de la virginité constitue un bon
analyseur des attentes de conduites normatives, qui agissent dans la relation d’éducation
VHQWLPHQWDOH HW VH[XHOOH G·XQH PqUH DYHF VD ÀOOH © PXVXOPDQHV ª WRXWHV GHX[ PDLV
VHORQGHVUHJLVWUHVHWGHVHQMHX[UDGLFDOHPHQWGLIIpUHQWVYRLUHRXYHUWHPHQWFRQÁLFWXHOV
au travers d’expressions plus ou moins conscientes ou au contraire hystérisées. Certaines
ne faisant pas le pas de la rupture, elles paient le prix fort pour cette résignation : arrêt
du processus d’autonomisation, repli sur un quotidien familial qui ne les satisfait pas
totalement, passages dépressifs, sont autant de manifestations violentes de ce pathos
d’une autonomie féminine sous condition.
Conclusion
Dans le contexte d’une société fermée à l’expression des particularismes religieux dans
l’espace public, les conversions religieuses des étudiantes pratiquantes révèlent alors
XQHLQWpJUDWLRQDPELYDOHQWHjODVRFLpWpIUDQoDLVH(QHIIHWHQV·DIÀUPDQWFRPPHVXMHWV
féminins autonomes dans la soumission, libre et volontaire, à une communauté de valeurs
UHOLJLHXVHVDXVHQVZpEpULHQHOOHVV·DIÀFKHQWSDUDGR[DOHPHQWFRPPHOHVUHSUpVHQWDQWHV
d’une « communauté en repli sur soi ».
Ceci étant posé, la militance féminine des étudiantes pratiquantes soulève à leurs dépens
deux problèmes majeurs : la légitimité de l’islam et son expression dans l’espace public,
et la « laïcité à la française ».
1.
Intégrées scolairement, comme en témoignent les parcours de réussite dans le
supérieur des interviewées, elles éprouvent paradoxalement, le sentiment non
seulement de ne pas échapper à « un enfermement identitaire » pour emprunter la
formule à F.de Singly, par la pensée sociale dominante, mais aussi d’être méprisées
219
dans leurs individualités religieuses.
2.
La laïcité à la française est vécue par les pratiquantes comme restrictive et contraire
à l’expression des libertés de conscience. Le paradoxe, et non des moindres, qui
ressort des débats sur la laïcité aura été une forte conscience citoyenne des étudiantes
pratiquantes. Je me souviens, au cours d’une discussion informelle avec des étudiantes
et bénévoles de l’association le « Couscous de l’amitié », à l’approche des élections
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voter : « Si l’on nous interdit le voile, dit-elle, on portera le bonnet phrygien, celui-là
je pense pas qu’on nous l’enlèvera ! ».
En dépit des doutes et des contradictions qui traversent la vie des étudiantes, on peut se
demander si leur militance féminine se poursuivra ou bien s’achèvera après la parenthèse
des études et des réseaux d’amitiés durant cette période. Le peu d’entretiens effectués
auprès d’étudiantes en voie de professionnalisation et ayant une vie de couple ne nous
permet pas à ce jour de répondre à la question. Ces jeunes femmes, en se posant de façon
revendiquée comme des citoyennes musulmanes, renouvellent en tout cas, le débat sur
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communautariste dans un environnement hostile, ce qui se joue à travers la militance
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politiques à venir ?
220
Comment penser la laïcité dans le contexte d’une démocratie respectueuse de valeurs d’égalité ?
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Tableau 1 Nombre et proportion de députées à l’Assemblée nationale du Québec, 1962-­2007
Élection générale
1962
1966
1970
1973
1976
1981
1989
1994
1998
2003
2007
Nombre de femmes/total
Proportion de députées
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Tableau 2 Quelques-­unes des dispositions législatives adoptées par l’Assemblée nationale du Québec en matière de condition féminine, 1961-­2007*
Année
1964
1967
1969
1970
1973
1974
1975
1977
Disposition législative
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1980
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1982
1985
1989
1993
1995
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