British report - NEWS Network on Ethnicity and Women Scientists Fr

Transcription

Project no. 518040
Project acronym: NEWS
Project title: NETWORK ON ETHNICITY AND WOMEN SCIENTISTS
Instrument: Specific Support Action
Thematic Priority: Science and Society
Deliverable 6: UK national report
Due date of deliverable: 31st March 2007
Actual submission date: 30th May 2007
Start date of project: 1st January 2006
Duration: 24 month
Organisation name of lead contractor for this deliverable: University of Westminster, PSI
Project co-funded by the European Commission within the Sixth Framework Programme
Dissemination Level
PU
Public
PP
Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission Services)
RE
CO
Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission Services)
Confidential, only for members of the consortium (including the Commission Services)
X
WORK AND SOCIAL POLICY GROUP
NETWORK ON ETHNICITY AND WOMEN
SCIENTISTS
Work package 2
Deliverable 6: state of the art report on the UK
Dr. Maria Hudson
Melahat Sahin-Dikmen
30th May 2007
NEWS project - Deliverable 6
UK Report
April 2007
Table of contents
1.
2.
3.
National situation/background..........................................................................3
1.1.
Migratory and colonial history ..................................................................3
1.2.
Socio-demographic profile ........................................................................3
Women’s position in sciences...........................................................................3
2.1.
Women scientists targeted .........................................................................3
2.2.
Women scientists in the private and public sectors ...................................3
Data and statistics on women scientists............................................................3
3.1.
Sources and variables available .................................................................3
3.2.
Obstacles and limits of statistics................................................................3
3.3.
Statistical overview on education ..............................................................3
3.3.1.
National level......................................................................................3
3.3.2.
University level...................................................................................3
3.4.
Statistics overview on academic and research employment ......................3
3.4.1.
4.
Structure of the higher education and research system.....................................3
4.1.
5.
National level......................................................................................3
Rules and practices of recruitment.............................................................3
4.1.1.
The legal framework and codes of practice ........................................3
4.1.2.
Structural inequalities and informal practices ....................................3
Studies on women scientists .............................................................................3
5.1.
Quantitative information............................................................................3
5.2.
Issues..........................................................................................................3
5.2.1.
School achievement of BMEs.............................................................3
5.2.2.
University experience of BMEs..........................................................3
5.2.3.
Discrimination in the academy ...........................................................3
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Student experiences .....................................................................................3
Staff experiences..........................................................................................3
5.2.4.
Social mobility in the academy...........................................................3
5.2.5.
Diversity at the university...................................................................3
5.3.
Methodological aspects..............................................................................3
5.4.
Policy recommendations............................................................................3
5.5.
Bibliography of scientific literature...........................................................3
6.
Policies, measures and programmes .................................................................3
6.1.
Good practices ...........................................................................................3
6.2.
Bad practices..............................................................................................3
7.
The scientist networks ......................................................................................3
7.1.
Networks of women...................................................................................3
7.2.
Networks of ethnic minorities....................................................................3
7.3.
Networks of ethnic minority women .........................................................3
8.
Recommendations.............................................................................................3
8.1.
Educational policies...................................................................................3
8.2.
Employment policies .................................................................................3
8.3.
Statistics .....................................................................................................3
8.4.
Research.....................................................................................................3
9.
Full bibliography...............................................................................................3
10.
Appendix.........................................................................................................3
UK Report
1.
National situation/background
1.1.
Migratory and colonial history
April 2007
The Black and Ethnic Minority (BME) population in the UK has grown rapidly
since the 1950s. Both high birth rates and international migration have been
drivers for this growth. The size of the BME population stood at 1 million in
1967, 3.1 million in 1991 and 4.6 million in 2001 (Green et.al, 2005). The BME
population includes people from Multiple Heritage, Asian/Asian British, Black/
Black British, and Chinese and other ethnic groups. The majority of the BME
population in the UK has grown from immigration from countries with which
Britain has historical, colonial ties. These include a range of Caribbean, African
and Asian countries, including Jamaica, Barbados, Nigeria, Ghana, India, Pakistan
and Bangladesh. Looking at the most populous minority groups in the UK, the
earliest arrivals were from the Caribbean and India who were invited and
encouraged to migrate within the context of labour shortages in the aftermath of
the Second World War. 1950s and 1960s witnessed some mass migration from
both countries which peaked in mid 1960s. Immigrants from Pakistan and
Bangladesh arrived later, in late 60s and 70s, followed by immigrants from Hong
Kong and Africa in the 1980s. By this time, the context of labour shortages had
given way to a social and political environment fuelled with concerns about
restricting migration. Since 1980s, there has been considerable growth in the
number of asylum seekers from many regions of the world blighted by political
unrest, but mainly from the Middle East, Africa, the Balkans and some Asian
countries such as Afghanistan and Sri Lanka. In more recent years the number of
economic migrants seeking work in the UK, particularly among the EU accession
countries increased rapidly (Home Office, 2006). Home Office figures indicate
that between May 2004 and June 2006 a total of 447,000 people from these EU
countries applied to the Worker Registration Scheme set up to regulate their entry
to the UK (Home Office, 2006). While the scheme has documented a sizeable
number of workers, there is uncertainty and concern about the scale of
undocumented/ unauthorised work. There are a number of categories of
unauthorised worker, including over-stayers, persons with a limited entitlement to
work, asylum seekers working without permission, clandestine entry to the United
Kingdom other than by asylum seekers (Ryan, 2005).
Over the years there has been a plethora of legislation to regulate immigration and
citizenship status, creating new categories of citizen, characterised by different
sets of rights. A new category of citizens of the United Kingdom and colonies was
created by the British Nationality Act of 1948. Under this act, the status of British
subject was granted to all people born or with a connection to Britain or to a
British colony and were entitled to both enter Britain and have the rights of
citizenship. Beginning with the 1962 Commonwealth Immigration Act, the ‘opendoor’ policy of the post-war years was replaced by increasingly restrictive
immigration laws, controlling rights of entry and settlement for immigrants from
the Commonwealth. A decade later, the Immigration Act 1971 granted a
privileged status to citizens of the Old Commonwealth (predominantly White)
relative to the New Commonwealth (pre-dominantly non White). It used the
racialised category of ‘patrial’ to confer this privileged status. In 1981 the British
Nationality Act replaced the term partial with ‘right of abode’. To acquire the
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right of abode in the UK you must be a British citizen. Thus ‘exclusion on the
basis of ethnicity and religion have been central to the construction of British
national identity and to the rights enjoyed by British residents’ (Sales, 2005:451).
The creation of new categories of citizen has had the intended effect of limiting
the rights of citizens of former colonies (Sales, 2005). Compulsory visa lists have
had a long-standing role in modern immigration controls and over the years preentry visa controls have been extended to Commonwealth countries with
historical, colonial, ties to the UK; Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Ghana
and Nigeria being amongst the first to be covered (Flynn, 2005:467).
Policies on minorities were also constrained by the pressure of race relations and a
perceived need to integrate immigrants. The 1965 Race Relations Act was the first
step taken to outlaw some forms of direct discrimination. This covered
discrimination in pubs and hotels and the similar, but failed to respond to
widespread discrimination in housing and employment. Discrimination in the
labour market was included in the 1968 Race Relations Act and indirect
discrimination in the 1976 Act. The Commission for Racial Equality was
established to conduct formal investigations of discrimination allegations. Whilst
the impact of legislation on discrimination in the labour market was at first
encouraging, in the long run it has been disappointing as study after study
demonstrated the persistence of discrimination in the labour market (Brown &
Gay, 1985; Hoque & Noon, 999; CRE, 1996; Wrench and Modood, 2000). The
Race Relations Act 2000 focused on measures to tackle indirect and institutional
discrimination and placed the public sector under obligation to actively promote
race equality. The adoption of equal opportunities policies remains a voluntary
measure for the private sector which accounts for over 82 per cent of employment
(Barnes et al, 2005).
During the 1990s and 2000s the issues of migration and asylum have held a
dominant position in the agenda of national governments (Lewis and Neal, 2005).
A core element of government policy towards ethnic minorities has been the
emphasis on ‘managed migration’, of which the Worker Registration Scheme is
part. Managed migration attempts to distinguish between ‘real’ and ‘bogus’
migrants whilst trying to facilitate the economic benefits of controlled routes for
economic migration (Lewis and Neal, 2005: 426). This approach is epitomised in
the British government's White Paper on immigration Secure Borders, Safe Haven,
2002 (Home Office, 2002) and has contributed to the marking out of the
boundaries of inclusion, of who can ‘belong’ to the nation (Sales, 2005). There
has been considerably less enthusiasm for asylum as a human right with a growth
in restrictions to access to the UK for would-be refugees (Flynn, 2005:479).
Community relationships have come under greater scrutiny in the aftermath of
neighbourhood disturbances in some of England’s northern cities in 2001. In the
aftermath there has been a heavy policy emphasis on the need to promote social
(and community) cohesion with great emphasis being placed on the role of
ethnicity and race. The Home Office race equality and social cohesion strategy
draws attention to the importance of developing a ‘sense of common belonging’
within ethnically diverse neighbourhoods, and of fostering among residents ‘an
inclusive sense of British identity alongside their other cultural identities’ (Home
Office, 2004;). There is also increased discussion of social cohesion being about
the erosion of disparities, inequalities and social exclusion as well as nurturing the
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April 2007
social infrastructure of neighbourhoods, social interactions and ties (see for
example, Hudson et.al, forthcoming 2007)
Today international migration is most common in the youngest working age
groups, in the service sector and in London (Green et.al, 2005). As a group,
migrant workers have been described as ‘the most vulnerable of all’ (Citizens
Advice, 2004; PSI, 2006). Migrant workers are a heterogeneous group, found at
both ends of the skills spectrum. In 1994 it was most common to find female and
male migrant workers in hotels/catering and health/ social work with women also
being present in transport, telecommunications and miscellaneous services. By
2004, migrant men and women were to be found working across a wider range of
services, with the percentage highest in food, drink and tobacco, other business
services, hotels/catering, transport, telecommunications and health/social work
(Green et al, 2005: 58-9).
1.2.
Socio-demographic profile
In this section, we provide a brief overview of the profile of ethnic minority
populations. These statistics are based on data collected in the 2001 Census and
therefore report on the minorities that can be identified by the official ethnicity
classification used in the Census1. First, we consider gender and age profiles of
all groups. This is followed by a brief overview of educational achievements and
labour market profiles of ethnic minority groups in comparison to the White
British population.
Table 1.1 UK population by ethnic group, 2001
Ethnic group
White
All minority ethnic population
Asian or Asian British
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Other Asian
Black or Black British
Black Caribbean
Black African
Other Black
Chinese
Other ethnic groups
Mixed
All
Percentages
92.1
7.9
4.0
1.8
1.3
0.5
0.4
2.0
1.0
0.8
0.2
0.4
0.4
1.2
100.0
Numbers
54,153,898
4,635,296
2,331,423
1,053,411
747,285
283,063
247,664
1,148,738
565,876
485,277
97,585
247,403
230,615
677,117
58,789,194
Notes: Table adapted from “ONS Social Trends, No.36” (p.2). Figures based on
Census 2001.
1
The full census ethnicity classification is provided in the Appendix. In this classification, the
notion of ethnicity is based on a combination of country of birth and race.
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The ethnic minority population grew from 5.6 per cent in 1991 to over eight per
cent of the population in 2001. Table 1.1 provides a breakdown by ethnic group.
Indians form the largest minority group (1.8 per cent). They are followed by
Pakistanis (1.3 per cent) and those of Mixed ethnic origins (1.3 per cent).
Immigrants from the Caribbean constitute just one per cent of the UK population.
In terms of their gender profile, most ethnic minority groups are similar to the
White majority. The only slight exceptions are Black Caribbeans, Black Africans
and the Chinese for whom the gender balance is slightly in favour of women
(Table 1.2).
Table 1.2 Gender and ethnicity (percentages)
Ethnic Origin
All
All White
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Black Caribbean
Black African
Chinese
All Mixed
All Other
Male
Female
Total
49
49
50
51
50
46
48
48
49
49
51
51
50
49
50
54
52
52
51
51
(numbers)
52,041,916
47,520,866
1,036,807
714,826
280,830
563,843
479,665
226,948
661,034
557,097
Notes:
1. Authors own calculation based on 2001 Census data, ST101. Base is all UK population.
2.Ethnicity classification: ‘All White’ includes ‘White British’, ‘White Irish’ and ‘White Other’. ‘All Mixed’
includes ‘White and Black Caribbean’, ‘White and Black African’, ‘White and Asian’ & ‘Other Mixed’.
‘All Other’ includes ‘Other Black’, ‘Other Asian’ & ‘Other Other’.
Compared to White Britons, most ethnic minority groups have younger
populations (Table 1.3). Among White men, 25 per cent of the population are
under the age of 20. This contrasts with 31 per cent of Indian, 48 per cent of
Bangladeshi men and 61 per cent of those from Mixed ethnic backgrounds.
Compared with 15 per cent of White men, only three per cent of Black Africans
and 4 per cent of Bangladeshi men are aged 65 or over. The data on the age
profile of women indicate a similar picture. Compared to 22 per cent of White
women, 29 per cent of Indian, 44 per cent of Pakistani and 47 per cent of
Bangladeshi women are under the age of 20. While 19 per cent of White women
are aged 65 or over, only 2 per cent of Bangladeshi and Black Caribbean women
and 4 per cent of Pakistani women are 65 or over. Based on this young profile it
is estimated that the proportion of ethnic minorities in the working population will
rapidly increase over the current decade accounting for half the growth in the
working age population (Strategy Unit, 2003).
UK Report
April 2007
Table 1.3 Age, gender and ethnic origin (percentages)
Ethnicity
Males
All White
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Black Caribbean
Black African
Chinese
All Mixed
All Other
Females
All White
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Black Caribbean
Black African
Chinese
All Mixed
All Other
Age groups
0-15
16-19
20-24
25-39
40-64
65+
20
24
35
39
22
32
19
52
25
5
7
9
9
6
7
10
9
9
6
9
10
9
6
8
14
8
12
22
26
24
25
28
32
26
19
43
32
28
18
14
27
20
25
11
27
15
7
5
4
12
3
5
3
4
18
22
35
38
19
29
17
48
23
4
7
9
9
5
6
9
8
6
6
9
11
12
5
8
12
8
9
21
27
24
23
31
35
28
21
32
31
12
18
15
30
19
29
12
15
19
7
4
2
10
2
5
3
4
Notes:
1. Authors own calculation based on 2001 Census data, ST101. Base all UK population.
2.Ethnicity classification: ‘All White’ includes ‘White British’, ‘White Irish’ and ‘White Other’. ‘All Mixed’
includes ‘White and Black Caribbean’, ‘White and Black African’, ‘White and Asian’ & ‘Other Mixed’.
‘All Other’ includes ‘Other Black’, ‘Other Asian’ & ‘Other Other’.
Attainment in education
The educational attainment of ethnic minorities is a subject that has received
much attention. Early research on immigrants had shown that particularly Asian
immigrant communities contained high numbers with no qualifications but also a
small group with degree level or higher qualifications. In time, this gave way to a
different picture as the children of immigrants received their education in the UK.
This both reduced the numbers with no qualifications among the younger
generation and also increased the numbers continuing to study at the end of
compulsory education. At the same time, it has been argued that, for a range of
cultural (i.e. high value placed on education by some groups) and survival reasons
(i.e. education is seen as the only way to overcome barriers in the labour market),
some minority groups adapted education as a route to achieve social mobility
(Modood et al, 1997). Modood suggests that Indians and African Asians are the
leading representatives of this strategy and in fact these are two of the groups
(along with Chinese) who seem to have achieved educational and employment
parity with White Britons.
Data on achievement in compulsory schooling show that the Chinese and Indian
pupils have the highest GCSE attainment, with grades higher than those for White
pupils (Table 1.4). Compared to the 74 per cent of Chinese and 67 per cent of
Indian pupils, 52 per cent of White British pupils gained five or more grades A*
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to C at GCSE in 2004. By contrast, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Black Caribbean
pupils perform worse than their White counterparts. Black Caribbeans were found
to have the lowest results with only 36 per cent of pupils achieving this grade.
This analysis does not consider achievement separately for girls and boys, but
other research using DfES assessments for the same year (2004) confirm that
within all ethnic groups, girls consistently outperform boys (Elias & Jones, 2006)
Table 1.4. Attainment of five or more GCSE grades A* to C or equivalent in
England: by ethnic group, 2004 (percentages)
Ethnic group
Chinese
Indian
Irish
White British
Mixed
Bangladeshi
Pakistani
Black African
Black Caribbean
74
67
58
52
50
48
45
43
36
Notes: Table adapted from Figure A.5 on p.7 of “ONS Social Trends, No.36”.
(Figures originally produced by Department for Education and Skills and are based on 2004
GCSE results for all 15 year old pupils in England)
The last decade has seen rising levels of educational attainment for all groups and
rapidly increasing participation of all minority groups in higher education who
have all benefited from the expansion of higher education since early 1990s.
Ethnic minority groups are also more likely to continue to stay in on education
after completing compulsory schooling. Some ethnic minority groups are still
more likely than the White Britons to have no qualification; compared to the
about 30 per cent of White Britons, 47 per cent of Bangladeshis and 41 per cent of
Pakistanis have no qualifications. The Irish are the only other group with a higher
than average proportion of individuals with no qualifications. The proportion with
no qualifications is smaller than the average in all other ethnic minority groups.
This confirms that since the early migrants, as the number of immigrants from all
these groups decreased and the number of UK born and educated increased, the
educational profile of ethnic minorities has become much less polarised.
Looking at the top end of the educational ladder, most ethnic minority populations
are more highly educated than the White British (Table 1.5). Looking across the
ages of 16-74, 43 per cent of minorities of ‘Other’ and ‘Other White’ ethnic
origins and 39 per cent of Africans are educated to degree level. To some extent
this reflects the high levels of student immigration over the last two decades from
these groups. 37 per cent of Chinese, 33 per cent of Other Asians’ and 31 per cent
of Indians are educated to this level. In contrast, 18 per cent of the White British
are educated to degree level. Bangladeshis are the only group with a smaller than
average proportion educated to degree level (under 14 per cent), but this is likely
to change because, in the last decade the number of Bangladeshis (and Pakistanis)
studying for a degree increased dramatically.
UK Report
April 2007
Table 1.5 Proportion with no qualifications and proportion with degree level
or equivalent education (percentages)
Ethnic group
Proportion with degree or
equivalent
Proportion
with
qualifications
(aged 16-74)
(aged 16-74)
29.1
29.5
37.6
18.3
26.8
41.3
47.2
19.3
*
13.5
18.7
25.6
23.4
19.8
All
White British
Irish
Other White
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Other Asian
Caribbean
African
Other Black
Chinese
Other
Mixed
19.8
18.2
25.1
42.6
30.7
18.3
13.5
32.9
19.7
38.8
21.1
37.3
43.0
25.5
no
Source: Adapted from Simpson et al. (p.163). Figures based on Census 2001, ST117.
* The Caribbeans were not included in the original ‘Proportion with no qualifications’ table.
Labour Market Profile
The labour market profile of ethnic minority groups has been well documented.
Research has shown that over the last decades, the overall position of
disadvantage has turned into one of differential achievements both between and
within minority ethnic groups. There is not only an employment gap between all
groups, but also differences in terms of participation in the labour market and
unemployment rates.
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Table 1.6 Economic activity rates by age and gender
White Briton
Indian
All
Other White
Chinese
Caribbean
Mixed
Irish
Other Black
Other Asian
African
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Other
Females
65.3
47.9
62.2
52.3
32.7
56.6
52.2
58.2
53.7
38.2
42.8
36.5
37.9
34.0
Aged 16-24
Males
71.9
50.6
68.5
49.3
30.5
60.2
55.2
61.4
56.2
46.4
43.7
52.6
53.6
35.1
Females
73.4
66.1
72.1
68.4
66.5
75.1
66.3
70.8
69.0
56.6
64.8
26.7
19.4
55.8
Aged 25+
Males
87.1
86.8
86.5
84.8
83.6
81.4
80.5
80.0
79.8
79.6
79.6
77.3
74.8
74.7
Source: Simpson et al. (2006), p.51. Based on Census 2001, ST108 and ST208.
Base is population excluding retired.
Table 1.6 summarises the economic activity rates of men and women by age and
ethnic origin. Among young men aged between 16 and 24, White Britons (72 per
cent) have the highest level of economic participation and Chinese (under 31 per
cent), Indians (51 per cent) and Africans (44 per cent) have the lowest. Among
women, the lowest economic activity rates are recorded for Pakistanis (37 per
cent) and Bangladeshis (38 per cent) and the Chinese (33 per cent). These low
economic activity rates among young men and women of ethnic minority origins
reflect their higher rates of participation in higher education, particularly on the
rise among young Pakistani and Bangladeshi women.
Among the male population aged 25 and over, White Britons (87 per cent),
Indians (87 per cent), Other White (85 per cent) and Chinese (84 per cent) have
the highest economic activity rates. Economic activity rates are lowest among
Pakistani (77 per cent) and Bangladeshi (75 per cent) men, but the differences
between males are nowhere near as significant as that between females. Among
females, Caribbean (75 per cent) women have the highest economic activity rate
followed by White Britons (over 73 per cent) and Other White groups. This
contrasts with 27 per cent for Pakistani women and just over 19 per cent for
Bangladeshi women.
The low economic activity rates of older Pakistani and Bangladeshi have received
much attention and argued to be related to a range of factors including multiple
and severe barriers to employment (e.g. poor English language skills, lack of
qualifications) and cultural and religious preferences regarding family life and
taking part in paid employment (Dale et al, 2002). Dale et al also found that the
younger generation have changing expectations and aspirations and the higher
labour market participation rates for those under the age of 24 seem to confirm
this new trend. Ahmad et al’s study on South Asian women and employment
confirm that women born and raised in the UK have a very different profile;
highly educated compared to their mothers, ambitious and keen to advance on the
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April 2007
career ladder (Ahmad et al, 2003) Simpson at al investigate the importance of
qualifications for participation in the labour market and find that it is of great
importance in explaining different rates of economic activity. For instance, they
find that among female graduates born in the UK, economic activity rates exceed
70 per cent even for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women (Simpson et al. 2006)
Another useful indicator of labour market performance is the employment rate.
Table 1.7 illustrates employment rates by age and ethnicity. Among men aged 25
and over, 63 per cent of Bangladeshis and 68 per cent of Pakistanis are in paid
employment. This contrasts with a national average of 82 per cent and White
Britons’ employment rate of 83 per cent. The employment rate for Indians (82 per
cent) and Chinese (80 per cent) is comparable to that for White Britons. Among
women of this age group, again, Bangladeshi (16 per cent) and Pakistani (23 per
cent) women are the least likely to be in paid employment. By contrast, Caribbean
(70 per cent) and White British (71 per cent) women are the most likely to be in
employment.
Table 1.7 Employment by age and gender
White Briton
Indian
All
Other White
Chinese
Irish
Other Asian
Mixed
Caribbean
African
Pakistani
Other
Other Black
Bangladeshi
Aged 16-24
Females
Males
61.0
64.5
44.1
45.5
57.8
61.1
49.0
44.7
31.2
28.6
54.4
55.0
34.5
40.9
46.4
45.4
49.1
44.4
37.9
36.8
30.5
42.6
31.2
29.7
45.3
41.6
31.9
44.5
Aged 25+
Females
Males
71.0
82.9
62.3
82.1
69.5
82.0
64.8
79.8
62.8
79.2
68.2
74.8
52.1
72.9
61.3
72.2
69.8
70.7
56.8
68.4
23.2
68.0
51.7
67.7
61.9
66.8
16.1
63.2
Base is population excluding retired.
There was a relative improvement in the employment performance of most ethnic
minorities between 1991 and 2001 (Clark and Drinkwater, 2007). However, the
factors influencing employment rates are ethnically diverse and, as well as
education, include differential effects of local area deprivation by ethnic group.
The last indicator of labour market profile we consider is the unemployment rate
and this is summarised in Table 1.8. In this analysis, the economically inactive
(such as students) are excluded, so the unemployment rate is a count of those who
are looking for work. Looking at men aged 25 and over, Pakistanis, Caribbeans,
Africans and Bangladeshis are two to three times more likely to be unemployed
than White Britons. Compared to the national average of five per cent, the
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unemployment rate for these groups range between 12 to 16 per cent. A similar
picture is observed among women with Bangladeshi, Pakistani and African
women 4-5 times more likely to be unemployed than White British women.
The situation is no better among the younger generation. Among males aged 1624, Chinese have the lowest unemployment rate (6.4 per cent) and Caribbeans the
highest (26 per cent). These compare with the national average of 11 per cent for
this age group and 10 per cent for White Britons. The unemployment rate is not so
high among young women, but differences between groups remain. While seven
per cent of White British women in this age group are unemployed, 16 per cent of
Bangladeshi women are unemployed. Like their male counterparts, young
Chinese women are also the least likely to be unemployed (under five per cent).
Other research investigating the factors that could be related to unemployment has
found that differences between minority groups and the White majority remain
after taking into account a range of characteristics including qualifications,
language skills, place of birth and length of stay in the UK. This is often described
as an ‘ethnic penalty’ and suggested to indicate discrimination in employment
(Berthoud, 2000). Although the British born ethnic minorities do not face the
barriers of poor language skills and possession of overseas qualifications their
parents faced, the comparative occupational returns they receive for investing in
education were found to be, consistently, lower than those for Whites.
(Carmichael and Woods, 2000; Heath & McMahon, 1997).
Table 1.8 Unemployment by age and gender
White Briton
All
Chinese
Indian
Other White
Irish
Other Asian
Other
Mixed
Pakistani
Caribbean
African
Bangladeshi
Other Black
Aged 16-24
Females
Males
6.6
10.4
7.0
10.9
4.6
6.4
7.9
10.2
6.3
9.4
6.5
10.3
9.7
11.9
8.2
15.4
11.2
17.9
16.6
18.9
13.2
26.3
11.3
15.7
15.7
17.0
15.5
26.0
Aged 25+
Females
Males
3.3
4.7
3.6
5.1
5.5
5.3
5.8
5.5
5.2
5.9
3.7
6.4
8.0
8.4
7.2
9.5
7.6
10.3
13.3
12.0
7.1
13.2
12.3
14.0
17.3
15.5
10.2
16.3
Base is all economically active.
2.
UK Report
April 2007
Women’s position in sciences
In spite of three decades of anti sex and race discrimination legislation in the UK,
women and members from ethnic minority groups continue to be underrepresented in the professions and senior management. Racial discrimination in
the labour market was first included in the 1968 Race Relations Act. The Race
Relations Amendment Act, 2000 puts public authorities under responsibility to
eliminate racial discrimination and promote equal opportunities. All public bodies
are required to monitor their employees and all applicants for jobs, promotion and
training. The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 prohibits discrimination in
employment, education and services. During this time a still growing body of
research has documented the patterns and processes of under-representation. In
the context of successive governments seeking to increase the number of qualified
scientists, engineers and technologists (Glover and Fielding, 1999), the position of
women in sciences has come under particular scrutiny.
Historically, women in science in the UK have been under represented in higher
education academic posts and concentrated in the lower grades. Government
policy has been seeking to increase the representation of girls and women in
scientific education and employment (Glover and Fielding, 1999). There has been
some growth in the representation of women in the majority of fields of scientific
education in the last few decades (Glover, 2001; Glover & Fielding, 1999).
However their lower representation in physics and engineering continues and
successive studies suggest a persistence in the pattern that women continue to be
under represented in senior positions (for example Deem and Morley, 2006;
Glover, 2001; Heward et.al, 1997).
Higher education institutions began to adopt equal opportunity (EO) policies in
the late 1980s. In 1991, Guidelines on Equal Opportunities in Employment in
Universities were issued. The guidelines included a suggestion that universities
take positive action to increase the representation of members of ethnic minority
groups among staff (Heward et.al, 1997; CVCP, 1991). By 1996, nearly all
universities had
EO policies, roughly 80 per cent had recruitment and
selection procedures, policies for responding to harassment and a named
individual at a senior level with responsibility for equal opportunities (Carter et.al,
1999 citing CUCO 1997). In the late 1990s a Commission on University Career
Opportunity expressed concern about the lack of active pursuit of these policies.
The Commission called for greater action to be taken to ensure that policies were
accompanied by practical change in terms of their implementation, monitoring
and evaluation (Carter et.al, 1999 citing CUCO 1997).
The HE Race Equality policy survey carried out by Carter and colleagues shortly
after the Commission’s call indicated that while all Higher Education Institutions
had equal opportunity policies, one third did not have a specific race equality
policy and 25 per cent of ethnic minorities said that they had personally
experienced racism in job applications. Moreover, those ethnic minorities with
nine or more years service were half as likely to be professors as their white peers
(Carter et.al, 1999). Minority and White non-British staff were concentrated in
research posts and on fixed term contracts of employment (Carter et.al, 1999: 15)
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and a significantly higher proportion of women than men were concentrated on
fixed term contracts (Carter et.al, 1999: 24). Black and female staff are
concentrated in lower status universities and are more likely to be on lower pay
and hold short-term contracts. Black and minority ethnic staff make up 2.5% of
those working in HE and only 1.6 of these are female. 92% of them occupy lowgrade less senior posts. (Carter et al, 1999) There are only 9 black professors in
the UK and five of them are in nursing.
Amidst evidence that higher education equality strategies have been underresourced (Deem and Morley, 2006; Morley, 1999), the University and College
Union (UCU) that represents staff working in higher education has highlighted the
persistence of disadvantage for ethnic minorities in this sector today. In 2000 the
Race Relations Amendment Act was introduced in the UK, placing a positive duty
on public sector organisations to promote race equality, including race equality
impact assessments. The UCU notes that universities are still grappling with the
issue of race equality impact assessments. While the assessments should be
undertaken before a policy or procedural change, they tend to be completed after
the change has taken place. Other indicators of persistent disadvantage compiled
by UCU indicate that black staff are usually concentrated in the lower levels of
the staffing structure and appear to lack access to traditional progression routes.
There is only one black university pro-vice chancellor (see
http://www.ucu.org.uk). Black women remain invisible in higher and senior
levels of the academy. There are only nine black women female professors in
whole of the UK, five of whom are concentrated in nursing (Mirza, 2006;
Bunting, 2004)
Under successive Labour governments, since Blair came to power in 1997, there
has been a shift in ideas in public policy related to equality away from
redistribution as a way of tackling structural inequalities towards greater
recognition of different social and cultural groups. However, this shift, couched
in the language of ‘diversity’ does not appear to have been accompanied by an
underlying notion of social justice or strategies for dealing with economic
disadvantage that is part of the lived experiences of these groups (for a discussion
see Deem and Morley, 2006: 187).
2.1.
Women scientists targeted
The targeted groups of women scientists for the UK report include migrant
women, refugee women and women from ethnic minorities. Migrant women are
defined as the first generation of women migrants, admitted in the framework of a
bilateral agreement of workforce, as workers or in the family reunion process.
Refugee women are those who have migrated within the Geneva Convention
framework and obtained refugee legal status. Women from ethnic minorities are
those who are naturalised, migrants and refugees, and second and third generation
women who are the descendents of migrants. They include national citizens from
old colonial countries.
Statistics collected by governmental departments (i.e. Census of the population
and other government sponsored surveys of the labour force) and other public
bodies/institutions on the origins of their employees or their students (i.e. Higher
Education Institions) are based on a notion of ethnicity that combines country of
UK Report
April 2007
origin and race. These statistics are the main source of information on the
representation of women scientists of minority ethnic origin in higher education.
No information is collected or made available on individuals’ immigration or
residential status. For this reason, the statistical overview presented in the
following sections refers to different ethnic groups, not to migrants or refugees.
These ethnic minority groups are likely to contain individuals with different
residential and immigration status, but divisions along these lines do not inform
the widely used ethnicity classifications.
2.2.
Women scientists in the private and public sectors
This report examines the situation of women scientists in the UK public sector
engaged in teaching and/ or research. While it is known that women scientists are
employed in the private sector the evidence base on their position is extremely
thin. There is an absence of both statistics and qualitative research. However,
data from the OECD indicates that most women researchers in OECD countries
work in the public sector whilst men find work in industry. While 17.5 per cent of
women researchers in the EU and 6 per cent in Japan work in the business sector,
this contrasts with nearly two-thirds of women researchers in the US (OECD,
2007).
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3.
19
Data and statistics on women scientists
This chapter will review the evidence on the participation of ethnic minorities in
higher education and ethnic minority employment in higher education and
research institutions.
3.1.
Sources and variables available
The educational and employment profile whole populations of ethnic minorities in
can be investigated using Census data or the Labour Force Survey (LFS). Census
collects data on qualifications held by citizens and specifies the level of
qualification. The Labour Force Survey, similarly, includes questions on
qualifications held and uses a detailed classification to indicate the level. These
questions would allow us to examine the prevalence of degree level and higher
science education and science related employment (academic and research)
among ethnic minority groups. The gender identifier in both datasets would allow
a further focus on ethnic minority women. Both Census and the LFS also collect
data on occupation of respondents which would allow investigation of ethnic
minority employment in science, academic and related fields.
Alternatively, the ethnicity of students qualifying at Degree, Master and Doctorate
levels in any one year can be examined to estimate levels of representation
relative to an ethnic minority group’s population size, using the student data
collected by the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA). HESA student
statistics are published every year and based on information returned by
individual institutions. Student data contains information on age, gender,
ethnicity, domicile, mode (pt/ft) and level of study (undergraduate/postgraduate),
degree subject, institution and degree classification for graduates. This would
allow a focus on post-degree education by ethnic minority women and in any
subject. HESA Student Data would allow such an analysis
Similarly, HESA also collects data on staff working in all higher education
institutions in the UK, also published every year and based on information
returned by individual institutions. HESA staff data contains information on age,
gender, ethnicity, institution, mode of employment, primary employment function
(teaching or research), terms of employment (permanent, fixed term, casual) and
grade (professors, senior lecturers, lecturers, researchers and other grades). This
data set would allow the investigation of the presence of ethnic minority women
in academic employment.
3.2.
Obstacles and limits of statistics
The Census question on the level of qualification does not distinguish between
levels of post-degree education (i.e. Masters and PhD levels) and does not ask the
subject of qualification. If the focus is post-degree education, the Census would
not be appropriate for investigating levels of post-degree qualification in a
specific subject/subject field. As in the Census, LFS participants were not asked
the subject of their post-degree qualification.
Uses of the Labour Force Survey to investigate ethnic minority education or
employment often is faced with the problem of small sample sizes. This may
necessitate merging waves of Labour Force survey over a number of years.
UK Report
April 2007
Combining ethnic groups to look at broader divisions of ethnicity is another way
of dealing with the issue of small sample size, but this means sacrificing detail
and precision and may result in making generalisations about groups with
significant differences.
One issue with HESA Student Data is the extent of unreported/missing ethnicity.
HESA data is based on returns by institutions who, in turn rely on information
provided by students and undeclared ethnicity can be an issue. For instance, in
1999-2000, over eight per cent of students did not provide this information
(Barnes et al, 2004). HESA Staff Data suffers from a similar underreporting of
ethnicity data. In 2003-4, ethnicity information was not known for over six per
cent of staff (AUT Research, 2005). In addition, HESA statistics are annual and
focusing on sub-groups of students or staff in any one year (e.g. Carribean women
studying engineering at doctorate level) is likely to mean dealing with very small
numbers and this may not allow extrapolation to the whole population.
3.3.
Statistical overview on education
This section provides a brief overview of ethnic minority participation in higher
education. Most research on ethnic minority students in higher education tend to
focus on representation at the degree level and post-graduate education is not
considered in great detail. Furthermore, research often presents an overall profile
of ethnic groups without exploring the differences between men and women at
length. The research review provided here reflects these perspectives and biases
and indicates the lack of research on the participation of ethnic minority women in
post-graduate education.
3.3.1.
National level
Considering the ethnic composition of first year undergraduate students is useful
as a measure of interest in higher education by minority groups and levels of
acceptance onto degree courses. The profile of first year undergraduate students in
2002-2003 suggest that young men and women from all minority ethnic groups
are applying and being accepted onto degree level courses. In fact, compared to
their numbers in the population of 18-25 year olds, most groups are very well
represented at this level. This also confirms the high levels of participation in
post-compulsory education by ethnic minority groups. The only groups that
appear to be slightly under-represented are White British, Pakistani and
Bangladeshi men.
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Table 3.1 Ethnicity and gender of the first year undergraduate students in
2002-2003 (England and Wales)
Ethnic group
White
Black Caribbean
Black African
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Chinese
Other/Mixed
Population (1000s)
% of undergraduates
Male
Female
37.20
43.90
0.50
1.0
1.40
1.40
2.60
2.50
1.60
1.30
0.50
0.40
0.60
0.60
2.20
2.40
390.30
448.50
% in population 18-25
Male
Female
43.60
44.40
0.40
0.50
0.60
0.70
1.30
1.0
1.00
1.0
0.60
0.40
0.50
0.50
1.70
1.90
2870.00
2914.00
Source: Adapted from Elias & Jones (2006), p.39. Analysis based on HESA 2002-03 Student Data.
Population numbers are based on LFS March-May 2004.
Elias & Jones (2005) investigated the ethnicity of students in Science,
Engineering and Technology (SET) related subjects and compared that to
Medicine and Other subject fields. In 2001-2002, nearly 87 per cent of all
undergraduate students were White. The proportion of White students among
those studying in a science, engineering or technology related subject (SET) is
about 82 per cent. In Medicine, the proportion of White students goes up to about
84 per cent and in ‘Other’ subjects, to 89 per cent. The presence of ethnic
minority students in SET and Medicine is proportional to the size of
undergraduate population, which suggests that, at this level, they are not excluded
from these subject areas (Table 3.2). In fact, Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi
students seem to be choosing SET subjects disproportionately. Similarly, a
disproportionately high number of Black African and Indian students are found in
Medicine. Black Caribbean students, by contrast, were found to show a preference
for arts, social sciences and humanities (listed under ‘other’ here), where Asian
students (particularly male) are absent.
Table 3.2 Ethnicity and subject choices of the undergraduate students in
2001-2002 (UK domicile student population)
Ethnic group
Student
body
White
Black Caribbean
Black African
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Chinese
Other
Total
86.61
1.14
2.02
3.46
1.81
0.52
0.91
3.53
(1,531,670)
Percentage of student body
SET
Medicine Other
81.61
0.91
2.33
5.48
3.27
0.86
1.50
4.05
100.00
83.71
1.44
3.72
4.24
1.80
0.44
0.79
3.87
100.00
88.87
1.15
1.54
2.64
1.34
0.43
0.75
3.28
100.00
% of
population
18-25
88.31
1.07
1.14
2.46
2.13
0.82
0.73
3.34
100.00
Source: Elias & Jones (2005), p.17. Analysis based on HESA 2001-02 Student Data
LFS figures are from pooled 2002-03 data.
Separate figures are not presented for males and females, but in their study of the
presence of ethnic minority students in physics and chemistry Elias & Jones
UK Report
April 2007
(2006) note that irrespective of ethnicity, SET subjects are preferred by males and
Medicine and related subjects are preferred by females. They also examine the
differences between SET subjects and find that ethnic minority students are
under-represented in biological, physical and mathematical sciences, but have a
higher than average presence in computer science (particularly Indian, Pakistani
and Bangladeshi males). Both physics and chemistry, for instance, are found to be
male and white dominated, with chemistry being more ethnically diverse and
physics with a better gender balance.
Despite this impressive presence in higher education, White students seem to be
graduating with better results. For instance, in 2001-02, 57 per cent of the White
graduates of SET subjects obtained a first or upper second class degree. This
compares with only 32 per cent of Black Caribbean students and even smaller
numbers of Black African, Pakistani and Bangladeshi students achieved these
grades (Elias & Jones, 2005). Ethnic minority students are also, overwhelmingly,
likely to be attending one of the new universities (post-92) which are perceived
not to match the standard offered by the old pre-1992 universities. In pre-1992
universities, about 10 per cent of students are from ethnic minority origins. This
rises to 16 per cent in post-1992 universities (Elias & Jones, 2005).
Table 3.3 Ethnicity and subject choices of postgraduate students studying
for a Masters degree in 2001-2002 (UK domicile students )
Ethnic group
White
Black Caribbean
Black African
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Chinese
Other
Total
Student body
SET
Medicine Other
85.08
1.41
3.09
3.21
1.47
0.37
1.26
4.13
(107,270)
79.11
1.10
4.66
4.62
2.77
0.66
2.00
5.09
100.00
85.05
1.70
3.15
3.69
1.33
0.24
0.77
4.06
100.00
86.95
1.46
2.58
2.68
1.08
0.30
1.12
3.84
100.00
% of
population
18-25
88.31
1.07
1.14
2.46
2.13
0.82
0.73
3.34
100.00
Source: Elias & Jones (2005), p.49. Analysis based on HESA 2001-02 Student Data
A similar picture is observed at the Master level, where the proportion of White
students is in fact slightly lower (85 per cent) than it is at the undergraduate level
(nearly 87 per cent). Ethnic minority students are found in greater numbers at
Master level and seem to be choosing SET subjects and Medicine over other
subjects (Table 3.3).
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Table 3.4 Ethnicity and subject choices of postgraduate students studying for
a doctorate in 2001-2002 (UK domicile students)
Ethnic group
Student body
White
Black Caribbean
Black African
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Chinese
Other
Total
90.00
0.50
1.14
1.98
0.84
0.20
1.24
4.11
(39,205)
SET
Medicine Other
90.50
0.26
0.87
1.97
0.94
0.23
1.46
3.76
100.00
85.57
0.37
1.35
3.79
1.58
0.37
1.77
5.21
100.00
91.00
0.80
1.35
1.32
0.48
0.13
0.81
4.10
100.00
% of
population
18-25
88.31
1.07
1.14
2.46
2.13
0.82
0.73
3.34
100.00
Source: Jones & Elias (2005), p.49. Analysis based on HESA 2001-02 Student Data.
At the doctorate level, the presence of ethnic minority students falls and White
Britons are slightly over represented. Relative to their population size, the only
known minority groups well represented at the doctorate level are the Chinese and
the Black Africans. Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Caribbean students seem to be
particularly under represented. This is a significant point, because a doctorate is
the prerequisite for an academic career or for higher level jobs in these fields.
3.3.2.
University level
No primary analysis of HESA undertaken at the time of writing.
3.4.
Statistics overview on academic and research employment
This section provides an overview of ethnic minority employment in UK higher
education institutions.
3.4.1.
National level
Jones & Elias analyse HESA Staff data for 2001-02 with a particular focus on the
ethnicity of SET academics. Their analysis is restricted to professors, senior
lecturers and lecturers in UK universities.
UK Report
April 2007
Table 3.5 Ethnicity and subject distribution of academic staff in 2001-2002
Ethnic group
White
Black Caribbean
Black African
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Chinese
Other
Total
Percentage of academic staff
Staff in all SET
Medicine Other
subject areas
69,645
300
445
1,125
215
65
940
2,470
75,205
91.87
0.16
0.46
1.39
0.27
0.13
2.12
3.60
100.00
90.22
0.83
0.89
2.59
0.47
0.08
1.31
3.62
100.00
94.22
0.35
0.53
1.05
0.22
0.06
0.65
2.92
100.00
%
of
working
population
93.10
1.00
0.80
1.70
0.80
0.30
0.30
2.10
100.00
Source: Elias & Jones (2005), p.20. Analysis based on HESA 2001-02 Staff Data
The presence of Whites among SET academics broadly reflects their population
size. The Chinese appear to be the most over represented ethnic group among SET
academics; relative to their population size, they are seven times more likely to be
a SET academic. All other ethnic minority groups, particularly Bangladeshi,
Pakistani and Black Caribbeans are under-represented. In Medicine, Indians and
Chinese are over represented, while Black Africans and Black Caribbeans are
found in numbers matching their population size. In all ‘Other’ subjects, once
again, except for the Chinese, all ethnic minority groups are substantially underrepresented.
The Association of University Teachers published a brief paper on the ethnicity of
UK academic staff, comparing 1995-96 and 2003-04. Their analysis is also based
on HESA Staff data. Between these years, the share of Whites among senior
academics fell from 96.7 per cent to 95.2 per cent. Senior academics here refer to
principal lecturers and professors. During this period, the proportion of senior
Black academics remained constant at half a per cent, while the share of Asian
senior staff doubled to nearly three per cent. (AUT, 2005).
Previously, Carter et al undertook a more comprehensive analysis of HESA Staff
Data for 1996-97. This is now a decade old and the picture may have changed
considerably, particularly in light of the substantial increase in the number of
ethnic minority students participating in higher education. However, this is the
latest available research on the employment of ethnic minorities in higher
education and the remainder of this section will be summarise their key findings.
Based on known ethnicity, in this year, 95 per cent of all academic staff was
White and Chinese and Indian were the two largest minority groups (Table 3.6).
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Table 3.6 Total academic staff by ethnic group in 1996/97
Ethnic origin
White
Chinese
Indian
Asian other
Black African
Black Caribbean
Pakistani
Black other
Bangladeshi
Total
(N)
92,198
1,673
1,390
873
556
310
291
167
75
97,533
%
94.5
1.7
1.4
0.9
0.6
0.3
0.3
0.2
0.1
100.0
Source: Carter et al (1999), p.9. Based on HESA Staff Data 1996/97.
Among British minorities, Indians are the largest group and they are followed by
Asian other, Chinese, Black Caribbean and Black other (Table 3.7).
Table 3.7 British minority academic staff in 1996/96
Ethnic origin
Indian
Asian Other
Chinese
Black Caribbean
Pakistani
Black African
Black Other
Bangladeshi
Total
(N)
825
423
340
247
219
198
122
44
2,418
%
34.1
17.5
14.1
10.2
9.1
8.2
5.0
1.8
100.0
Source: Carter et al (1999), p.9. Based on HESA Staff Data 1996/97
The following analysis of gender distribution does not separate between minority
groups, but it gives an idea of the overall gender division within white and
minority groups. Both among whites and minorities, about one third of staff are
female (Table 3.8). Carter et al also note that women academics are more likely to
be in teaching only or research only positions; compared to over eight per cent of
men, 13 per cent of women hold teaching only posts and as opposed to 27 per cent
of men, over 34 per cent of women hold research only positions.
Table 3.8 Academic staff by gender and ethnicity (1996/97)
Male and white
Female and white
Male and non-white
Female and non-white
Total
(N)
61,402
30,796
3,765
1,570
97,533
%
63.0
31.6
3.9
1.6
100.0
Source: Carter et al (1999), p.13
One significant point Carter et al raise is the difference between British and nonBritish minorities. A quarter of non-British staff are not White and there are more
non-British minorities than British minorities in UK universities. Non-British
minorities are more likely to be employed in research only jobs and placed in
UK Report
April 2007
pre-1992 universities. Research posts, especially in established science and
engineering departments and particularly fixed term research only posts are filled
by non-British men and women. These temporary posts often act as a stepping
stone onto an international research career which may or may not be in the
academia and these positions do not necessarily represent a disadvantaged
position. Carter et al also find that British minority male and female staff are more
likely to be in post-92 universities and also found in disproportionate numbers in
medical schools. British minorities form two per cent of staff in old universities,
three per cent in new universities and over six per cent in medical schools.
Table 3.9 Academic grade structure by ethnicity (1996/97)
Non-British minority
Non-British white
British minority
British white
All
% at each academic grade
Research Lecturer Senior
Lecturer
52.0
32.5
6.8
39.8
34.7
9.9
30.4
41.7
13.2
20.2
42.1
19.4
26.2
39.5
16.7
Professor
1.5
4.8
3.1
8.6
7.5
Other
grades
7.2
10.8
11.6
11.6
9.7
Source: Carter et al (1999), p.15. Based on HESA Staff Data 1996/97
British minorities are more likely to be working in research and lecturer positions
compared to White British staff. There are fewer British ethnic minority staff
Senior Lecturers and Professors. About three per cent of minority staff are
professors and nearly three times as many White British staff work at this grade
(Table 3.9). British minorities are also more likely to be in ‘research only’ posts;
compared to 23 per cent of White Britons, nearly 37 per cent of British ethnic
minority staff work in research only positions (Carter et al, 1999; p.17)
Table 3.10 Gender, ethnicity and terms of employment (1996/97)
% with permanent contract
All male academic staff
Non-British Minority
Non-British White
British Minority
British White
61.2 (42,368)
32.4
40.4
55.3
69.0
% with temporary
contract
36.9 (21,847)
67.1
59.0
43.9
29.4
All female academic staff
Non-British Minority
Non-British White
British Minority
British White
47.9 (16,711)
30.3
33.9
42.9
54.9
48.9 (14,900)
69.4
64.2
55.4
42.6
Source: Adapted from Carter et al(1999), p.19. Based on HESA Staff Data 1996/97
Table 3.10 illustrates the type of contract enjoyed by different ethnic groups and
nationalities. Among British staff, minorities are more likely to be on fixed term
contracts; 44 per cent of male minority staff and 29 per cent of male White staff
are employed on temporary contracts. A similar difference exists between female
staff, with 55 per cent of minorities and nearly 43 per cent of Whites working on
fixed term contracts.
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Table 3.11 Gender, ethnicity and part-time employment (1996/97)
Non-British minority
Non-British White
British minority
British White
Total
All Staff
5.0
10.1
8.1
10.9
10.5
Male
4.1
7.1
4.8
7.5
7.2
Women
8.2
14.5
13.8
18.0
17.1
Source: Carter et al(1999), p.20. Based on HESA Staff Data 1996/97
In terms of part-time working, the real difference is between men and women.
Looking at all staff, British minorities are slightly less likely to be working parttime than the White British, but the difference is small (8.1 per cent compared to
10.9 per cent). The gender difference is present in all groups; women are more
than twice as likely as men to work part-time (Table 3.11).
A more recent study by Burton & Joshi investigates the gender and ethnic balance
of academic economics, based on 2002 data. They find that nine out of then
academic economist is White and the proportion of Whites increase at the higher
levels. At the entry level of fixed-term staff, eight in ten academics and at the
highest level, nearly 94 per cent of professors are White. Among ethnic minority
groups, Indians are over represented and Black groups are under represented in
academic economics. This study does not consider gender divisions within ethnic
minority groups (Burton & Joshi, 2002).
4.
UK Report
Structure of the higher education and research
system
The last 50 years has seen a large increase in the number of Universities in the UK
(Universities UK, 2006). A key stage of this expansion took place in 1992 when a
number of significant changes took place in the structure of the UK higher
education system. All polytechnics and some colleges of higher education merged
and became universities. Polytechnics were institutions for higher education
offering courses mainly at degree level. They concentrated on the provision of
full-time vocational courses which were validated by the Council for National
Academic Awards. From 1992 public funds became the responsibility of the new
Universities and Colleges Funding Council. Academic validation of courses was
transferred from the Council for National Academic Awards to the individual
institutions. The new UK university sector consisted of 104 institutions. From
1993 all universities began to compete for funding on an equal basis. There are
now 126 universities. Broadly speaking, the new universities continue to be
teaching intensive, while the old universities remain more research focused. On
the whole, the old universities, such as Oxford and Cambridge, are seen as more
prestigious, with the degrees held by their students being more highly valued by
employers.
The expansion of the university sector is expected to continue due to the
government’s target of 50 per cent of 18-30 year olds participating in some form
of higher education by 2010 (Universities UK, 2006). However, there are
countervailing forces. A major change in the funding of students has occurred
with the introduction of student loans. There are concerns that this has had
negative effects on the widerning participation agenda (Bagguley and Hussain,
2006).
The emergence of an increasingly diverse student body has accompanied the
expansion. In 1990, women applicants outnumbered men for the first time
(Heward et.al, 1997). Recent evidence indicates that in the early 2000s levels of
participation in Further and Higher Education were as high for women of Indian,
Black Caribbean and African origin as they are for White women, both at 23 per
cent (Women and Equality Unit, 2002 – cited in Mirza, 2006: 102). BME women
under the age of 21 are the highest participants on full-time undergraduate
courses. Mirza draws attention to the way in which the Higher Education Funding
Council for England has a policy emphasis on diversity being ‘less about equity
and more about diversity of higher education provision so as to secure the “best
fit” to meet the needs of students, the economy and society (Mirza, 2006: 101-2).
However, Mirza also highlights that the growth in the number of BME women
entering higher education, in new universities, represents a growth in BME
women’s educational aspirations and has the potential to make Higher Education
a radical site of resistance and refutation.
The Higher Education workforce structure has also undergone significant change
including a notable process of casualisation, marked by rising numbers of parttime and short-term contracts (Heward et.al, 1997). Staffing structures have also
become more feminised, the increasing numbers of women becoming
concentrated in lower level positions in organisational hierarchies (Carter et.al,
1999; Heward et.al, 1997; Aziz, 1990). Higher education has undergone a
28
process of marketisation, in which students have been reconstructed as
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29
consumers. There have been several initiatives to integrate student voices into
policy development (for a discussion see Deem and Morley, 2006: 193-194).
Qualitative evidence suggests that professional development for equality and
diversity has ‘tended to focus on enhancing the quality of student experiences and
service, not the quality of the working environment for staff, raising major issues
about what and whom is being recognised (or redistributed) in current Higher
Education Institution equality discourses, particularly in the more teachingintensive institutions (Deem and Morley, 2006: 195).
4.1.
Rules and practices of recruitment
4.1.1.
The legal framework and codes of practice
The first Race Relations Act in Britain was passed in 1967. As seen in section 2,
Higher Education institutions began to adopt Equal Opportunities policies in the
late 1980s. The MacPherson Report (1999) made recommendations on how to
tackle institutional racism in the UK and a range of institutional changes have
been implemented, building on Macpherson, to promote race equality across the
public sector. European Directives are also shaping the requirements of British
law, for example in order to comply with the EC Race directive (2000/43/EC).
The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 places a general statutory duty on
public authorities to consider in all that they do the need to eliminate unlawful
racial discrimination and to promote equality of opportunity. The Act also places
a duty to promote good race relations between people of different racial groups.
Four main types of unlawful discrimination are defined under British law:
•
•
•
•
Direct discrimination ;
Indirect discrimination;
Victimisation;
Harassment.
The race equality duty requires educational institutions to:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Prepare a written statement of their policy for promoting race equality
Maintain a copy of the statement
Assess the impact of their policies, including their race equality policy, on
students and staff of different racial groups including, in particular, the
impact on attainment levels of such pupils
Monitor, by reference to those racial groups, the admission and progress of
students and the recruitment and career progress of staff
Have in place arrangements for fulfilling, as soon as is reasonably
practicable, their duties.
Include in their written statement an indication of their arrangements for
publishing that statement and the results of their assessment and
monitoring
Take such steps as are reasonably practicable to publish annually the
results of their monitoring under this article (see
http://www.cre.gov.uk/duty/pa_specific_fehe.html)
UK Report
The Commission for Racial Equality has produced a guide on the duty to promote
race equality for Further and Higher Education institutions (CRE, 2002). In
addition, in 2002 the Equality Challenge Unit (www.ecu.aqc.uk), was set up by
and for the UK Higher Education sector to update and advise on new and
emerging legislation and its implications (Leadership Foundation for Higher
Education, 2006; Hill and Kusemamuriwo, 2005). Only after nearly forty years
after the first Race Relations Act are Higher Education institutions beginning to
develop race equality strategies, under the pressure of legal statutory duties (Law
et.al, 2005). The Race Relations Amendment Act is seen by some as a catalyst for
change with appeals for radical thinking on how policy is conceived and put into
practice (Hill and Kusemamuriwo, 2005: 123).
The Higher Education Sector is increasingly adopting the discourse of diversity
management, which includes an emphasis on the business case for diversity. This
includes:
•
•
•
•
•
4.1.2.
The scope for increasing competitiveness through the recruitment and
retention of staff who understand clients needs and understands their
differences
The potential for improved performance through the development of a
working environment where all employees are encouraged to fulfil their
potential.
The benefits of greater market share through the attraction of a diverse
range of clients and forging of international links
Improvements in people management, for example through monitoring
and impact assessment
Improvements to organisational ethics and values (Leadership Foundation
for Higher Education, 2006: 13)
Structural inequalities and informal practices
Efforts to tackle social inequality are inconsistent, and rarely monitored, across
the Higher Education sector (Deem et.al., 2006; cited in Jones, 2006: 150). There
are concerns that the take-up of the business case for diversity by the Higher
Education sector is detracting from recognition of structural inequalities (Jones,
2006) and informal practices. Recruitment is a particular area of concern. In
medicine for example, one study of medical school applicants has shown that
having a European surname predicted acceptance better than ethnic origin itself
(McManus et.al, 1995).
Carter and colleagues, in their study of ethnicity and employment in Higher
Education, ran focus groups to explore the experiences of ethnic minority staff.
The discussions elicited a range of common experiences of institutional racism:
•
•
•
‘The perception that blacks have to be better qualified than whites in order
to get the job but likely to be told by colleagues, “You only got this job
because you are black”
Blacks perceived as troublemakers if they complained of racism and told
that this was personal problem that they had to cope with personally and
without making a fuss;
Black people are likely to be seen, regardless of their specialisms or
personal interests, as especially suitable for ‘Equality roles’, and then
30
expected to do these without proper support, status or remuneration;
April 2007
NEWS project
•
•
31
Some discussants thought that black people particularly suffered at
interviews: on the one hand they were not informed of ‘the rules of the
game’ and , on the other hand, whatever their behaviour, it could be used
against them (eg, afterwards it would be said that they smiled too much or
not enough);
Vice-Chancellors were said not to understand the issues and not to care
about them’ (Carter et.al,1999:56)
Career development opportunities, for example contributing to edited books, depends to a
large extent on reputation, networking and patronage (Heward et.al, 1997; Puwar, 2005).
Puwar (2005:52) writes of academic systems characterised by racialised
patronage, networking and social cloning. Patronage, she argues, is implicit in
how academic careers are made:
‘The avenues to visibility and recognition within academia, like other professions, are
underlined by networks, mentoring and small recommendations. Academia is not
sustained by a neutral mechanical machinery of measurement. Rather networks, chains
and cliques of human beings sustain the machinations. And while there are competing
elements seeking to re-define the academic field, these struggles are conducted via
networks and connections. Opportunities are made or broken within this context’ (Puwar,
2005: 56).
UK Report
5.
Studies on women scientists
5.1.
Quantitative information
April 2007
Blackaby, D and Frank, J. (2000) Ethnic and other minority representation in UK
academic economics. The Economic Journal, 110, June.
Carter, J. Fenton, S and Modood, T. (1999) Ethnicity and Employment in Higher
Education. London: Policy Studies Institute.
Burton, J. & Joshi, H. (2002) Gender and Ethnic Balance of Academic
Economics, A report for the Royal Economic Society.
Elias, P. & Jones, P. (2005) Science, Engineering and Technology and the UK’s
Ethnic Minority Population, A Report for the Royal Society, Warwick Institute
for Employment Research.
Elias, P. & Jones, P. & McWhinnie, S. (2006), “Representation of Ethnic groups
in chemistry and physics”, a report for the Institute of Physics.
AUT (2005) The ethnicity of senior UK academic staff, 1995-6 and 2003-4, AUT.
5.2.
Issues
5.2.1.
School achievement of BMEs
Glover (2001) outlines how women’s representation in scientific employment
comprises at least four phases: qualifying, entry/overall recruitment, retention and
advancement. By the early 1980s greater attention was being given to the fact
that girls were deterred from studying science and technology subjects (Glover,
2001: 74-5), hampering progress at phase one. The first half of the 1980s
witnessed a growth in policies adopted by schools and local authorities
encouraging girls to take up mathematics and science (Glover, 2001; citing Arnott
et.al, 1996). The UK Equal Opportunities Commission supported a variety of
initiatives, for example ‘Girls into Science and Technology’ and ‘Women
Engineers Visiting Schools’ (Glover, 2001: 73 – citing Whyte, 1986 and Smail
et.al, 1982).
A range of organisations and networks now support work to promote the interest
of girls in science, some of which is based in the Department of Trade and
Industry’s Promoting Women in Science, Engineering and Technology Unit. By
the 1990s there were signs that work to address the take-up of science subjects
was becoming ungendered as both sexes appeared unenthusiastic about science
(Glover, 2001: 75). Later campaigns have centred on encouraging the take-up of
science by BME communities, as is explored further in section 6. The findings of
a study of a pilot labour market programme based on ethnic minority outreach
illustrates a support gap for graduates. While the programme was targeted at
ethnic minority groups at a distance from the labour market, graduates were also
seeking to draw on the support and resources of the pilot projects and clearly
valued the mentoring support that was being provided by some (Barnes et.al,
2005).
32
NEWS project
5.2.2.
33
University experience of BMEs
There remain barriers to university entrance in spite of the widening participation
policy goal referred to in section 4. While BME students have a higher overall
participation rate than white students in Higher Education courses, Connors and
colleagues (2004) made a series of recommendations for addressing disparities in
the experiences of ethnic minority students and graduates compared with their
white counterparts. The work of a National Black and Minority Ethnic Education
Strategy Group that reviewed progress identified that little had changed three
years on. The issues include:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Differential access routes into HE: Vocational versus academic pathways
and qualifications;
‘A disparity between the higher percentage of White students studying at
degree level versus the larger proportions of BME students studying at
sub-degree level;
The geographically-based grouping of BME students in London;
The grouping of BME students in Post-1992 Higher Education
Institutions;
The “bulking” of BME students around particular subject areas;
Many BME groups underachieving at degree classification ; and
BME graduates facing poorer job prospects with higher unemployment’
(from report produced by Tribal for the National BME Education Strategy
Group, 2006)
There is heterogeneity of experience. For example recent research has highlighted
a range of issues for South Asian women for whom there continues to be
increasing demand for Higher Education. The study, based on interviews with
South Asian women in the sixth form, during their time at university and recently
graduated (Bagguley and Hussain, 2007: 44) identified four areas for policy and
practice development:
•
•
•
•
Broadening subject choice – a focus on traditional professional careers
(law, medicine, dentistry), often encouraged by family members, leads to
strong competition for places and reduces the chances of entry;
Improving widening participation and careers work – short-termism in
funding of projects means that they often do not last long enough to have
real effect.
Improving the experience of university – those in predominantly ‘White’
universities are likely to feel isolated
Increasing the focus placed on future careers – cultural assumptions about
what South Asian women are able to do are limiting their options and
opportunities.
While a recent Diversity Resources project mapping resources for diversity
related issues found that there were resources available for potential ethnic
minority Higher Education students under the Widening Participation scheme and
African-Caribbean young people, no resources were found for undergraduates or
postgraduates (Leadership Foundation for Higher Education, 2006).
5.2.3.
Discrimination in the academy
UK Report
April 2007
Student experiences
There are reports of ethnic minority students experiencing racism at schools and
universities. The young women interviewed in Bagguley and Hussain’s study of
the role of Higher Education in providing opportunities for South Asian women
described experiences of racism from staff and students both at school and
university, ‘particularly about the gendered character of South Asian culture’
(Bagguley and Hussain, 2007: 33). The racist behaviours that they encountered
ranged from physical attacks to cultured assumptions that failed to appreciate the
change and diversity in South Asian communities. The interviewing took place
after the September 11 attacks in the US and some of the women had experienced
a backlash from this. Muslim and non Muslim South Asian students experienced
Islamaphobia, White Non Muslims assuming that all Asians were Muslim
(Bagguley and Hussain, 2007: 33).
The authors provide the following quotations by way of illustration of the racist
behaviours of staff and students in the Higher Education sector:
Talking to students they were like asking questions: “Is your mum allowing you to come
and study?” “Is your husband alright about it?” Yeah, there are myths… you just have to
tell them things are changing and put them right.’ (Bangladeshi graduate Leeds)
‘…one of my lecturers whilst giving a lecture on enlightenment and stuff it made me and
a few of my other Muslim friends we kind of felt that we are being discriminated against,
and that he didn’t really like Muslims. That’s one time when I felt a bit scared that a
lecturer is trying to put his personal views across when he should have been objective
(Bangladeshi graduate, Leeds)
Some respondents had made complaints at school but they had been ignored,
while no respondent had made a formal complaint at their university.
There are concerns about processes of segmentation of minority ethnic graduates
if they do take a scientific career path. A study of graduates in the 1980s (Brennan
& McGeevor, 1987) found that minority ethnic groups were in lower paid jobs
than similarly qualified graduates and they were disproportionately employed in
engineering and pharmacy.
Staff experiences
Quantitative analysis of census data has indicated that labour market
discrimination in the UK labour market is ‘apparently deep-rooted, widespread
and persistent’ (Clark and Drinkwater, 2006). Qualitative research is indicative of
the salience of this conclusion for ethnic minority staff in the Higher Education
sector (Heward et. Al, 1997 and Deem and Morely, 2006). A factor in the greater
attention given by policy makers and academic researchers to the under
representation of minority ethnic groups in the Higher Education sector is the
number of discrimination cases covered in the press and being brought to
industrial tribunals (Howard et.al, 1997). Carter and colleagues (1999) indicated
that Black women were more likely than any other group to report being the
victims of sexual harassment and discrimination at work.
BME academics
provide evidence that racism, harassment and discrimination are a part of their
everyday professional lives (Jones, 2006: 149). Staff reports of racism are
explored further below.
34
NEWS project
5.2.4.
35
Social mobility in the academy
There is longstanding evidence of persistence in the exclusion of women from
senior positions in the academic profession in the UK since the early twentieth
century (Heward et.al, 1997; Blackstone & Fulton, 1975). Glover and Fielding’s
analysis of both cross-sectional labour force data and longitudinal census-based
data suggests that women scientists are often over-qualified and less likely to use
their scientific qualifications in professional scientific occupation than men
(Glover, 2001; Glover and Fielding, 1999: 71). Women scientists are more likely
to be employed on a temporary basis and twice as likely as men to leave scientific
employment in the first two years of employment (Glover, 2001: 72). Glover
posits that retention and advancement are the key issues requiring change. The
Rising Tide report (HMSO, 1994) reflected a shift in policy interest towards
issues of retention, though in practice there was a lack of support for the
recommendation that the government should increase the range of publicly
available childcare.
Heward and colleagues (1997) provide one of the few qualitative investigations of
gender, race and career success in the academic profession in the UK. Their
research, taking a life history approach, compared the careers of successful white
men, women and members of minority ethnic groups in two subject areas: the law
and biology. The research design focused on professors, exploring their routes to
power and the range of factors that they perceived to be critical to their success.
Their findings suggest that it is in the early stages of careers that the foundations
of success and social mobility are constructed. At this early critical juncture it is
important to acquire self-confidence which can become a positive dynamic in
career trajectories. In addition to positive self-evaluation, informal networks, the
positive judgements of capabilities by senior members of the profession and
related patronage were found to be important enablers of the ability to achieve
senior positions. Heward and colleagues also note that the relationship between
positive self-evaluations of academic ability and the judgements of those in more
senior positions who are ‘gatekeepers’ to the profession is problematic. They
argue that the significance of racial and gender stereotypes in these processes
needs further investigation. This is a valid argument but there it is also important
to look at the interaction between racial and gender stereotypes.
5.2.5.
Diversity at the university
In the research by Heward and colleagues (1997) referred to above, there were
considerable obstacles to finding members of ethnic minority groups to participate
in the study. They were only be found by snowballing and asking for the names
of academics in the lower echelons of the profession. Non minority ethnic
respondents were asked for their observations about the under-representation of
minority ethnic groups in the profession. The factors respondents identified as
generating this under representation were: ‘Discrimination, a desire to avoid
further contact with educational institutions and a preference for vocational
careers in legal practice or medical research’ (Heward et.al 1997: 208).
In later research undertaken by Deem and Morley (2006) qualitative multi site
case studies were undertaken of staff experiences of equality policies in six
English, Scottish and Welsh higher education institutions. Two were post-1992
former polytechnics and one a college of HE, all teaching intensive. The other
three were pre-1992 research focused universities. Twenty-five focus groups and
UK Report
60 individual interviews were undertaken with staff from different occupational,
social and cultural groups as well as 35 senior manager interviews. Their research
indicated that women were continuing to face glass ceilings and reiterated the
concentration of Black and Asian ethnic minority staff in lower-level support
roles or temporary posts, not in permanent academic posts or senior administrative
roles. Reports of racism were widespread:
..work by ethnic minority members of staff is not recognised and not rewarded,
and that leads to some kind of disappointment and that disappointment can
manifest itself in sometimes stress, sometimes health issues, etc… We just want a
fair deal and I have the feeling that fair deal is not being given’ (Male ethnic
minority academic, quoted in Deem & Morley, 2006: 191)
There was little discussion of the benefits or disadvantages of institutional
diversity, those respondents who did discuss it feeling that little progress had been
made:
A: I mean you only have to look up the hierarchy to see how many women
professors there are. A tiny fraction.
B: But if you look for how many black professors there are, you’ll find the number
is zero. And that’s using a very broad category of black that not everyone would
agree with… It’s a running sore of a problem. (Academic trade unionists’ focus
group, quotation from Deem and Morley, 2006: 192)
In Mirza’s review of Black women in the academy she notes that people of
different ethnicities ‘are celebrated in colourful brochures with smiling “brown”
faces – like a box of chocolates’ but they are invisible in the transforming
difference that they bring to higher education institutions (Mirza, 2006: 103). She
concurs with Ahmed (2005:16) that: ‘Diversity here is not associated with
challenging disadvantage, but becomes another way of ‘doing advantage’.
Diversity documents and statements are ‘ cut off form histories of struggle which
expose inequalities (Ahmed, 2005: 19 – cited in Mirza 2006). Mirza’s discussion
of excluding practices in Higher Education synthesises evidence that emphasises
how ‘they are underscored by the complex dynamics of class, gender and race’.
Black students feel a sense of unbelonging and are disorientated by reactions to
their presence as they are not the natural expected occupants of higher education
spaces. Mirza notes that ‘even students do a double take when they see that I am
the social theory lecturer’ (Mirza, 2006:106). Being ‘out of place’ in ‘white’
institutions has costs to the bearer of that difference, both emotional and
psychological (Mirza, 2006: 106; drawing on Puwar, 2004).
5.3.
Methodological aspects
In the early 2000s Glover expressed concern that if issues of retention and
advancement for women were to be explored there would be implications for the
kind of data required to research the area. Two areas highlighted were
longitudinal data that might facilitate the tracking of trajectories over time and
qualitative data that might facilitate the understanding of underlying processes
(Glover, 2001:78).
In qualitative studies of diversity in the academic profession in Higher
Education institutions in the UK attention to how social and political processes36
April 2007
NEWS project
37
operate in relation to race and ethnicity are only just beginning to emerge. Few
studies have explored multiple inequalities (Deem and Morley, 2006; Heward
et.al, 1997; Farish et.al, 1995). There remains a huge gap in evidence on the
interaction between gender and ethnicity and virtual silence on their impact on the
formal and informal processes that underpin social mobility.
5.4.
Policy recommendations
Under successive Labour governments, since Blair came to power in 1997, there
has been a shift in ideas in public policy related to equality away from
redistribution as a way of tackling structural inequalities towards greater
recognition of different social and cultural groups. However, this shift does not
appear to have been accompanied by an underlying notion of social justice or
strategies for dealing with economic disadvantage that is part of the lived
experiences of these groups (for a discussion see Deem and Morley, 2006: 187).
This needs to be addressed.
5.5.
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Achievement’, Gender and Education, Volume 3. No. 2.
Aziz, A (1990) Women in UK Universities: the road to casualization. In S. Stiver
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London: Kogan Page.
Bagguley, P. and Hussain, Y. (2007) The Role of Higher Education in Providing
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Barnes, H.. Parry, J. Sahin-Dikmen, M.(2004) Minority Ethnic Students in
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Barnes, H., Hudson, M. Parry, J. Sahin-Dikmen, M. Taylor, R.(2005) Minority
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Glover, J. and Fielding, J (1999) Women and the Sciences in Britain: getting in?
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Jones, C. (2006) ‘Falling between the Cracks: what diversity means for black
women in higher education. Policy Futures in Education, Volume 4, Number 2,
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McManus, I. C., Esmail, A. and Demetriou, M. (1998) ‘Factors affecting
likelihood of applicants being offered a place in medical schools in the United
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Medical school applicants from ethnic minority groups: identifying if and when
they are disadvantaged. British Medical Journal. Vol. 310.
Mirza, H. S. (2006) Transcendence over Diversity: black women in the academy.
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Modood et al. (1997) Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage,
London: PSI.
Morely, L. (1999) Organising Feminisms: the micropolitics of the academy.
London: MacMillan.
National Audit Office (2002) Widening Participation in Higher Education in
England. HC 485, Session 2001-2002. London: National Audit Office.
OECD (2007) Wanted: Women Scientists. OECD Observer, March.
Penn, R. and Scattergood, H. (1992) Ethnicity and career aspirations in
contemporary Britain. New Community, Vol.19, No1.
PSI (2006) The Hidden One-in-Five: Winning a Fair Deal for Britain’s Vulnerable
Workers. TUC Publications.
Puwar (2004) Fish in or out of water: a theoretical framework for race and the
space of academia. In I.Law, D. Phillips, L. Turney (eds) Institutional Racism in
Higher Education. Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books.
Reay, D., David, M. and Ball, S. (2005) Degrees of Choice: Social Class, Race,
Gender in Higher Education. Stoke-on-Trent. Trentham Books.
Seth, S. (1985) ‘Education of Asian Women’, in M. Hughes and M. Kennedy
(eds) New Futures: Changing Women’s Education, London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul.
Shiner, M. and Modood, T. (2002) Help or Hindrance? Higher Education and the
route to ethnic equality. British Journal of Sociology of Education, Volume 23.
No. 2.
Tribal (2006) A Review of Black and Minority Ethnic Participation in Higher
Education: A summary report for conference for the National BME Education
Strategy Group. 21st June 2006
UK Report
6.
Policies, measures and programmes
6.1.
Good practices
April 2007
In recent years, a range of measures have been introduced to support the
encouragement of women scientists. One now well established initiative is The
Women in Science and Technology campaign launched in 1984 by the then
Engineering Council and the Equal Opportunities Commission. The campaign
seeks to encourage more girls and women to consider careers in SET. A second
initiative has been the setting up of a coalition of about 50 UK organisations
which arose from a conference held by the Department of Trade and Industry in
February 1998.
The UK Resource Centre for Women in Science, Engineering and Technology
(UKRC) was set up in 2004 to deliver UK Government’s Strategy for Women in
SET and contracted to work to 2008. Its objective is to increase and improve the
participation of women in science, engineering and technology, by supporting
new entrants to SET carriers, women who are returning after a break and those
progressing in a SET career. It also maintains and disseminates statistics on
women in SET careers.
The Portia website acts as a gateway to all UK organisations with an interest in
increasing female participation in Science, Engineering and Technology. There
are also independent organisations and initiatives that seek to support women in
science careers and work across subjects. One example is the Athena Project
which was established in 1999. Its aims are the advancement and promotion of the
careers of women in science, engineering and technology (SET) in higher
education and research to achieve a significant increase in the number of women
recruited to top post and in achieving its aims Athena has worked in partnership
with universities, research councils and SET professional and learned societies.
The Daphne Jackson Memorial Trust offers advice and support to women
returning to work after a career break by helping with research proposal writing,
childcare and job hunting. The trust funds a 2 year fellowship scheme for men and
women returning to work after a career break and involves supervised research
project and retraining programme. To date, the trust awarded 139 fellowships, 136
of which was taken up by women. The Trust, in collaboration with UKRC
organised a series of seminars in 2005/06 to debate the issues for women who
return to a career in SET. The seminars attracted speakers from academic
institutions, companies and the industry and were well attended by returnees
whose views were integrated into the recommendations drawn at the end of the
series.
Over the last two years, the issue of the position of scientists from minority ethnic
backgrounds has risen on the policy and research agendas. In 2005, DTI
announced 2.8 million to boost the UKRC, a part of which is to be used on a
national grant scheme for minority women in SET. A conference on Gender and
Ethnic Minority Issues in Science and Technology (GEM-SET) was held in
November 2006. The conference was held at the University of Newcastle and
40
NEWS project
41
brought together representatives from the academia and the industry. Networks of
ethnic minority scientists and ethnic minority women scientists are beginning to
emerge as explored further in sections 7.2 and 7.3.
6.2.
Bad practices
There are reports of disillusionment amongst BME academics with the
mechanisms for reporting and addressing experiences of racism and harassment
from colleagues, support staff and students. This is said to be deterring BME staff
from reporting experiences and receiving redress for their grievances (Jones,
2006: 149). Jones argues that:
‘The pervasive reluctance of academics to discuss the lived realities of race and racism
(which, unlike gender, still retain a nasty undertone) also serves to exert pressure on
black academics to remain silent about institutional racism and discrimination’ (Jones,
2006: 149).
Jones (2006) and Puwar (2005) write of black colleagues in the Higher Education sector
who have described:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Being overlooked for promotion;
Unfairly receiving poor appraisals;
Unfairly overloaded with administrative responsibilities;
Having their presence in certain spaces challenged;
Receiving lower pay for doing the same work as white colleagues;
White students choosing white tutors in preference to black colleagues;
Having their knowledge and ability being call (Jones, 2006: 153)
Feelings of marginalisation
Ethnic pigeon-holing
Infantalisation and hyper-surveillance of black academics (Puwar, 2005)
Jones also writes of black female colleagues who have described:
•
•
•
Rife sexual harassment by male colleagues and students;
Being asked to defend religious and cultural practices;
Assumptions made about their ‘dysfunctional’ family lives (Jones, 2006: 153)
7.
The scientist networks
7.1.
Networks of women
UK Report
April 2007
Networks of women scientists have grown in response to concern about the
position in women in science. The UK is involved in the European Platform of
Women Scientists. This network is symptomatic of how networking has been
identified as an essential empowerment tool for women scientists to participate in
the policy debate and to enhance their professional and career advancement. The
purpose of having the EPWS is to build a structural link between women
scientists and research policy makers. The aim is to introduce a new key strategic
actor into the research policy debate by making the voice of women scientists
heard.
In the UK, there are also specific networks of women scientists. The Women’s
Engineering Society (WES), which was first formed in 1919, seeks to promote
participation of women in engineering education and practice, to ensure that
women engineers’ voice is heard in policy and to raise the profile of women in
engineering. WES publishes a quarterly journal and organises an annual
conference. There are also a number of active WES regional/local circles and
university groups. One particular project started by WES in 2002 is MentorSET, a
mentoring scheme for women in science, engineering and technology. The
objective of MentorSET is to support women engineers to maintain a career in
SET occupations. The project has been instrumental in the setting up of about 280
mentoring pairs, spread across various careers.
Women in Physics group is a forum within the Institute of Physics and has a
Diversity Committee that is seeking to develop projects focusing on issues of
ethnicity (and disability). The Royal Society of Chemistry has a Women Members
Network with 10 regional networks in the UK.
7.2.
Networks of ethnic minorities
As greater attention has been given to the position of BME communities in
science, a range of BME Science networks have emerged in the UK. One
dimension of their activity has been to develop activities that will attract young
people from ethnic minorities into sciences and technology, and facilitate their
access. BME Science networks are also concerned with the extent and quality of
Higher Education achievement. A further dimension of activity has been to
address the position of ethnic minorities in sciences once they have embarked on
research and teaching careers.
The African and Caribbean network for Science and Technology was set up in
1995 as an educational support charity for young black people. It aims to inspire
more of them to enter the fields of science, maths and technology. This network
works with schools and Local Education Authorities, colleges and universities,
government departs and the voluntary sector. The network emphasises the
contribution that can be made by positive role models, linking students with
African Caribbean professionals from the various fields of Science, Engineering
42
NEWS project
43
and Techology. A further dimension of its work is the provision of an educational
information service and careers advice for adults and youth in the Black
community.
The main trade union for higher education staff in the UK is the University and
College Union (UCU). The UCU campaigns on equalities issues and also
undertakes research to contribute to the evidence base on the position of
disadvantaged groups. A current campaign is ‘All for Race Equality’ one of the
objectives of which is to provide members with the tools to set up Black Member
Networks.
One notable development in higher education has been the setting up of Equinet, a
Black Staff network operating across several Higher education institutions.
Equinet started two years ago in 2004. It began from an identifiable informal
network of Black academics and support staff at South Bank University in
London but it was soon felt that the network should be extended to other
institutions. Equinet was intended as a forum within which BME staff might
consider and reflect upon experiences and give them a voice. The core values of
Equinet are:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Leadership
Shared values (being clear as a group)
A manageable portfolio of tasks/realistic objectives
A need for people to deliver and be accountable
A need to articulate what’s in it for all who participate
To keep going
There is an issue of availability to get involved in the network – researchers/senior
staff have not time, while support staff have more time but not the seniority. The
network is bigger than the individuals behind it – it could implode and to
minimise the chances of this happening it needs to be beneficial to new and future
members. To sustain the momentum of the network it is important that people
feel that the network is delivering. The University of Westminster is amongst the
universities that have been approached as EQUINET seeks to widen its net.
7.3.
Networks of ethnic minority women
As noted in section 6.1 we are also seeing the emergence of networks for ethnic
minority women. As part of the WES MentorSet project, Peer2Peer Group was set
up to provides a multi-cultural forum for ethnic minority women in SET to share
experiences and discuss issues of common concern. As well as running an ementoring forum, Peer2Peer organises events and workshops to support personal
development and facilitate networking among women scientists. Examples
include the workshop on tackling discrimination in the workplace that took place
in London in October 2006. The African and Caribbean network for Science and
Technology has a sister organisation, The African Caribbean Women in Science
and Engineering (A-C Wise) which has the aim of supporting more African
Caribbean women in SET carriers.
8.
Recommendations
8.1.
Educational policies
UK Report
April 2007
The National Black and Minority Ethnic Education Strategy Group have made a
strategic recommendation for a National Network for BME practitioners to
promote and support the following activities:
•
•
•
•
•
That action is taken to ensure progress, drive policies, make the case,
lobby policy makers and champion the cause of BME participation and
achievement;
That Aimhigher and widening participation groups are supported to
develop their models and projects of good practice into wider action
planning and strategy implementation
That more accessible and detailed data and statistics are produced together
with benchmarks and performance indicators to measure progress and
drive action;
That strategic partnerships should be sought to provide strength and depth
of knowledge and greater lobbying power; and
That organisations would benefit from continuing support in implementing
the requirements of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000.
Reflecting on their study of South Asian women, Bagguley and Hussain (2007:46)
identify an urgent need for some universities (as well as schools and colleges) ‘to
ensure that equality and diversity policies are seen to be delivered on the ground
by successfully challenging unacceptable behaviour from staff and students’. As
Connors and colleagues (2004) note when planning future research and
formulating policy and HE, it is important that the minority ethnic population is
not treated as a homogeneous group.
8.2.
Employment policies
Carter and colleagues (1999) emphasise the importance of changing institutions:
‘Race equality work must engage with attitudes and organisational culture, not
just formal practices: Suggestions for institutional change include:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Commitment from the top downwards;
Institutions seeing racisms as a problem for the institution, not just for
ethnic minority staff and students;
Making the appointments process more transparent, with reasons given to
unsuccessful applicants;
Individuals and groups external to the institution being involved in the
implementation of racial equality policies and the monitoring of progress;
Higher education learning from good practices in other sectors;
Interview panels being more representative of the population and
including ethnic minorities;
Higher education funders considering tying funding to the achievement of
ethnic minority employment targets;
44
NEWS project
•
45
Curricula being reviewed so that non-European histories, experiences
achievements and concerns can be properly accommodating ( Carter et.al,
1999: 68-9)
The Leadership Foundation for Higher Education (www.lfhe.ac.uk) funded
Diversity Resources project has involved two broad activities. Firstly, interviews
with key stakeholders to identify resources and any gaps in provision and
secondly to compile a report of these resources. The project has emphasised the
need for more training to improve Higher Education staff awareness of equality
and diversity. While the research found positive attitudes to training,
opportunities for training are not uniform across the sector. Training seemed to
significantly raise awareness of equal opportunities policies and the belief they
will make a difference. Training material, it is recommended, should be made
more widely available across the sector (Leadership Foundation for Higher
Education, 2006: 14)
The introduction of policies does not automatically transmit to the intended
changes in practice. The Ethnicity and Employment in Higher Education report
(Carter et.al, 1999) recommends that there should be wide participation in the
process of change. It argues that this requires consultation and debate throughout
Higher Education institutions. Critiques of the diversity discourse and its focus
on the business case for diversity suggest that this debate needs to incorporate
discussion of its relative silence on issues of social justice. Jones presents these
concerns thus:
‘Managing diversity cannot simply be about business appeal. It must also entail a
commitment to challenging the structural power relations that result in inequalities. It
must also be a tool for social justice. Few would disagree with the proposition that our
working environment should be a place in which the strengths and abilities of all
individuals are valued, but it is all too easy to lose sight of the structural barriers that
constrain the entry of particular social groups into particular occupations’ (Jones, 2006:
151).
Engagement with racialised practices is not an easy path to take. Puwar notes that those
‘brave enough to speak of racism among their colleagues risk being labelled as
unprofessional, uncollegiate whisteblowers’ (Puwar, 2005: 2005: 56-57). The growth of a
variety of networks was detailed in section 7. Blackaut, the black and ethnic minority
members network of AUT, has pushed for a commission for black staff in Higher
Education. It has been argued that ‘this would provide a space for black staff to voice
their concerns and experiences – the first vital step in challenging the culture of saying
nothing’ (Bhattacharya, 2002).
Racialised difference needs to be understood as a key factor in the defining of BME
women’s experiences, knowledge and interests, which will help to build understanding of
the potential benefits of specific support and mentoring for BME staff. The intersectional
realities of black womens’ lives need to be recognised, taking into account the multiple
factors beyond gender, race and class that can compound oppression (Jones, 2006: 155).
8.3.
Statistics
It was noted earlier that in the early 2000s Glover expressed concern that if issues
of retention and advancement for women were to be explored there would be
UK Report
April 2007
implications for the kind of data required to research the area. Two areas
highlighted were longitudinal data that might facilitate the tracking of trajectories
over time and qualitative data that might facilitate the understanding of underlying
processes (Glover, 2001:78). This issue has yet to be addressed.
The Ethnicity and Employment in Higher Education report recommends changes
to data collection at national level, via the Higher Education Statistical Agency
data set (Carter et.al, 1999). Senior managers are exhorted to monitor ethnic
minority representation and ensure that the culture of the sector is one where the
needs and interests of ethnic and religious minorities are properly addressed and
accommodated (see Carter et.al, 1999; Leadership Foundation for Higher
Education, 2006). There are ongoing concerns about the lack of disaggregation of
statistics to draw out the experience of ethnic minority women (see for example
Jones, 2006), which means that their specific situations are concealed. Mirza
notes:
‘Gender…is still seen as a white women’s issue while it is taken for granted that race is a
black male issue. Black women fall into the cracks between the two’ (Mirza, 2005 – cited
in Jones, 2006: 152)
8.4.
Research
A key emerging theme is the persistence of disadvantage, even where formal
equal opportunities are in place. Where BME women are present in teaching and
research they tend to be segmented into lower grades and have more insecure
tenure. Little in-depth research of these issues has been undertaken in the UK or
other European countries though there have been one or two studies in the UK and
Netherlands, including reflections by BME women on their own experiences and
observations of the Higher Education Sector. There is a need for in-depth
qualitative research, capturing heterogeneity (Carter et.al, 1999: 69), with the
following objectives:
•
•
•
•
•
•
To examine the migration history, career aspirations and trajectories of
BME women in teaching and research and how these have been evolving
across the generations. Attention will be given to the channels,
mainstream and alternative, by which racial and ethnic minority and
migrant communities find their way into careers in the Higher Education
sector.
To explore the influence of the home and household on trajectories,
looking at gender roles, family climate and support, social capital and also
the impact of role models within families, schools and the workplace.
To outline and assess the range of influences on career aspirations and
entry points, development and sustainability of scientific careers.
To increase understanding of the under representation and under valuation
of BMEs in teaching and research.
To identify and explore positive aspects of workplace practice and culture
which can enhance progression, and discern the nature, operation and
impact of supportive and enabling workplace practice and cultures.
To describe and assess the linkages between ethnic minority and migrant
women’s labour market experience, their identity and belonging and
46
NEWS project
•
•
•
47
broader patterns of multi-culturalism and social cohesion. To increase
understanding of the relationship between economic and social integration.
To explore how to raise awareness of possible discrimination in scientific
careers.
To help universities identify the problems and to develop equal
opportunity policies.
To contribute to a better understanding of successful national models of
economic integration as well as exclusionary institutional arrangements
and to enhance the understanding of the relationship between social and
economic integration of migrants (Second Annual Report on Migration
and Integration (Brussels, SEC(2006) 892)
9.
UK Report
April 2007
Full bibliography
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Bagguley, P. and Hussain, Y. (2007) The Role of Higher Education in Providing
Opportunities for South Asian Women. York: Josesph Rowntree Foundation
Barnes, H.. Parry, J. Sahin-Dikmen, M.(2004) Minority Ethnic Students in
Architecture, CABE.
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Bunting, C. (2004) Distinct Lack of Ebony in Ivory Towers, Times Higher
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Carmichael, F. and Woods, R. (2000) “Ethnic Penalties in Unemployment and
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Citizens Advice (2004) Nowhere to turn – CAB evidence on the exploitation of
migrant workers.
Clark, K. and Drinkwater, S. (2007) Ethnic minorities in the labour market:
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Commission for Racial Equality (2006) Statutory code of practice on racial
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Minority Ethnic Students and Graduates, DfES.
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Deem, R. and Morley, L. (2006) Diversity in the Academy? Staff Perceptions of
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Deem, R., Morley, L and Tlili, A (2005) Negotiating Equity in Higher Education
Institutions: report to HEFCE, SHEFC, HEFCW.
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Farish, M. McPake, J. Powney, J. and Winer, G (1995) Equal Opportunities in
Colleges and Universities: Towards Better Practices. Buckingham: Society for
Research into Higher Education and Open University Press.
Flynn, D. (2005) New Borders, new management: The dilemmas of modern
immigration policies. Ethnic and Racial Studies 28 (3) special issue on Migration
and Citizenship 463-490
Glover, J. and Fielding, J (1999) Women and the Sciences in Britain: getting in?
Journal of Education and Work, 12 (1)
Green, A. Owen, D. and Wilson, R. (2005) Changing Patterns of Employment by
Ethnic Group and for Migrant Workers. National Report. Funding by Learning
Skills Council.
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April 2007
Heath, A. and McMahon, D. (1997) “Education and occupational attainments: the
impact of ethnic origins” in V.Karn (ed), Ethnicity in the 1991 Census, Volume 4,
Employment, education and housing among ethnic minority populations of
Britain, London: HMSO.
Heward, C. Taylor, P. and Vickers, R. (1997) Gender, Race and Career Success in
the Academic Profession. Journal of Further and Higher Education, Vol. 21,
No.2.
Hill, J. and Kusemamuriwo, E. (2005) ‘the Equaity Challeng Unit and the Race
Relations (Amendment) Act 2000: A Developmental Approach to Implementation
in Higher Education. In Law, I. Phillips, D. and Turney, L. (eds) (2004)
Institutional Racism in Higher Education. Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books.
Hoque, K & Noon, M (1999) “Racial discrimination in speculative applications:
new optimism six years on?”, Human Resource Management Journal, Vol.9(3):
71-82
Home Office (2006) Accession Monitoring Report May 2004 – June 2006.
Home Office (2004) Strength in Diversity: Towards a Community Cohesion and
Race Equality Strategy A Consultation Paper, May
Home Office Community Cohesion Unit (2002) Community Cohesion: a report of
the independent review team London: Home Office
Home Office (2002) Secure Borders, Safe Haven. Integration with Diversity in
Modern Britain. CM 5387. Published by The Stationery Office Limited
Hudson, M. Phillips, J. Ray, K and Barnes, H. (2007) Social Cohesion in Diverse
Communities. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation.
Jones, C. (2006) ‘Falling between the Cracks: what diversity means for black
women in higher education. Policy Futures in Education, Volume 4, Number 2,
2006.
Law, I. Phillips, D. and Turney, L. (eds) (2004) Institutional Racism in Higher
Education. Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books.
Leadership Foundation for Higher Education (2006) Diversity Resources Project.
Leslie, D. and Drinkwater, S. (1999) ‘Staying on in full-time education: reasons
for higher participation rates among ethnic minority males and females’,
Economica Vol.66,
Lewis, G. and Neal, S. (2005) “Introduction: Contemporary political contexts,
changing terrains and revisited discourses” Ethnic and Racial Studies 28 (3) special
issue on Migration and Citizenship 423-444
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NEWS project
51
McManus, I. C., Esmail, A. and Demetriou, M. (1998) ‘Factors affecting
likelihood of applicants being offered a place in medical schools in the United
Kingdom in 1996 and 1997: a retrospective study’. British Medical Journal.
Vol.310.
McManus, I. C, Richards, P, Winde, B C, Sposton, K A, and Styles, V. (1995)
Medical school applicants from ethnic minority groups: identifying if and when
they are disadvantaged. British Medical Journal. Vol. 310.
Mirza, H. S. (2006) Transcendence over Diversity: black women in the academy.
Policy Futures in Education, Volume 4, Number 2, 2006.
Modood, T. Berthoud, R. Lakey, J. Nazroo, J. Smith, P. Virdee, S. and Beishon,
S. (1997) Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage, London: PSI.
Morely, L. (1999) Organising Feminisms: the micropolitics of the academy.
London: MacMillan.
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England. HC 485, Session 2001-2002. London: National Audit Office.
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Workers. TUC Publications.
Puwar (2004) ‘Fish in or out of water: a theoretical framework for race and the
space of academia’. In I.Law, D. Phillips, L. Turney (eds) Institutional Racism in
Higher Education. Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books.
Reay, D., David, M. and Ball, S. (2005) Degrees of Choice: Social Class, Race,
Gender in Higher Education. Stoke-on-Trent. Trentham Books.
Ryan, B (2005) Labour Migration and Employment Rights. Institute of
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April 2007
Shiner, M. and Modood, T. (2002) Help or Hindrance? Higher Education and the
route to ethnic equality. British Journal of Sociology of Education, Volume 23.
No. 2.
Simpson, L. et al (2006) Ethnic minority populations and the labour market: an
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Tribal (2006) A Review of Black and Minority Ethnic Participation in Higher
Education: A summary report for conference for the National BME Education
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Wrench, J. & Modood, T. (2000) The effectiveness of employment equality
policies in relation to immigrants and ethnic minorities in the UK, ILO Papers,
No.38: Geneva.
52
NEWS project
10.
Appendix
2001 Census ethnicity Classification
White
Mixed
British
Irish
Any other White background
White and Black Caribbean
White and Black African
White and Asian
Any other Mixed background
Asian or Asian
British
Indian
Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Any other Asian background
Black or Black
British
Caribbean
African
Any other Black background
Chinese or Other
Chinese
Other
53

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