Reading, Writing, and Publishing in Eighteenth-Century France
Transcription
Reading, Writing, and Publishing in Eighteenth-Century France
Reading, Writing, and Publishing in Eighteenth-Century France: A Case Study in the Sociology of Literature The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters. Citation Darnton, Robert. 1971. Reading, writing, and publishing in eighteenthcentury France: A case study in the sociology of literature. Daedalus 100(1): 214-256. Published Version http://www.jstor.org/stable/20023999 Accessed September 29, 2016 7:28:47 PM EDT Citable Link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3403046 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University's DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-ofuse#LAA (Article begins on next page) ROBERT DARNTON in Eighteenth-Century Reading, Writing, and Publishing France: A Case Study in the Sociology of Literature Non numerantur sed ponderante. ?Marc Bloch1 a taken what society writes, always publishes, and reads as a guide to its culture, but they have never taken all its books as Instead, they select a few works as repre guidebooks. sentative of the whole intellectual and settle down to write history. Of course those select few may not deserve to serve as cultural Historians have If chosen without attach?s. representation, they may proportional a distorted view of in the past. Nowhere is the give reading habits more at miscast distortion classics culturopomorphic produced by a issue than in the the of French subject study Enlightenment, located at the crossroads between the traditional history of ideas and more recent trends of social history. as a social tend to see the Enlightenment Social historians "inertia" of the forces of "innovation" opposing phenomenon?one use the in the Old Annales of the school). (to Regime vocabulary a to situate within cul the They attempt general Enlightenment its texts. And they study cul tural context rather than to explicate or ture from statistics of authorship often working quantitatively, in order to see This essay will survey their work book production. can be drawn and reading in what conclusions concerning writing to France and will show how that then attempt eighteenth-century an of eighteenth work might be supplemented by investigation was an where social, eco century publishing. activity Publishing cannot be it But forces naturally nomic, and cultural converged. to in the reference understood, century, without politi eighteenth a cal factors. So final section will and deal with pub politics as an aspect of the crisis. lishing prerevolutionary 214 Reading, Writing, and Publishing I culture goes back The quantitative study of eighteenth-century Mornet. Mornet to an article Daniel sixty years ago by published measure taste Old under the tried to by tallying Regime literary of private libraries, which had up titles in five hundred catalogues in the Paris area between 1750 for auctions been printed mostly Contrat social. and 1780. He found one lonely copy of Rousseau's a small percen libraries contained surprisingly Eighteenth-century Instead he discovered. the of other classics, tage Enlightenment their shelves bulged with the works of history's forgotten men and women: and de Graffigny, Mme. de Saint-Hyacinthe, Th?miseul French divided Mme. booklovers Riccoboni. Eighteenth-century literature read into "before" the philosophes, of La nouvelle Rousseau and it was "after" Cl?ment the Voltaire Marot. When of La Henriade and they the H?loise.2 to the the "great books" approach ironically with Coinciding some of to out knock of Mornet's research seemed civilization, study a gap, at least, in the He made the pillars of the Enlightenment. view for Robespierre, the way that the Social Contract prepared and his followers have been trying to widen the breach ever since.3 in the Rousseauists have repaired some of the damage Meanwhile, a counterattack on Mornet's evidence.4 Why should private libraries to have be taken as an indi important enough printed catalogues readers? they cation of a book's appeal to ordinary and impecunious of the Social Contract could ask. They point out that the message the version have reached the general reading public of it through numerous in book five of Rousseau's Emile, through highly popular or that came out editions of his collected works, through editions Ancien momentous last decade of the the R?gime, which during case remains not cover.5 So Mornet's Mornet's did study unproved, either right or wrong. Mornet raised some fundamental that Nonetheless, problems to be faced: What was the character of have only begun literary culture under the Old Regime? Who books in the eigh produced teenth century, who read them, and what were they? It will be to in any cultural and social locate the Enlightenment impossible are answered, context until those questions and they cannot be answered of research. by traditional methods a new The most to formulate influential attempt methodology has been Robert Escarpit's de la litt?rature (Paris, 1958 ).6 Sociologie 215 DAEDALUS now director of the Centre de suggests, Escarpit, to define at Bordeaux, the litt?raires wanted faits sociologie of a new branch of sociology. He treated books objects and methods as a in the communication of writer process, agents psychological a system as and reader, and also commodities, through circulating of production, Since the author and consumption. distribution, a crucial role in both the and the economic plays psychological on the circuits of exchange, concentrated study of writ Escarpit ers. a distinct constitute the of segment They subject to population on normal demographic he this he and laws, assumption argued, a of produced demographic history authorship. In order to survey the literary population, he began with the on to and back pages of the Petit Larousse, moved bibliographies a list of 937 writers and emerged with dictionaries, biographical born between 1490 and 1900. He then worked this material into a As his title des in terms of the appeared the age of forty. Escarpit observed rose after the deaths of Louis of young writers that the proportion The Edict of Nantes also coincided XIV, Louis XV, and Napoleon. with an upsurge of youth, which was cut short first after the triumph two-page rise and graph, where fall of writers the "fait litt?raire" under of Richelieu To and then following the collapse of the Fronde. was clear: events conclusion liter the determine political Escarpit He confirmed this interpretation to ary demography. by reference a "vieillissement" the where Armada among England, produced writers that was only overcome by the death of James I. It is a stirring spectacle, this adjustment of the literary popula tion to battles, edicts, revolutions, But and the birth of sovereigns. a it leaves the reader confused. Is he to believe that kind of intellec tual contraception took hold of the republic of letters? Did writers out of to Good Queen Bess (and loyalty vieillissement their curse on the queens? Did start in in order to make life more young men writing England in order to show difficult for Charles I, or did they stop in France for Louis XIV? disaffection If one should discount any conscious writers in numbers after the did decrease motivation, young why accession of Louis XIV and increase after the accession of Louis limit their population too), or was Victoria, XV 216 and Louis XVI? And why should the birth and death of rulers so much more than the importance?or demographic of 1789 and 1848, which do not disturb the undulations revolutions as a of Escarpit's 1830 appears great turning graph, although point? have such Reading, Writing, and Publishing The answers to these questions might be found among the de statistics. To take 937 writers over 410 years of Escarpit's ficiencies a is to the average of 2.3 writers spread sampling pretty thin?an or a man shift the could year. Adding subtracting single graph by some 5 per cent or more, yet Escarpit conclusions hung weighty on such shifts?his a for example, between distinction, youthful romantic movement and the middle-aged character of literary life under the Empire. More had no idea of how important, Escarpit He evidently that a few believed many writers went uncounted. case dozen men and in others the of the (Lamartine twenty-three an romantics entire could ) early represent, demographically, literary a new A few individuals could, to be sure, represent generation. or cultural movement not trend the that but stylistic phenomena can be like and the conflict analyzed demographically, generational resources. to of adjustment population the sociological attributed between differences Escarpit eigh teenth- and two to other factors: "pro nineteenth-century writing a vincialization" and professionalization. He detected rhythmic "alternance the Paris-province" by tracing origins of geographical his preselected authors. But the suffers from argument geographical the same statistical so fallacies as the and demographical, Escarpit fails to prove that the Paris of Balzac dominated French literature In the case of any more than the Paris of Diderot. professionaliza seem conclusions He two sounder. tion, Escarpit's produced tables to show that there were more middle-class statistical pro or writers who lived entirely from their pens, in the fessionals, nineteenth than in the eighteenth is not century. But his argument fact the that the in the table of eighteenth helped by percentages century writers add up to 166 per cent.7 In this instance, drew his statistics from The French Escarpit Book Trade in the Ancien another R?gime by David Pottinger, of the quantitative pro example study of authorship. Pottinger ceeded by combing biographical for information dictionaries about six hundred "writers" who lived between 1500 and 1800. He then sorted his men into five social of categories?the clergy, nobility the sword, middle bour and petty high bourgeoisie, bourgeoisie, that the authors concluded of the Old geosie?and apparently to the of the sword and Regime belonged nobility predominantly the more is the conclusion high bourgeoisie. Again, convincing than the statistics, because the representative Pottinger destroyed ness of his on 48.5 per cent of the writers sample by eliminating 217 D DALUS the grounds their social background. that he could not identify an stroke of statistical left average of one author a surgery to a over three centuries. out social year support analysis spread misfiled like individuals Moreover, many apparently Pottinger Restif de la Bretonne, into the category who went of the First Estate because he had a brother who went into the church. Most of That the sixteen were who peasants, solid. He in that category But who clergymen. others either had in relatives or protectors the Old excepting Regime, are not much more did not? Pottinger's other categories all writers who served in the army or navy with placed the of the sword and placed archi teachers, apothecaries, nobility we can or and "whom with the law with tects, anyone identify in in the the State"8 That kind semilegal positions high bourgeoisie. of admissions put at the top of society many policy would lowly writers who lived like the Neveu de Rameau but called themselves even the Paris bar. In any case, it is lawyers and registered with strata of to delimit almost impossible and low bour high, middle, because social historians have geois, vainly for years to struggled on a reach agreement of definition the "bourgeoisie"; meaningful in the sixteenth century may and definitions of social stratification not be to the eighteenth. applicable then can one conclude at What from quantitative history's to nor at all. Neither tempts analyze authorship? Nothing Escarpit to prove of men evidence that the handful produced Pottinger to a chose entire the of represent they literary population given in fact neither could possibly do period was representative?and it would to have a census of all the first be necessary so, because writers of the Old census can be contrived, for what, Regime. No such after all, is a writer? a book, someone Someone who has written on a someone who depends for who claims the title, writing living, or someone on whom con it? Conceptual has bestowed posterity fusion and deficient data this branch of his sociocultural blighted it its bore first before But fruit. the literature need of tory sociology not stand or fall on the first to put it in practice. And attempts statistics on more fruitful than those on writers? should be reading can be modernized. if Mornet II Mornet culture 218 showed that a primary to obstacle the understanding is our to answer the fundamental inability of the Old Regime Reading, Writing, and Publishing read? The an Frenchmen did eighteenth-century question: What swer eludes us because we have no best-seller lists or statistics on his book "consumption" for the early modern period. Quantitative in a variety torians therefore have taken soundings of sources, to tap information to reconstruct the general out hoping enough line of eighteenth-century Their habits. for predilection reading statistics does not imply any belief that they can reduce the reader's or measure to numbers, internal experience quality quantitatively, or a numerical standard of literary influence. (Newton's produce score on would low crude statistical any Principia survey.) The an over-all to in view of get merely quantifiers reading hope enormous An and amount of has data general by genre. already in been and books articles compiled monographic by Fran?ois Jean Ehrard, Jacques Roger, Daniel Roche, Fran?ois Bluche and Jean Meyer.9 Each drew on (using the work of R?gine Petit), one of three kinds of sources: of private libraries, book catalogues to state and the to for authorization reviews, application publish. on So the has been attacked three sides. reading problem heavily If it has been cornered, if those long hours in the archives and those laborious calculations have extracted a common pattern from the data, then one can to watch the general contours of hope come culture into Before focus. eighteenth-century literary slowly can be all of the it is seeing whether monographs synthesized, to the character each has of because each, necessary explain special strengths and weaknesses. Furet, the Biblioth?que Nationalen Fran?ois Furet surveyed registers of requests for permission to publish books. The requests fell into two categories: and per (both privil?ges permissions publiques missions de Sceau ) for books processed state's the formally through and bureaucratic and tacites for censoring permissions machinery, as inoffensive books that censors would not to morals, openly certify or the state. Furet that a traditional cultural religion, expected in show an would first the innovative and pattern up category pat tern in the second, because, thanks to Malesherbes' liberal director a tacites became ship of the book trade, the permissions paralegal which works the reached many Enlightenment loophole through market during the last half of the century. But what works? How of them? And in what proportion to the total number of many books that can be identified with innovation? Furet could not say. He that an unrecorded mass of books circulated acknowledged with permissions de and mere tol?r simples, permissions police, 219 DAEDALUS anees scale of to the Old Regime's graduated carefully according unknown stuffed the French Furthermore, quantities quasilegality. the false livres" into their breeches, of completely illegal "mauvais even Parisian lieuten the coach of the bottoms of their trunks, and tacites of police. So the official list of permissions may ant-general not take one very far in innovation. identifying it comes to classify thicken when The identification problems in Furet the classifica the titles entered the adopted registers. ing standard tion scheme of five headings catalogues: eighteenth-century et arts," and "belles "sciences history, ?theology, jurisprudence, a that would produce bed lettres"?and of subcategories profusion rococo readers, in any modern travel books be library. To came after under "?conomie and history, politique" rightly longed all and agronomy, and medicine and before agriculture chemistry in "sciences et arts." But the modern reader is happy neighbors on works bewildered that (of the upon politics learning early were tous des manuels permissions publiques variety) "presque on "?conomie can statistics How de technique commerciale."10 to know whether French his desire reading be satisfy politique" as the came century progressed? political eighteenth increasingly the confines of eight questions within twentieth-century Framing can be for the categories eenth-century especially misleading, to into the fit researcher the over-all picture Enlightenment trying of reading in the Old Regime. Furet faced the problem data. The re of incomplete Finally, were to not how books do indicate many quests print copies or the number of and social volumes, dates, places, printed groups in sales. Except in the case of privilege involved renewals, they the same numerical value as failures?the value of give best-sellers one. a not even indicate whether in an They do request resulted course actual publication. And of about the con they tell nothing nection between buying and reading books. a broad sta To compensate for these deficiencies, Furet made lam tistical 1723 and 1789. of the 30,000 titles registered between was six of from the data analysis samplings thorough enough a de for him to map out some general trends without professing tailed knowledge of the eighteenth century's literary topography. He reduced his findings to bar graphs divided into the eighteenth a The in reveal decline and century categories. graphs theological an increase in scientific is to which Furet's carry writing, enough main conclusion about the "d?sacralisation" of the world. They also His 220 sweep Reading, Writing, and Publishing in culture that the traditional, classical Mornet's belief from the seventeenth the century outweighed enlightened are scattered too But those elements elements of the eighteenth. to the any quantitative provide graphs throughout haphazardly profile of the Enlightenment. reinforce herited By quantifying tried to measure book reviews, Jean Ehrard and Jacques Roger a standard that by to show attempted reading eighteenth-century to Furet's data. They applied kinds of writing had most vogue, as indicated by the num in two ber of books reviewed and the length of the reviews savants the and the des Journal serious, "quality" periodicals, M?moires de Tr?voux. They statistics from approxi their gathered as the same periods and fit them into the same categories mately came up with Furet did, and conclusions they complementary about the rise of interest in science (they locate it earlier in the the decline of theology, and the eighteenth century), "persistance des formes traditionnelles de la litt?rature."11 Unfortunately, they no similar effort to measure made their results against Mornet's. a careful Mornet himself had made in the Mer study of reviews cure and concluded no relation whatsoever that bore to the they real His of novels.12 be corroborated popularity findings might by more consultation of literary evidence, because eighteenth-century the interests of journalists reflected rather journalism frequently than those of their readers. The of the Old journalists Regime a world of cabales, com scratched and clawed their way through bines, and pistons ( to use terms that necessity was obliged to invent in the French Republic of Letters ), and their copy rough-and-tumble bore the marks of their survival. for Thus the Journal des struggle savants featured medical articles very heavily in the early eigh teenth not of because interest its century, any great among readers?who actually ceased buying "ce triste r?pertoire de mala dies"?but because the government in effect had taken it over and then surrendered it to a cabale of doctors, who used it to propagate their own views on medicine.13 could which not be Ehrard and Roger tried to cushion their statistics against the a shock of such incidents number reviews? of by analyzing large reviews of 1,800 books in the case of the Journal des savants. But it is difficult to winnow conclusions from such data and to co ordinate them with other studies. What, can be made for example, of the fact that the Journal des savants, a scientific predominantly its a reduced scientific almost third in periodical, reviewing by 221 D DALUS in the Its reviews late eighteenth showed a decline century? et belles-let "sciences while the arts," category category It would be rash to conclude that the public tres" rose spectacularly. in tacites interest the showed pre lost science, because permissions a to Fran?ois Furet. Moreover, trend, according cisely the opposite recent and Maria study of three other journals by Jean-Louis the whole results that contradict both those of Furet and produced those of Ehrard and Roger.14 Periodicals do not seem to be a good source for statistics about the tastes of the reading quarrying public. as Mornet in The of libraries, private catalogues originally serve But better. dicated, might they present quantitative history of their own. Few persons difficulties read all the books they own, in the and many, read books century, they especially eighteenth never were over Libraries several gen purchased. usually built up Flandrin tastes at any given time, erations: far from representing reading were libraries archaic. And they automatically eighteenth-century were censored for all illegal books before being put up for auction. The censoring may copies of Voltaire's have been found forty-one (Mornet imperfect Lettres philosophiques), but it may to exclude much of the enough Enlighten forbidden also have been influential ment from the auction catalogues. im these difficulties, Mornet's work remains the most Despite so its it covered of kind, because (five hundred) many portant libraries, and because Mornet was able to trace the social position of so many of the owners. He found that they came from a variety of stations above the middle middle-class (a great many doctors, as well as state and and officials, lawyers, clergymen especially tastes did not nobles and that reading of the robe and sword) social status. Louis Trenard correlate got similar re closely with in Lyons.15 sults from a nonquantitative libraries of investigation But the most successful Mornet's methods have oc of applications curred in studies of a single social group. Daniel research Roche's on the was Mairan limited to the of de Dortous library actually a man. But Roche made a case for of convincing reading single as a second-rank savant of the Mairans typicality mid-eighteenth so his results suggest of reading the general character century; on habits in the influential milieu of lesser academicians. Drawing the research of R?gine Petit, Fran?ois Bluche studied the libraries of thirty members of the Parlement of Paris, which were catalogued 1734 and 1795. He worked into a convincing between his findings as over time. it evolved of parlementary culture, but not picture 222 Reading, Writing, and Publishing taken from 1734-1765 and from 1766 of catalogues comparison a not interest in law and an increased 1780 does reveal declining sciences et arts, as he maintained, be interest in belles-lettres and more cause the statistical are trivial?not than 1 per differences His cent. conclusions Bluche's Nonetheless, quite closely correspond those of Jean Meyer, who studied the libraries of twenty mem bers of the Parlement of Brittany. Meyer based his statistics on inventories of (inventaires property apr?s d?c?s), posthumous as sources. which usually are more reliable than auction catalogues He found a preponderance of "traditional" literature in contrast to a small of enlightened and he also noted a de works, proportion cline in the incidence of legal and religious works and an increase in contemporary literature as the century progressed. Quantitative seems in to have been instrumental thus the cul history defining with ture of the high nobility of the robe. But has it succeeded in measuring the reading habits of France as a whole? There is hope for success in the char complementary one is weak, is strong. acter of the Where another monographs. to every Furet surveyed terrain but gave equal the whole weight title and did not get near the eighteenth-century reader; Ehrard seems and Roger got nearer, but their measure of reading incidence into Bluche entered and Roche, faulty; Mornet, right eighteenth libraries, but only the sections of those libraries that reached covered the exposed portions of public auctions. If each monograph the entire topic may be considered another, safely under wraps. or mutually Are the results mutually The reinforcing contradictory? to be put issue seems (see page important enough graphically 224 ).16 can be extracted No consistent pattern, unfortunately, from this can be ex mosaic Some inconsistencies of of the confusing graphs. shows strongly on the graphs of the away: law naturally plained on science Dortous de Mairan's graph, and theology parlementaires, as to the permissions the among permissions publiques opposed tacites. But standard like and sci belles-lettres, history, categories ence vary are and the different. enormously; proportions By wildly as a as part of imagining each bar graph girl and each black stripe her two-piece suit, one can see what a misshapen, bathing motley we must live with. crowd of monographs is some relief from this bikini effect in There how considering over time. the monographs their all agree proportions spread They as to make that the French read a great deal of history?so much century 223 :.t: Se O? O) 00 -J s o -I ?? .- > I? 3 </> O O) -DT3 I 5x ??-J 5 tu _i ?8 (? 0> * T? O </> II Q_ Q. c O O) or 8 8 o GO g O to o If) o sr 8 S O TOO W "" |s|| 5 0) 3 ? <x> Reading, Writing, and Publishing the already discredited myth about an "ahistorical" eight untenable amount of it throughout the read a consistent eenth century?and indicate that the read less The French also century. monographs in literature as time went on. Scientific religious reading probably constant. in it And, creased, although may have remained general, as Furet some "d?sacralisation," hold the of took it, put reading an acceleration of represent public. This tendency, however, might a in the Middle trend that had begun Ages; acknowl secularizing not to refine any generalizations it does about the Age edging help can be ex and no other generalizations of the Enlightenment, tracted from the quantitative it is impossible Perhaps studies. to generalize about the over-all literary France because culture of eighteenth-century there might not have like 9,600,000 been any such thing. In a country where something instruction the to their 1780's names,17 by sign people had enough there could have been In that case, several quantitative reading publics historians would and to concentrate and several cultures. to avoid better instead on studies of do of reading macroanalysis of Bluche and Meyer. When specific groups like the parlementaires in conjunction with other kinds of evidence used carefully, and in to of the this of reference kind segments clearly-defined population, a valuable to it has be tool. But has not quantitative history proved answers to the broad questions raised by Mornet, and provided there is no reason to expect that those answers will emerge from the continued of monographs. multiplication as was more statistical studies this essay Just going to press, two were of eighteenth-century contain an They reading published.18 are as rich in mutual con other whole series of bar graphs, which in trying to fit them all tradictions as the earlier series. The problem is into one coherent picture of the Old Regime's literary culture cover some that they different refer to the reading ranges of data: habits of particular milieux, others to reading throughout France as sources. The contradictions are more revealed by different serious in the second kind, but all of the suffer from deficient monographs will not disappear if more official records data; and the deficiencies are and more periodicals to The run of subjected quantification. could be But it all lead? extended where will graphs indefinitely. to Mornet. No later research has done much either to back Perhaps or refine his on the mountainous discredit tra emphasis deposits of in contrast to the few rivulets of ditional culture in the modernity literary habits of the eighteenth century. 225 DAEDALUS But even Mornet's calls for further proof, because interpretation or his successors was likely to none of the sources examined him by contain the most modern works, and none of the categories used for the En commensurate with the examining could be considered "inertia" against "innova The problem of measuring lightenment. comes down to a tion" in reading during the Old Regime always of data: to sift statistics sources, through administrative problem or censored to eliminate is censored library catalogues journals, the quantitative historians No wonder of the Enlightenment. so much of the pres of the past so heavy, when found the weight ent was excluded It may be cruel to conclude from their balance. has not advanced us far beyond that all this laborious quantification but the fact remains that we still do not know much about Mornet, much what eighteenth-century read. Frenchmen Ill a coherent of literature has failed to develop sociology to quantification has of its own, and if its commitment discipline answers to the basic and not yet about reading questions produced and quantifiers have in the past, nonetheless the sociologists writing lit the Old Regime's of interpreting the importance demonstrated a terms. more have in Books than culture erary literary merely value. All the aspects of their existence social life and an economic and even political?came social, economic, together with ?literary, of the force in the publishing the greatest industry eighteenth if of literature, (or the sociology century. So sociocultural history the term must be retained) might gain a great deal from the study To suggest some of the possible gains, it seems best to of publishing. in the papers and other related of publishers draw on material what Frenchmen sources in order to three hypotheses: develop in part by the way in which their books were read was determined were two kinds of book there and distributed; basically produced in the distribution and century, legal and eighteenth production were two to the crucial the differences between and clandestine; If the and politics of the Old Regime.1^ a of documents differences emerge clearly by comparison of clandestine in official archives and those in the papers pub for example, filled the Direction of Lyons, lishers. The bookdealers to about their devotion letters and memoranda de la librairie with the culture The the 226 law,20 while addressing the foreign publishers who supplied Reading, Writing, and Publishing in terms like the following (A. J. Revol, a illegal books the Soci?t? not did he that is dealer, overcharge arguing Lyonnais : services his for de Neuch?tel ) smuggling typographique them with avons Nous de en Libert?, cachet. et sant?, vie, libert?, argent nous sans nos amis, aurions expos? ce que et fermes avoir les balles qu'ils nous avaient votre maison Sant?, qui combien auraient saisies ?t? nuits de sur les ? la main, sans vous, pour pass?, somme quelle ? nous n'avons-nous pas les restituer expos?s ressource.) ? toutes travers? les rivi?res d?bord?es glaces. Argent, lettre ? il y en avait douze (? cette ?poque perdues avons-nous sur la neige, p?ries des saisons, fois armes les forc?s, par fois aux prises avec les employ?s ?t? en diff?rentes Vie, en ce qu'ayant des r?putation. ?t? enferm? donn?e en les diff?rentes tant pour faciliter l'exportation que pour ?viter les poursuites intem et quelque fois, et calmer les esprits. R?putation, en ce que nous avions acquis celle de contrebandiers.21 of men the underground like these operated system and pirated works, readers with prohibited for supplying French tacites. They were the kind that could never qualify for permissions the obscure mule these literary buccaneers: colorful characters, drivers who hauled crates of books over tortuous trails in the Juras on both and a stiff drink; the merchants for 12 livres the quintal sides of the border who paid off the drivers and cleared paths into for them by bribing agents of the General Tax Farm;22 the France in who took the crates to stockpiles clearing waggoners provincial the pro du Cheval Rouge outside Lyons; like the Auberge houses their local the crates cleared who bookdealers vincial through a in and RevoTs 5 livres case) (at relayed them to quintal guilds La Noue Mme. like the outside Paris; entrep?t keepers entrepots to all the world a garrulous, warmhearted of Versailles?to widow, Hundreds her customers a shrewd businesswoman, me "passablement flatte que arabe"23 Ion sait me randre cest sorte de mar and full of professional ("je pride que je prand pour justice par les precaution the to a client in her semiliterate she wrote hand); chandises,"24 sans et sans moeurs et femme, "bandits like Cugnet colporters the were in the trade, who as known smuggled they pudeur"25 distributors Parisian to Paris; and deviate books from Versailles the with et fils, who were well like Desauges acquainted p?re avec le "l'?tre but la "bien and Bastille,26 Poin?ot, plus police"27 one of to J. F. Bornand, acari?tre que je connaisse,"28 according secret agents in Paris who did odd jobs for the the many literary 227 D DALUS and completed the circuit by supplying them foreign publishers with manuscripts and best sellers to pirate.2^ An enormous number of these slippery hands, greasing illegal books passed through as to went. in relation Their palms importance they legal and im until the clandestine literature cannot be calculated quasilegal are But one nonquantitative conclusion port records compiled. seems outset: at the and legal significant underground publishing in the and circuits, separate operated publishing underground was a a affair, involving operation large labor force complicated drawn Far from having from particular been milieux. lost in the the unrecorded individuals who of processed history, depths books can be found and situated clandestine socially. They had names and faces, which show up vividly in the papers of eighteenth century publishers. And their experience suggests that underground was a world of its own. publishing How different was the world of legal The thirty-six publishing. or so master booksellers master printers and one hundred of Paris in pomp their beadle, behind circumstance, parading in velvet trimmed with on ceremonial splendidly gold lilies, masses statue of solemn before silver the occasions; celebrating in the Church Saint John the Evangelist, their patron, of the con at held their the Mathurins; sumptuous by banquets feasting a matter new members into of their guild, fraternity; initiating in the and ritualistic oaths and examinations; Tuesday participating to the guild of legally imported books delivered Friday inspections hall by "forts" from the customs and city gates; and minding their own businesses. As businessmen, closed Elaborate they kept shops. least 3,000 edicts and ordonnances of all kinds in regulations?at and the the eighteenth century qualifications alone30?specified lived and dressed the number limited down connected with legal publishing, up the official ragged colporters in the streets of hawking almanacs and proclamations in their corps. Cor to prove membership leather badges connections tied down and family every monopoly, to the monopoly and wore of everyone 120 who divided porateness, corner of the trade. In fact the cornering of the market dated from a had settled a trade crisis. In 1666 Colbert seventeenth-century war between and provincial the Parisian by, in effect, publishers the con the under and industry printing placing ruining provincial et libraires de Paris. By des imprimeurs trol of the Communaut? a few families of master dom printer-booksellers ruling this guild, the inated legal French publishing century. throughout eighteenth 228 Reading, Writing, and Publishing on guild spirit shows clearly through the major edicts pub in edict issued and 1777. of The 1686, 1723, 1744, 1723, lishing which laid down the law throughout most of the eighteenth century, an attitude or communicates that might be called "mercantilistic" of the trade produced "Colbertist," for it codified the reorganization in the 1660's "avidit? Colbert himself. by capitalistic Condemning stan du gain,"31 it stressed the importance of maintaining quality in great detail. The it defined T's of three dards, which type-face as one "m," and the "m" must must be same in the width exactly to a model conform precisely "m" with the syndics and deposited were to the who of the deputies inspect thirty-six printing guild, once every three months in order to make sure that each con shops tained the requisite minimum of four presses and nine sets of type, roman in both Strict requirements and italic, regu good condition. lated the advancement to masterships, which were of apprentices in number to become limited and tended family possessions?for at every the favored of edict sons, and son-in-laws widows, point an the established masters. These few enjoyed air-tight privileged of book production and marketing. members monopoly Non-guild a 500 livres fine and could not even sell old paper without facing was The and "punition exemplaire."32 elaborately guild organized favored with et immunit?s, "droits, franchises, priv pr?rogatives its trade, but as a corps il?ges."33 Not only did it monopolize it benefited within tax the university from special exemptions. a formal Books themselves were tax-exempt. Each contained "priv or il?ge" "permission," granted by the king's "gr?ce" and registered in the and in the guild's Chambre chancellery syndicale. By pur a a an exclusive to chasing privilege, guild member acquired right a a kind of com sell a book, into thereby transforming "gr?ce" which he could divide into portions and sell to other modity, So monopoly members. and privilege existed at three levels in the the book itself, within the guild, and as industry: within publishing an aspect of the guild's own special status within the Old Regime. This third level deserves the guild's special because emphasis, a as an as involved well economic function. The position policing state had not often shown an its attempts in attitude enlightened to the word before when became Malesherbes 1750, police printed Directeur de la librairie. In 1535 it to the that responded discovery books could be seditious by to who deciding hang anyone printed them. In 1521 it had tried to tame the new it industry by subjecting to the surveillance of a medieval in the 1618, university. And body, The 229 D DALUS it tried again, rather to attempted another this time by archaic kind bring books first within within confining publishers In addition, of organization. under control by developing the guild, the state its own lieu the chancellery and the Parisian h li the Direction de later under police, tenance-g?n?rale own in its brairie?and rival the by holding against book-inspectors Parlement of Paris, the General Assembly of the Clergy, and other influential institutions. This did not bureaucratic entanglement choke the power of the guild; on the contrary, the guild continued to hunt out "mauvais livres" until the Revolution. The edicts of to search for illegal 1723 and 1777 reaffirmed its authority printing to Paris. This policy made and to inspect books perfect shipped sense: the state created a interest in law with a vested monopoly apparatus?at de and enforcement, the monopolists their maintained interest by members crushing competition. extra-legal Although guild most of them wanted to stamp in underground dabbled publishing, it out. It robbed and undersold to the guild existed them, while secure meant their protect privileges. Well-protected privileges attractive than the risky business of looked more profits, which to a since them especially exposed illegal publishing, illegality infraction and then for the particular double danger: punishment A of from the circle magic printer-book monopolists. expulsion to his family. He could not risk it seller's mastership really belonged on a prayer book and to collect lightly. Better to buy the privilege a certain but limited on a clandestine to wager everything than profit econ suited a "traditional" Such an attitude edition of Voltaire. as even out of adventurers trade merchant where omy, dropped soon as at in rentes?or to invest borrowed had made they enough 5 per cent to buy land that yielded 1-2 per cent of its purchase price in annual profits.34 to underestimate the economic It would be a mistake, therefore, on in P. element the Old Regime's J. Blondel, publishing. legislation an old-fashioned abb? who had no love for philosophes, fulminated even it the restrictions against the edict of 1723, tightened though on economic he saw it as a purely because works, philosophic an extension the measure: of the Actually, guild's monopoly.35 each edict economic of the and aspects complemented political the guild seemed to serve the interests of the other. Strengthening state as well as those of the privileged But the reform publishers. some movement lishing 230 modified code the state's view of 1777, promulgated of its interests, and the pub soon after attacks on Turgot's Reading, Writing, and Publishing a shift away from the the six great commercial guilds of Paris, shows "avidit? du gain," the Instead of condemning "Colbertism." now any intention of favoring "monopole," praised repudiated king and relaxed the rules governing the effects of "concurrence," priv not in to He did commerce."36 l'activit? du order ileges "augmenter in fact he confirmed its character the notion of privilege; undercut en as a kind of property, as a justice"37 rather than "gr?ce fond?e it in favor of authors and at the expense of the but he modified The guild had tried to prevent such a blow long be bookdealers. its case. The fore it actually struck by getting an author to present sur commerce la Lettre le de Diderot's librairie, reiterated result, the old arguments about maintaining pro by restricting quality own liberal to Diderot's in contradiction and ductivity principles sur had partly inspired la librairie, which M?moires Malesherbes' Lettre as the Diderot's the reform project. Apparently dismissing liberal successors, work of a hired hack, Malesherbes' especially the edicts of de Neville, Sartine and Le Camus through pushed on the 1777 and so somewhat the guild's loosened stranglehold old industry.38 publishing But the controversial item in the code of 1777 concerned the of guild members and authors: privilege was now clearly to the author and his heirs derived from authorship and belonged or his after if he had ceded it to a book death, perpetually expired at dealer and the dealer had had it for least ten years. This pro relations vision into the public domain and provoked brought many works but it did not really under complaints by the guild members, to police their monopoly.39 The code reinforced their power terms that the book trade and repeated in the strongest possible no one outside in So the the guild could engage publishing. to in of dominate continued their dynasties printer-booksellers until the The Revolution. of them, greatest dustry Charles-Joseph as a sort of combination Panckoucke, press baron and operated minister of culture: "sa voiture le portait chez les ministres du roi, comme un fonctionnaire ? Versailles, le recevaient ayant un qui bitter mine portefeuille."40 There had never been any question of creating a free trade in as the had the six great abolished by abolishing Turgot guild arose it economic issue The took another from the form; jurandes. ancient enmity between Parisian and provincial bookdealers. Pro had not recovered since the trade war of the vincial printing seventeenth in survived booksellers century, but provincial large books 231 D DALUS the eighteenth century, and they drew much throughout in page stock (often in the form of exchanges, measured from outside France, where hundreds of enterprising gatherings) turned out cheap pirated editions of French works. The printers a boom state in this illicit trade in the produced inadvertently 1770's by levying a tax on paper, a much more costly item in the printers than it is today. budget of eighteenth-century Printer's papier blanc had been taxed from time to time, no a ruinous rate and not much, if tably in 1680 and 1748, but not at at all, outside Paris?until when abb? March the 1, 1771, Terray, to cut the deficit accumulated the trying desperately during Seven Years' War, taxed it 20 sous per ream. In August 1771 he increased that rate by 10 sous as a result of the across-the-board tax of 2 sous per livre. Since exports of French paper went duty an enor allies gained and their provincial free, foreign printers mous A ream of cost 11 advantage. good white papier d'Auvergne to one esti livres in Paris and 8 livres in Switzerland, according mate.41 To right the balance, Terray placed a duty of 60 livres per on and Latin books on September 11, imports of French quintal the exchange trade between massacred 1771. But this measure numbers of their dealers and foreigners. de like the Soci?t? typographique by panic, publishers cast France to and about des all shipments suspended their tough the tariff barrier while for ways of cracking perately men in the customers Marie and like Jean Bruysset provinces, P?risse Duluc for the repeal of the duty.42 The of Lyons, agitated on November to 20 24, 1771, the tax was reduced agitation paid: on on to went it 10 6 livres and down October sols; livres; 17, 1773, provincial Seized Neuch?tel it altogether. But this reversal of in favor of the foreign balance policy again tipped the economic to An memorandum the ministry reported: publishers. unsigned "C'est depuis ce moment que les Suisses, ayant senti qu'ils pouvaient march? donner nos livres ? 50% meilleur que nous, ont pill? et nos livres a trois notre et en effet ils donnent librairie, ravag? la feuille, et comme aux frais de l'imp?t liards ou un sol de France sur le et du tirage en France, papier, du haut prix de l'impression on ne souvent pas il faut joindre l'achat des manuscrits, peut en vendant cette m?me trouver de b?n?fice feuille deux ou trois April 23, 1775, Turgot sols." As an example, m?thodique cyclop?die for Panckoucke merely 232 withdrew the writer said that Panckoucke's would have to sell at 11 livres to cover production costs, while new En a volume a pirated Reading, Writing, and Publishing a Swiss edition could sell in Paris at 6 livres a volume and produce 40-50 per cent profit.43 Until mid-1783 the business of foreign publishers and provincial seems to have flourished at the expense dealers of their Parisian the foreign minister, rivals, but on June 12, 1783, Vergennes, a stroke of the pen. He issued orders to the General it with destroyed Tax Farm requiring that all book imports?garnished with the usual to the ? caution?be transmitted seals, lead stamps, and acquits Chambre syndicale of the Parisian guild for inspection before being to their final destination. delivered Without further tampering with the taxation system or passing channels formal, through legal at once restored like the earlier edicts, this measure the guild's that a crate of books sent domination of the book trade. It meant now had to pass to from Geneva Lyons through the hands of the an in to officials the Parisians which Paris, gave guild opportunity weed out pirated editions and saddled the Lyonnais with a detour cost more that would than the books were worth. Even the extra a to Rouen Paris and back would ruin his business, trip from Rouennais in Lille wrote.44 Booksellers that desperate reported no choice but to let rot had in and their imports pile up they damp customs house.45 The Lyonnais claimed that they had suspended a were all book imports?a matter in of 2,000 quintals year?and of suspending dealers flooded And while from pro protests payments.46 de la librairie, frantic letters the Direction flew around the circuit of publishers who fed the provincials from across France's borders. Boubers of Brussels, Gosse of The Hague, Dufour of Maestricht, of Lausanne, Grasset of Ge Bassompierre and dozens of all trembled lives. for their commercial neva, others, sent out an agent, J.-F. The Soci?t? typographique de Neuch?tel to inspect the Bornand, damage done to its supply lines. Bornand that the arr?t" had stopped all book traffic "malheureux reported in Savoy and Franche-Comt?. A side trip to Grenoble showed him au route was that the southern "h?riss?e de gardes, point qu'au on m'a saisi tous mes livres dans ma malle bureau de Chaparillan ... en nous faisant voir l'ordre du roi ne laisser qui leur enjoint de aucune in Lyons librairie The bookdealers passer quelconque."47 told Bornand stories such gloomy that he concluded, "Il faut renoncer ? la France."48 was be that believed Panckoucke They hind the crackdown, he wanted to destroy because his Swiss & Heubach of whose Lausanne, Cie, competitors, pirating notably into the sales of his edition of Buffon's Histoire had cut deeply danger vincial 233 DAEDALUS and Bornand the same rumor from Besan?on; reported in Paris, he arrived the booksellers their "air de turned on him with full force. One threatened to cause him "tout m?pris" un et entre le mal possible, c'est form? les libraires de pacte et m?me contre ceux de pro Paris contre les libraires ?trangers to vince."49 By mid-1785, the Neuch?telois still found it impossible naturelle. when trade center of Avignon,50 get their books to the great clandestine to Paris through and they abandoned reach attempts smugglers in Geneva, stationed and Ch?lons-sur-Sa?ne, Besan?on, Dijon, cut to a in France Their Clairvaux. business had been booming as to a Parisian trickle. It never recovered, because, they explained se servent de voie les autres "Nous confidant, ignorons quelle ne nous et de Lausanne de connaissons Berne; d'ici, imprimeurs . . . sous point d'autre que d'exp?dier acquit ? caution pour Paris ne nous nous est interdite, parce que voulons pas Toute autre voie et ? l'amende."51 courir des risques, ni nous exposer ? la confiscation had cut the Vergennes vincial distributors. lifeline linking foreign producers and pro to the orders would protests, Vergennes' According provincial in books. By making the decimate trade imports im legal foreign new rules would an inevitable de the produce possibly expensive, since the import-export business was us cline in exports, especially rather in exchanges of so many page-gatherings ually conducted The state saw the orders as a new policing tech than in money. at and books? the destruction of aimed pirated nique, prohibited Both views may the bread and butter of underground publishing. suffered the trade probably have been correct, but the clandestine of most. The Parisians had forced the the practices monopolistic to alli formed There seek shelter underground. they provincials ances with sent them illegal works under who foreign publishers, cover of an acquit ? caution, a customs permit that book protected their the from between border and all points inspection shipments were to be examined by of destination within France, where they He would the nearest official bookdealer. certify their legitimacy by the back of the acquit and returning it, by the driver who endorsing it had been station where had delivered the books, to the border could either with an illegal publisher issued. A dealer collaborating or he of impounding market the books himself them), (instead Since could relay them on toward Paris and collect a commission. domestic book shipments were never inspected en route, they could in Versailles, risk without reach an entrep?t outside Paris, usually 234 Reading, Writing, and then be smuggled worked system quite well the acquits ? caution. discharge The could and Publishing in small into the capitol. quantities as as dealers could provincial long in the But by that function placing the whole of the Parisian guild, Vergennes undercut opera tion. Of course there were other ways of reaching the market, but cus it was no easy task to thread one's way through the internal toms barriers and to of the the General inspectors roaming dodge a reward and a of the goods after received Farm, who portion What and clandestine the drivers every confiscation. agents wanted so was rum they could send whole wagonloads legal camouflage to of France's splendid highways bling down the middle provincial to the very of the The and clandestine trade palace guildhalls king. was a matter Too chancy, of calculating risks and profit margins. a not pay. So when too elaborate would system of smuggling the the the rules of game, Vergennes changed foreign suppliers If the papers of the Soci?t? and provincial faced disaster. dealers to the de Neuch?tel the general reaction indicate typographique into a order of June 12, 1783, the whole underground fell industry at least two years and 1789.52 for until that lasted depression perhaps was concerned, As far as foreign the French govern publishing ment had to a itself committed finally policy of laissez faire but not laissez passer. hands con the book Curiously, graphs of legal French production a and Fran?ois Furet also show structed by Robert Estivals spec tacular drop in 1783, the low point of a slump extending roughly is difficult to say. It this slump occurred from 1774 to 1786.53 Why eco does not seem to be related to Labrousse's prerevolutionary nomic crisis or the Labrousse-like that Estivals somehow "cycles" sees in his statistics. Could it be connected with Vergennes' orders of June 12, 1783? The purpose of the orders stands out clearly in the text: to put an end to "la multitude de libelles imprim?s dans et introduits dans le from Even the petitions royaume."54 l'?tranger the provincial "le bookdealers that motif de l'ordre acknowledged est des libelles de l'introduction d'emp?cher qui viennent a at And with his glance l'?tranger."55 Vergennes' correspondence shows how much the libelles concerned ambassadors him. In 1782 and 1783 he wrote as many letters to England about the need to sup as he did "libellistes" press a smut factory run by ?migr? French to the Treaty of Paris. He sent about the diplomatic preliminaries secret agent after secret agent ( a bizarre collection of bogus barons as an umbrella and one police inspector salesman ) to buy disguised 235 DAEDALUS rococo of their fantastic, the libellistes. No details kidnap were too trivial for he feared the for attention, intrigues Vergennes' on the in France. Well before effect of the libelles public opinion the French charg? d'affaires Diamond Necklace Affair, he exhorted connaissez to stamp out la malignit? "Vous political pornography: de notre si?cle et avec quelle facilit? les fables les plus absurdes sont re?ues."56 The orders of June 12, 1783, must have been part of this and they must have been fairly successful, campaign, judging from off or in the world of pub underground they produced of works like Les amours de Chariot and the collection large lishing sur la vie de Marie-Antoinette et Toinette and Essais historiques in the Bastille after inventoried that the revolutionaries gleefully 1789.57 is no reason to connect the campaign There against libelles with it seems possible the drop in legal book production. Nonetheless, was so determined to shut off the flow of libelles that Vergennes that he dammed up the channels of legitimate from outside France in the too. His action could have created repercussions imports, ar as the dealers of provincial exactly legal system publishing, even the most honest It book have forced would provincial gued. it would their ex increased to retrench, have sellers because the consternation also trade. It would their exchange and destroyed penses drastically business their roles as middlemen have eliminated (an important in Lyons ) in commerce between northern and southern Europe. As from the provincials' the Parisians might have profited always, losses. But provincial dealers drew some of the stock that they used offer also could have from Paris. So Vergennes' for foreign exchanges It reduced book market. of Parisians' the certainly part damaged on a national to the scale crucial and, owing importance imports a in the book trade, of exchanges correspond probably produced therefore in exports. Over-all book production French ing drop it have suffered, just as it suffered from the buffeting would given since 1771 by the succession of taxes and tariffs. If these hypotheses are correct, and legal publishing that underground they suggest were not so separate and so inimical that they could not be in a common blow. A certain symbiosis might have attached jured by on of the two circuits. Each circuit relied heavily injec segments tions of foreign books, and that foreign element must be measured of ideas about the circulation if there is to be more exact knowledge seems it At this prestatistical in the Old Regime. stage, however, as a one result of on far from to insist flourishing point: legitimate 236 Reading, Writing, and Publishing French pub of the press, as is usually maintained, a eve a on severe of the Revolution, the crisis lishing underwent not it did crisis that has not been noticed by historians, because like the edicts on the book itself in formal documents, manifest virtual freedom trade.58 crisis The publishing cause its economic that reveals and aspects legal and clandestine ing business. Faithful seems intellectual especially aspects of notice, be worthy were related in a way crisis. Economically, the prerevolutionary stood for antithetical publishing to the old "Colbertist" methods, of ways of do the Parisian a limited num et imprimeurs produced to official It turned ber of quality goods according specifications. a it out traditional books for controlled traditional market, which ran no risks, because an official it owed virtue It of by monopoly. its to its privileges; and its privileges were family treasures, profits to widow. Fur down handed from father to son and husband a in its share the the fortified thermore, repres by monopoly guild as in so many other cases, the sive power of the state. In publishing, the juridical privi Old Regime was eaten away by privilege?not of vested from nobles but the commoners, leges dividing privilege cancer. a which state In the like its last devoured interests, years, the government tried to rally and reform. But its efforts reactivated Communaut? des libraires the century-old and Parisian bookdeal conflict between provincial order ers, and the book duties of 1771-1775 followed by Vergennes' of June 12, 1783, represented the final triumph of the Parisian pub lishing dynasties. But this triumph was limited by the limitations of an archaic the introduced the flexibility system. Despite production through a few use of tacites the and adventurous of permissions policies failed to satisfy the demand guild members, privileged publishing and created by an enlarged literary tastes. readership by changing The reading patterns of the past weighed in the traditional heavily as the statistics of Mornet sector of demon and Furet publishing, most to traditional deviate and the of reluctance strate; publishers from those patterns is perfectly understandable. should Why they their privileges, risk their special status, and endanger new literature of uncertain livelihood by producing came the "Innovation" Down there, legality? through underground. no were and books turned out constrained legalities productivity, a kind of by rampant capitalism. Not only did the state's misguided new works it fiscal to make outside cheaper policies produce abandon their families' 237 DAEDALUS in and woolly business did a wild foreign publishers was a ones. soon as As their agents reported that book pirating old a counterfeit edi for well in Paris, they began setting type selling hard-core "mauvais tion. Some of them also printed prohibited, that who produced livres." They were tough businessmen anything and maximized sell. They would took risks, broke traditions, prof than try to its by quantity instead of quality production. Rather a corner some of the market they segment by legal monopoly, to be left alone by the state and would even bribe it to do so. wanted were entrepreneurs who made a business of Enlightenment. They but France, The enlightened vidualism, poratism, of doing liberty, privilege, business. of the books themes they produced?indi to cor the law as opposed and equality before their way restrictions?suited and "mercantilist" A Marxist might of pro argue that the modes but the product?an duction determined interpretation, extravagant serve as an antidote one that to the conventional history of might as cultural ar as well commodities ideas.59 Books are economic a on as to have be and vehicles of ideas, they tifacts; peddled France calls of market. The literary marketplace eighteenth-century or for closer analysis, for its books?whether philosophic, privileged or innovative?epitomized the character of the Old Re traditional gime. IV as well as a social and eco the Old Regime was a political a socioeconomic of its publishing interpretation system, in fact, were those factors. What, to take account of political ought to keep out of France? so wanted books that Vergennes desperately entitled were "livres philoso in handwritten listed catalogues They for delicious such and offered which circulated secretly phiques," bidden fruit as :60 Since nomic V?nus dans Syst?me Syst?me Fausset? La fille le clo?tre, Contrat social Journal 3 vol. historique 8? M?moires Margot 238 ou la religieuse en chemise, figures de la nature, 8?, 2 vol. 1775 tr?s belle ?dition social, 8?, 3 vol. 1775 des miracles de joie, 8?, figures par Jean-Jacques r?volutions des authentiques la ravaudeuse, Rousseau de Mme. 12?, figures op?r?es 12? en France par M. la comtesse Du Barry, 1775 Maupeou, and Publishing Reading, Writing, Lettres de l'abb? Terray ? M. Tur got Les droits des same The et hommes leurs usurpations also publisher its name, advertising underground catalogue, openly a formal items circulated address, and printed like the following:61 nouvelle ?dition augment?e, 8o, figures, B?lisaire, par Marmontel, Lausanne, 1784: 1 livre. Bible (la Sainte), 8?, 2 vol., Neuch?tel, 1771: 6 livres. ou romans recueil des Biblioth?que anglaise, anglais, 14 vol., 12?, Gen?ve, 1781: 15 livres. ses oeuvres Bonnet (M. Charles), compl?tes de physique et d'histoire 1782: 81 livres. naturelle, 4?, 8 vol., figures, Neuch?tel, books in the second catalogue may have been legal or pirated, or the French state. Those but they did not offend religion, morality, in the first catalogue all three and therefore earned the offended trade name, which title "livres philosophiques"?a very revealing recurs in the commercial of under constantly correspondence The ground publishers. was this Les amours de How offensive actually "philosophy"? a. was on et list of that work Chariot Toinette, Vergennes' high and of the queen masturbating libelles, began with a description on to an account of her comte then moved with the supposed orgies the king as follows:62 d'Artois, dismissing On sait bien que le pauvre Sire, ou quatre la salubre Trois Par Pour Ne De fois condamn? facult?, tr?s impuissance compl?te, satisfaire Antoinette. peut ce malheur bien convaincu, Attendu que son allumette N'est f?tu; grosse pas plus qu'un et molle croche, Que toujours toujours Il n'a de v . . . que dans la poche; lieu de f . . . il est f . . . Qu'au Comme le feu pr?lat d'Antioche. for its gross versification. A sim stuff, but no less ineffective to ilar work, which defend the and various queen, pretended as well, courtiers and ministers the calumnies by refuting against her in minute, that the libelles circulated scabrous detail, explained Crude through Un several l?che le minist?re courtisan strata of society:63 les ["ces de la valetaille, infamies"] met les fait passer en vers en couplets, et, par jusqu'aux halles et aux march?s 239 DAEDALUS aux herbes. Des chez halles les elles sont port?es les ont ? l'artisan seigneurs qui rapporte forg?es, se demander ? l'Oeil-de-Boeuf s'en vont de temps, et du ton de la consomm?e: autres, l'hypocrisie plus et qui, ? lesquels, ? l'oreille Les son tour, les sans perdre aux les uns avez-vous lues? les voil?. Elles courent dans le peuple de Paris. some smut from the gutter at any pe one could pick up in the the gutters overflowed of but Paris, during the history Louis' worried chief of po inundation and the of Louis XVI; reign as "Les Lenoir it, because, lice, J.-C.-P. Lenoir, put parisiens et ? ajouter foi aux mauvais avaient plus de propension propos im aux libelles faits circuler faisait clandestinement, qu'aux qu'on et du gouvernement."64 par ordre ou permission prim?s publi?s of Lenoir later reported that his attempt to suppress the circulation cour de la libelles "furent combattus par des hommes qui faisaient No doubt riod ou La po d'?crits scandaleux. prot?geaient l'impression imprimer et lice de Paris ne pouvait atteindre que les marchands colporteurs ? la les colporteurs et d?bitant. On faisait enfermer les vendant ne cette ce classe de et mortifiait de Bastille, pas genre punition auteurs souvent les vrais mercenaires gens, pauvres ignoraient qui . . .C'est surtout ? le gou et imprimeurs l'?gard des libelles contre la ont vernement dans les les r?volution, lois, que temps qui pr?c?d? The police took the libelles furent impuissantes."65 seriously, be a serious effect on and public opin cause public opinion, they had the Old Regime. of ion was a powerful force in the declining years it hired itself still considered the absolute, monarchy Although a it to Brissot and Mirabeau like hack pamphleteers give good even to for It name.66 rumors, attempted manipulate eighteenth "?motions "bruits publics" century produced eighteenth-century in riot for A broke out 1752, example, because of populaires"?riots. were to a rumor that the children kidnapping police working-class a literal blood bath for some royal prince of the blood.67 provide that made of such "emotions" and opinions It was the primitiveness to libelles. the regime vulnerable faith in the legit the public's How badly the libelles damaged to say, because there is no is difficult of Old the Regime imacy France. of to the index Despite eighteenth-century public opinion it and Lenoir,68 like Vergennes of expert observers the testimony found its dirty books amusing, that the public be argued might more. Libellistes had piled up trash for years without bury nothing a cumulative effect been have could But there also ing anyone. a life pro Louis' private Louis XV. after that produced deluge 240 Reading, Writing, and Publishing in for the Vie priv?e de Louis XV, which vided plenty of material turn set the tone for a whole series of Vie priv?es about court fig ures. These scurrilous works hammered at the same points with such some home, at least in the case of that drove they probably ferocity a few leitmotivs: Du success story (from brothel to Barry's sexual a a man to build search for (his throne), Maupeou's despotism that would hang ten innocent victims at a time ) ; and the machine a matter of of the court (not merely decadence luxury and adultery could the libelles the high aristocracy impotence?in nor make and itself extramarital love fight perpetuated by infusions from more virile lower classes).69 Louis XVI, notoriously his marriage unable to consummate for many years, made a perfect a in the last stages of decay. Dozens of pam symbol of monarchy on Ver La naissance du like d?voil?e (another Dauphin phlets dozens of revelations about the real lineage list) provided gennes' but also of neither of the heir to the throne. And then the Diamond Affair Necklace an inexhaustible to A of muck be raked. produced supply king a cardinal: What cuckolded better finale to a regime that was by even than the rumor of the finished?better pan that warming a boil in on eve to 1688. the of brought public opinion England the importance It is easy to underestimate of personal slander it is difficult in to ap French because politics, eighteenth-century at took place that politics court, where personalities preciate was a standard weapon of counted more than policies. Defamation court cabales. And then as now, names made news, although news did not make the newspapers. excluded from legal pe Rigorously in pamphlets, nouvelles it circulated ? la main, and by riodicals, nouvellistes real sources from which political de bouche?the jour in France. In such crude media, politics was re nalism originated a game for and ported crudely?as kings, their courtiers, ministers, mistresses. the court and below the summit of salon society, Beyond the "general public" lived on rumors; and the "general reader" saw as a kind of and villains sport, involving nonparticipant politics heroes but not good as his modern a crude struggle between read his libelles probably or comic books, but he reads magazines for the villains and heroes were real to issues?except perhaps and evil or France and Austria. He counterpart laugh them off; for control of France. Politics was him; they were fighting living folklore. And so, after La noires account gazette enjoying titillating of venereal and im disease, cuckoldry, buggery, illegitimacy, did not 241 D DALUS in the upper ranks of French society, he may have potence of Mme. Du Barry70 convinced and outraged by its description been passant sans interruption du bordel sur le tr?ne, des bras des laquais dans ceux du monarque; le plus puissant et le plus le ministre culbutant redoutable; insultant op?rant le renversement ? la famille de la constitution royale, ? l'h?ritier pr?somptif de la monarchie; du tr?ne et ? son ses insolants, propos par incroyable, ses les vaines, faim, par par profusions connues tous de les rou?s l'entouraient; ramper voyant qui d?pr?dations non les ? ses mais seulement les les ministres, du royaume, grands pieds canonisant du sang, mais les ambassadeurs mais princes l'Eglise ?trangers, ses scandales et ses d?bauches. compagne, auguste ? la nation enti?re par mourant son luxe de social. than the Contrat This was more dangerous propaganda that bound the public to its rulers. the sense of decency to the ethics of little people Its disingenuous moralizing opposed the for all their obscenities, those of "les grands" on top, because, a even libelles were Perhaps propagated they strongly moralistic. came to full fruition the Revolu that during "bourgeois morality" term for it, or for the tion. "Bourgeois" may not be the proper Revolution either, but the "petits" who rose against the "gros" in the that had de Puritanism to a kind of Gaulois Year II responded about the plots and purges of the well before 1789. Gullible veloped from their earlier assimilated had Terror,71 legends gullibly they wives before to libelles. Thus an aristocratic kidnap bourgeois plot une femme? Est-elle du go?t de "Avez-vous the Revolution: jolie en nouveau de de quelque parvenu, puissance, petit fat quelque vous la On talon propre rouge, par exemple? s?questre quelque It severed ment. Voulez-vous raisonner? On vous envoie aux gal?res."72 Of one can only speculate about what went on in the minds of have been "d?sacralisation," such primitive readers, but it might it is this occurrence, at levels well below the elite. Without occurring could have had such an how the P?re Duchesne hard to understand in the royal touch could to believe or how appeal people brought up son foutu col have read about "la t?te de veto femelle s?par?e de had The in "?motion without de grue"73 king populaire." erupting H?bert's before some touch with the people of his mystical lost long and her "gros cocu." How the "louve autrichienne" about harangues no one can say, but works like Les rois de France great a loss it was, The ad the Bourbons look literally illegitimate. r?g?n?r?s made it appreciated their power ministration feared those works, because of Louis XVI to make a mockery The ridiculing of the monarchy. course 242 Reading, Writing, and Publishing have done a great deal of damage at a time when nobility was the Salic Law identified with "liqueur s?minale"74 and when a still required that the royal "race" be transmitted through magical unbroken chain of males. The magic had gone out of the Bourbons as the Revolution by the reign of Louis XVI. Lenoir reported that not to the he could queen by pay get crowds applaud approached had cheered earlier.75 And them, ing they spontaneously although a in 1789 Desmoulins described around carried four-year-old being on the shoulders the Palais-Royal of a street-porter, crying out, La Polignac exil?e ? cent lieues de Paris! Conde idem! Conti idem! d'Artois idem! la reine . . . !' je n'ose r?p?ter."76 The libelles had done their work all too well. to libeling was easily taken outside The step from publishing could the closed circles of the guild because publishers nonguild the law, and law in the Old Regime meant priv exist outside only of legality and law).77 The nuances private ilege (leges privatae, a broad enough for many covered however, spectrum, illegality to do a pretty business. bookdealers legitimate underprivileged contained several levels. Its agents near the top The underground those at the bottom handled may never have touched libelles, while must still de Neuch?tel but filth. The Soci?t? gen typographique nothing the of Mme. Ric clean books like works erally pirated only good, house of Samuel Fauche and his but the neighboring coboni, sons to sup that tried the works very produced Vergennes prodigal in Fauche also the and London. porno press political printed TEspion d?valis?, Ma conversion ou le of Mirabeau: graphic writings libertin de qualit?, Erotika Biblion, and Lettres de cachet.78 And yet in 1765, when the last ten volumes of the Encyclop?die appeared "A the chez Samuel Faulche." bore false Neufchastel they imprint The underground up, and underground genres easily got mixed times forced dealers often moved from one level to another. Hard them into lower reaches of illegality; for as they sank deeper in hopes of greater profits. into debt, they took greater chances crisis The of the 1780's might have produced that result. precisely some rather inof have transformed Ironically, Vergennes might fensive pirates into purveyors of libelles and actually increased the circulation of "livres philosophiques" the by decreasing relatively above-the-board traffic de Neuch?tel graphique libelles after 1783 than Revolution approached, in Soci?t? The contrefa?ons. typo seems to have done more in business before crackdown.79 As the Vergennes' dealers earlier who had provincial merely 243 D DALUS a few false acquits ? caution may have more discharged speculated on amours de Chariot et Toinette of works Les like and shipments more around Or of "livres per passed philosophiques." catalogues tastes in response to episodes like haps their customers' changed the Diamond at this point to tell Necklace Afair. It is impossible or whether demand demand fairly neatly what could be habits could by supplied. Reading a as have evolved result of the peculiar conditions determining or could have been the factor them literary output determining the other. Whatever selves; or each element could have reinforced combination of causes was at work, the Old Regime put Chariot whether supply was influenced followed et Toinette, V?nus dans le clo?tre, d'Holbach, in the and Rousseau same boxes and same code-name. them under the "Liv shipped res to the dealers, "mauvais livres" to the it philosophiques" police, was their common made little difference. What mattered clandes in tineness. There was equality and Rousseau illegality; Chariot were brothers the beyond pale. re in which these works were produced The very way helped of irreligion, duce them to the common denominator immorality, them felt no loyalty to and uncivility. The foreigners who printed Church. The dealers the Bourbons, or, often, the Catholic France, in an underworld of "bandits sans them operated who distributed moeurs et sans pudeur." And the authors who wrote them had The arch often sunk into a Grub Street life of quasi-criminality. was in broth libelliste Charles Th?veneau de Morande brought up in prisons, the ma els and educated and those mileux provided terial for his writing.80 the Perhaps impurities underground's cer it: the message rubbed off on the books that passed through a state of affairs! A regime that But what medium. suited the tainly its most advanced its most debased with classified por philosophy own under was a that that dug its sapped itself, regime nography to degenerate into li and that encouraged ground, philosophy went it its belle. When lost self-restraint and under, philosophy it turned to the culture of those on top. When its commitment it committed and kings, itself to churchmen, own the livres turning upside down. In their language, coun called and The for undermining overthrowing. philosophiques was an to called for a cultural revolution?and terculture ready swer the call of 1789. against 244 courtiers, the world Reading, Writing, and Publishing References et 1. Marc Bloch, historique "Critique ?conomies, soci?t?s, civilisations, Roberto Vivarelli. 2. Daniel "Les Mornet, 5 critique du (1950), 5; des enseignements Annales: t?moignage," reference by supplied biblioth?ques (1750 priv?es 1780)," Revue d'histoire litt?raire de la France, 17 (1910), 449-492. 3. he in his article, Mornet the conclusions made carefully qualified statements in his later work. He that his sweeping wrongly implied on the Social Contract was research 1780: "De for the period after valid ce livre redoutable, si Ton avant c'est ? peine Daniel Mornet, 1789," parle au XVIIIe "L'influence de J.-J. Rousseau Annales si?cle," Jean-Jacques et 8 (1912), 44. See also Daniel Vhomme Rousseau, Rousseau, Mornet, Although more Voeuvre origines Boivin, (Paris: intellectuelles de 229. 1954), p. r?futations Robert 1950), pp. la R?volution Social Rousseau, Jean-Jacques it: "Rousseau's tended Contrat 32 and Fran?aise, Mornet's accepted Derath? Contrat du 102-1?6, au XVIIIe (1950-1952), social had Daniel 5th ?d. Les Mornet, (Paris: Colin, "Les interpretation: Annales de la Soci?t? si?cle," ex 7-12. And Cobban Alfred no ascertainable before influence the Revolution one see his "The and only a very debatable its course"; during in Aspects the French and Revolution," Enlightenment of the reprinted French Revolution latest extension (New York: Braziller, 1968), p. 22. The is Rousseau and the French 1762-1791 (Lon Revolution, Joan McDonald, don: Athlone Press, 1965). 4. See the devastating review article by R. A. Leigh, "Jean-Jacques Rousseau," The Historical Journal, 12 ( 1969), 549-565. to the sort of con abstruse provoke in Switzerland discourses ( except ), its troversy is difficult to measure. like all ideological If repression influence, influence, is any indication state of importance, it should be noted that the French never it to circu the Contrat condemned social but did not permit formally late freely. The found it locked revolutionaries other seditious up with 5. Although Rousseau's that literature "le pilon treatise was Emile and followed in the pilon of la Bastille." too his the Bastille: Biblioth?que de l'Arsenal, Ms. 10305, de in the widely-read series 6. Escarpit's book was published "Que S ais-Je" an its has already four editions. As of influence, gone example through Actes Louis "La sociologie du livre en France Trenard, (1750-1789)," cinqui?me Congr?s national de la Soci?t? fran?aise de litt?rature and see du compar?e (Paris, 1965), p. 145. 7. Robert uni de la litt?rature, 4th ?d. Presses (Paris: Escarpit, Sociologie It should de France, be noted also that the de 1968), p. 46. as a m?tier in the eighteenth of writing did not cor velopment century to the of See the phenomenon respond sociological professionalization. in the International article "Professions" Parsons by Talcott Encyclopedia 536-547. XII, Sciences, of the Social versitaires 245 DAEDALUS 8. David The French Pottinger, Mass.: Harvard (Cambridge, to be studies, 'librairie' du 9. The "La cited Book henceforth de royaume in the Anden Trade Press, University name by France of author, si?cle" au are: "Deux Roger, et 'les M?moires Jacques Savants' des in the same 1 (1969), au XVIIIe si?cle, Paris 47-88; si?cle (Paris: Furet, biblioth?ques and Jean (1954); and Roger, "Les 12. Mornet, biblioth?que secr?taire de B?ziers," du magistrats Les Belles Les of an findings des hommes du Meyer, 1966), pp. Journal quantitative," au XVIIIe de perp?tuel Dix-huiti?me Parlement de 1960), pp. Lettres, unpublished parlement noblesse bretonne La le si?cle: ?tude de study Paris by au au XVIIIe 1156-1177. 19. p. 11. Ehrard l'Acad?mie (Paris: nationale, Imprimerie de Mairan, Bluche, the incorporates Les Petit, si?cle R?gine XVIIIe de et sa savant Dortous Fran?ois 1715-1771 si?cle, which 291-296, "Un Roche, Jean-Jacques membre sciences, des l'Acad?mie 10. Daniel volume; les livres de si?cle: d'une soci?t? 1965); Jean Ehrard 18e du fran?ais p?riodiques Essai de Tr?voux.' Furet, Fran?ois et in Livre 18e dans la France du XVIIIe si?cle (Paris and The Hague, and 1500-1791 R?gime, p. 9. 1958), 56. p. des biblioth?ques enseignements p. 473. priv?es," sous l'Ancien savants des in "Le Journal cited Birn, Raymond des savants Journal 1965), p. 28 and in Eug?ne (January-March R?gime," 1859 en France et litt?raire de la presse Histoire (Paris, Hatin, politique 13. Quotation 1861), II, 192. 14. du la soci?t? du livre dans "La circulation Flandrin, et soci?t?, 2 Livre ? travers sources," quelques sondage or at least un three private The Flandrins studied 52-91. 1970), (Paris, that could not works discussed censored philosophic journals, which literary in the pages of quasi-official, be mentioned heavily-censored periodicals the show savants. three But the Flandrins' des like the Journal journals discussed Ehrard and bias those from studied Roger. They by opposite news?and thus do not repre that made books?books sensational mainly more the tastes than do sent their readers the of any literary general de Tr?voux. and the Jesuit M?moires Journal des savants and Marie Jean-Louis 18e si?cle: 15. Trenard, 16. The un "La main units to make mathematics for comparisons to and in the form in problem statistics and two the mid-century, that subjects under catalogued by 246 the too broad subcategory do livre en France." these graphs studies eight it was necessary some of the data constructing in the them possible, reconvert articles to The seemed du sociologie published although they on not appear in Livre was to find under to comparable In order analysis. some the of redo in graph appeared The all refer graphs time different spans. slightly concern "arts" the various that et soci?t?. represent them mostly that heading et arts." Because "sciences heading it was to the modern to mean much reader, replaced of four subsubcategories?phy "sciences." Composed the Reading, Writing, and Publishing and "sciences" histoire m?decine, naturelle, math?matiques*-the case except in every be computed those of Mornet and Bluche-Petit. no statistics on mathematical Mornet but the omission books, gave prob sique, could much less than 1 per cent of all his titles and so did not concerned ably affect the general from Bluche differentiate "sciences" did not pattern. et arts" at all. "sciences "sciences" varied the widely subcategory Athough cases in other to 70 per cent of the general 10 per cent (from category), it seemed of the it at half of Bluche's et "sciences arts" indicated broken approximation rough by to discount. Mornet's covered reader may figures prefer in the category which and "belles-lettres," "grammaires" "romans" only to estimate reasonable or 7 per cent lines that the total?a probably left out a little over half that category, judging from the distribu in Furet's tion probably Mornet's would and permissions publiques have between occupied total and Mornet others, is indicated not did classify as permissions 10 per cent tacites. and The category per cent of the lines. Unlike 20 15 per cent by broken literature with history, travel as was the in the Had division he done so, his "history" century. practice eighteenth cent. would have another 1.5 "belles-lettres" also per by Meyer's expanded is in broken and therefore lines. appears approximate A missions Furet's combining graph tacites was constructed studies from of permissions and per publiques on his original based computations over-all of picture it was that an output hoped literary sources. statistics from those two very different emerge by combining as it is, this bar graph contradicts For all the others. Suggestive composite it somewhat on Mornet's resembles the but based statistics, example, graph because data, would Mornet would have Because tion the French far fewer works (6 per religious reading and (3 per cent) (30 per especially history whose combined shows 20 per cent religion, Furet, graph and 11 per cent history. to the classifica all eight studies kept close eighteenth-century not give much to the modern in search reader they do help in relation cent) cent ) than would 9 per cent science, to science scheme, Does the Enlightenment. one of the eight subcategories of with tend morale, Roche's do four m?taphysique. which statistics, them distinguish on statistics provide that small, stable portion of associate under with Enlightenment "philosophie," con et arts"? If so, he must "sciences ancienne, philosophie seem but promising, additional subsubcategories) subsubcategories: The last two sibling and not he include two from their "philosophie" eighteenth-century logique, in (except the data two The studies four predecessors. as a whole a it comprised suggest the permissions reading: publi ques fix it at 3 per cent ( 1723-1727), 3.7 per cent ( 1750-1754), and 4.5 per cent (1784-1788); the permissions tacites at 6 per cent (1750-1759), 5 per cent des per and 6 per cent in the Journal the reviews (1770-1774), (1784-1788); savants at 3 per cent 4 per cent and 5 (1715-1719), (1750-1754), cent de Mairan's ( 1785-1789 ) ; and it made up 7 per cent of Dortous evidence for the But of lumi?res. then the En library. Not much spread cannot be identified with cate lightenment any of the eighteenth-century or their subdivisions. gories It would also be possible to express Pottinger's study of two hundred authors in a bar a statisti because he produced eighteenth-century graph, 247 DAEDALUS as as a model. work But, publications, taking Mornet's and his is so arbitrary of writers selection Pottinger's not mean so and unrepresentative that the graph would incomplete to for purposes his findings of comparison, Nonetheless, very much. ought Book The French be mentioned Trade, pp. 30-31): religious (Pottinger, science 11 per cent of the total 20 per cent, works by his authors, produced 20 per cent, law 2 per cent, belles-lettres 10 per cent. history cal table of 17. This their above, explained statistics on is based figure Michel Fleury the Maggiolo and Pierre Valmary as by presented literacy ?l?men de l'instruction of study in "Les progr?s taire de Louis XIV ? Napol?on III d'apr?s l'enqu?te de Louis Maggiolo (1877-1879)," Population (1957), pp. 71-92, estimating the population at 26 million. 18. and Marie-Th?r?se Julien Brancolini ? la fin de and l'Ancien R?gime" livre dans la soci?t? du circulation enment: Recent article that in a apear 2 (Paris, "In Darnton, a Social to Create Attempts will Jean-Louis 18e si?cle: du see Robert studies, du livre provinciale "La Marie Flandrin, un ? travers sondage and et soci?t?, in Livre both sources," of these quelques discussion vie "La Bouyssy, issue forthcoming 1970). Search a detailed For of the Enlight a review Ideas," of History of the Journal of Modern History. 19. The remainder of this is essay a "work essentially in progress" based report on the first stages of research in the papers of the Soci?t? typographique de Neuch?tel in the Biblioth?que Publique de la Ville de Neuch?tel, Neu as STN. cited henceforth Switzerland, ch?tel, the papers of Jean-Charles-Pierre Paris from 1774 to 1775 and 1776 Mss. d'Orl?ans, Collection Lenoir, to 1785, papers cially fonds fran?ais, Mss. 21862, of de the la Chambre Biblioth?que 21833, 22046, de 12454, 12480, 12481, 12517); and syndicale Nationale 22063, of police municipale (espe 22070, 22075, the papers of the Bastille and 22109, 22081, 22116, 22102); on the book de l'Arsenal trade in the Biblioth?que ( especially 12446, were sources important lieutenant-g?n?ral in the Biblioth?que Archives the 1421-1423; Anisson-Duperron Other and the Minist?re related papers Mss. 10305, des affaires in For 541-549). (Mss. Angleterre Correspondance politique, as on the and Strasbourg Kehl route book through underground in the Archives to Neuch?tel the relevant and Pontarlier, papers opposed were consulted but Mss. AA 2355-2362) de la ville de Strasbourg (mainly on under out to be less useful than the others. Research turned publishing ?trang?res, formation the Old Regime by now has made prohib?s ? Paris de 1750 ? 1789 of reprint tion about the original the most edition, Paris, J.-P. Belin, Le commerce des livres (New York, no date, a Burt Franklin 1913) somewhat dated. For informa in bibliographies important ? Paris ? la fin de l'Ancien La Herrmann-Mascard, and universitaires 1750-1789 Presses de France, 1968), (Paris: R?gime, au dernier en et la librairie Madeleine Ventre, Languedoc L'imprimerie de VAncien 1700-1789 si?cle and The Mouton, (Paris Hague: R?gime, was be written thesis of H.-J. Martin the before The present 1958). essay works, secondary censure des livres Nicole came 248 available, but it relies heavily on his article, see the "L'?dition parisienne au Reading, Writing, XVIIe si?cle: aspects quelques 7 civilisations, is L?on Cahen, (July-September "La librairie and Publishing Annales: ?conomies, soci?t?s, ?conomiques," article 303-318. Another 1952), suggestive et la diffusion ? du livre fran?ais parisienne la fin du XVIIIe si?cle, Revue de synth?se, 17 ( 1939), 159-179. 20. A typical is the m?moire example syndic of the Chambre Mss. fol. 21833, fran?ais of August 2, 1783, by P?risse Duluc, syndicale of Lyons in the Biblioth?que Nationale, 96. 21. Revol to STN, July 4, 1784, STN Ms. 1205. 22. a letter de Neuch?tel received typographique on the Swiss its agent from Fran?ois Michaut, side of est assez which "Votre chato border, partie explained, ? raison de la crainte cas de prise ont qu'en ils uilleuse les porteurs que ne fussent saisis comme introducteurs la religion qui attaquent d'ouvrages ... Si vous ne voulez ou qui traitent en ? d?nigrer certaines personnes place vous introduire les porteurs que des livres irr?pr?hensibles par leur contenu, For dated the example, October votre demanderont environs m?me Soci?t? 30, the French vous qui une lieue 1783, garntie rendront loin ces pour le quintal s'il faits ? 12 Autre plus ? chaque avant que porteur ce l? les porteurs font prix qu'? marchandise." Michaut observed assez il faut encore nos ou ? quoi Il faut vous observer, de partir. Messieurs, sans vous le mieux de la pour r?pondre some ma with that "effectivement pride clandestines" les entr?es but warned, pour le fallait. boire est position "l'on trouve dans l?, et vous en trouverez ? Pontarlier livres de France donner avantageuse le long de la route et dans les villages des employ?s ambulants, l'on soit en r?gle et ?pluchent arr?tent la charge d'un que qui malgr? He an agent or voiturier." therefore stressed the need to dupe of having bribe the of the General Farm the French from side of the employees ne connais border: ? cela que de plus propre le sieur Faivre," "Je personne STN Ms. 1183. Faivre to recommend did not hesitate himself. On October 1784, he informed tant fait et promis 14, J'ai qu'ils ment ment Ms. 23. 24. STN Mme. vos balles the society, "Samedi entreront. prochain ? ces porteurs et de quoi boire que je leur donnerait ... seront contents, ce les a ranim?s ? retourner au mo qui Je suis de traiter avec un des fermes laisser passer libre pour nous employ? la nuit et les chemins en s?ret?," o? l'on doit passer STN m'indiquer 1148. to J.-P. Brissot, La Noue April 29, STN Ms. 1781, 1109. to STN, La Noue 1173. Mme. 8, 1782, STN Ms. September that she overcharged and underprotected her complaints customers. On December vous prie M. to the STN, she wrote 9, 1780, "Je sur le sort de vos aitres vouloir bien son entre tranquille objet. Lorsquils ne mais mains rien pour a le mettre ?v?nements. des je neglige labry en ma fa?on de travailler." davoir confiance But on 13, moy Oblig? January she confessed that six of its crates had been at her seized 1783, doorstep: etoit "Le voituri? suivi au point dudit quil cest trouv? icy a la de charge voituri? 3 personne de la ce sont et 6 des ditte balles prevott? qui emparr? was de quils sensitive lettres luy de on to voiture fait que et amoy le voituri? bien des na put question leurs reffuz? pandant par quinze les menaces jour pour 249 D DALUS a les personnes qui apartenoit suis ibid. reffuz?," je declarr? les dittes et dou balles elle venoit me aquoy 25. Paul de Pourtal?s to STN, June 23, 1784, STN Ms. 1199. 26. See the Desauges dossier in the On Ms. 12446. de l'Arsenal, Biblioth?que wrote to his from the Bastille 1775, Desauges p?re dyspeptically son mal en had "il faut prendre released, just been Je patience. t'avouerai franchement ? la mort." The Desauges dossier que je m'ennuie 4, April son, who in Neuch?tel, Ms. shows 1141, at their most dealers cutthroat. 27. Mme. 28. J.-F. Bornand ally the smuggled to STN, October 7, of underground practices sharp STN Ms. 1785, book 1121. to STN, 10, August books from Versailles STN Ms. 1124. Poin?ot occasion 1785, to Paris at twelve for Desauges livres was which with the charges of quintal, apparently compared cheap Mme. La Noue: three livres per "gros objet," which her nephew delivered to on the outskirts of Paris to STN, ( see Desauges appointed hiding places November 1141 and Mme. to STN, La Noue 24, 1783, Ms. June 22, 1781, Ms. 29. J. E. Bertrand the 1173). his had to try to cope with the "verbiages" of Mme. tasks, Bornand to STN, the ruses of (Bornand 19, 1785, Ms. 1124), February une and Desauges, and the of authors: "C'est Poin?ot impecuniousness triste ressource to STN, March les auteurs (Bornand 9, que pour l'argent" Among La Noue 1785, ibid.). 30. Giles "French Barber, Decrees Royal Book the Concerning 1700 Trade 1789," Australian Journal of French Studies, 3 ( 1966), 312. 31. A. des O. O. and F. A. Isambert, J. L. Jourdan, Decrusy, anciennes lois fran?aises (Paris, 1822-1833), XXI, 32. Ibid., p. 218. 33. Ibid., p. 217. 34. V. George Revolution," 35. 36. M?moire P. J. Blondel, de Paris, ?d. primeurs 18-25 and 45. from Quotations 119, and 37. Ibid., 38. Because p. 110 a correct edition Recueil sur les Lucien g?n?ral and Wealth vexations Faucou des of the Origins ), 469-496. g?n?ral the French ( 1967 72 Review, Recueil les qu'exercent (Paris, 1879); libraires see anciennes lois of dating Diderot's Diderot's et im especially pp. XXV, 109, fran?aises, respectively. 109. of it to earlier the complicated documents that problems influenced Lettre, relating and establishing argument, to read the Lettre in the critical of the text, it is important Proust (Paris: Colin, 1962). Jacques Oeuvres ed. compl?tes, J. Ass?zat version by in Diderot's 250 Taylor, "Noncapitalist American Historical eds., 230. But and even the Maurice old edition Tourneux Reading, Writing, and Publishing 1876), (Paris, Librairie 6, XVIII, a note included (d'H?mery?) which someone by in the Direction et sur des mat?riaux le conseil des libraires "d'apr?s lui a fournis, sont absolument et dont les principes administration des privil?ges." the Lettre Although statements to favor about liberty and the and que M. Le contraires la . . . Breton ? some contains de the Lettre wrote that Diderot observed la bonne heartfelt is twisted its logic the advanced arguments by claim that Diderot did not tribulations of authors, it the old reproduces to Brunei's accept as an or as a the Lettre either of Le Breton ally paid propagandist and the other Lucien "Observations Brunei, critiques privileged publishers: sur un et litt?raires de Diderot," d'histoire litt?raire de la Revue opuscule guild. write publishers It is therefore 10 France, difficult 1-24. (1903), some of the Parisian guild's power by giving 39. The code of 1777 weakened the authors book sales them to public illegal Recueil thus celle tante to sell right in Paris the print domain?an activities every their year. own works by of acknowledgment for lack of "un moyen the two in engaged leurs presses," edicts of 1777 had they l?gitime d'employer 109. The XXV, lois fran?aises, des anciennes g?n?ral to "faire cesser la rivalit? la librairie de attempted qui divise au tourner des provinces, de cette branche de la faire profit du et de commerce, qui n'aura went too plus qu'un to be former m?me de tous ibid., small int?r?t," such by settled deep to protest who continued dealers, against the 1780's. The 1777 code also throughout les libraires une 119-120. pp. concessions public by permitting to fall into the publishers it caused that fact for providing provincial of books that number increasing and It favored m?me But to this et Paris impor famille rivalry the provincial the Parisians exploitation by extended and strengthened the in the provinces, because "S.M. a reconnu serait guild system qu'il dangereux de laisser subsister les imprimeries isol?es dans un ?tat qui d'ind?pendance les abus," of the guilds did not ibid., p. 112. So the reorganization y facilite them or impair their weaken function. substantially policing 40. 41. Gar?t, D.-J. sur le XVIIIe M?moires Biblioth?que tax French Nationale, and tariff 21833, 42. The particularly tariff historiques (Paris, 1820), si?cle legislation sur la vie de M. Suard, sur ses ?crits et I, 274. Mss. This account foil. 87-88. of fran?ais 21833, is derived several from in Ms. documents legislation foil. 89-91 and 129-140. was a constant theme in the dence of the Soci?t? typographique de Neuch?tel commercial correspon for the first half of the even sent one of its on a business society partners trip through to sell books, to find new ways of fraudulent making ship as and to learn as much about ments, tariff to possible policy. According the instructions in his he was to seek out M. homme travel-log, "J. Bruysset, froid et habile: Io S'entretenir avec en lui de la librairie fran?aise g?n?ral, savoir de lui si en effet sera lev? ou diminu?," Ms. STN, 1058, l'imp?t "Carnet de voyage, The Bruysset one of house was 1773, J. E. Bertrand." the most effective the tariff, from the memoranda lobbyists against judging in the Mss. foil. 87-88 Nationale, fran?ais 21833, Biblioth?que especially and 129-140. tariff damaged The the illegal works trade, because pirated 1770's. The eastern France 251 D DALUS were false 43. usually Biblioth?que reads as Mss. Nationale, it were the work though at channels, legal through and therefore shipped ? caution acquits at least under the border, duty. paid 21833, fran?ais, of Panckoucke. This foil. 87-88. One sou per m?moire was gathering the normal printing charge of the Soci?t? typographique de Neuch?tel, whose the tions 44. in the business flourishing combination of France's seems 1770's late tariff favorable policy to have resulted and cheap the from condi in Switzerland. of printing a very detailed that The dealer foil. 111-115. showed, Ibid., argument, by in extra 61 15 sous a crate would cost him livres, six-hundred-pound enormous cause and damage would mishandling, through delays charges, insurance for damaged to collect it for him and would make impossible shipments. fol. 70. 45. Ibid., 46. Ibid., foL 107: ulier, ont sur r?trograder aux renonc? "Les de Paris, les envois libraires ?loign?s contremand? le champ les ballots en ?taient qui route, et ceux qu'on annul? en de Lyon partic fait leur faire, et leurs march?s, devait ils se voient lesquelles de correspondance plus maintenant pour d'impression entreprises il n'existe d?bouch?s. Enfin, et les libraires les libraires fran?ais sans d?j? entre active ?trangers." 47. J. F. Bornand to STN, April 12, 1784, STN Ms. 1124. 48. J. F. Bornand to STN, April 9, 1784, ibid. 49. 50. J. F. Bornand to STN, 1785, 19, February ibid. a bookdealer in Avignon, 1785: "Nous to Garrigan, 23, August sur sans doute de notre bien le regret sinc?rement l'interruption nous vous de l'honneur bien voulez par que t?moigner correspondance vous n'ignorez fatale mais la cause votre lettre du 10 de ce mois, pas que ne en ?tre attribu? des ordon subsistante la rigueur toujours qu'? peut nances dans concernant de la librairie le royaume. l'introduction ?trang?re ne pouvons sur un tel sont encore ? cet ?gard, Les choses que nous pied fronti?re de notre faire entrer une balle Libri prenant par le bureau qu'en STN partageons un ? caution Paris, pour acquit ainsi un d?tour immense faisant dicale 51. 52. STN ce Parisienne, to Mme. J. E. qui est o? et les absolument Bertrand, early seraient v?tres subissant l'examen impraticable," October 1785, STN de en d'aller oblig?s la Chambre STN Ms. Ms. syn 1110. 1110. an center in Strasbourg, of the clandestine archives trade, important a determined in Neuch?tel in that effort by those they show complement to stop traffic in the government works. pr?teur Strasbourg's royal prohibited seizures of received from officials about local reports illegal frequent The across from the publishers shipments orders from his own superior, the garde the Rhine; and he also received des sceaux 26, ( letter of April strict 1786, in Archives de la Ville de Strasbourg, Ms. AA2356 ) : "La librairie proscrite par 252 nos lois vous environne de toute part; et elle p?n?trera par les moyens Reading, Writing, and Publishing . . . vous ne lui aurez pas interdits, si vous ne les lui interdisez pas tous vous exhorte vous et le donc fortement, de votre ville, ? prendre Je magistrat seem to have les mesures in Kehl convenables." this rigor, printers Despite a as well as Beau and libelles got great many books?political pamphlets que marchais' semiautonomy, it made 53. the Voltaire?through town's easy relatively guaranteed to penetrate. by See Furet, Estivals, p. 8, and Robert sous au XVIIIe France la monarchie nationale, primerie 54. Biblioth?que 55. Ibid., fol. 108; Ms. see also the them for capitulations La statistique si?cle (Paris in Strasbourg. of 1681, The have may bibliographique and The Hague: la de Im p. 296. 1965), Nationale, laid traps foil. fran?ais 21833, fol. 107. 99-104. to d'Adh?mar, 56. Vergennes 57. de Ms. The 10305. l'Arsenal, Biblioth?que Vie cuirass?, d?valis?, gazetier L'espion priv?e un b?nitier, and other of the London classics des affaires 12, 1783, Minist?re May ?trang?res, 542. The details Ms. of "cette machi Angleterre, Correspondance politique, nation et de fourberie," as it de cupidit?, called d'intrigues, Vergennes to Lenoir, to recount I plan which ibid.)?and 24, 1783, May (Vergennes in a later work?can in the series 541-549. be found inventory de Louis also included Le dans XV, Le diable It speci of libellistes. School fied that they had been shipped to some of the customers of the Soci?t? typographique himself Poin?ot 58. For theory the de Neuch?tel, drew up the view conventional and in permissive Poin?ot, notably Blaizot, and Mme. La Noue. inventory. that practice, the see government's J.-P. Belin, Le was policy commerce severe des in livres prohib?s ? Paris de 1750 ? 1789 (New York, no date, a Burt Franklin re of the original and the restatement of Belin's Paris, edition, 1913) in Nicole La censure des livres ? Paris ? Herrmann-Mascard, interpretation la fin de l'ancien 1750-1789 universitaires de France, (Paris: Presses r?gime, Both books dismiss in two sentences?the the June 12, 1783, orders 1968). same sentences, almost word for word (Belin, p. 45; Herrmann curiously, Mascard, p. 102). print 59. It also might serve a to the Marxist corrective to treat the tendency version One of this bourgeois ideology. argues tendency as social contract, and equality before individualism, liberty, the law derived from of exchange, con methods which involve capitalist tractual between free and individuals: Lucien obligations legally equal " "La pens?e des Annales: Goldmann, 'Lumi?res,' soci?t?s, ?conomies, 22 ( 1967), 752-770. the multitude of writers who civilisations, Considering such ideas before the of capitalism, this argument expressed development seems less than its opposite, which relates the Enlightenment to convincing a tradition of aristocratic liberalism: Denis "Autour des origines Richet, lointaines de la R?volution et ?lites fran?aise: id?ologiques despotisme," Enlightenment that ideas such ibid., 24 (1969), 60. as as STN, Ms. 1-23. 1108. 253 DAEDALUS 61. Ibid. In contrast, letter "B": indiscrets ou sens, 62. the under the following offered catalogue ou les de 1774; Bijoux Th?r?se, galanteries Le bon Le bonheur, par Helv?tius; po?me aux id?s surnaturelles." the manuscript "La belle allemande, 8? figures; par Diderot, id?es naturelles, oppos?es in A. Van Bever, et conteurs Contes Reprinted In notes 280-281. (Paris: Daragon, 1906), pp. the former lieutenant of police memoirs, general this work with a widespread au XVIIIe gaillards that he Lenoir J.-C.-P. si?cle for his assembled associated outbreak of libeling in the 1780's (Biblio de Ms. du successeur "Les moeurs 1423): d'Orl?ans, th?que municipale Louis ?tant roi fut inaccessible de ce le nouveau Quinze inattaquables, on c?t? ? la calomnie les ann?es de son r?gne, mais pendant premi?res en 1778 ? le diffamer et les du c?t? de sa faiblesse, commen?a premi?res ne sa contre calomnies ourdies que de tr?s personne qui furent pr?lud?rent ceux de la m?chancet? contre la reine. M. de Maurepas, peu de mois qui et des chansons l? avait ?t? fort insouciant touchant des ?pigrammes jusques contre de faites de tous de Maurepas, s'amusait les libelles, lui, M. qui toutes et scandaleuses et imprimait les anecdotes qu'on priv?es fabriquait avec eut avis que des ?crivains avaient fait entre eux une sorte de impunit?, au moyen les avaient li? une correspondance de laquelle sp?culation, qu'ils uns et Paris courantes et titres les de des histoires fournissaient envoyaient des mat?riaux ? ceux qui les composaient et faisaient ? La Haye imprimer en France et ? Londres, en entrer ils les faisaient d'o? par petite quantit? Un des voyageurs secr?taire lui an d'ambassade ?trangers. d'Angleterre incessament devait y qu'on intitul? Les amours de Chariot non?a able 63. Le de portefeuille la cour de d'un talon France, reprinted 22. Lenoir's no date), (Paris, p. de courtisans, qui encore vivants plus que il a ?t? Chariot 64. 65. under des the avec ceux un des anecdotes title Le et secr?tes galantes du bibliophile coffret this account (Biblio maintenant douteux Chamfort, contre ministres et d'autres et autres la cour, ?crivains contre Il employaient. avait ? Londres, compos?, port? amours Les intitul? figures grav?es que Beaumarchais probable un avec libelle imprim?, et d'Antoinette." Ibid. Lenoir's qui les les est o? de seem to contradict the above interpretation might to but they refer primarily underground publishing, France not to the traffic from outside of libelles inside Paris, seems a considerable to have been There domestic production remarks a crackdown the circulation to the capital. of libelles, which of influential Palais-Royal, See Robert on survived the and "protection" where the police Darnton, "The could Grub not Street to them because impound "lieux privil?gi?s" like the Ms. 1421. See ibid., penetrate. attempts police's of the immunities Style of Revolution: Police Spy," Journal of Modern History, 40 ( 1968), 320-321. 254 abomin libelle confirm manuscripts 1422 ) : "Il n'est plus de Cr?qui, de Champcents, Beaumarchais, des libelles compos? contre en France Ibid. about 66. concert avaient et m?me ministres, contenant rouge Ms. d'Orl?ans, de Montesquiou, th?que municipale MM. que c'?taient introduire et d'Antoinette." J.-P. Brissot, Reading, Writing, and Publishing 67. Lenoir 68. Lenoir et satires leurs an in fully concernant police auteurs success: riot but without the most observations l'ancienne chansons, ibid. les coupables, "De entitled essay les mauvaises libelles, d?linquants, ou complices ou anecdotes Le cuirass?: gazetier ? ? cent lieues de la Bastille ( "imprim? est si mal la libert?," de "La nation 1771), fran?aise p. 92: l'enseigne assure sans sont On constitu?e robustes les gens que prix: aujourd'hui, est aussi les femmes ? Paris cher par qui qui d?bute laquais qu'un pay? Si ce syst?me s'en servent qu'un cheval de race en Angleterre. faveur, prend une ou deux In Le les temp?raments." r?tablir suffiront pour g?n?ration in L'oeuvre libertin de qualit?, du Comte ?d. de Mirabeau, reprinted im aristocratie Guillaume Mirabeau described (Paris, 1910), Apollinaire a in great detail. After duchess' abandonment recounting depraved morality Th?veneau [Charles of her lover, r?ellement, ses laquais: de France he remarked "Elle l'a remplac? par un (p. 232), au moral, ils se convenaient; le physique, pour quant c'est le pain quotidien d'une duchesse." Th?veneau [Charles ou pas blanc: lieues de Morande], la cour de de scandaleuses 70. de and 1422. Ms. d'Orl?ans, his developed l'administration the rumor investigate municipale adh?rents," 69. to tried later Biblioth?que La de Morande], oeuvres la Bastille, noire par cuirass? gazette du posthumes ? trois cent gazetier lieues des un homme eut qui n'est ? cent ("imprim? ? cinq cent Pr?sides, et prince, elle lieues des Cordons, ? mille lieues de la Sib?rie," 1784), pp. 194-195. 71. See Richard Revue d'histoire Revolutionary 72. La de Cobb, aspects "Quelques et contemporaine, moderne in France," History, Mentality 7. For noire, use gazette promiscuous a 6 r?volutionnaire," and "The 81-120, 181-196. (1959), 42 (1957), such rumors about the example en see M. de ed., Lescure, "gens place" sur Louis la Cour XVI, Marie-Antoinette, similar p. of police by secr?te in?dite Correspondance la mentalit? of et la ville de 1777 ? 1792 (Paris: H. Pion, 1866), II, 157-158. 73. The subheadline of account the the of queen's in La guillotining P?re Duchesne. 74. 75. 76. Pierre in Frantz Quoted Hachette, Goubert, monopoly de ou particulier de quelque avantage Charly Paul Les d'Estr?e, nouvellistes p. 304. R?gime, in the Dictionnaire See 152. 1423. and Funck-Brentano I, 1969), p. 152. The connection between privilege and is brought out clearly in the first definition of "privil?ge" given ? un 78. Ms. d'Orl?ans, 1905), L'Ancien Colin, (Paris: R?gime municipale Biblioth?que (Paris: 77. L'Ancien Goubert, Guyot, proph?tes de 89 l'Acad?mie ? une fran?aise communaut? de ? l'exclusion De Rousseau des 1778 (Paris. faire quelque accord? ) : "Facult? ou de jouir chose autres." ? Mirabeau: p?lerins (Neuch?tel and Paris: Victor Attinger, de M?tiers 1936), et chap. 4. 255 D DALUS 79. Although the increased severity in the policing of the book trade cut down on its business in France, the Soci?t? typographique de Neuch?tel still did its best to supply works like the following, which it entered in its "Livre de commission" Bruzard foil. (STN Ms. 1021, a clandestine de Mauvelain, 173-175) dealer after in Troy receiving es, dated an order June 16, from 1784: "6 Les petits soupers de l'H?tel de Bouillon; 6 Le diable dans un b?nitier; 6 L'espion au trances d?valis?; Roi Louis 1 Correspondance 2 Memoirs XV; de Maupeou; de Madame 1 Recueil de de Pompadour; remon 2 Vie priv?e de Louis XV; 12 Fastes de Louis XV; 6 Histoire philosophique 8?, 10 vol; 6 Erotika biblion 8?; 1 La Mettrie; 1 Boulanger complet, antiquit?, Christianisme, ou Calasie, Jacques Vergennes; et 1 Helv?tius 6 Lettres de Julie ? despotisme; complet; du libertinage ? Paris; 1 la derni?re de Jean livraison 6 6 Les petits du comte de scandaleuse; soupers Chronique tableau 12?; 6 Le passe-temps, d'Antoinette." 80. See Paul Robiquet, Th?veneau de Morande: (Paris: 256 A. Quantin, 1882). ?tude sur le XVIIIe si?cle