2 - Brussels Studies Institute

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2 - Brussels Studies Institute
ECOLE URBAINE
GOUVERNANCE URBAINE
QUE DEVIENNENT LES VILLES
EUROPÉENNES
Patrick Le Galès, FBA
Directeur de recherche au CNRS, Centre d’études européennes de
Sciences Po, Doyen Ecole Urbaine de Sciences Po
Chaire 2016
Brussels Studies Institute et
Citydev.brussels
2
 4 Leçons
 Villes européennes et de question de gouvernance
 Mobilité, ségrégation sociale
 de réseaux,
 Pas un architecte, ni un urbaniste, sciences sociales
 Spécialisation
 Diapos en français en anglais
 Série de texte
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Argument
 Comment gouverner des sociétés plus mobiles,




concurrentielles, interdépendantes, capitalistes ?
Echecs de gouvernance, de politiques publiques
Transformations des démocraties : exigence de
transparence et de participation, inégalités,
changement d’échelle, Evolution de la régulation
politique ?
Blame avoidance
Gouvernance/instruments
Questions renouvelées
 Comment gouverner des sociétés fragmentées et plus








inégales ?
Quel rôle pour la régulation politique ?
A quel niveau ?
Comment créer de la capacité d’action collective ?
Quelle efficacité pour les politiques publiques ?
Que devient l’Etat ?
Le petit Prince
Comment est gouvernée l’économie ?
Est ce que le néolibéralisme explique la montée en
puissance d’une gouvernance dépolitisée ?
4
Patrick Le Galès
5
 La gouvernance n’est pas tout
 I) que deviennent les villes européennes ?
 II) Gouvernance urbaine
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INTRODUCTION
6
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Definitions : des lieux et des liens (Pierre Veltz)
7
 Cities and metropolis are places including a
population (stable or mobile), trjectoires historiques
 territories, with a concentration of buidlings, and
localised social, economic processes.
 They are defined in terms of size, aggregation of
housing, differentiated division of labor, and the
density of interaction, particular social spatial
configuration.
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Metropole : multiplicateur d’interactions
8
 accumulation and concentration (density) of
individuals, groups, buildings, infrastructures, social
relations (formal or informal), representations,
organisations, institutions and political projects.
 Dense interactions create all sorts of conflicts, of
problems, of organisation.
 Cities and urban regions are political beasts more or
less democratic, more or less governed and regulated by
policies, by markets, informal arrangements, political
elites, corporations, NGO’s, community groups,
institutions, social movements, state officials, churches
or gangs and mafias. ..
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Agency
9
 They are built, organized and managed by people,
usually in organizations and institutions, who have
ideas about how to make them change,
 how to control and exercise authority,
 how to develop services and foster prosperity and
quality of life and/or to exclude various people.
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The urban land nexus
10
 Economic geographers stress that a key dimension in
most cities is density ie the dense spatial polarization of
many types of activity, crowded together on
urban land.
 these activities – productive, religious residential,
military, symbolic, consumerist, leisure, and so on —
cannot co-locate on the head of a pin, there has to be
some mechanism for sorting them into an organized city.
 They need to be organized into a land use pattern
reflecting power relations, efficiency concerns.
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Scales, Rescaling processes
11
 The urban question is always a question of scale and
unit of analysis. Except in the old days of the city
surrounded by walls like in China or in Rome or later
in Europe, the question of the limits of the city, of the
urban space are always to be discussed.
 Scales overlap. Urban scholars work on
neighbourhoods, city centres, peripheries, suburbs,
metropolis, urban region, city networks, the state,
the world.
I) Que deviennent les villes
européennes ?
12
 Livre 2002 « Le retour des villes européennes »
 Origines :
 80’s : déclin des villes ? Fin du marxisme ? Europe ?
Los Angelès ? Global cities ?
 90’s comment comparer ?
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Villes européennes : est ce que cela a un sens ?
13
 Argument du livre : Europe c’est des territoires, Etats
et politiques publiques, la révolution industrielle, un
rapport à la religion
 Fading charm or collective actor of the European
governance ?
 Conclusion of the book : European way or the
American way (markets, mobility, specialisation,
inequalities)
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14
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Patrick Le Galès
15
1) Une tentative de conceptualisation
16
 The European city model : European cities are not
American/Global/undifferentiated cities,
Bagnasco/Le Galès
 A neo weberian/Tilly conceptualisation : state and
cities
 A european comparative Political economy distinct
from the Chicago School, the marxist tradition or
post modern sociology ie capitalism, states and
societies, social movements, global cities, Los angeles
 European comparative social sciences and history
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European cities
 The relative long-term stability of the European
urban system
 Its original structure—with a concentration of
medium-sized cities—and the remains of its physical
form.
 Cities as distinctive characteristics of European
societies
 municipalities
European cities
 European cities, are still structured and organized
within European states: in particular, welfare states.
The state and Europe protect the city including in
terms of resources.
 Dynamism of european cities : projects, investments,
demographic growth (some exceptions, in the UK,
Italy), decentralisation reforms, more mayors
 size
European cities were becoming more European
 The institutionalization of the EU is creating rules,
norms, procedures, repertoires, and public policies
that have an impact on cities.
 The EU also is a powerful agent of legitimization. By
designing urban public policies and agree ‘a Europe
of cities’, supporting transnational networks
Robust European cities
 A mix of public services and private firms, including
a robust body of middle class and lower-middle class
public-sector workers, who constitute a firm pillar of
the social structure.
 60 % of public investments (not in the UK) is
controlled by local or urban government in the EU
 Despite increasing social tensions, inequalities, even
riots at times, European cites have resources,
identities, and political legitimacy, and it is not
appropriate to describe them as dual cities.
187
0
(en
viro
n)
191
3
193
7
196
0
199
4
200
0
200
6
(en
viro
n)
(en
viro
n)
GrandeBretagn
e
9,4
12,7
30
32,2
42,9
39 ,
1
44,1
France
12,6
17
29
34,6
54,9
51 ,
6
53,5
10
14,8
42,4
32,4
49
45,1
45,7
Italie
11,9
11,1
24,5
30,1
53,9
46,2
50,1
USA
3,9
1,8
8,6
27
33,5
Allemag
ne
29
 the continuing representation of the city as a whole
and the increased legitimacy of political elites in
sustaining and re-inventing this presentation.
 Political leaders
 Planning, strategic project
Modes of governance
 Restructured goverments
 Services and policies
 Less clientelism and day to day management
 More strategic authorities
 Capacité d’action collective
back to the usual suspects
 European cities : urban governance, competition,
flagship projects, construction, utility network,
Agencies,
 Coordination : contracts, chartes, strategies,
partnership
 Urban oligarchies ? Favourable context for
corruption, urban growth coalitions/urban regime
24
Patrick Le Galès
Not an apology of the model
25
 Migration
 Riots and inequalities
 Ethnic and religious discriminations
 Lack of housing, pressure on social housing
 Embourgeoisements, gentrification
 Peri urbanisation, sprawl
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Future of European cities after 50 years
of single market ?
26
 ‘Of cities like Amsterdam, Antwerp, Barcelona,
Brussels, Copenhagen, Dublin, Frankfurt,
Hamburg, Lisbon, Liverpool, Lyons, Manchester,
Marseilles, Munich, Naples, Newcastle,
Nuremberg, Stockholm, Stuttgart, Turin and
Vienna, half must either grow or decline:
expanding to become one of the six or seven
European urban giants, or declining into provincial
insignificance … The carnage will likely be most
pronounced among the mid-sized cities of
Germany and the United Kingdom.’
Patrick Le Galès
Political mechanisms of urban decline :
role of middle classes
27
 As Europe overall becomes less urban but its few
largest cities grow, the cultural divide between city
and suburb will likely grow, and
 political support for the needs of cities generally
may well decline – as has clearly occurred since the
1960’s in the US’ (Rogowski 1998: 23).
 Less public investments and redistribution in cities
Patrick Le Galès
Two scenarios
28
 Rise of megacities in Europe and the carnage of
medium sized cities,
 Continuous growth of globalising medium sized
European cities,
Patrick Le Galès
2) European cities so what ?
29
 Before the crisis
 Strong discussion about the category and the thesis
 After, post, neo, hybrid neo liberal…….
 Nuanced thesis, strong model, current
transformations
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European cities as strategic collective actors (also
in oriental European and in the UK)
30
 Since 2002, development of urban projects, massive

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investment in renovation, collective strategies, not to
mention vision
Strengthening of governance capacity, even in the UK
(Manchester, elected mayors…)
Lots of new investments : transport, museums, city
centres, local welfare, sport,leisure, consumption,
environment, technological clusters, strong mobilisation
Localising social policies
Classic model still operating, implementation of national
policies
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Criticisms …before the crisis (1)
31
 Shrinking cities : german criticism : not much in
Europe, except some industrial agglomerations and
in Italy (before the crisis)
 No demographic decline, continuous growth in most
cases even if they are not megapolis
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Cities versus the metropolis, the urban region (2)
32
 Clearly rise of networks in urban regions : Italian research,
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Ruhr, netherlands, Lyon urban region, some strong
developments hence the limits of the idea of city or
metropolis, or combination of the two, influence of transport
More developments in the urban region but the centre still
massively relevant (political behaviour, housing prices,
embourgeoisement of centres, start ups…)
More connections : France, Paris and regional capitals, more
integration and interpendence
Also rescaling the idea of the city : grand Paris, Lyon
Urban governance : still strengthening of metropolitan
governments in some cases (northern europe, eastern europe,
France, even the UK)
Urban democracy
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Capitalism destroys european cities ? (3)
33
 Marxist and postmodern critique of the category and
modelisation, and political regulation.
 Brenner : capitalism leads state to reorganise spaces,
urban governance for capitalist accumulation
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A Quantum Leap in Public Debt (Wolfgang streeck, MPI)
Public Debt in Percent of GDP (2014 projected)
250
246
200
172
152
150
Japan
129
129
119
100
50
114
98
94
France
57
51
Germany
0
1996
U.S.
UK
41
34
Italy
2002
2008
2014
A neo liberal european city ? (4)
35
 Neo liberalism and urban studies
 The 3 amigos, Peck, Brenner, theodore

 Liberalism is an attempt to reconcile the search for
private interest with the making of the collective
good, emphasising the autonomy of the individuals
in part guaranteed by the states (including property
rights of course) and the rule of law.
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Neo liberalism after or against liberalism
36
 Liberalism is an attempt to reconcile the search for
private interest with the making of the collective
good, emphasising the autonomy of the individuals
in part guaranteed by the states (including property
rights of course) and the rule of law.
 Market failures
 States and collective goods
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Neo liberalism
37
 The market is seen as always good and a superior
form of social and economic organisations, and an
end in itself. there is no such thing as market
failures
 The role of the state is central to extend property
rights and to enforce market logics. That includes
coercion and violence. The mobilisation of the
authority of the state is required to force a change in
the conduct of conduct, to impose the creation of a
new political and social order
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38
 In neo liberalism, the question of the articulation
between individual interest and the general interest is
simple : the maximisation of individuals interest more or
less automatically results in the maximisation of the
general interest. “Depoliticisation
 General competition in all domains is seen as a universal
norm The conception of freedom has moved from
autonomy to the disciplined self governed calculating
entrepreneurial homo economicus who may be
incentivised by rules
 neo liberals ignore the threat to freedom and the
ressources accumulated by the large firms, their
capacity to constrain the democratic process and to edict
regulations in their favour, including to limit competition
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European cities not neo liberal
39
 Austerity :
 Strong variation, strong limits in many countries
 Limits of neo liberalisation except in the UK
 Constraints on individuals, PPP, cuts
 Developmental logics
 The local welfare state is under financial pressure,
not disappearing
 UK exception
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3) Pressure on European cities
40
 Does it still make sense in particular after the crisis,
time for the « economic scenario ? »
 More globalisation processes, more large firms, more
financiarisation of capitalism, more mega cities
 Argument : the transformation of European cities is
less dependent upon their own capacity for collective
action within a favourable political and economic
environment : rather state restructuring, large firms
and mobility
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EU : decline of territorial cohesion
priority
 ESDP : marginal
 Regional funds
 Urban programme, Urbact
 EU competition dynamics versus territorial cohesion
 Horizontal europeanisation : work in progress
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Patrick Le Galès
Europe large metropolis
42
 Istanbul : mega projects, financial quarters, new
bridges, from 15 to 20 million
 Moscow
 London
 Paris
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London
43
 Europe’s escalator region
 Financial capital
 1.5 million immigrants in about 15 years
 About 3 million born outside the UK
 About 30 billion investment last year
 Billionaires of all countries UNITE (B.Johnson)
 200 towers in construction
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Arguments
44
 Changing scales
 Marginalisation of EU policies
 States reconfiguration
 Economic crisis
 Technological change
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More diverse urban societies
45
 More migrations
 Tensions, conflicts, riots…even in Sweden !
 Transnational spaces
 Mobility
 Ageing society
 Some gated communities
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A different environment
 Globalization processes, rescaling
 Mobilities, demography, ageing
 State restructuring, in debt, fiscal crisis of the state
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
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(Streeck), slow growth
Globalised financialised capitalism : very large firms
Technological transformation, innovation, internet and
proximity
Neo liberalism ideology, pressure towards a market
society
Cities : des lieux et des liens, disconnections
Conclusion
 Metropolitan growth does not mean global cities or
nothing
 Spread and growth of urban regions does not mean
the end of cities
 Globalisation does not mean urban convergence
 Spatial segregation is also a question of middle
classes
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Patrick Le Galès
 Individual choices of those groups are also influence
by collective choices on public investment
 Political processes are central : how to govern cities
which are more diverse, with more immigration and
to keep some collective dynamism (fears, extreme
right)
 EU : a bad cycle, what comes next ?
48
Patrick Le Galès
Conclusion
49
 Un modèle robuste,
 Très fort pendant 25 ans,
 Erosion
 Crises : migrations, réfugiés, crise éco
Environnementales
Jury is still out
07/03/2016