ASTROLOGY AND HUMORS IN THE THEORY OF MAN: THE

ASTROLOGY AND HUMORS IN THE THEORY OF MAN:
THE WORKS OF
MARIN CUREAU DE LA CHAMBRE AND THEIR IMPORTANCE IN THE
CULTURAL EVOLUTION OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
by
Mary Ellen Eckhert
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the
DEPARTMENT OF ROMANCE LANGUAGES
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
WITH A MAJOR IN FRENCH
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
1975
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
GRADUATE COLLEGE
I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my
direction by
Mary Ellen Eckhert_________________________ .
entitled Astrology and Humors in the Theory of Man: The Works
of Marin Cureau de La Chambre and Their Importance in
the Cultural Evolution of the Seventeenth Century_____
be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the
degree o f _____ Doctor of Philosophy___________________________
I% ,
Disserta.
fi > 4
Datp
Date
After inspection of the final copy of the dissertation, the
following members of the Final Examination Committee concur in
its approval and recommend Iits acceptance
This approval and acceptance is contingent on the candidate's
adequate performance and defense of this dissertation at the
final oral examination. The inclusion of this sheet bound into
the library copy of the dissertation is evidence of satisfactory
performance at the final examination.
STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This
requirements
is deposited
rowers under
dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of
for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and
in the University Library to be made available to bor­
rules of the Library.
Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without
special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source
is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or
reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by
the copyright holder.
SIGNED:
0
COPYRIGHTED
BY
MARY ELLEN. ECKHERT
1975
iii
PREFACE
During the time I have spent researching the life and works of
Marin Cureau de La Chambre, it has "become a game for me to mention the
name to colleagues in French literature and observe the reaction— usual­
ly a blank stare!
Not that this response surprised me; in fact, it was
rather comforting to witness the echo of my own ignorance upon hearing
that name for the first time as a third-year graduate student.
Looking back now, it is difficult to imagine never having come
across the name of a man so widely admired and respected as a physician,
counselor, and friend by the most influential figures in seventeenthcentury France:
himself.
Richelieu, Mazarin, Seguier, Foucquet, even Louis XIV
Charter member of both the French Academy and Colbert's
Academy of Sciences, author of about a dozen major works including a
five-volume study of the passions and an "art" of knowing men, and
frequent guest at the most illustrious salons of his time, Marin Cureau
de La Chambre was by no means an unfamiliar person among the intellectual
elite of Paris.
Yet it is not really so surprising that the glorious
reputation he enjoyed during his thirty-five years as a man of science
and of letters did not outlive him.
The theories he formulated and sub­
sequently defended fall'into the rather nondescript category of "Peripatetism" included under the more general heading of "Traditionalism."
As we know, historians have normally reserved such labels for thinkers
V
whose ideas ostensibly fail to reflect the modernist tendencies of the
period in question.
In one sense, history has not been unjust in its neglect of
Cureau de La Chambre. After all, what turns out to be the most striking
aspect of his work is its rather eclectic character conditioned by the
author's obvious desire to provide a philosophical framework for his
scientific inquiry.
But by another token, if history's aim is to go
beyond the superficial goal of explaining the present through the
reading of past situations— if, in fact, it means to live up to its
noblest purpose, which is to reacnstrust the past in order to understand
how we as a civilization have come to where we now find ourselves— -then
it behooves the historian to permit men like Cureau de La Chambre to
help in that endeavor by providing what the men of commanding genius in
each age often appear to transcend;
the complexity of life as it really
was for men of other times and of other places.
It is with these
thoughts in mind that I have chosen as the central theme of this study
the role of La Chambre‘s theory of man as it applies to the cultural
evolution of the seventeenth century.
To facilitate acquaintance with the author for those who are
unfamiliar with his works, the first part of the discussion focuses on
La Chambre !s life and relations with the intellectual milieu.
The
reader will note that there is a separate section in the bibliography
which lists critical studies and editions which mention La Chambre and
which may be useful for further study of him.
Part II presents the
theory of man in terms of methodology prescribed and structures involved
vi
in La Chaznbre1s analysis. Part III contains two chapters which attempt
to situate the author's ideas first with respect to the scientific
movement, and then with respect to the literary quest for a new brand
of moral philosophy.
The last chapter of Part III provides a resume
of the major problems discussed in the course of the entire dissertation
followed by a listing of the conclusions that may be drawn from these
problems in view of understanding moralist literature of the seventeenth
century.
Because of the difficulty involved in obtaining copies of La
Chambre's works in American libraries, I have tried to document inter­
pretations of the author's ideas with numerous and often extensive
quotations from the texts. For the most part * the cited material is
taken from the earliest printing of the work available (see Appendix).
However, for precise information regarding the sources to which abbrevia­
tions and page numbers included in the text correspond, a separate
listing of La Chambre's works used in this study is provided in the
first section of the bibliography.
For the sake of simplicity, I have chosen to present all quoted
material exactly as it appears in the edition from which it was extracted.
As readers familiar with seventeenth-century orthography and diacritical
markings know, there is a great deal of variation in standard spellings
as well as in the placement of accents.
Thus, I have restricted the use
of sic to instances where La Chambre fails to follow his own conventions,
or where no such spelling or grammatical construction would be possible
by seventeenth-century standards.
\
vii
In closing, I would like to express my deep appreciation to those
persons who have shared in the planning and preparation of this project.
First of all, I am particularly grateful to my dissertation advisor,
Edouard Morot-Sir, of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
for the careful guidance and direction he has given me throughout the
many stages of my work.
Not only have his comments, criticisms, and
suggestions continually fortified me with new ideas and approaches for
the organization and development of each chapter; his support and per­
sonal intervention in cases where I was faced with difficulty in ob­
taining microfilms of essential works from libraries in Paris was in­
strumental in securing some of the necessary tools for this study.
Next, I owe very special thanks to my graduate professor and
co-director of this dissertation, .Charles I. Rosenberg, of The Uni­
versity of Arizona, who agreed to act as co-director of my work after
Professor Morot-SirVs departure.
In his courses and seminars, I found
his approach to the study of texts taken from many different literary
periods both refreshing and stimulating.
Under his tutelage, I gained
confidence in my ability to read and analyze material the ostensibly
difficult character of which would previously have sent me directly to
the critics.
Finally, I would like to thank personally just a few of the
many people at Arizona, Cornell University, and Ithaca College who have
aided me in so many different ways: to Professors Henri Servin and
Inge Kohn, for agreeing to serve on my committee of readers; to my
former professor, Jacques Roger, of the Sorbonne and visiting professor
viii
to Cornell during the fall of 1973$ for his support and inspiration at
various points in the preparation of this dissertation; to my friend
end colleague Frangoise Gebhart of Ithaca College, for proofreading
the manuscripts of each chapter; and to my typist Dorothy Owens, for
her beyond-the-call-of-duty advice and efforts in preparing the final
copy.
Lastly, I should like to thank my husband Curtis, for the love
and patience so often expressed in the form of late-night discussions
that helped to bring my understanding of scientific concepts into
sharper focus.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
- LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ..........
ABSTRACT
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
xiv
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
xv
PART I:
CUREAU DE LA CHAMBRE'S LIFE AND RELATIONS
WITH THE INTELLECTUAL MILIEU . . . . . . . . . . . .
1
BIOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2
The Early Years (l596[?]-l632) . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Paris (1632-1669+) ........... .
3
7
CHAPTER
1.
2.
INTELLECTUAL RELATIONS
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
"Le Bel Esprit" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Cureau de La Chambre and the French Academy . . . . . . .
Cureau at the "Palais de Solon" . . . . . . . . . . . . .
In the literary salons of Madame de Rambouillet
and Mademoiselle de Scudery . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The philosophical, and scientific reunions . . . . . . . .
At Madame de Sable's . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
At Madame de La Sabli&re's . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The scientific academy of Nicolas Foucquet
at Saint Mand6 .
........." . . . . . . . . . .
Relations with the Scientific Community . . . . . . . . . . .
Mersenne, Habert de Montmort 3 and the scientific
reunions of the Rue Saint-Avoye . . . . . . . . . . . .
Cureau and the "Jardin des Plantes" . . . . . . . . . . .
Cureau and seventeenth-century medicine . . . . . . . . .
3.
CUREAU AS SEEN BY HIS CONTEMPORARIES: CHARACTERIAL
STUDY OF THE MAN BEHIND THE WORKS . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
"Le Grand Homme Melancolique": A Psychomoral Portrait
of La Chambre
. ... .. . . . « . „. . . . . . . . .
The Writer . . . ... .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . .
"Le Parvenu" . . ... .. , . . . . .. . . . . . . . .
Some Guidelines for aCharacterological Analysis . . . .
,
23
26
26
39
^5
U8
48
56
62
66
66
71
74
8l
82
87
90
92
X
TABLE OF CONTENTS— Continued
Page
PART II:
It.
THE THEORY OF MAN ACCORDING TO CUREAU . . . . . . .
FORMATION OF THE METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE
ART OF KNOWING MEN
...........
La Chambre’s Early Works and the New Scientific Spirit:
Revolution Versus Reform in His Approach . . . . . . .
Christianity and Platonism: Outline of the Major
Ideological Conflicts from Aristotle to the
Renaissance Natural Philosophers . . . . . . . . . . .
Plato and Aristotle on the Idea of the Good . . . . .
Aristotle versus Plato on the Idea of the Good . . .
Christian application of the Idea of the Good to
.......... . . . . . . . . . . . . .
the Godhead .
Cureau and the Methodological Debate in the Early
Seventeenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . ........
Light and the Order of Perfection . . . . . . . . . .
Analysis of the organism through external
characteristics: the theory . . . . . . . . . . .
Temperaments and Humors as the Premise for a Science
of Human Character and Behavior ............ . . . . .
The theory of temperament before Cureau . . . . . . .
La Chambre's Modified Theory of Temperaments and Humors .
5.
THE ART OF KNOWING MEN:
METHODS PRESCRIBED . . . . . . . . .
96
97
98
107
108
109
110
115
118
120
121
122
130
137
The Androgyne: Mankind as the Middle Term of Nature . . 137
The Inclination: A Reconsideration of the Term in
Reference to Morality . . . . . . . . . . ........... 1^2
Morality as the Justification for La Chambre’s Art of
Knowing Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lUU
The Practical Context for Judging Men: General
Categories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Sexual t y p e s
. IU7
The influence of climate . . . . . . . i . . . . . . 151
The "Arts" of Knowing Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .157
Analysis of the signs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
The natural signs or effects . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
The astrological signs
.........
1.6k
Theoretical basis for physiognomy, metoposcopy
and chiromancy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
The physiognomical characters . . . . . . . . . . 17^
Metoposcopy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
Chiromancy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 0
xi
TABLE OF CONTENTS— -Continued
Page
6.
THE STRUCTURAL UNDERSTANDING OF MAN . . . . . . . . . . . . .
188
From the Art of Knowing Men to a Science of Human Behavior:
La Cham.bre *s Theory of Man's Inner Nature . . . . . . . . . 188
Theory of knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 191
Entendement as a model for cognitive action . . . . . . 191
Origin and nature of sense knowledge: soul,
temperament and biological structure . . . . . . . 200
Memory and the cognitive structure.: anatomical
and physiological rationale for evaluating human
memory ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
The process of remembering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
The nature of the soul ..................
. : .
Relation between knowlege and local movement . . . . 233
How the soul moves the humors: theory of the passions . 235
How the soul moves the body: theory of animation . . . . 2^2
Some Important Philosophical Implications of La Chambre's
Theory of Animation: iDeterminism, Free Will and SelfConsciousness in the Respective Contexts of Physiology
and Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250
The physiological basis for differentiating animate
from nonanimate creatures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250
. Physiological grounds for defending human free will . . . 253
Le Syst&me de Z 'tone and human psychology: soul as the
principle of total self-consciousness . . . . . . . . . 25^
PART III:
7.
LA CHAMBRE'S THEORY OF MAN IN THE CONTEXT
OF SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY FRENCH THOUGHT . ........ 257
LA CHAMBRE AND THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN MAJOR THOUGHT
CURRENTS FROM 1630 TO 1680 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Theological Controversies and the Search for Order in
the Sciences: A Re-evaluation of the Concepts of
"Freedom" and "Authority" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Freedom of "indifference" as an epistemological basis
'. for probabilistic science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Descartes and the refusal to pose theological problems .
Towards a new doctrine of human free will: the Oratory
from Gibieuf to Malebranche
Jansenism and the absorption of human free will in
• divine grace ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Role of Renaissance Naturalism in the Shaping of Three
Conflicting Methodological Theories . . . . . . . . . . . .
258
26k
269
271
282
286
^.230
xii
TABLE OF COHTEHTS— Continued
-Page
Astrology, cabbala and magic in the philosophy
of Robert Fludd: a seventeenth-century attempt
to organize science around Hermetic Revelation . . . .
Natural philosophy and the methods of Aristotle:
Cureau de La Chambre1s quest for a concrete
understanding of human character within the frame­
work of astrologically-based sciences . . . . . . . .
Renaissance "technology" and the rise of mechanist
theories of nature: three viewpoints . . . . . . . .
Mersenne the cautious skeptic . . . . . . . . . . .
Descartes the prophet of certitude . . . . . . . . .
Gassendi the resolute empiricist . . . . . . . . . .
Cureau de La Chambre and the Polarization of Philosophical
Attitudes Between 1640 and l66b . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Mechanism and the case against final causes . . . . . .
Cartesian positivism: discovery of natural law
through application of the mathematical method of
pure reason . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . .
The Gassendists and inductive method: construction of
a body of scientific concepts independent of
a priori principles .
. . . . . . . . . .
Organic theory and the recognition of a life principle
or soul: Cureau de La Chambre1s reaffirmation of
Aristotelian substantial forms in the interests of
elaborating a theory of evolving biological struc­
ture
...........
Philosophy of Science and the Theory of Man: . Focal
Points of the Epistemological Debate in the Seven­
teenth Century . . . ............... . . . . . . . .
The animal-machine: discontinuity between the
sensible and rational orders . . . . . . . . . . .
Theory of the passions and possibilities for human
excellence . . . . . . . ......... . . . . . . .
Moral doctrine and its esthetic consequences:
Cureau de La Chambre's theory of man in relation
to the cultivation of art forms in the seventeenth
century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.
REFLECTIONS OF SCIENTIFIC THEORIES OF MAN IN MORALIST WRI­
TERS OF THE CLASSICAL PERIOD: THREE EXAMPLES . . . . . . .
287
289;
291
291
293
296
299
300
301
301
302
305
306
309
312
316
Progress in the Sciences and Moral Philosophy: Background
of the Formulation of New Intellectual Attitudes Towards the
Study of Man by Man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
316
xiii
TABLE OF CONTEHTS— Continued Page
Resume of the Basic Goals of Moral Philosophy in
the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century . . . . .
Rationale for Selection of Authors
........... .
Madame de Sable: Wisdom as the Key to Social Accept­
ance and Personal Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . .
Jacques Esprit and the Falseness of Human Virtue:
A Literary Expression of Radical Jansenism . . . . . .
La Rochefoucauld and the Demasking of Human Nature:
A Case of Personal Disenchantment .................
Cureau de La Chambre and the New Psychology of Human
Nature in French Literature: Astrology, Grace and
Humors Versus Organicity
.....................
9.
CUREAU DE LA CHAMBRE'S THEORY OF MAN IN THE CULTURAL
EVOLUTION OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY: SOME FINAL REMARKS
CHRONOLOGY OF LA CHAMBRE'S WORKS
ABBREVIATIONS
328
335
3Ul
352
. 356
Organic Theory as an Implicit Structure of SeventeenthCentury Thought . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
What is organic theory? . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
La Chambre1s Seventeenth-Century Version of Organic
Theory: Scope and Limits
. . . . . . . . .
Man and nature: separate or equal? . . . . .
. .
La Chambre and Seventeenth-Century French Thought:
Summary of His Role in the Cultural Evolution of.
France . . . . . . ............. . . . . . . . . . .
APPENDIX:
322
325
357
357
363
363
365
. . . . . .
371
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
373
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
37^
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure
1.
La Ghambre’s Metoposcopy . . . . . .
xiy
ABSTRACT
The seventeenth-century French royal counselor and physicians
Marin Cureau de La Chamhre» can hardly be called a man of great genius«
Yet his life and works present us with a witness to aspects of the
cultural evolution leading up to and including the so-called "classical"
period in French literature that is every bit as provocative as those
provided by more famous contemporaries like Descartes and Pascal.
In
the course of a three-part study in which relevant biographical, method­
ological, and ideological details are presented and analyzed against
the backdrop of the seventeenth-century intellectual movement, the
reader's attention is directed to consideration of La Chambre's style
of thinking as a major factor in the shaping of classical psychology
and its new definition of man.
Part One consists in a biographical analysis with emphasis on
intellectual relations and contemporary opinion regarding Cureau’s
involvement in the scientific and literary circles of Paris.
Part Two
begins with a chapter devoted to sketching the methodological and
ideological framework within which the "art" of knowing men— a
medico-astrologically based science of characterial dispositions and
their relation to the secret "inclinations" of men— is developed first
in terms of applied methods to be used by the practitioner, and later
as a more comprehensive theory of the soul as the psychophysiological
author and coordinator of all human activities.
xv .
Conclusions reached, in
xvi
the discussions comprising the first six chapters of Parts One and Two
announce the formulation "by La Chambre of what can best be called an
organic theory of nature.
In Part Three, it is this theory of nature
and its teachings regarding human character and behavior that provide
the basis for comparison between La Chambre and various important
representatives of mechanist philosophy— Descartes, Gassendi, and
Mersenne— as well as between La Chambre and the latter-day Rosicrucianstyle thinkers like Robert Fludd.
Finally, in chapter 8, La Chambre1s
essentially optimistic and psychophysiological view of man's nature is
compared and contrasted to theories on human virtue found in the writings
of three moralist philosophers of the classical period-— Madame de Sable,
Jacques Esprit, and La Rochefoucauld— each of whom was esteemed by his
contemporaries as a self-styled expert in psychology and behavior.
Although this dissertation has several goals the most obvious
of which is to arouse curiosity about a man of whom history has made
relatively little, mention, its primary aim is to open perspectives on a
new and more comprehensive approach to literary criticism than is general­
ly practiced by literature specialists.
Too often, the ideas of a major
writer of the classical period like La Rochefoucauld are depicted first
with reference to their Greek and Latin sources, then brought up to date
via Montaigne, and polished off with a dash of Cartesian dualism; in the
rush to get "back to the texts themselveslittle or no regard is given
to the subtle changes in outlook on classical learning that are really
innovations of the period in question and not merely a part of the
traditional baggage. Careful reading of works by writers who like
La Chambre are closely tied to the religious and scientific
movement of their time, and who at the same time participate in the
creation of new political and social ideologies, are in fact the most
fundamental untapped resources to a more profound and, ultimately, a
much more accurate understanding of the vast scope implied by the
historian's rhetorical question:
what did men really hope for and
secretly strive to attain both as individuals and as a society in
France during the seventeenth century?
PART I
CUREAU DE LA CHAMBRE'S LIFE AM) RELATIONS
WITH THE INTELLECTUAL MILIEU
1
CHAPTER 1
BIOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS
A glance at any of the attempts to reconstruct the biography of
Marin Cureau de La Chambre reveals how little is known of him; a
closer look shows even more clearly that what is known tells nothing
very specific about his habits, his life style $ or his aspirations as
a doctor and as a man of letters.
Though fate may have contributed its
share to the mystery surrounding the circumstances of Cureau*s birth
and family background 9 the absence of autobiographical allusions in his
works as well as in his published correspondence suggests that he de­
liberately kept strong feelings and opinions to himself.
Judging from
the success he enjoyed in public life, he must have had good reasons
for doing so.
At a time when the struggle for power divided the nobility
into camps either for or against the monarchy of Louis XIII, there was
room at the top for the clever individual of undistinguished birth who
knew how to ingratiate himself with the right people.
Given such
favorable conditions, the ambitious doctor could use his easy access to
the private lives of certain patients to act as a spy, go-between, or
some other sort of political tool, for power-hungry nobles vying for
control in the government. Richelieu, for one, is known to have used
the privileges of the medical profession for such purposes, and.there
is little question that he rewarded.his doctors handsomely.for services
well rendered."*"
In most cases, however, talented physicians could make
their fortune less dangerously, provided that they knew how to apply
their diagnostic skills to healthy men as well as to sick ones!
Marin Cureau de La Chambre seems to have been a man of such
talents, whose formula for success is clearly expressed in a maxim
coined by the Marquise de Sable; "Sgavoir bien decouvrir 1*interieur
d ’autruy, et cacher le sien, est une grande marque de la superiority
d*esprit."
From between the lines of what is known of the "coenomanus
O
doctor m e d i c u s t o use his own words, there emerges the spectre of a
man whose "art de connoistre les hommes" was far from being just a
medical theory stashed away between the covers of a book.
The Early Years
? 3- 1632 ) ~
Although there is no record to prove it, Cureau was probably
born in 1596, making him an exact contemporary of Descartes (1596-1650),
"*Paul Delaunay, La Vie midicale awe XVIe3 XVIIe et XVIIIe ai'&etes
(Paris, 1935), p* 2U8.
2
Maximes de Madame de Sabl& (Paris, 1870), maxim number LXXVI,
p. U4.
3
Cureau used this phrase to qualify himself at the end of two
epigrams written as an introduction to Gerard Denisot's translation of
Hippocrates’ Aphorisms. For the reproduction and translation of this
text into French, see La Revue historique et avah&o'logique du Maines
Vol. II, "Le Maine 1, I ’Academie Frangaise: Marin Cureau de La Chambre," :
by Rene Kerviler (Le Mans, 1877)$ p. 39.
k
four years younger than Gassendi (1592-1655), eight years younger than
Hobbes (1588-1679), eleven years younger than Richelieu (1585-1642)$
seventeen years older than Frangois due de La Rochefoucauld (l6l3-l68o),
and twenty-seven years older than Blaise Pascal (1623.-1662).
Most
likely he was the eldest son of a certain Marin Cureau, sieur de La
Chambre, and Anne Malet, married on August 7$ 1595, in the parrish of
St-Jehan d'Asse, the small village near Le Mans where Cureau was
li
probably born.
The fact that he is a native of the province of Maine is
not without significance; Mersenne, Scarron, La Motte le Vayer, Rotrou,
and the family De SablS are just a few of the eminent Parisians of the
first half of the seventeenth century who claimed Le Maine as their
place of origin.
Several well-known members of the French Academy, in­
cluding Richelieu's favorite Boisrobert, had family ties in this part
of France, too.^
Such contacts were going to be of obvious value to a
provincial doctor in gaining access to the most distinguished salons of
Paris.
^The date, 1594, is arrived at by subtracting the age (75 years)
engraved on his tombstone from the year of his death (1669). Historians
of Le Maine and the Department of La Sarthe (Kerviler, Coutard, Esnault)
prefer to think that he was born in 1596 after checking family docu­
ments in local archives.
^Kerviler, Revue du Maine3 II, lists the following Academicians
from Le Maine: Abel Servian (founder), Boisrobert (canon of the
cathedral at Le Mans), La Motte le Vayer (preceptor to the duke of
Anjou), Fillet de La Mesnardiere (from Loudun), Guillaume Bautru (count
of Serrant), Honor6 de Bueil (marquis de Racan), in addition to Cureau
(p. 27),
Even less conclusive than the details of his birth and family
origins is information regarding the youth and education of Cureau.
The
only biographical reference
in his published works alludes to a visit to
Lyons in July of 162^ where
he made an observation he later
includedin
.
g
a book published in Paris in 1650 on the refraction of light.
Though
he does not elaborate«, the precise recall of date, time, and place indi­
cates that Cureau was actively taking notes and perhaps had already
composed parts of the works
he was to publish later on.
The next official mention of him appears on a baptismal certif­
icate, where he is named godfather to the daughter of -Jacques Kagot,
master apothecary at Pont-Ysouard near Le Mans, By this time he is
-7
about thirty years old and "docteur en mSdecine."
The circumstances of his medical training present another prob­
lem.
According to the edict signed by Louis XIV in 1673 granting offi­
cial sanction for the continuation of the "Jardin des Plantes medicinales du Roy," three "demonstrateurs-operateurs pharmaceutiques" (who
had been giving lessons since the Garden was formally consecrated in
1635) were given permission to continue their activities.^
The original
Nouvetles Observations et Conjectures sur I ’Iris (Paris,
1650), p. 8 .
7
Kerviler, Revue du Maine3 II, 35°
8
On the "Jardin des Plantes," see A..-L. Jussieu, Annates du
Mus&um, I, pp. 7ff. For Cureau1s participation, see E.-T. Hamy., "Les
debuts de 1 1anthropologie et de 1 1anatomie humaine au Jardin des Plantes:
Marin Cureau de La Chambre et P. Dionis: 1635-1680," in Anthvopotogies
V (Paris, 1894), pp. 257-75.
stipulation in the 1635 edict— -a document which has never been found—
was reiterated here barring doctors educated at institutions other than
the Faculty of Medicine at Paris from these posts. However, a unique
exception which was not to be considered a precedent was made for
Marin Cureau de La Chambre from Montpellier * Unfortunately, the regis­
ters of the Faculty of Medicine at Montpellier do not bear out this evi­
dence,^ and the medical archives show no trace of Marin Cureau's passage
In the light of present documentation,
11
about all that can be
ascertained with respect to the early period of Cureau’s life is that
he was practicing medicine in Le Mans from at least 1625 until he moved
to Paris sometime in the early 1630's; and that on June 12, 1629, he was
married to Marie Duchesne thereby allying himself with one of the
Jean Astruc, Memoires pour servir a I 'histoire de la Faculty
de Medeeine de Mcntpellier (Paris, 1767). Cureau is not listed_in the
registers.
10
In his kind letter of April, 1971, Dr. Dulieu of the Faculty
of Medicine at Montpellier assured me that the archives contained
nothing pertaining to Cureau's alleged passage there other than the
library copies of several of his works.
11
In an excellent study on Le Surintendant Nicolas Foucquet:
Protecteur des Lettres1, des Arts et des Sciences (Paris, 1905)
U. -V. Chatelain notes on p.
, footnote 1 , that the "registres de
I'Spargne" of 1626, show Marin Cureau de La Chambre (folio 206) al­
ready receiving a pension of 2.000 livres from the government but I
have not verified this date. If so, it would mean that Cureau was al­
ready active in Parisian society before he became a doctor to Pierre
Seguier in I63U and perhaps had left Le Mans by this time. Undoubtedly,
it was in connection with the project for the Jardin des Plantes begun
in 1626 by Guy de La Brosse and Bouvard that Cureau received this
pension, if the date is correct. See notes 8 and 30 of this chapter.
several medical dynasties in his native city.
After his marriage
Cure an remained in Le Mans where he lived in a house owned by his
father-in-law, Frangois Duchesne, which bears the curious name of "la
Mai son d'Adam et d ’Eve."
Built between 1520 and 1525 for Jehan de
I ’Espine, astrologer-doctor to Marguerite de Navarre, its physical ap­
pearance as described by Paul Delaunay
merits a moment's attention;
On y discerns, sculptee sur la fagade, 1'image du
Soleil et de la Lune, et le signe des "Poissons."
Deux personnes, dans lesquelles le peuple a voulu
reconnattre nos premiers parents, sont debout devant
une sort de thyrse, ou 1'on a cru voir la pomme
fatale, source de tous nos m a u x . 1 2
Auspicious beginning for the future author of a Disaours sur tes
Princvpes de la Chiromance et de la MStoposeopie!
-
- Paris
(1632-1669+)
The precise steps in Cureau's introduction into the court of
Louis XIII are not clear.
A series of baptismal certificates provides
the only concrete evidence available:
in 1631, he is still "honorable
homme, Marin Cureau, sieur de La Chambre"; on July 6, 1632, "noble
Marin Cureau, docteur en mSdecine"; on October 15, 1632, "Medecin de Sa
Majeste."
13
Indications are that he was named "medecin par quartier"
12
Delaunay, La Vie m£diea!e . . . p. 124.
13
Kerviler, Revue du Maines II, 37,
^According to P.-E. Le Magnet, Le Monde medical parisien sous
le Grand Roi (Paris, 1899), the medical service of Louis XIV consisted
of a first doctor (premier m&decin or archi'atre) s an ordinary doctor
8
to Louis XIII.sometime in 1632, probably at the recommendation of
Charles Bouvsrd, first doctor to the'king and native of Le Mans.
Once established in Paris, Cureau's career becomes somewhat
easier to follow.
In March of 1634, Jacques Denisot, secretary to the
president of the Paris Parliament, Pierre Seguier, published a transla­
tion into Latin of Hippocrates6 Aphorisms.
The manuscript had been
found among the papers of his late grandfather, Gerard Denisot, court
doctor to Charles IX, Henry III, and Henry IV, and a member of the
Denisot family of Le Mans.
The translation is dedicated to SSguier,
recently promoted to Seal-Bearer, and is prefaced by a poem entitled
15
f,Avo charissimo," by Marin Cureau de La Chambre.
Very soon after the
publication of this volume,. Cureau was named doctor to Seguier., and lost
no time in publishing a sampling of his own work: Nouvelles Pens&es sxcr
les causes de ta lvmieres du desbordement du Nil, et de I ’amour dHnalination.
This strange collection of titles appeared in a single volume
two months later, preceded by a very lofty dedication to "Monseigneur
le Garde des Sceaux."
(mideoin ordinaire) and eight district doctors (mideoins par quartier)
in addition to a botanist (m$deoin botanists)s an anatomist (m&deoin
anatomiste)3 a mathematician (m'edeoin math&matieien)3 four spagirists
(m$decins spagiristes) and sixty-six consultants (m&deoins consultants).
The district doctor earned 2,473 livres per year, as compared to the
40,000 livres paid to the first doctor .and the 5,500 livres paid to the
ordinary doctor. District doctors were engaged for two months at a time,
during which they inhabited the royal palace and were expected to take
orders from their superiors.
15
See footnote 3 of this chapter.
Between 1635 and 1650, the triumphs of Cureau1s career run
parallel to those of Siguier, in whose service he remained for the rest
of his life.
Both were selected "by Richelieu for membership in the
"Academie Frangaise" late in 1634; on December 19, 1635, Seguier was
appointed Chancellor of France, the same year in which Cureau allegedly
began his professorship at the Jardin des Plantes;^ on October 15,
1640, Louis XIII signed the papers granting titles of nobility to La
Chambre;
17
and in 1642, following the death of Richelieu, Cureau was
chosen by his fellow academicians to pay final tribute to their founder.
While singing the praises of Richelieu, Cureau did his part to insure
Seguier's candidature for the protectorship of the Academy, a title that
the Chancellor received in that same year.
By the number of honors
incurred in barely ten years' time, it must be said that Cureau had
chosen the best of all possible benefactors under the best of all possi­
ble circumstances!
By 1648, the intrigue and conspiracy of the frondenrs made Paris
a dangerous spot for the unstable monarchy and its sympathizers.
The
court of the young Louis XIV was temporarily relocated at Saint-Germain;
Mazarin and Chancellor Seguier, accompanied by his personal physician,
followed the king to safer grounds.
The situation proved to be a boon
to Cureau's medical career at the court; civil disorder had made it im­
possible for some of the king's company of doctors to occupy their
See footnote 8 of this chapter.
17
His titles were reviewed and approved by Louis XIV in
February, 1669 (for manuscript, see Archives Rationales, Paris,
AJ15509#200 a-b).
10
assigned posts, and Cureau was frequently called upon to serve in their
18
absence.
By 1650, Seguier?s illustrious protege had established a repu­
tation for himself in Parisian society which permitted him to act on
his own merits.
When Claude Seguin vacated his position as ordinary
physician to Louis XIV, Cureau bid for and obtained the title from
him at a sum considered extravagant by Guy Pat in.
19
But Cureau knew
exactly what he was doing; aside from being named to this new post, he
received the additional title of royal counselor, and it was partic­
ularly in this capacity that he is believed to have served the king.^®
"^Kerviler, Revue du Maine, II, 137 •
"^Guy Patin to Charles Spon, doctor at Lyons (Letter #CCXV,
May, 1650), quoted in Michaud's Biogvaphie Vnivevsette article on
Marin Cureau de La Chambre. According to LeMaguet, the position of
ordinary doctor was very poorly paid even though his responsibilities
were similar to those of the first doctor: he followed the king every­
where , received his orders from the first doctor in addition to re­
lieving him on certain occasions (pp. 197-98). For additional informa­
tion regarding the other court doctors' positions and functions, see
Le Maguet, Chap. IV "Les Medecins It la Cour," pp. iSUff.
20
^
P. A. La Place, Pieces interessantes et pen aonnues pour
servir a Z ’histoire et <2 la litterature, IV (Paris, 1781-1790). In this
unique reference. La Place makes a most important contribution to the
problem of Cureau's role as counselor to Louis XIV. Here is the part of
the passage pertaining to Cureau: "II existe . . . dans un de ces
Cabinets, a Paris, ainsi que nous 1'atteste une personne bien connue, &
dont le temoignage ne pent Gtre suspect, un gros et aneien Recueil
contenant toute une correspondence secrette & long-tems suivie, entre
le Roi Louis XIV & le sieur de la Chambre, son medecin, sur une science
fort extraordinaire, & a laquelle on n'auroit jamais soupgonne ce
Monarque d'ajouter un degre de foi, bien fait pour etonner, si on n'etoit
pas, de tout terns, convaincu que les plus grands Hommes ont ete
susceptibles des plus grandes foiblesses!
Qui croiroit en effet aisement, que ce Prince etoit si persuade
du talent que s'attribuoit ce MSdecin de juger, sur la seule physiognomie
11
Cardinal Mazarin also sought the opinion of La Chambre on matters that
were not strictly medical during their weekly conferences at the
T
21
Louvre.
The end of the year 1666 marks the last major event in a bril­
liant career, when Cureau is appointed to the newly chartered. ’’AcadSmie
des Sciences” organized by Colbert and composed of distinguished scien­
tists, mathematicians, and physicians of the period.
volvement in this group was to be short-lived.
But Cureau1s in­
On November 29, 1669$
in the words of Guy Pat in, ”le bonhomme M. de La Chambre est mort 'age
des gens, quel etoit non-seulement le fond de leur earactere, m i s
encore a quelles places & a quels emplois chacun d'eux pouyoit 3tre
propre. Efc qu'en partant de cette intime persuasion, ee Monarque ne se
determinoit, soit en bien, soit en mal, sur les choix qu'il avoit &
faire, qu'apres avoir consuite sur ce sujet ce singulier Oracle?... Et
dans ce cas, quel puissant intSrSt ne doit-il resulter de pareils
details?
Cette Anecdote $ unique & d'autant plus singuliere qu'elle est
echappee aux yeux aussi attentifs que pergans des Courtisans qui approchoient le plus pres de Lowis XXVS est pourtant constatee dans le Depdt
, dont il s *agit, par les Lettres originales & respectives, taut du Con­
sultant que du Con suite! On ajoufce meme a ceci, qu'il se trouve, vers
la fin du Recueil, m e note de ce dernier, congue el-peu-pres dans les
termes suivants; 'Si je meurs avant Sa Majeste, elle court grand risque
■ de faire & 1 'avenir, beaucoup de mauvais choix.'
Et ce qu'il y a de plus singulier encore, c'est que les suites
semblent n 'avoir que trop de fois justifiS la justesse de cette
prediction!" (pp. viii-x)
It is very unfortunate that the texts of these
letters and the cabinet in which they were reputedly
housed, have never been found.
21
X, 1078.
DiaHomaire de biographie fvanqaise, ed. by Roman d'Amat.
12
22
de 76 smsi”
leaving behind a wife, two sons, and a legacy of about
fifteen published volumes, including a collection of his letters.
Looking back over the highlights of Marin Cureau's career in
Paris, it is clear that his rapid climb to the top was not accidental.
He was already thirty-six years old and apparently well established in
his profession before coming to live in the capital city.
Though he had
not published anything prior to his installation in the hotel of Pierre
SSguier in 163%, he was well aware of the types of questions under dis­
cussion in the literary, scientific and political circles of Paris, and
had been engaged in the study of some of these matters while residing in
Le Mans.
His earliest published volume, Nowelles Pens&es suv les causes
de la lumi^res du desbordement du Nil3 et de l ramour d rinclinations which
appeared in 163%, was obviously put together to display the versatility of
his knowledge and his academic interests, and to circulate his name among
the members of important scientific and literary groups.
succeeded exactly as he had hoped he would:
He apparently
on August 2, 163%, Mersenne
wrote to Fabri de Peiresc, noted astronomer and intimate friend of
Pierre Gassendi, "j 6ajouteray pourtant encore que nous avons un livre
des Nouvelles pensees sur la lumiere, I 1amour et le desbordement du Nil,
p*D
qui mSrite que vous le voyiez, si vous ne I'aviez desja.”
By 1637,
this work had made enough of an impact to interest the author of
pp
Guy Patin to Falconnet (Letter //DCCXVI, December, 1669),
quoted by E. T. Hamy, Anthropologies V, p. 275.
po
Correspondance du P. Marin Mersenne3 religieux minime3
ed. by B. Rochot (Paris, 1967), IV, 280.
13
Disaours de la M§thode3 who wrote to Mersenne from Holland:
Je n *ay pas tant de desir de voir la demonstration de
M. de Fermat contre ce que j'ay ecrit de la refraction,
que je vous veullle prier de me 1 1envoyer par la poste;
mais lors qu'il se presentera commodite de me I ’adresser
par mer, avec quelques bales de marchandise, je ne
seray pas marry de la voir avec la Geostatique [de
Beaugrand] et le livre de la Lumiere de M. de La Chambre
et tout ce qui sera de pareille estoffe, ou de leur
invention. . . . 24
The essay on light was also read in less erudite circles, judg­
ing from the letter addressed to La Chambre by Saloman de Priezac in
1657, when the second edition appeared:
Vous estes done choisi pour estre I'Arbitre honoraire
de cette controverse, en laquelle on demands si les
lumieres sont illuminez,. et si I'estroite alliance
qui est entre elles, est un dessein & un effet de la
nature: Et e'est ce qui vous oblige de nous en
Sclaircir, & de nous expliquer par de nouvelles
pensees, la nature, les proprietez, & les effets
admirables de la l u m i e r e . 25
The second short work in the collection is of particular inter­
est for two reasons.
First of all Seguier is known to have had a spe­
cial passion for theology, and was an avid collector of manuscripts,
books, and materials of all kinds dealing with the rites and practices
of the ancient Egyptians
It was undoubtedly with this in mind that
24
.Ibid.3 yi, 34? (Descartes to Mersenne, end of December, 1637).
or
Saloman de Priezac, Lettre ct Af. de La Chambre sur la Lumi'&re
(Paris, 1657), p. 6 .
26
Rene Kerviler, Le Chaneelier Pierre S&guier: Second
Protecteur d.e I ’Academic Franqaise (Paris, 1874), p. 158.
14
Curean included his essay on possible causes for the overflow of the
Nile to be part of his first published work.
More important, however,
is the possibility that this interest in the esoteric religion and
alchemical doctrines of Egypt could have been a sort of pet project
undertaken by the residents of Seguier’s hotel (see supra,
In the second place, Cureau's position with
chapter 2).
regardto the
scientific community of Mersenne and company is indirectly stated in
this essay:
traditional explanations for the Nile's annual overflow
were based on the action of the river's "occult virtue." .While Cureau
does not dismiss these observations, he does contend that the old
theories are inadequate.
In their place, he offers a new hypothesis
derived from ideas presented by fifteenth-century Italian-born mathe­
matician and philosopher, Jerome Cardano:
the Nile overflows because
of the action of nitre or saltpeter, an alchemical salt peculiar to the
waters of this river, whose action causes it to become fertile and to
swell up.
Though Cureau's argumentation is in the traditional style of
Aristotelian dialectics, his refusal to accept vague definitions in the
light of new information reveals his desire for physical, and not meta­
physical, explanations of phenomena, an attitude which makes him a
worthy successor to the Stagirite and a thinker whose ideas are in tune
with the new scientific spirit of his time.
The last essay in this volume, Z?e t 'amour d 'inclination, was
sure to be a success in the pr&cieusc society of salons such as the Hotel
de Rambouillet, where the analysis of love was a primary pastime.
How­
ever, as Cureau warns in his prefatory remarks, his conception of love is
15
much 'broader and will be of interest to philosophy and medicine as well;
Car ce n ’est pas icy 1 ’Amour dont on fait tant de
bruit & tant d'ouvrages, & que la Beaute & la bonne
grace fait couler dans les coeurs: mais c'est un
Demon secret, qui lie les volontez avec des chaisnes
incogneues, qui par un merveilleux enchantement tire
de la laideur & de 1*imperfection? les attraits qui
charment ceux qui le ressentent, & ravit d*admiration
ceux qui veulent en cognoistre la Magie
{lnal.s pref.)*
What ensues is a discussion of love as the attractive principle of na­
ture whose purpose is to guide and direct the organism in the perfection
and perpetuation of its being.
Originating with the image of the in­
forming virtue in its union with matter, love is the primordial “pas­
sion" of the soul which enables the body to move towards and possess—
either directly through physical union or indirectly through sensitive
awareness— the object of its desire, as we shall see in chapter 6.
From
the vantage point of La Chambre's total work, L 1Arnoia* d*inclination con­
stitutes a preliminary sketch of the detailed analysis of love and re­
lated passional movements found in Les Charaot'&res des Passions3 where
the medical theories of Plato, Aristotle, and their long line of commen­
tators are subjected to the scrutiny of a seventeenth-century erudite
physician.
One other detail before moving on to a closer study of Cureau's
involvement in Parisian society:
why did he publish his first works in
French and not in Latin, as it was then customary to do in scientific
circles?
While this decision probably grew in part out of the author's
personal desire to attract a broader, less specialized public, the idea
is in keeping with the Cardinal de Richelieu's vast plans for the
promotion and propagation of French thought and letters.
16
It is significant that La Chambre’s first medical work,
Nouvelles Congectuves sur ta Digestions is dedicated to the Cardinal and
contains a preface protesting the use of Latin for scientific discourse.
This preface was read at two successive meetings of the French Academy
in April of 1636, just one year before Descartes published his famous
Diseowes de ia M&thode, in which he openly declares war on the pedantry
of his teachers and professors.
As the title clearly states, the
treatise on digestion's purpose is to show "la necessity qu'il y a
d'escrire les Sciences en Frangois."
The arguments in favor of using
French as the language of scientific expression are set forth in vigor­
ous and eloquent rhetoric designed to call upon the indigenous sense of
pride and love of country of the French people, whose commitment the
author feels ought to be to continue the philosophical quest fortruth.
As he explains below, such a commitment can only be expected from the
community when scientific knowledge is made accessible to the entire
literate publics
. . . Mais si 1 'amour de la Verite & de ta Patrie a
quelque pouvoir sur ton esprit, tu confesseras a la
fin que je ne me pouvois corriger sans me rendre
.coupable envers elles; que j'estois moins oblige a
Socrate & a Platon, qu'a la Verite, et que peasant
1'avoir rencontree, je ferois une injure a la France,
si je croyois que la Langue dont elle se sert fust
moins fidele pour 1*exprimer que ne seroit la Grecque
ou la Latine.
I *advoue que s'il me faloit escrire des fables,
ou faire I'histoire des siecles passes, il me seroit
a pardonner, si j'employais des Langues mortes pour
dire des choses qui ne sont plus, ou qui n 'ont
jamais este; mais de s'en servir pour parler de la
Nature qui nous est si presente, & dont la science
est eternelie & immuable; c'est une erreur qui com­
bat la raison & 1 'exeraple de 1 'Antiquite, que I'on
veut imiter.
17
Car les premiers Philosophies, a qui les Sciences
sont si clairement decouvertes, quelque soin qu’ils
eus sent de ne les rendre pas communes, se sont
pourtant tousjours servi du langage commun, quand
ils les ont voulu donner an public. Et bien que les
plus Sgavans d'entre les Grecs soient allez puiser
les belles connoissances qu'ils ont eues, chez les
Egyptians, chez les Mages, & les Gymnosophistes;
qu’Athenes ait este I'Eschole ordinaire des Romains,
& que la Langue Grecque leur fust aussi familiere,
que nous peut estre maintenant la Latine: On n ’a
pourtant jamais veu dans ces siecles genereux,
qu'aucun ait este si lasche, que de trahir sa Langue
naturelle, pour donner & m e estrangere I ’honneur
des belles choses qu'ils ont laissees par escrit.
Ouy, c'est m e laschete qui ne-s'est trouvee que dans
les demiers temps, comme du reste de la servitude
dont les Romains ont autrefois charge tous les
peuples de la Terre. Et je m'estonne que la France,
qui n'a jamais pu souffrir leur domination, & qui a
tousjours tant aime la liberte, ait neantmoins
souffert si longtemps que sa Langue fust subjette
a la leur, que ses Arrests fussent prononcez par
m e estrangere, & que ses Loix fussent conservees
par ses ennemis. Mais je m'estonne bien davantage,
qu'apres qu'elle a pourveu a ses desordres, &
qu'elle a donne en cette occasion 1'example de ce
que chacm doit faire en toutes rencontres; il se
trouve encore des Franqois qui ayent sa gloire &
leur honneur en si petite recommendation, qu'ils
croyent que les Arts & les Sciences ne connoissent
point la Langue Frangoise, & qu'il n'appartlent
qu'ii la Latine de les produire,. & de les faire
parler
(Ep€tres3 pp. 268-71).
,
Having thus placed the Franco-Latin contacts, in their historical per­
spective , Cureau goes on to make a rather startling observation:
if
commitment to using a dead language is the measure of hommage paid to
the great civilizations of the past, then it is more reasonable to use
Greek and Arabia (in spite of the traditional hatred, it seems!), be­
cause these are the languages of the peoples who assiduously cultivated
the sciences:
18
II y auroit .Men plus de raison de les remettre .
entre les mains de Grecs & des Arabes, qui les ont
si soign.eusement cultivees; St on elles.ont este en
si grand credit, qu'elles faisoient la meilleure
partie de la Sagesse; qu'elles montoient sur le
Throne des Rois; Et que les Princes estoient aussi
glorieux d ’estre obeis, que les peuples d'estre commandez par.les Philosophes. Ce seroient a ces riches
& disertes Leagues qui ont veu eslever la Philosophic
avee elles, d.'en soutenir encore la dignitS; si le
temps qui borne la duree de toutes choses ne les
avoient ostees du commerce & de 1*usage ordinaire
des hommes
(Epttres3 p.. 271).
Hence, he continues, making Latin solely responsible for the entire
task is absurd, for science was never cultivated to such an extent by
the people who spoke it, and therefore it lacks the "natural” facility
to express scientific ideas clearly.
The worst thing to befall the
development of a language, in other words, is to allow it to be manip­
ulated by men who learned it from books and grafted new words to it
when they could not find the suitable expression.
As a result of the
centuries of Latin preeminence, all philosophy thus became distasteful
to people who were forced to read it in a language they detested for
other reasons.
As Cureau remarks:
. . . & dire le vray, ce sont ses termes rudes &
barbares qui ont cache les attraits, dont la
Philosophic charmoit autrefois tout le monde.
C'est elle qui fait paroistre rustique & farouche,
en I'eloignant de la Cour, & de I'entretien
ordinaire des plus honrietes gens: C'est elle
•
enfin qui 1'a chargee de la haine des Peuples,
qui n'ont pu aimer la Philosophie dans m e Langue
qui leur estoit odieuse
(Bpztres, p. 273).
Turning next to the French language, Cureau extols its special
beauties as compared to other European languages.
In his estimation, it
has "la gloire d favoir les plus beaux termes, & la plus noble expression
de tous ceux qui ont cours aujourd'huy dans 1 'Europe" (Epttres* p. 273).
19
Making it the instrument of scientific thought can only enhance.its. al­
ready established superiority and promote,its.continued, growth and de­
velopment $ for as he notes;
Combien penses-tu que les Sciences seront glorieuses, quand
elles se pareront des mesmes omemens qui ont enrichis ces
fameuses Harangues [de Richelieu] que toute la France a entenduMs
avec admiration? Quand elles se serviront des mesmes omemens
dont se foment ces Sages Conseils, qui font la paix & les
victoires, qui renversent & relevent les Couronnes, & qui ont
affermi les fondemens & la grandeur de cette Monarchie. Ce sera
lors qu'elle n'aura plus de honte de se trouver dans la Cour;
qu'elles partageront avec les armes les occupations de la
Noblesse; & qu'elles seront mesme la plus agreable partie de
toutes leurs conversations. Enfin la France ne sera alors
qu’une Academic, ou 1 1on verra encore revenir tous les peuples
de 1'Europe, pour apprendre les Lettres, & se recompenser par
elles de la liberte qu’ils auront perdue par la force de ses
armes
(Epttves3 p. 27^ ) „.
Of course, admits La Chambre, French is not yet as rich as either Greek
or Arabic in scientific terminology; however, languages are, in his
words, among those things which grow as long as they live.
Hence, he
asks:
Ne seroit-ce pas une imprudence, de vouloir priver une Langue
d'une Science toute entiere, pour quelques ternes qui luy
; manquent, & que nous pouvons inventer, ou prendre mesme
chez nos voisins, aussi-bien que tout ce que les Loix du
commerce, & le droit des armes nous permetteht
( Epi>bvess
p. 276 ).
Expanding the metaphor of organicity to describe the process by which
language assimilates new vocabulary, he compares its cultivation to the
art of raising exotic plants;
" . . . celles qui peuvent souffrir ce
changement, portent dans leur nouveaute des graces qui ne se trouvent
point en toutes les autres" {Epttres^ p. 276).
Concluding with an analysis of the relations between science and
history, Cureau draws the analogy between the age of the world and the
20
development of human knowledge.that was to.become the familiar slogan
of the '’Moderns'* in the quarrel which, did not reach.its .fullest"propor­
tions until the second half of the seventeenth century;
. . . Mais en quelque fagon que 1'on puisse escrire,
j'estime qu'il n'y a point de laschete plus insup­
portable , que de vouloir s'esservir aux opinions
communes dans la recherche de la verite. Elle ne
se trouve pas dans les chemins battus, non plus que
les diamans & les perles; II la faut chercher dans
les abysmes & dans les tenebres ou elle s'est cachee.
Et si ■ces grands Hommes qui en ont decouvert quelque
partie, n'eussent abandonne les sentimens de leurs
Maistres, ils n 'auroient pas eu les lumieres qu'ils
ont eues, & que nous ne joulrions pas du bonheur que
leur hardiesse nous a procure, Mais coimne ce
qu'ils en ont connu n'est que la moindre partie des
secrets de la verite, & que 1'erreur a occupe la
pluspart des chemins qui nous y devroient mener:
On ne sgauroit, a mon advis, estre blasme si 1'on
cherche de nouvelles routes, si 1'on prend d 'autres
guides, & si on laisse aussi hardiment Aristote &
Galien, qu'ils ont fait ceux qui les ont precedes,
Aussi quoy qu'on en veuille dire, nous sommes dans
la vieillesse du monde & de la Philosophie; ce que
1'on appelle Antiquite, en a este I'enfance & la
. jeunesse: Et apres qu'elle a vieilli par tant de
siecles, & par tant d* experiences, il ne seroit pas
raisonnable de la faire parler comme elle a fait dans
ses premieres annSes, & de luy laisser les foiblesses
qui se trouvent aux opinions qu'elle a eues en cet age la,
& que 1'on veut encore faire passer pour des Oracles
(2£>£tres, pp. 278-79 .)„
Because La Chambre's discourse on the preeminence of the Frenchlanguage appeared before Disoovrs de la M$thodes Cureau is frequently
cited by authors of biographical dictionaries as the true founder of
scientific French.
In fact, Rene Kerviler, the nineteenth-century his­
torian from Le Maine who is also the author of the most detailed bio­
graphical study of La Chambre, emphatically underlines this fact to the
21
discredit of Descartes.
27
In realitys however, neither Descartes nor
La Chanibre was the first author to choose French over Latin in matters
pertaining to science-— -Guy de La Brosse, for one, published two works
of scientific merit as early as 1628, respectively entitled Traits de
ta phisionomie and La Nature des Plantess copies of which existed in
the Chancellor Seguier‘s private collection.
28
Since Cureau was per­
sonally acquainted with La Brosse through his appointment at the Jardin
pQ
des Plantes, where the latter had been serving as intendant since 1628,
it might well have been that the professors who taught at this new in­
stitution had all resolved to promote the use of French in accordance
30
with their protector *s wishes.
In any event,La Brosse was a major
PT
Kerviler. Revue du Maine, II, 52. Kerviler remarks; "On pent
supposer avec quelque. raison, que Descartes n'eut pas eerit en frangais
son celebre disc ours [sur la mSthode ], si le medecin de Seguier n ’eCit
deja prepare le terrain. Descartes s'excusa en effet de publier dans
sa langue matemelle son discovers, ses mitiores, sa dioptrique et sa
geometric. C *est la un point d ’histoire litteraire fort important, et
qui doit tenir yne place toute speciale dans la longue carriers de
Cureau de La Chambre. II imports en effet de constater qu'il a ete
le veritable createur de la langue scientifique frangaise. C'est un
de ses principaux titres a la reconnaissance de la posteritS."
28
E. T. Hamy, Anthropologie, V, 263.
29Ibid.
30
Charles Bouvard, the physician from Le Mans, was involved in
soliciting the approval of Richelieu for the Royal Garden along with
Guy de La Brosse, which may explain why Cureau was chosen to be
dgmonstrateup-opirateur. See supra, p. 5, and note 11 of this chapter.
For details on La Brosse and Bouvard, see Michaud's Biographic
UniverseVle*
22
proponent of Paracelsian botany and iatrochemistry in France at that
time, and it is well known that Paracelsus adamantly refused to write
in any language other than his native German.
31
Whatever the case.
La Chambre's decision to write in French was not an unprecedented blow
to the practice of writing in Latin adopted by philosophy since the
Middle Ages, although it was one of the earliest and strongest pleas
for a complete change in attitude.
In concluding our preliminary remarks on Cureau's life, it is
important to note that fortune and success, though obviously important
to the physician, were not his unique motivations for.intellectual and
social interaction.
As the texts cited from the preface to his treatise
on digestion indicate, he was sincerely committed to the goal of prog­
ress in the sciences, and eager to lay aside the tyranny of the so.called "Ancients" in order to build and establish harmony and under­
standing among the honnetes gens of Paris.
Communication was the key,
and art together with philosophy and the propagation of French letters
were to be the media whereby the French would learn to take pride in
themselves and in their civilization in order to fulfill the promise
of their ideal "temperament."
As we shall see next in examining La
Chambre's relations with and participation in the literary, scientific
and political institutions of his time, not only did he advocate coop­
eration among the power centers of his country; he did his utmost to
make it happen on a personal level.
w. B. Crow, A History of Magics Witchcraft and Occultism
(London, 1968), p. 213.
CHAPTER 2
INTELLECTUAL RELATIONS
While living in Paris, Cureau was very much involved in the
intellectual life both inside and outside the court.
He was an active
member of the French Academy from the time of its official existence
under the protectorship of Richelieu, and like his fellow Academicians,
could be found in the major literary salons of the period, such as
11la chambre bleue" of Madame de Rambouillet. However, it is likely that
the group of residents at the Hotel Seguier knew him best, since it was
here that he spent most of his time.
If Seguier*s love for ancient
manuscripts is any indication of the sort of men he chose to patronize,
it would seem that the discussion at the so-called "Palais de Salon"
frequently centered around new acquisitions to the sumptuous library
housed there.
A number of Siguier's proteges shared the Chancellor's
zeal for knowledge, and in their eagerness to please him, translated
and analyzed the manuscripts he collected in hopes of finding material
for publications which they could then dedicate to him.
1 '
During the
"Scerviler says of Seguier: "La magnifique bibliotheque qu'il
sut composer, a grands frais, en faisant rechercher et reunir les
rnanuserits les plus precieux et les debris les plus rares des littSratures anciennes, prouve que pendant toute sa vie, mime au milieu du
tourbillon des affaires, il garda pour les belles-lettres m e affection
constante, et presque un culte religieux.
'Si I'on veut me seduire,
. . . on n 'a qu'a me donner des livres' (Le ChanoetieT Pierre Siguier^
23
2k
early days of Cureau's career in Paris s important contacts in the lit­
erary and philosophical circles of the H6tel Seguier, the Academy and
Rambouillet undoubtedly facilitated his introduction into the more
specialized groups which became popular after the Fronde:
the philo­
sophical reunions at Mme de La Sabliere's and at Mme de Sable's PortRoyal residence; Foucquet's proteges and friends; the scientific circle
begun by Mersenne, which continued to congregate at the Hotel de Mont' mort following his death in l6U8s and from whose ranks the "Aeademie des
Sciences" was formed in l666„
Strange as it may seem9 Cureau's position as a doctor does not
appear to have brought him into contact with any particular medical
groups.
Of course, there were other doctors in the salons, especially
in the group which gathered at the Marquise de Sable's, and they seem
to have acted as authorities on questions involving medical knowledge.
2
There is a very good possibility that Cureau participated in the "Con­
ferences du Bureau d'adresse," begun in 1633 by Renaudot as a kind of
p. 12). Not only did his domestic group dedicate their works to
SSguier, but also to each other. Jean Balledans, for example, dedicated
a translation of Jean Brouat's Trait£ de I reau-de-vie to Cureau in 1646,
and the title of this work seems to be typical of the ones found in the
catalogue listing of the Manuscript Department at the Bibliotheque
Rationale, FF (formerly called "le fonds Saint-Germain").
2
Besides Cureau de La Chambre, regular guests from the medical
profession at the Marquise's residence included Antoine Menjot, Jules
Pillet de La Mesnardiere (compatriot of Cureau, see chap. 1, note 5),
and the perpetual secretary Valiant, who consulted one another on the
illnesses of their patients.
25
free university;
3
the texts compiled and published in 1638 by the in­
dustrious doctor from Montpellier from notes taken at these meetings re4
veal that the topics discussed would have been of interest to Cureau.
Unfortunately, however, Renaudot's policy was not to disclose the names
of participants, though he assures us that the debates were carried out
by the best minds in France at that time.
5
Taking into account the different character of each group in
which Cureau was involved, we shall now look more closely at the various
3
Lula M. Richardson, "The Conferences of Theophraste Renaudot:
An Episode in the Quarrel of the Ancients and Moderns," Modevn Language
Notes3 xlviii (1933), pp. 313-16.
^See "Table des Points" in Premiene Centunie des Questions
Trodtees ez Conferences du Bureau d fadressef depuis le 22 iour d'Aoust
1633# jusques au dernier Juiltet 1634 (Paris, 1638). Some of the titles
are as follows: "De la ressemblance"; "S’il est plus aize de resister
a la volupte qu’a la douleur"; "S’il peut y avoir un Amour desinteresse";
"Si les melancholiques sont les plus ingenieux ou prudens"; "Comment les
esprits agissent-ils sur les corps?"; "De 1 1astrologie judiciaire"; "De
la physiognomie"; "Quel est le plus noble des cinq sens"; "De la diver­
sity des visages"; etc.
5
"Si les milliers de personnes d'honneur qui ont fait partie
des Conferences dont vous voyez les pensees dans ce Livre, en estoient
les seuls juges, il ne seroit point necessaire de representer ici les
raisons qui m *empes chent de vous produire leurs noms: ils seroient
aussi eux-mesmes tesmoins que c ’est la principals des conditions qu'ils
ont requise de moy: plusieurs pour laisser libre a chaeun le jugement
de leurs opinions, que la connoissance des personnes preoccupe volontiers; d'autres pour essayer a convert quel sentiment le public auroit
d ’eux: semblables a ces Chevaliers errans qui combatoient jadis sous
des armes empruntees, laissans a deviner leur noin a ceux qui trouveroient
en eux dequoi leur faire desirer: mais tons par une modestie autant
louable a leur regard qu'injurieuse au public." (Avis au Lscteurs
Premiere Centurie des Questions TraitSes ez Conferences du Bureau d*adresse,
depuis le 22 iovr d ’Aoust 16333 jusques au dernier Juillet 1634 (Paris,
1638).
26
roles he played in the intellectual circles $ and the extent to which he
appears to have influenced, or to have been influenced by, his friends
and acquaintances.
"Le Bel Esprit"
Cureau de La Chambre and the French Academy
The "Academic Frangaise" as we know it today can hardly be
compared to the circle of friends who assembled-regularly around Valentin
Conrart^ to exchange ideas and criticism of each other's work as early
as 1629 or 1630.
Academies for the arts and "sciences" were already in
vogue during the sixteenth century in France,
7
but the turmoil caused by
religious wars seems to have prevented the persistence of such formally
structured Renaissance institutions into the seventeenth century.
The
academic tradition remained intact, however, in the-form-of small private
gatherings of men of similar interests: the-scientific -reunions of
the Freres Dupuy, the salons of aristocratic ladies, and the-circles of
Malherbe and Conrart all carried on activities reminiscent of the Pleiade
and of Louise LabS*s circle in Lyons.
It was nevertheless the energetic
^Concerning the early years of the French Academy, see Kerviler
and Barthelemy: Valentin Conrartj, Premier Secretaire perp&tuel de
I ’Acad&mie Frangaise (Paris, l88l), particularly chapter II, "Fondation
de I ’Academie Frangaise."
^Frances Yates has noted in her book Giordano Bruno and, the
Hermetio Tradition (Chic&go, 1964), p. 173, that in addition to Baif’s
Academy 6’f Poetry there existed nearby a special magical academy run
by Jacques Gohorry (+1576). For detailed study, see F. Yates, The
French Academies of the Sixteenth Century (London, 1947).
27
circle of Conrart that was singled out by Richelieu and offered recog­
nition by the government as an Academy.
In addition to the Cardinal's
personal appreciation for art and his private ambitions to write drama,
it is quite possible, that he saw in this young, energetic group of
friends the makings for a kind of personal press agency which he could
call to his defense if needed, and which could also serve as a means
for promoting supervised intellectual and literary activity in France.
8
Richelieu understood the importance of controlling public opinion and
as a result seemed to be on the lookout for projects which could serve as
tools for the centralization of power.
9
Undoubtedly the pension granted
8
Kerviler and Barthelemy have assessed the political motives of
Richelieu as follows; ". . . prenons la peine de reehercher les
opinions politiques des onze amis des lettres qui composaient le petit
cercle de Conrart en 1633, e eest-a-dire a une epoque ou, malgre le
succes de la Joumee des dupes, la France etait encore divisee en deux
partis; celui du Roi, reprSsentS par Richelieu, celui de Gaston et de
la Reine-Mlre, dont la rScente rSvolte venait de couter la tBte au due
de Montmorency. . . . (p. 34). Sur les onze amis amis de Conrart, e'en
Staient done huit sur lesquels Richelieu pouvait compter absolument;
la plupart s'etaient deja suffisamment compris & son service. Des trois
autres, deux seuls ne pouvaient lui etre acquis. . . . (p. 36).
Richelieu etait par consequent certain d'une tres-forte majoritS dans
le petit cenacle, et des que Boisrobert lui en eut revel# la composition,
il entrevit immediatement quel parti avantageux il pouvait en retirer
pour sa politique; en laissant aux amis de Conrart le soin de s'adjoindre
des confreres, il etait bien sur qu'on ne les prendrait point parmi ses
enneznis. . . (p. 36).
9
On the traditional role of the minister in France at the time of
Richelieu, see Chatelain, Le Surintendant N. Foucquet, p. 136; "Depuis
que les rods avaient commence de se reposer du soin de 1'Etat sur leurs
ministres, ils avaient pour une bonne part abdique ce noble privilege
de la royaute; venir en aide aux talents malheureux. Richelieu,
Mazarin, Foucquet, corame plus tard Colbert, le recueillirent dans
d'inSgales proportions." Also, p. 140; "L'HStel de Rambouillet s'etait
ouvert et preparait la fusion de la noblesse de plume et la noblesse
d'SpSe." See Chapter 1, p. 39. Also, for a contemporary work on the
28
to Renaudot for the founding of his Gazette de France in 1631 s was one
result of the Cardinal *s constant search for new ideas and talents
applicable to his overall designs.
10
As might be expected, opposition to the Academy project came
from within the Conrart circle as well as from without. The thought
*
of Richelieu's interference in the ’’acadSmie,M as it was being called
as early as 1630, did not appeal to all of its members, some of whom
were probably suspicious of the Cardinal1s motives.
The correspondence
of Chapelain includes several letters to Balzac and also to Conrart at
JonquiBres, where reference is made to the poor attendance just prior
to the signing of patent letters in 1635•
The situation was so grave
that, Chapelain remarked in August, 163%:
L'Academie est reduite au petit pied; et, si 1 ’influence
dure, il y a apparence qu’elle se rSduira a nSants les
trois demieres assemblees se sont passees sans rien
faire, et, si celle que nous aliens tenir tantot est de
meme, il lui faudra changer de nom et 1 1appeler 1 'Academic
des Faineants.H
psychology of the prime minister in France see J. Silhon, Le Ministre
d'Etccb (Leyde, l6%3).
^Concerning Richelieu's attitude towards Renaudot, see Chatelain,
note 1 of p. 1%1, where the latter quotes from D'Avenel's collection of
Lettress instructions diplomatiques et papiers d ’Etat du cardinal de
Richelieu (Paris, 1853-1877)$ the following letters: Richelieu to the
Marquis de Sourdis, June 9 or 10, 1635 (V, 6l): "La gazette fera son
devoir ou Renaudot sera privS de ses pensions dont il a joui jusqu'au
present"; and on September 15, 1638 (V, 176), to the Marquis de Chavigny
concerning the battle of Genoa: "Je vous prie de mander a Renaudot qu'il
n'imprime rien de cette action jusqu'a ce que je lui envoie la relation.
J'en ai vu une qui n'est pas bien en ce qu'elle blesse tous les capitaines
de nos galBres." He also refers the reader to VI, 13%, regarding this
point.
rassage quoted by A. Fabre in Chapelain et nos deux premieres
Academies (Paris, 1890), p. 10. For the entire text, see Lettres de
29
From the outside $ the project was being undermined-by. the op­
position of the Paris Parliament, whose members felt that Richelieu was
usurping their power.
12
With: the exception of the presidents Pierre
Seguier, parliamentarians were generally wary of the plan and refused to
approve the patent letters.
13
With. Seguier1s promotion to the office of
Seal-Bearer, the opposition in the Parliament hardened, and it was not
until July 3, 1637, that the Academy's charter was officially ratified.
By that time, the ”docte assembles" had apparently proven.itself harm­
less— the sessions consisted in endless debate and discussion over
shades of meaning in words, as the institution persisted in its dictionary project.
lU
With Richelieu's death in 1642, the future of the French Academy
hung in the balance.
A new and willing protector was found in the
Chapetain3 originally published by Tamizey de Barrogue (Paris, 1880l883) , 1 , 74 e
,
'- _ -■ —
, , .,
10
,
«
Kerviler, Ae Chaneeliev Pievre Siguier3 p. 60.
13 .
Ibid.; see pp. 31-33 on the relations between Richelieu and
the Paris Parliament.
Ih
In the Charles Livet edition of Pellisson and d'Olivet's
Eistoi?e de 1 *Academie Franqaise (Paris, 1858), I, the following account
of a typical session of the Academy during this period is related: "On
voulait examiner un mot, et de ce mot on passe & la chose dont il
presente 1'idee. Une question de grammaire devient insensiblement une
question de critique, ou d'histoire, ou de physique. Deux heures alors
sont bien courtes, dans une assemblee de gens qui ont 1 'esprit fecond
et o m e . " (p. 36) A vivid satire of such meetings can be found in
La Comedie des Academistess believed to be the work of Saint-Evremond.
Cureau is not included in the parody, however.
30
person of Pierre Seguier, now Chancellor of France, who was heartily
supported for the office by his faithful proteges„ The meeting place of
. 1 5
the organization, which had varied throughout its seven-year existence*
was now fixed at Seguier's hotel, rue de Crenelle.
Seguier remained
protector of the Academy until his death in 1672, at which time
Louis XIV assumed the honor.
These thirty years, according to Kerviler,
"resterent dens la memoirs des academicians, comme une periods libre et
calme de leur histoire: il arriva deux ou trois fois, que 1'Academic
sollicitee, laissa pent-'etre un pen dieter ses choix, mais jamais un
acte de despotisme ne troubla la bonne entente.”^
,
It is interesting to follow the career of Cureau during the
early years of the Academy's shaky existence, for he seems to have
played a rather preponderant role in determining its political direc­
tives.
He is recorded as having first attended a meeting on January 2,
1635, after being elected to the 36th chair.
At this time a drawing was
held, and each member asked to present a lecture on a subject of his
choice.
Cureau's topic, "Que les Frangois sont les plus capables de
tous les peuples, de la perfection de 1'e l o q u e n c e w a s delivered at the
meeting held on March 19 of that same year, and it was this theme that
was to become the basis for the famous preface to his treatise on diges­
tion, which we examined in the previous chapter.
■^See Fab re, Chapelain et nos deux iprerrri'&pes Acad&rties3
pp. 84-85, for the reproduction of a table showing the various places
where the Academy held its meetings between 1629 and 1673.
l6
Kerviler, Le Chanceliev Pierre S&guier3 p. 151.
31
The.subject of this lecture is:central to.Cureau's-works, since
the vieu he upholds "with regard to the eloquence of the French.people
is derived from the medical theory of temperaments, an aspect of the
more general astrological teaching that climate.plays a significant role
in the shaping of national character. By geographical location, the
French come the closest to the ninth or ideal temperament of.perfect
proportion in the distribution of the four bodily humors--blood, phlegm,
choler, and melancholy.
Graced with a nearly perfect physical disposi­
tion, the French nation thus harbors potential for making the greatest
contribution to the arts and political sciences, the proper exercise of
which requires, humoral equilibrium.
We find the major themes of this
text elaborated,in all of La Chambre's works, but most particularly in
L'Art de oonnoistre les Hormes, where he sets forth the methodology
according to which the divination of character may be practiced by
trained individuals.
Although Cureau did a great.deal to popularize these theories
in France, he was by no means the first doctor to apply them to the
context of organizing a political state.
A similar project had already
been outlined by the Spanish physician from Baeza, Dr. Juan Huarte de
San Juan,as early as 1575, in his controversial book Et Exarnen de tos
ingenios.
According to Gabriel Perouse, author of a recent study of
Huarte's ideas and their importance in the shaping of seventeenth- and
-17
eighteenth-century French thought,. ' "L!Anaerise de I'Espagnol” as it
17
"L 'Examen des Esprits" du Doetew? Juan Huarte de San Juan:
Sa diffusion et son influence en "Franoe aux XVIe et XVlie si'&cles
32
was called.in France, quickly became a.modern classic in Parisian in­
tellectual circles. : While there are important differences, "between
Huarte's conception of “temperament" and La Chambre’s theory of the
"soul," as we shall see in Part II, the two doctors agreed on the need
for an "art of knowing men" in the organization of the state and the
filling of its offices.
Juan Huarte's misfortune was to have introduced
these revolutionary ideas in an atmosphere of intellectual repression
and rigid Catholicism;"1"
La Chambre found a much more favorable market
for his plans in Richelieu and Louis XIII, who in 1635 listened intently
to the utopie rhetoric of Tommaso Campaaella for the establishment of a
City of the Sun in Paris.
There is no doubt that the designs for build­
ing a great nation were real at that time— Campanella lived to proclaim
the birth of the dauphin and to hail him as the future Sun King!
(Paris, 1970). As Perouse points out, the importance of Huarte is not
in his having discovered anything new. Like La Chambre, he was a faith­
ful student of the Masters of medical and philosophical tradition who
saw in the theory of temperaments an as yet untapped application to
intellectual life. Among the authors of the Renaissance who inspired
them both in this direction is Jerome Cardano and his analysis of the
traditional theory of climates— a theory which was revived in French
thought by Montaigne and his faithful disciple and commentator Charron,
in De la sagesse (see I, 320-33).
■
18
Huarte's Examen knew eight years of wide circulation in
Portugal and Spain before it was placed on the Index" in both countries,
in 1581 and 1583 respectively. The Baezan physician envisioned the
organization of a state-wide educational program which would train
individuals according to their temperamental dispositions. However, in
Spain the decline of international power and influence was prefigured in
the suppression of all free thought, and the expulsion in 1609 of all
Jews was but the culmination of a movement away from intelleetualism
begun at the end of the fifteenth century.
33
While La Chambre’s hopes for making France "une Academie,
oii I 1on verra encore revenir tons les peuples de 1 'Europe, pour
apprendre des Lettres” (Pref. Dig*; Epttv@ss p. 2kl) was supported by a
large faction of the intellectual community, there were many who feared
the dissolution of European cosmopolitanism that Latin had fostered
among different countries.
Hence, certain people expressed their op­
position. to the overall design in attacks directed against the use of
the common language for scientific discourse.
The lawyer, Jean Belot,
for example, reacted to La Chambre's preface by publishing an apology
for the Latin language in which he protests the physician's effort to
extend the use of French to all areas.^
The noted grammarian. Menage,
also took issue with La Chambre in his Requete des diatiormcdveSy in
which the former reviews the Belot-La Chambre controversy in the form
of an epigram addressed to the French Academy:
. . . Un de vos plus grands partisans,
Afin de nous faire injustice,
Et par belle et pure malice,
Auroit de son autorite
Dans 1 'avant-propos d'un traitS
Qu'il fait suivant son caprice
De la faeultS coneoctrice [digestive]
(Mais qui par ses obscuritSs
Cause au lecteur des crudites)
Banni de notre royaume
Du latin le doete idiome,
Comma langage du pedant. . . .20
19
-
<*•
Jean Belot, kgotogie de la longue latine eonlre la preface
de AT de la Chambre en son Livre desnNouoeUes Conjectures de la
Digestion" ('Pa.vis, 1637) °
PO
Menagiana*
e
Quoted by Kerviler, Revue du Mazne, II, 51-52, from
34
Despite the opposition and satirical criticism, Cureau remained un­
daunted in his use of French;'however, in 1655s he did publish:a com­
mentary on Aristotle and Hippocrates, written in Latin, probably in­
tended to demonstrate to his critics that he was in fact capable of ex­
pressing himself in "le docte idiome" if he so desired.
Richelieu's confidence in the abilities and loyalties of
Cureau is borne out by the fact that he made a request for the now
well established academician to prepare an answer.to Charles Hersant,
canon of the church at Metz, who had accused, the Cardinal of harboring
secret designs for becoming patriarch of France.
This accusation was
based in part on Richelieu's condonation of a pamphlet entitled
"Libertes de 1 'Eglise gallicane," which had recently been, placed.on the
Index.
In answer to Hersant's Optccti GaVLi- de cccoendo schismate3 Cureau
riposted with Les Observations de Philat&the sur ten libette intituZ$
U0ptatus Gatlus" (l6k0), in which he attempts to show that the freedoms
exercised by the Gallican Church are as old as the Church.itself; only
in recent times had ruthless clergy assumed an authority for themselves
that was neither sanctioned by the Scriptures nor intended in the creeds
concluded at ecumenical councils.
L a .Chambre accuses Hersant of an
ignorance with regard to Church tradition, and it is this ignorance
which makes it possible for him to. question the religious ethics of
Richelieu.
There is no doubt that "Philalethe's” rebuttal is sound—
however, it is not clear that La Chambre really believed the Cardinal's
motivations to be completely devoid of personal ambition.
In any.event,
the physician astutely fulfills his assignment to defend.the Cardinal
...
35
by presenting valid grounds for his right to exert certain liberties as
head of the Gallican Church without actually confronting Hersant’s
doubts regarding Richelieu's intimate designs and aspirations.
After the death of Richelieu whose eulogy La Chambre was to
\
have delivered at the December 9 $ 16U2 meeting of the Academyg a new
protector had to be chosen for the illustrious company.
Among those
recommended for the honor were Seguiers Mazarin s and the Duke of
Enghien (Conde). La Chambre and other academicians housed by SSguier
strongly endorsed the candidature of their patron, who was finally
chosen to fill the vacancy.
A few years later, we find La Chambre
working again behind the scenes to insure Seguier*s authority:
recogniz­
ing the danger of partisan politics within the Academy, the physician
successfully engineered the adoption of a resolution requiring the ap­
proval of the protector before a candidate could be considered for
membership.
21
While managing to secure Siguier's control over the admission
of new academicians, Cureau's own power within the organization was
enhanced by a series of fortuitous events.
In 1658, through a drawing
of lots, the physician became director of the Academy.
The usual tenure
22
of this office was quite short;
however, Cureau's period of service
^Pellisson e t d ’Olivet, ed. by Ch. Livet, Histoire de Z tAaad$mi.e
Fr-anqaiseg 1, 150-51.
22
The
two of which—
were selected
Pellisson and
French Academy chose four officers from among its ranks,
the director fd-ireotenri and the chancellor (ehanceli.er)-by a drawing of lots to serve for two-month intervals.
D'Olivet have noted, however, that on certain occasions
36
is well remembered by the company because it was in March of 1658 that
the illustrious assembly received Christine of Sweden— a great admirer
of Descartes— at one of its meetings.
According to Patru’s account of
this session, Cureau, acting in his official capacity as director,
gallantly received and entertained the queen by reading her the first '
chapter of his Traiti de la Doulewps the most recent installment to his
Charaot&res dea Passions*
Evidently she was favorably impressed, for
when La Chambre offered to stop reading after the first chapter, she
entreated him to continue, responding to the author's suggestion that
she might be bored;
"Point du tout , ear je m 6imagine que le reste
ressemble & ce que vous venes de lire."
23
Letters in Cureau's correspondence attest to his ongoing associa­
tion with the intellectually curious Swedish queen; addressing himself
'to Christine through her first physician— his longtime friend, Bourdelot
the term could be extended by consent of the assembly. The two re­
maining officers— the secretary (secretaire) and the librarian (iibraire)
were life-time positions— -the first was elected by suffrage, the second
was appointed and could be replaced upon improper execution of his
duties. The chancellor served as the keeper of the seals and the offi­
cial transactor of company business. The director1s function was to
preside at the meetings and to maintain order "comme il se doit entre
personnes ega3. e s as the Statutes of the Academy read. These two offi­
cers could substitute for one another if the occasion or circumstances
demanded. The secretary was in charge of maintaining the register,
signing all acts and storing the titles and official papers of the
Academy, in addition to carrying out all formal correspondence. The
librarian was expected to attend all meetings and to be available for
receipt of orders from the assembly for the printing and publication of
works reviewed at the meetings.
23
Pellisson and D'Olivet, ed. Ch. Livet, Histoive de I *Academic
Franqaises II, U50-5U.
37
(the M.
B.D.M. of his Discours sur lee Pvincipes de la Chiromanae et
2k
de la Mitoposcopie) — he continued to send copies of his works to
Sweden, where they were discussed in the intellectual circles pf that
country.2'’
Cureau's directorship also witnessed an important contact be­
tween the French Academy and the "Messieurs" of Port-Royal on a ques­
tion having to do with proper usage of French grammar.
In a letter
from Amauld to Madame de Sable cited by Sainte-Beuve in Book III of
his Port-Royal3 Cureau is singled out as an authority in matters per­
taining to the French language, even though Arnauld's reaction to the
26
company's considerations is one of undisguised disappointment.
2^See Letter VI, La Cambre to Bourdelot, in Epttress pp. 69-72.
^Ibid., p. 71.
26
.
.
The context of Arnauld's remarks pertaining to La Chambre is
as follows: "On ne peut rien voir de plus obligeant que la rSponse
de 1 1Academic; mais comme vous auriez sujet de trouver mauvais que je
ne vous parlasse pas avec toute sorte de sincerite, je vous dirai
franchement que j'attendois quelque chose davantage d'une si celebre
Compagnie: car, des cinq questions qui leur avoient ete proposees,
n'y ayant que la derniere qui regarde la Grammaire frangoise en particu­
ller , & les quatre premieres regardant la Grammaire generale, & etant
du nombre de celles que M. de La Chambre avoue ne se pouvoir bien
resoudre que par les plus hautes meditations de la philosophic, il eut
ete a desirer qu'ils s'y fussent plutot appliques qu'a la derniere,
qu'ils pouvoient avec plus de raison remettre a la Grammaire frangoise
que les premieres, puisqu'on n'a pas accoutume de trailer dans les
Grammarres particulieres ce qui est commun a toutes les langues. Peut"etre que ces Messieurs ont cru que les demandes qu'on leur faisoit sur
la nature du vevbe3 du velatif, de l'infinitif3 etc., n savoient point
de difficulties considerables, & que taut d'habiles gens, comme entre
autres Scaliger le pere,ayant fait des livres entiers pour expliquer
ces choses selon les principes de la philosophie, & d'une maniere plus
re levee que le commun des grammairiens, il n'y avoit point d'apparence
38
By all accounts, La Chambre's participation in the French
Academy was an important factor in establishing his reputation abroad
as a loyal patriot and champion of French letters.
In terms of the
author's personal career, however, the Academy did very little to diffuse his ideas,.mong the French lettered public.
Whether because of
jealousies regarding the selection of new members, nepotism (a sin of
27
which La Chambre1s family was quite guilty),
or because of the rather
pompous and pedantic nature of the company's activities, the young Aca­
demy was often ridiculed by libertine thinkers who mocked its endless,
qu'elles eus sent besoin d'une nouvelle explication. Mais vous saurez,
Madame [de SablS], que c'est particulierement ce que je desirois savoir
s'ils Stoient dans ce sentiment? Car je vous avoue que j'en suis fort
Sloigne, & que tout ce que disent les livres sur ces quatre questions
ne me satisfait en aucune sorte; & comme il m'est venu quelques pensees
sur ce sujet, j'en aurois fait plus d'estime si elles s 'etoient trouvees
conformes a celles de ces Messieurs, Apres tout, Madame, ce seroit bien
mal reconnoitre 1 'obligation que nous leur avons de I 1instruction qu'ils
nous ont donnee, que de nous arreter a faire des plaintes de ce qu'ils
n' ont pas juge nous en devoir donner d'autres. La maniere dont ils ont
resolu la question qui regardoit parti culierement la Langue frangoise
temoigne une si exacte recherche de toutes les fagons de parler de notre
Langue, qu'il n'y a rien de parfait & d'achevS qu'on ne doive attendre
de cette Compagnie, si elle donne au public, comme on nous le fait
esperer, ses mediatations & ses remarques. Vous voulez bien neanmoins,
Madame, que je vous propose quelques petits doutes.. ( Sainte-Beuve$
PoTt-Royals ed. R.-L. Doyon and Ch. Marchesne, Paris, 1927, V, 68. The
letter is from Arnauld to Madame de Sable and is dated 21 Nov. 1969°)
27
In Charles Perrault's Mimoires^ the following account appears
with regard to his election to the Academy; "M. Colbert m'ayant
demandS des nouvelles de 1 'AcadSmie frangoise dans la pensee qu'il
avoit que j'en etois, je lui repondis que je n'en savois point, n 'ayant
pas 1 'honneur d'etre de cette Compagnie. II parut etonnS et me dit
qu'il falloit que j'en fusse. . . . Peu de temps apres, M. Boileau,
frere de M. Despreaux, vint a mourir, tons les Academicians a qui j'en
parlai ou fis parler, me prominent leur voix et me dirent qu'il
falloit avoir 1'agrement de M. le Chancelier. L'itant alle trouver a
Saint-Germain-en-Laye, il me dit qu'il avoit promis la place que je
lui demandois a M1116 la marquise de Quiche, sa fille, pour M, 1'abbe de
39
seemingly fruitless debates.
28
Thus» while La Chambre1s membership in
the group may have helped in transmitting his ideas outside Frances in
Paris, an author1s acclamation was not assured until he passed by the
censure of the major salons and "ruelles” of the city,
Cureau at the "Palais de Solon"
.
Pierre Seguier* s role as a patron of the arts has been vastly
overlooked.
The only in-depth biography we have of this man is the one by
Maine historian BenS Kerviler, Le Chancel'Ler' Pierre S&guiev, written well
before the turn of the century = Nonwithstanding its undeniable impor­
tance as a primary source of documentation, this study lacks a critical
approach.
As Roland Mousnier points out, the style is more hagiographies!
than critical.^
The former ’’Fonds Saint-Germain” now housed in the
Montigny; mais qu'il me donneroit son agrement avec plaisir pour la
premiere qu’il vaqueroit.
A quelques mois de la, M. de La Chambre, medecin tres-cilebre
et de I ’Academie frangoise, vint a mourir; toute I ’Academie rSsolut de
me nommer eL sa place; mais M. Colbert me dit que je n'y songeasse pas,
parce que M. de La Chambre, medecin et fils du defunt, lui en avoit
parle pour son frere, cure de Saint-Barthelemy. Je n ’y songeai plus,
et il fallut solliciter puissamment presque tous ceux de la Compagnie
qui me vouloient nommer, de ne rien faire, en leur representant de
quelle consequence il seroit, qu’a mon occasion, 1 ’intention de M. Col- bert ne fut pas exScutee. M. de La Chambre fut done elu et j 1attend!s
encore. Le procSdS de I ’Academie dont j’ltois fort content, deplut
tellement a mes freres, et ils me fatiguerent si fort la-dessus, que je
laissai passer MM. Regnier et Quinault et plusieurs autres| mais enfin
M. 1 ’abbe de Montigny, eve que de Leon, St ant mort, I ’Academie me nomma
sans que je fisse aucune sollicitation. (In Pellisson et D ’Olivet,
His toire de I 'Aoademie Franqaise, n , ed. by Ch. Livet, U62-463.)
^ % e e infra> note 14.
2^Roland Mousnier, Lettves et mimoives odressis ecu ehaneelier
Pierre Seguier (1632-1649)s Paris, 196%, I, 26.
Bibliotheque Rationale» is comprised, of forty-six volumes, all part of
the Seguier collection.
However> an appreciable part of this collection
disappeared at the time of the French Revolution and is scattered in
libraries of other countries.
For example, the most important volumes
constitute what has become known as the '’Fonds Doubrovskys" and can only
be consulted in Leningrad.
Ho duplication of materials is permitted,
making the task very difficult for foreign scholars.
Mousnier has at­
tempted to piece together notes taken from these manuscripts in the
Soviet Union, and much of the correspondence seems to involve requests
for the acquisition of hew library materials, a project for which
SSguier had his own special staff of bargainers.
For the present, how­
ever , our conception of the Seguier hotel must be based on contemporary
observation and opinion, with the further reservation that Seguier him­
self might have destroyed any material deemed potentially injurious to
31
his king and his government.
We have already alluded to the library of Seguier, so vast that
it rivaled the royal library and Mazarin1s personal collection.
Both
Seguier and Mazarin opened their doors to researchers, rich and poor
alike, as indicated in this ’’Rymaille sur les plus celebres bibliothieres
de Paris, "by Gyrouargue Simpliste:
^Ibid*j p. 26.
31
Kerviler notes in Le Chanceli-ez* Pierre Stguier that Siguier's
father is known to have destroyed material to rally support for Henry IV.
Thus, there exists a strong family tradition of loyalty to the monarchy
and a precedent for destroying material to protect it. See pp. 6ff.
kl
La Bibliotheque royale
Pour tout le monde est doctrinale,
A cells de Seguier ehaacelier
Pauvre et riche y vont etudier =,
Tons studieux out un znagasin
Chez le cardinal Mazarin.32
The Siguier collection was, of course, at the ready disposal of
his personal staff which may have been engaged in some sort of project
concerning.the rites and practices of ancient civilizations.
33
Siguier
had a profound love for history, and his pet interest, according to
Kerviler, was theology. He lavished the fortunes of his family— one of
the oldest in France— on acquisitions and as a result, is said to have
3^
died a poorer man than he was born.
Knowing this much about Siguierfs
tastes, and adding this information to what we have said about Cureau1s
relationship with him, we can guess that the ambience of his hotel was
one of study and serious conversation, where Seguier6s will became the
obligation of his proteges.
Cureau would obviously have made a variety of contacts among the
household staff:
Daniel de Priezae (professor-lawyer), Jean Balledaas
(lawyer), Germain Habert, abb! de Clrisy (a poet), and Faul-Philippe de
Chaumont (a bishop). However, there are two people associated with
32
Paris, 1649, une feuille in quarto. Kerviler has reproduced
the text in Le Chancetier Pierre S&guier on p. 158.
^See Chapter 1, p. 10.
34
Letter of Madame de Slvigne, ed. Grouvelle, sterSot„, II, 392$
"Lettre a Mme de Grignan (Feb. 3, 1672). Quoted by Kerviler, Le
Chancetier Pierre S$guier3 p. 144.
k2
Siguier’s hotel who are of particular interest to our purposes here:
Jacques Esprit, future author of La Faussete des Vevtus humaines and
one of the Jansenist habitues of the Marquise de Sable's salon, and the
famous painter-decorator Charles Lebrun, who founded the French Academy
of Painting.
Both of these men reflect attitudes in their works similar
to those defended by Cureau in Les Charaat^res de Passions^ and may well
have been influenced in the directions they pursued in later life by
conversations with the wise doctor.
Jacques Esprit resided at the Hotel Seguier from 1636 to 164U,
when he was obliged to leave over a matter involving the secret marriage
of Siguier's daughter.
During this time, he frequented both the
Hotels of Rambouillet and Lianeourt, and it was at Lian court in partic­
ular that Father Rapin reports his having introduced Jansenist
ideas.^
Later on, he became one of the most ardent defenders of "la
doctrine de Port-Royal," and a faithful guest at both the salons of
Mesdames De Longueville and De Sable, where he was highly regarded by
La Rochefoucauld.
We know that Cureau spent time at Rambouillet as well
as at Port-Royal, and certainly must have engaged in conversations with
Esprit and La Rochefoucauld at several points in their respective
careers, though we find no correspondence between Cureau and the author
of Les Maximes.
The importance accorded to theories of man based on
medical observations seems to have increased over the years as doctors
attached to important men became familiar figures in the intellectual
"^Kerviler, Le Chaneelie? Pierre Siguiers p. 518.
43
circles of Paris, and many of the ideas regarding the passions developed
in works like Lea CharaciSres des Passions^ appear in the mature writ­
ings of both Esprit and La Rochefoucauld (see chapter 8 ).
Even more striking than the possible literary expression of
these ideas, and easier to trace with regard to La Cham.bre *s .thought,is
the ongoing association he had with the master of French neo-Classical
style, Charles' Lebrun.
The extreme difference in their ages to­
gether with the circumstances of their respective intellectual contacts
makes it likely that any "influence" went from the older La Chambre to
the bright young boy of thirteen who presented the president of the
Paris Parliament, Pierre Seguierwith a pen sketch of the famous paint­
ing of Louis XIII on horseback in 1632.
So impressed was Seguier with
the promise of Lebrun *s precocious talent that he immediately granted
him a pension to study in Rome, and offered him residence in the Rue de
Crenelle hotel when in Paris.
Lebrun remained in close association
with Seguier over the years, particularly after 1648 when the Chancellor
was named protector of the newly formed Academy of Painting and Sculpture,
and Lebrun succeeded through a drawing of lots in becoming one of the
twelve "anciens" or masters.
According to C..H. Stranahan in A History of French Painting
from its Earliest to its Latest Practicey Including an Account of the
French Academy of Painting3 its Salonss Schools of Instruction and
Regulation (New York, 1888), Lebrun’s virtual dictatorship at the
Academy was prompted by his reputation at the Court. There were twelve
"anciens" named at the time of its founding, who took turns each month in
giving instructions to students. Prior to 1655$ when these "anciens"
were renamed "professeurs," they also took tri-monthly turns as "Rector,"
whose duties included the direction of the opening of exhibitions and
w
At the Academy, Lebrun quickly became a predominant figure.
Engaged by Foucquet, and then by Louis XIV for the designing of their
respective palaces at LeVaux and Versailles, the neo-Classical style
became the model to which aspiring artists tried to conform.
By 1655,
when a regulation in the Academy's statutes named all twelve of the
"anciens" professors, Lebrun had established himself as an authority on
the proper manner of expressing various passions.
In addition to his
artistic production, Lebrun wrote a book on the method of painting
designed for the beginner, and delivered several conferences on the art
of portraying emotion.
The texts of several such conferences are con­
served in the Bibliotheque des Beaux-Arts under the rubric "Conferences
sur 1'expression des differents characteres des passions" along with
another treatise on physiognomy where "les rapports de la physique de
I'homme avec celle des animaux" are examined.
The content of these
works proves to be as revealing as their titles:
Cureau had to be a
source of inspiration for the painter's methodology,
37
just as Descartes'
theory of the pineal gland formed the basis of his psychophysiology.
giving bi-monthly lectures comparing the various works. The Academy
also included professors of both anatomy and geometry in its corps of
instruction, whose lectures supplemented the supervision of the
"anciens" in the student workshop on nude models.
37Chatelain underlines the kinship between the theories of
La Chambre and Lebrun in connection with Foucquet's sculptor at LeVaux,
Anguier. Speaking about the letter's conferences at the Academy around
1670, he writes: "Analyse-t-il [Anguier] les signes caracteristiques
de la colere, enumere-t-il les differents types de gens emportes, vous
diriez une page du Tva/it& des Pass-ions de Lebrun ou un chapitre de
t ’Art de oonno^tre les hormes." (p. 420)
In the literary salons of
Madame de Rambouillet and
Mademoiselle de Scudery
It is quite possible that Denisot or Bouvard introduced La
Chambre to SSguier or to Richelieu in the "chambre bleue” of "la divine
ArthSnice5" the fashionable literary salon whose prerequisite for entry
was wit and intelligence, not blue blood lines.
In any case, after his
installation at the Hotel Seguier, Cureau was a familiar guest at the
Hotel de Rambouillet, and it was probably here that he made the acquain­
tance of some of the most brilliant figures in Parisian society, many of
whom he would find again in later years at the reunions of Madame de
38
Sable at Port-Royal, frequented, by many "prScieux sur le r e t o u r " i n
the Marais residence of Madeleine de Scudery; or at the "femme savante,"
Madame de La Sabliere’s . The Rambouillet salon served as a sort of
stepping stone for Cureau, who quickly earned himself the reputation as
a doctor qualified not only in matters, relating to medicine, but also
as an astute judge of character.
Assuming the success Of his treatise
on L ’arnow? d*inclination, which had the additional backing of his medi­
cal knowledge, it seems likely that Cureau acted as a kind of consultant
to the lovelorn in affairs of the heart.
This possibility is borne out
by the "roman precieux" of one of his compatriots, Roland Le Vayer de
Boutigny, who published the adventures of his Tansis et Z&lie in 1665*
In this four-volume work,. Cureau appears as the wise old "medecin des
H. Ivanoff, La Marquise de Sable etsonSalon (Paris, 1927),
p. 89.
46
.corps et des times" bearing the symbolic name of Eras-istrate^
39
who helps
the hero Tarsis to win the hand of Zelie after the typical long series
of trials and tribulations.
As Kerviler points out:
TaTsis n'est autre que 1 1auteur lui-mSme; et son but
• est surtout de raeonter I ’histoire de ses longues
amours avec Marguerite Sevin, fille du lieutenant
general de Beaumont, qu'il epousa enfin le 16 fevrier
1659 apres sept ans d ’attente, a I'exemple de
Montausier qui avait soupire douze ans dans les
salons de 1 1hStel de Rambouillet aux pieds de la
belle Julie d'Agennes avant d'obtenir sa main.^O
After the Fronde, the Hotel de Rambouillet began to give way to
new salons, most of which seemed more specifically inclined either
towards literature or towards science and philosophy.
The "prScieux"
tradition begun at Rambouillet was continued and perfected in one of the
noted bourgeois salons centered around Mile de Scudery.
Here, idealis­
tic and romanesque sentiments, stylized conversation, and euphemism were
cultivated to the point of absurdity, probably
Les Pr-ieieuses
V'tdioules.
not unlike inMoliere's
Cureau attended the Saturday reunions of this
society in "Sapho's" Marais hotel, along with some of his fellow acade­
micians— Conrart, Chape lain, Godeau— , where he was probably known by the
30
Epas%stvatos; a Greek physician believed to have been de­
scended from Aristotle through the letter’s daughter; renowned for his
theory of pneuma which anticipated the discovery of blood circulation.
He regarded health as controllable through maintenance of proper levels
of these pneuma^ or air-like spirits, in the arteries, and believed
that diseases are idiosyncratic disorders that affect individuals
differently. During the latter part of his life, he was particularly
interested in brain anatomy and physiology.
^Kerviler, p. l6l.
47
pseudonym "Philalethe
adopted at the time when he wrote his obser­
vations on Hers ant !s Opiatus Gallus*
Judging by his writing style s
Cureau was by no means exempt from the hyperbolic expression of the
'‘prScieux"; the gallantry of his letters to Mile de Scudery match the
prose of Sapho and the poetry of Voiture.
In fact, it was Cureau1s
convoluted, often extravagant style which had earned him the epithet
of "le beau tSnSbreux" in the eyes of Samuel-Joseph SorbiBre.
Though
the "precieux” spirit may have affected his manner of writing, for the
phllosophically minded who overlooked the stylistic difficulties^
Cureau1s theory on the passions and the "art of knowing men" which
43
it implied, could hardly be dismissed as a "perpetuel galimathias" . or
as a mere "jeu de salon."
The most important discussions involving the
far-reaching aspects of Cureau1s thought probably did not take place
either at the Hotel de Rambouillet or in Mile de ScudSry‘s salon of
"precieux ridicules."
The philosophical and scientific circles of "les
femmes savantes" provided a much more propitious setting for such con­
versation.
^hLlat&the: In his Mimoires pour s ewir ct I 'histoire de la
Faculty de M&deeine due Montpetli,er3 Astruc identifies him as "I’aneien
medecin de Marseille, qui vivait sous Tibere & que Galien a beaucoup
vante. II foumissait la base et le texte des legons." See Astruc,
preface, ix.
^Lettres et diseours de if de Sorbv&re svr diversee mati^res
(Paris, l66o)$ p. 77«
k3Ibid., p. 78.
The philosophical arid scientific
reunions
At Madame de Sable’s. Various attempts have been made to piece
together the activities of the curious group that gathered regularly
at the Marquise de Sable’s Port-Royal residence.
Edouard de BarthSleiny
lik
Victor Cousin,
and most recently Nicolas Ivanoff^ have suc­
ceeded in giving us an interesting and provocative picture of this
salon largely through careful readings of the notebooks of a certain
Dooteia* Vallant3 who functioned as a sort of perpetual secretary at
the meetings.
In these famous portfolios (now housed in the Depart­
ment of Manuscripts at the Bibliotheque Nationals in Parish) one
finds letters exchanged between many of the regular guests, recipes
for remedies and medication for emotional disorders such as melancholia,
and parts of various published works including several of the Pensees
of Pascal as they were originally presented to the assembly.
Among the
ardent participants at these gatherings were several Jansenists:. Arnauld,
Jacques Esprit, and Madame de SablS herself, who upon conversion to the
UU
V. Cousin, Madame de Sablt: Nouvelles Etudes sur les
fermes illustres et la 80ci&t& du XVIIe sieale (Paris, 1859).
k5
.
.
E. De Barthelemy, Les Amis de la Marquise de S a b :
Eeeueil de lettres des prineipaux habitues de son salon (Paris, 1865).
^ N . Ivanoff, La Marquise de Sabl& et son Salon (Paris, 1927).
h ’j
'The text of the manuscript also is appended to P.-E. Le
Maguet’s Le Monde m&dieal parisien sous le Grand Roi (Paris, 1899).
49
new faith, retired.from worldly life, and took an apartment adjoining
the Port-Royal convent in Paris.. However, the company was not restricted
to this religious group; La Rochefoucauld, Cureau de La Chambre, and two
other doctors of Madame de Sable— La Mesnardiere and Antoine Menjot,
were also regular guests at the Marquise’s salon, along with Jesuits,
Calvinists, poets, and several cultivated, men of the period like the
Epicurean bon-vivant Saint-Evremond and the bel esprit and friend of
Pascal, Le Chevalier de Mere.^
Before turning our attention to Cureau in particular, it will be
helpful to consider for a moment the rather unique character of this
salon, totally different in atmosphere from the literary reunions of
Rambouillet and Scudery.
At the Marquise de Sable’s, the ”Carte du
Tendre" was replaced by
a taste for moral reflection and psychological
observation cast in the
form of maxims perfected by the effortsof the
group.
According to Nicolas Ivanoff, the proceedings were as follows:
La docte assembles s ’erigeait en une sorte de tribunal.
Quelqu'un des invitSs mettait sur le tapis une question
qu'il puisait soit dans sa propre experience, soit dans
ses lectures [Note: "Ainsi La Rochefoucauld consuitait
la ’Sonde de la Conscience’ de Daniel Dyke et Mme de
Sable mettait a contribution ’L ’oraculo manual’ de
Baltasar Grecian]. Les autres s 'ingeniaient a la
discuter. Les opinions qui avaient plu, qui avaient
regu 1'agrement de 1 ’assembles etaient notees par m
secretaire.49
I18
Ivanoff, p. 89.
^Ibid., p. 130.
At least four of the regular participants in the salon published
maxims or pensees coined at these sessions, the most famous, of course,
SO
being the Maximes of La Rochefoucauld and the Pens$es of Pascal.'
The
11authors” were not jealous of their work; in fact. La Rochefoucauld ad­
mits having frequently submitted some of his manuscripts to the scrutiny
of Jacques Esprit , and he often solicited the opinion of Madame de SablS
who, in the words of the famous scandal sheet chronicler Tallemant des
Beaux, ”ne sgaurait souffrir ni relation ni histoire; il ne lui faut que
51
des dissertations.
It is interesting to compare the works of the various well-known
authors involved in the activities of this salon.
Out of the discus­
sions that took place, there developed a theory on man’s nature that was
held in common by the group and, thus, constituted the underlying atti­
tude of individual works.
However, each author arrived at conclusions
suiting his outlook on life and challenged the views of others in polite
conversation.
Pascal, for example, would not have hesitated to endorse
some of the most pessimistic observations coined in the maxims of La
Rochefoucauld.
But for Pascal, all evidence of the viciousness of human
nature only strengthened the Christian argument in support of man’s need
for divine grace; whereas, for La Rochefoucauld, religious absolutes did
not preoccupy him.
Madame de Sable also shared many of La Rochefoucauld’s
^Published collections include Madame de SablS’s Maxims and
Amauld d ’Ailly’s Pens$ess bound together in one volume by D ’Ailly
in 1678 following the death of Madame de Sable.
'tallemant Des Reaux, Bistoxieitess III, 137.
views on false virtue, "but always defended the possibility for friend­
ship based on mutual admiration and respect;" La Rochefoucauld regarded
friendship as an exchange of interests from which both parties profited
equally.
In short, the tacit policy of the group seems to have been
live and let live inasmuch as each person’s morality was to be considered
in relation to age, temperament, and experience.
The important thing
was to be able to maintain a dialogue with others in view of reaching
an agreement on some sort of a social order which could accommodate
human nature in general without short-circuiting and stifling the need
for individuality.
At the core of this view of man is an idea which transcends the
diversity of conclusions reached from any single vantage point: the
psychologico-medical theory of temperaments and.humors.
Letters and
manuscripts of other kinds left in the portfolios of Valiant indeed bear
witness to the avid interest in medical thought and opinion.
Madame de
Sabl6, for one, wrote a discourse against doctors in which she deplores
the traditional cure of blood-letting.
She is also known to have col­
lected recipes for concoctions like "potable gold," "philosophical salt,"
and "snake powder," many of which are recorded in Valiant’s notebooks.^
As legend would have it, she was living testimony to the success of
these potions, andmaintained her youthful appearance at an advanced
age.
She enjoyed distributing samples of her famous snake powder among
^Ivanoff, p. 113.
52
her friends who shared her taste for strange home-made remedies as well
as for flavorful candies and jellies.
53
Interest in medicine and criticism of practices such as blood­
letting were not by any means unique to the salon of the Marquise de Sabi#. •
Boileau, Moliere, and Madame de Sevigne who adored medicine but ridiculed
doctors,
to name only the most "well-known critics, made fun of the pro­
fession as it shared in the growing pains of scientifically-based arts
in the process of breaking away from astrological doctrines*
What is im­
portant, however, and probably peculiar to the salon of Madame de Sable,
is that medical thought became the motivation for an inquiry into human
behavior, leaving the problem of morality up to personal discretion.
A number of letters written by Madame de Sabi# along with several
remarks noted in the portfolios of Valiant and in the papers of Valentin
.Conrart indicate that Cureau was a frequent and. esteemed guest at the .
Port-Royal, salon.
Along with other physicians in regular attendance
there, he undoubtedly shared in the coining of maxims, an amusement for
which Hippocrates* aphorisms provided an excellent model.
Though the Marquise opened her Port-Royal salon to her friends
early in the 1650*5 , the important period of the group's existence did
not come until somewhat later.
Between 1658 and 1662 were the
golden years when vigorous apologists for the Jansenist cause such as
Le Grand Arnauld and Jacques Esprit presented their controversial ideas
•^Ivanoff, p. 121.
■^Le Haguet, p. 216
53
in an atmosphere of serious-minded conversation and lively debate.
ing this period of intense activity, it
physically
Dur­
is unlikely that Pascalwas
in attendance since by 165U, if not before, his healthhad
55
deteriorated to the point where he was confined to his quarters.
Howf
'
ever, he continued to maintain contact with the group, frequently sub­
mitting his "thoughts" to their weekly assemblies for criticism and
commentary.
It is not surprising that this group soon fell under the watch­
ful eye of Cardinal Mazarin whose attention was constantly fixed on
potentially subversive gatherings of aristocrats unsympathetic to the
monarchy during the Fronde as well as on radical religionists.
As he
noted in his personal Caxmetti:
Madame
de Longueville est tres liee avec la marquise de
Sable.
Dans la maison de Madame de Sable viennent continuellement d'Andilly, la princesse de Guemenee,
d'Enghien et sa soeur, Nemours et beaucoup d'autres.
On y parle tres librement de tout le monde. II faut
,-g
avoir quelqu'un qui avertisse de tout ce qui se passera.
In a letter to Mazarin dated 1658, Cureau alludes to his regular visits
with the Cardinal, although there is no mention of anyone connected with
In his biography entitled Pascal: The Life of Genius (1937)»
Morris Bishop restricts the worldly period of Pascal to the years be­
tween 1649 and 1654, although he notes that many other students of
Pascal's life believe Pascal was forced to retire from active circula­
tion as early as 1652. See p. 135.
r6
Z1 Quoted by Roger Picard, Les Salons litt&raives et la spci&t&
franqaise: 1610-1789
1943), p. 109, no date or reference given.
For extensive treatment of the problem of Mazarin*s relations with the
Jansenists, see P. Jansen, Le Cardinal Mazarin et le mouvement
jans&niste franqais (Paris, 1967).
^
57
the Marquise de Sable's salon.
54 .
Since -he was such.a close associate to
the court personnel, it seems likely that his appearances,in this salon
might have had some political overtones.
On the other hand, he might
have also served the interests of the Marquise's friends by.convincing
Mazarin that their activities were not subversive. In either event,
Cureau's tie with the court probably did little to endear him to the
clique of veteran frondeurs3 and this may be the reason why the physician
is not mentioned in their memoirs.
Whatever his role with respect to Mazarin might have been,
Cureau's friendship with the hostess of the Port-Boyal salon was not
hampered.
Madame de Sable is one of the few people with whom Cureau
maintained some sort of a regular communication, even though he disliked
writing letters.^
Without a doubt, the frequency of their written ex­
change was of Madame de Sable's doing, and not of La Chambre's , for she
was a notorious hypochondriac who would refuse audience to even her
closest friends at the. slightest suggestion of a cold.
At these times,
the only way to communicate with her was by letter, and this went for
the old doctor who preferred "pour entretenir un ami, faire dix lieues
que dix lignes" {Epttres3 Lettre XXIII to M. de Ste Garde, p. 117).
The correspondence between.La Chambre and the Marquise de Sable
is enlightening in several respects.
In the first place, the content of
^Epftres* Letter III, pp. 60-62.
58
La Chambre consistently underlines his dislike for writing
letters, sometimes devoting an entire letter to explaining why he is
late in answering because he fears responding to anything— particularly
anything which moves him emotionally-— while his passions are still sti­
mulated by the event. See supra., chap. 3.
55
the letters frequently touches.on the physician’s works, and in the case
of Le Systeime de 1 'dme3 the date: on a memorandum from Madame de Sable to
La Chambre asking for permission to:keep.the manuscript longer» precedes
59
the work's actual publication by several months.
Thus, it is clear, .
that Cureau submitted his chapters to the Marquise.for her opinion as he
finished writing them.
In another.letter, Madame de Sable mentions that
she hopes Cureau will "reprendre le fil de I'histoire du coq et de la
poule," evidently an allusion to their previous.conversation on animal
behavior which is the subject of the 1667 version of the Tx,ait& de la
Qomtoissanae des Animaux entitled Discovrs de I
qid- se tPouvent entre les Animaux.
60
et d& la haine
If nothing else, this note indi­
cates that the controversy over the animal-machine was under discussion
at Port -Royal as well as in the hotel of a new and increasingly popular
hostess, Madame de La Sabliere, and that Cureau maintained an ongoing
interest in the debate through his attendance at both salons.
.
..
.
•"
17 July 1663.— "Cest veritablement en cette occasion qu’on
voudroit bien dire qu’on n'est pas esclave de sa parole, car rien n'est
plus capable de donner la tent ation d ’y manquer que le plaisir que
j *aurois de garder votre ecrit un an au lieu d ’un jour. Ce ne seroit
pas trop pour etudier de si belles et de si grandes choses. Cependant
par cet esclavage je vous le renvoie avec un fort grand regret. Pour
la lettre [dedicatory piece to Louis XIV], je crois que vous voulez"
bien me la laisser: il n ’a jamais et.e rien ecrit de si beau ni de si
galant. "— Mme de Sable to Cureau de La Chambre,in Cousin, p. 378.
This letter is accompanied by a note of Valiant; "Mme de Sable a
M. de la Chambre, sur son ecrit du Sauvenivs qu’il avait laisse a Madame •
pour deux jours." The text eventually became ch. ii of Book TV of Le
Syst^me de l 1dme3 published for the first time in166U.
60
Letter of 6 November, 1663, taken from Suppl. fr. 3029,
fol. 26-27. Regarding La Chambre’s views on reason in animals, see
pp. 58-61 of this chapter.
.56
At Madame de La Sabliere's. Much younger than the Marquise
de Sable and more specifically drawn to experimental science is the
famous protectress of La Fontaine, Madame de La Sabliere, whose unor­
thodox life style has caused her to be compared to the notorious
Ninon de Lenclos.
"Philaminthe," if indeed her intellectual curiosity
suggested to Moliere as well as to Boileau the "femme savante" par
excellence,
6l
was a Huguenot of middle-class Dutch origins whose
Rueilly mansion was situated at the point where ambassadors entering
Paris were met by the King’s coaches to be escorted to the royal
palace.
The mood of this salon is already eighteenth-century, as
Roger Picard has observed:
"L1originalite de son salon, c'est qu'il
Stait le lieu ou les savants et aussi les philosophes aimaient le plus ■
S. se rencontrer et a venir se meler aux profanes
Madame de La Sabliere enjoyed the conversation of travelers,
explorers, and navigators; her spirit of adventure extended to include
the frontiers of science as well, and she particularly relished discus­
sion focusing on the latest theories in astronomy and physics.
Even
anatomy fascinated her, and she is said to have assisted at the
See Les Grands Salons littSraires: XVIIe et XVIIIe S'ieoless
"Conferences du Musee de Carnavalet" (Paris, 1927).
^2Picard, p. 105.
^Ibid*s p. 106.
Among the illustrious guests in-her.salon, one finds Bernier,
medical doctor, popularizer and translator of Gassendi's works, recently
retired from his role as physician to the Grand Mogol; Moliere, who read
the incomplete version of his Malade ''imagi-naive.s,t one reunion, where­
after the guests on hand improvised the famous banquet scene-of .the
Paris Faculty of Medicine which was later included in the play;^ two
feminine writers, Madame de La Fayette and Madame de Sevigne; the poet
65
and former protege of Nicolas Foucquet,: La Fontaine; and Antoine Menjot,
uncle to Madame de La Sabliere remembered for his vigorous opposition to
Cartesian philosophy in the salon of Madame de Sable...
Menjot was hot the only anti-Cartesian in the group; in fact,
the prevailing mood of these reunions was pro-Gassendi, contra-Descartes.
Guez de Balzac's infamous "Demon de la Nature" had already been placed
on the Index in 1663, and by 1669, several candidates at the,College
Royal had successfully defended theses directed against"Cartesian meta­
physics.
The Gassendi tradition had found its champion in Chapelain and
the Peripatetics as well as in the ranks of free thinkers like La Motte
le Vayer and Saint-Evremond.
Even the "be! esprit" and model gentleman
Mere considered Descartes a "songe-creux" and an enemy of humanism.
The
salon of Madame de La. Sabliere thus constituted one of the major
Ibid.s p. 106.
65
For further information on A. Menjot, see Dr. M. Scholtens,
Antoine Menjot: Dooteur en medecinej ami de Pascal3 refovmi au temps
des persecutions (Bordeaux, 1968).
anti-Cartesian "c abalest aking Gassendi's empirical. Epicurean.attitude
as an arm against Cartesians like Fleury,■Clerselier, and Cordemby.
Debate focused on certain issues, one of the most famous of .which, was
the question of reason in animals.
Cureau frequently visited the salon of Madame de La Sabliere
during his declining years, just at the time when.the controversy over
the animal-machine was beginning to separate the socialite Cartesians
from the so-called "Gassendistes."
Although this theme did not become
a major topic of conversation in the salons until the 1670's, when it
was popularized by La Fontaine in his Discoups a Madame de La SdbW&ve
svp Z'dme des an'tmaux3
67
the question had been under.debate for many
years in Parisian intellectual circles.
Mersenne, for example, made
reference to Descartes' "animal-machine" during the l630's,^ Gassendi
had defended the ability of animals to "reason" in his earliest works
and in 1647, La Chambre had presented his treatise on knowledge in
Antoine Adam, Histoire d.e la littevatupe franqaise au XVIIe
si&cle (Paris, 1956), III, 21.
67
See H. Busson and F. Gohih, critical edition of the Dzseowas
<X Madame de La Sabl'i'&re (Geneva and Lille, 1950), "Introduction historique," for background on this question as discussed in the salon of
Madame de La Sabliere.
,
^Se e Coprespondance du P&re Mersenne^ letters to Descartes re­
garding this question; also Mersenne's^uaestiones in Genesim*
^H. Busson and F. Gohin, p. 11. The first volume of Bernier's
translation of Gassendi's works, published in 1674, contains a chapter
on the soul of animals.
59
animals where he claims, "tout ce qui a este diet pour, et centre le
raisonnement des hestes, est examine," as an answer to Pierre Chanet,
who had publicized the opposite view. 70
From the outset. Curean con­
tended that animals possess a degree of "ratiocination” ; that they are
not mere "machines," but that unlike men, they cannot reason universally.
What was at issue in this controversy was not the dignity of animals,
but rather the conflicting theories of the soul's nature which, since
before the time of Aristotle, had divided philosophy into a number of
different schools.
71
Because he objected to the idea of the animal-machine, Cureau
72
73
has been called a "disciple" of Montaigne, a "Gassendiste"
and an
enemy of Descartes.
7k
While there is a certain basis for these labels,
70
Pierre Chanet, De I1instinct et de la connoissanee des animaux3
avec I 'examen de ce que M. de La Chambve a escvit sur cette matibve
(Paris, 161+6). Cureau*s T?ait& de la connoissanee des Animaux appears
the following year in answer to Chanet's defense of the Cartesian idea
of the animal-machine.
71
See Aristotle, De anima. Chap. II, for discussion summarizing
the various definitions of soul among the Greek thinkers.
72
H. Busson, La Religion des Classiques: 1660-1685 (Paris,
19U8), p. 179. Busson reiterates this classification of Cureau's
thought regarding animals, but he adds: "il limite pourtant leur
pouvoir a former 'des propositions particulieres' reservant a I'homme
la faculte de 'raisonner universellement'" (p. 80).
73
Ibid.^ p. 180. In a statement that is far too categorical,
Busson claims that La Chambre takes the defense of Gassendi's atomism
in his Syst&ne de I'tme without any reservation.
7l+
Because of his association with the "Gassendistes," Cureau is
frequently called an enemy of Descartes, and his views on the animalmachine are usually cited, along with his attack on Descartes' estimation
of the pineal gland (see Busson, p. 123, note 2). Evidence of the
it is also true that each of these men. arrived at his,conclusions
through application of a method whieh.he .believed to "be the one best
suited to the scientific, i.e., empirical,.study of nature. For
Descartes reason referred to pure intellection which, if carried out
properly (i.e., on the model of geometry), could lead to the reconsti­
tution of the whole from the sum of its parts.
Of all living creatures,
moreover, man alone was capable of such thought discipline, since only
his kind was endowed with the innate ideas necessary to distinguish sub­
ject from event. Gassendi, on the other hand, strongly opposed the
doctrine of innate ideas on the grounds that all intellectual knowledge
originates with sense experience, and that the only "ideas” we have are
"concepts," or products of an internal process of abstraction and asso­
ciation of related experiences.: For him, then, reason consists in the
application of learned concepts to what we might call "phenomenological" .
observation, and it is only through proper training of the mind that one
learns to correct the "error," or natural bias, of one's perceptions.
Hence, animals are capable of reason to the extent that they can re­
member and relate their past experiences to their immediate situation.
Like Gassendi, Cureau believed that the reason of animals con­
sists in their capacity to apply previously learned behaviors to new.
circumstances.
However, as we shall see in Part II, chapter 6 when
confusion regarding Cureau's doctrinal position with respect to
Descartes is apparent in Jacques Proust's article inC.i.i.F.F., n. 13,
1961, "Diderot.et la physiognomonie" (pp. 317-30), where Proust calls
La Chambre a dvsai-ple of Descartes and gives 15483 not 1640, as the date
of the first published volume of Les Ch.ax'acteHres de Passions. A. Adam
also includes Cureau among his "Gassendistes" along with Patin, Bernier,
Sorbiere and Covdemoy (?).
6l
examining La Chambre's theory of instinct, he does admit to a kind of
"innate idea" which has to do with geometrical orientation of the body,
and by extension of his psychophysiological outlook, to the mind as
well.
Thus, even though he stands opposite Descartes and with Gassendi
on the question itself, the author of Le Traits des passions de i ’ame^
"cet excellent homme" as Cureau calls him in a letter, was by.no means
a categorical enemy to his way of thinking about scientific matters.
The major point of contention between La Chambre and Descartes
thus had more to do with methodology than it did with their outlook on
living organisms.
Generally speaking, the objections La Chambre raises
to the ideas of Descartes are primarily concerned with the latter1s
consistent effort to make physiological processes conform to the laws of
mechanics.
In Cureau"s opinion, living things must be studied on a com­
parative basis i from this vantage point, men and animals have more in
common with each other than animals and machines regardless of what
their "essential" natures might signify on a metaphysical plane.
For
this reason, our physician was more at home in the Saint-Mande "academy" .
of Nicolas Foucquet than he seems to have been among the associates of .
Mersenne, since the former was frequented by men and women interested
in exploring the frontiers of traditional knowledge, and in applying the
latest research techniques such as vivisection, in their search for an
"art" of knowing men.
62
The scientific academy of Nicolas Foucquet at Saint Maude. More
than any other famous patron of arts and letters in seventeenth-century
France„ Nicolas Foucquet saw the value of intellectual and scientific
achievement in very pragmatic terms.
75
Like his father, Frangois, the
young Nicolas was well schooled in the art of enlisting favors from
important ministers like Richelieu and modeled himself after the
Cardinal in many ways.
Mazarin loved money too much to part with it
and did not continue the lavish-style patronage of intellectuals begun
by Richelieu at the ministerial level; the new cardinal's miserly streak
was well known outside the court and served as the frequent object of
satire for the authors of the "mazarinades." Although the Italian-born
Mazarini had taken over as prime minister of France, Foucquet saw the
opportunity to become the real successor to Richelieu's power and pres­
tige.
As U.-V. Chatelain has judiciously remarked in his excellent
biography of Foucquet "MSeilne'':
. . . toute la question de gout personnel mise & part»
les enseignements de la vie politique, 1 'heritage
moral d'un grand ministre admire et aime des les
premieres annees de la jeunesse; la concurrence, la
jalousie que faisait ntirtre un rival perfide et deteste
[SSguier]; la ne.cessite de paraltre tout puissant pour
s'assurer de la realite de la toute puissance, tout
obligeait le surintendant & Stre un Mecene attentif,
75
All background material in the section dealing with Foucquet
is taken from U.-V. Chatelain, Le Siwintendant Nicolas Foucquet:
Protecteur des Lettress des Arts et des Sciences (Paris $ 1905).
63
constant, liberal, qui par adresse, par generosite et
par complaisance,, regnat sans contests sur tons, les
esprits.76
Intellectual activity surrounded the Minister of Finance at all
of his residences, but Saint-Mande was more of a personal refuge, where
Foucquet !,se plaisait a se retirer, se derobant aux facheux et aux
quemandeurs, evitant les reclamations inopportunes des creanciers.de
I'Etat.
It was here that an academic reunion of intellectuals and
scientists reminiscent of what Chatelain imagines to have.been
Renaudot’s "Conferences du Bureau d'Adresse," took place on a more or
less regular basis.
78
The main interests of the scientists gathered here were cen­
tered on medicine.
Not only was there a laboratory where doctors like
Jean Pecquet of Montpellier conducted analyses of mineral waters, there
were also extensive botanical gardens which rivaled with the "Jardin du
Roi."
These gardens were tended by a German Lutheran, and were filled
76
Chatelain, p. 152.
..
11Ibid.s p. 300.
78
Ibid. 3 p. 301. Concerning the subjects discussed here,
Chatelain writes: "Avec quelle ardeur et quelle naivete, on a tente
d’y resoudre les plus obscurs des problemes! Philologie, mathematiques,
archeologie, diplomatique, science de l eorient, medecine, theologie,
physiognomonie, meterologie, et astrologie, le vrai et le faux, les
inventions de 1 *esprit scientifique et les reves de 1’imagination
credule, tout est mele dans cette oeuvre, ebauche hardie et inegale,
curieuse et incomplete, tentative sans mesure et non sans grandeur
ou 1'intelligence de Foucquet revela ce que son tour avait de meilleur
et ce qu’il avait de plus chimerique." (p. 302)
6k
with strange and exotic plants.to.be.used' in the preparation of medic­
inal
cures,
79
no doubt similar to the remedies of Paracelsus.
Because of his delicate health and a natural propensity for
fevers, Foucquet surrounded himself with.a team of doctors including
Vallot,: La Chambre, De Belleval, Guenault,.and the part-time alchemist,
Pecquet.
At Saint-Mande there was a great deal of interest in anat­
omy; live dissections were carried on by Pecquet who was one of the
first doctors in France to endorse Harvey1s theory of blood circulation
80
(a theory which he said confirmed his own findings concerning
the course of lymphatic vessels).
8i
In taking this unorthodox stand,
Pecquet invited upon himself the bitter criticism of the Parisian dean,
Guy Patin, whose derogatory opinions were strongly seconded by the
82
Aristotelian apologist, Jean Riolan, famous opponent of the Montpellier
doctors in the quarrel over the use of "quinquina." .Such contrary views
^Ibid*s pp. 313-lU.
80J2?id., pp. 316-17.
81
in 1651, Pecquet published a work entitled Experiment# nova
anatomioa quibus ineognitvm hactenvs ehyli veeeptaculwn &t ab eo per
thoraoem in ramos usque svbotavios vasa taetea detegvntur in which he
begins with an anatomical, dissertation on blood circulation and the
movement of chyle and resolutely endorses the theory of Harvey, to whose
discovery he adds his own. See Chatelain, pp. 3l6ff.
82
...
According to F. Millepierres, in La Vie quotidienne des
M&deains ecu temps de Motibre (Paris, 1964), Jean Riolan is remembered,
as "le defenseur de la Faculte de Paris centre celle de Montpellier," .
the latter being the outgrowth.of Jewish and Arab tendencies in medi­
cine (p. 30). .
•
65
pitted the Parisians against the Montpellierains, the “traditionalists" .
against the "iatrochemistsand: the ..acadenQr: at Saint-Mande was obviously
on the side of the "moderns." .
In addition to anatomy and iatrochemistry, Foucq.net' s circle was
very concerned with questions applying directly to human behavior, and
it is here that Cureau de La Chambre plays an important role. In what
was really an "academy within an academy" headed by Foucquet 's mother ,
Marie de Maupeou, discussion focused, on the ancient paramedical sciences
like chiromancy and metoposcopy as well as on the preparation of strange
remedies drawn from a long tradition of occultism and witchcraft.
Madame Foucquet, herself, was the author of a collection of "remedes
faciles, choisis et experimentes et.tres.approuvSs," a little book which
knew countless editions.
This strange woman attempted to aid her son
in prison by making use of her unorthodox talents, but to no avail it
seems
As one of the authorities in matters pertaining to:physiognomy,
Cureau de La Chambre composed two major works dealing with these popular
" s c i e n c e s " L ’Apt de eormo-istre les Hormes (1659)? and its forerunner,
Disooux's sur les 'Pvinovpes de la Chiromccnce et de la M&toposcopi-e
(1653)5 of which Guy Patin wrote::■
L*auteur y parle fort bon frangois, mais outre la
purete du style, il n*y a guere que du babil: Vox
praetereaque nihil, la voix et rien autre: c'est
le caractere du rossignol, mais notre siecle ne
laisse pas d 1admirer ces bagatelles.^
®3chatelain, pp. 322-29.
^Letter dated 25 November 1653, cited by Chatelain, p. 324.
Both of these works are dedicated to Foucquet, the only person who,
according to Cureau, was capable of appreciating their content.
Regard­
less of how the "Age of Enlightenment" judged such preoccupation with
superstition, Cureau1s observations are exceedingly interesting in the
light of today's research in areas of behavior and characterology and
constitute the foundation of his "science nouvelle." Far from being the
frivolous amusement of an "esprit mond'ain," these writings are central
to Cureau's thought.
Without the dimension that physiognomy, chiromancy,
and metoposcopy add to his total understanding of human behavior, Cureau
would undoubtedly appear to be little more than a rather colorless fol­
lower of the Gassendi tradition and a weak voice in protest against
Cartesian dualism.
Mersenne, Habert de Montmort, and
the scientific reunions of the Rue
Sainte-Avoye
The scientific and medical works of La Chambre which touch on
the theory of light, refraction, digestion, and the overflow of the Nile
have all but been forgotten by historians of science and of medicine;
however, they were written at a time when such theories were being de­
bated in the most erudite and progressive of the French scientific cir­
cles— the group which assembled at the Minime convent, Rue Royale,
around the person of Father Marin Mersenne.
Established well before
Bit
Letter dated 25 November 1653, cited by Chatelain, p. 324.
1630 as the Parisian "post office"..for scientific correspondence,
Mersenne urged eminent.theologians, philosophers, mathematicians, physi­
cians, or any other kind of scientifically oriented.thinker from any
corner of Europe to share his latest discoveries or theories with his
group, either in person or by letter.
When interesting communiques
were received, they were read aloud to the company in attendance after
which a discussion session ensued.
8.5
One can well imagine the scenes
lively, sometimes heated conversation between the representatives of
various professions and schools of thought must have been the general
rule since Mersenne enjoyed bringing together.men of different opinions
on the wide range of scientific problems discussed in his day.
Although
no actual records of the proceedings were kept, Europe's "Secretary"
took notes during the meeting, after which, he summarized the comments
and sent them to the author.
86
Judging from the letters in Mersenne's
personal collection, there seems to have been no limit to his scientific
curiosity.
Everything from the nature of light and heat to astronomy,
astrological and cabbalistic magic, theories of the mechanism of vision,
optics, and catoptrics was discussed in his circle, and from as many
vantage points as there were interested parties.
In a sense, this
company was a sort of "Academia parisiensis," as the host like to call
it, because it constituted the major forum for. the initial clash
between the "old” and the "new" science in France.
85
B. Rochot, La Correspondance scientifique du Pere Mersenne
(Paris, 1966), pp. 9-10.
Some of the controversies carried on among members of Mersenne’s
company are well remembered by scholars today.
There was, for example,
Mersenne’s virulent attack against Robert Fludds who held that astrology
and cabbala were the keys to all scientific knowledge.
Gassendi even­
tually joined Mersenne in championing the new approach to science whose
triumph Robert Lenoble has called the birth of mechanism.®^
One of the
major premises of Fludd challenged by Mersenne was the traditional doc­
trine of the microcosm as a proper foundation for the theory of man.
According to Mersenne in his Quaestiones in Genesim (col. 17^6, 17^9)$
the Hermetic revelation does not constitute sufficient evidence on which
to base such a general assumption about human nature; and, therefore,
the theory of the microcosm should not be taken as a point of departure
in studying man.
Another important controversy generated by this circle
involved Gassendi and Descartes who differed on a number of issues but
at no point were their respective philosophies more dramatically at
odds than over the theory of light.
So important was this single prob­
lem to each man’s scientific methodology that the disagreement as to
whether light was corpuscular, as Gassendi contended, or wave-like and
transmitted according to laws of motion applied to extended matter, as
Descartes argued, set the two men at odds for almost ten years.
87
The most complete study of Mersenne's scientific thought:
Mersenne; ou la naissanee du meoanisme (Paris, 1943).
OO
Lenoble, p. 421. Mersenne's Optique et Catoptrique (1644) was
written in an attempt to reconcile both parties by showing that neither
argument could be proved scientifically.
Cureau1s introduction into the "Academia parisiensis" probably
occurred sometime in the early l630*s at the initiative of either
Philippe or Germain Habert de Montmort, both of whom were closely asso­
ciated with the Seguier hotel and its r e s i d e n t s O f those works by
La Chambre which particularly interested Mersenne and his company*
flouveltes pensees sup tes causes de ta tum^pe3 du desbordement du
Nit (published together in 163U) and Les Chapaet&res dee Passions(l6h0)
are cited in correspondence between the Minime and his friend Descartes;
in fact s the latter was recommended by Mersenne to Descartes in a letter
dated 16U0 , the same year in which the first volume of the work was
published.^
For La Chambre’s part, it was probably in Mersenne*s circle that
he first made the acquaintance of Fermat 9 the mathematician whose prin­
ciple of least time made it possible to deduce the correct law of light
refraction thereby demonstrating a measure of inaccuracy, in Descartes *
mathematical law.
91
»
According to A. I. Sabra in his book Theories of
Light from Descartes to Newton (London* 1967)$ it was largely through
®%ee Kerviler, Le Chancetier Pierre Siguier3 Chap. XVII9
pp. %77ff.
90
See Correspondence du P£re Mersenne3 ed. by B. Rochot„
especially vols. U and 9.
^Fermat’s principle of least time leads to the same ratio
deducible from Descartes * sine law. However» the former’s principle
70
his association with La Chambre■and their.commonly held belief.in.the
idea that nature takes the shortest path -(”la nature agit toujours par
les voles les plus courtes”). that Fermat finally succeeded in attributing
a variable velocity to.light according to.the density of.its medium.
92
When Mersenne died in l61t89 the "Academia parisiensis" transfered its meeting place to a hotel in the Rue Ste-Avoye where another
member of the Habert de Montmort family, Henri-Louis, resided.
The re­
unions continued to attract the intellectual elite of Paris: Pascal,
Gassendi, Fermat, and many others.were some of the circle's most illus­
trious guests.
Following the death of Habert.de Montmort,.another.change of
address ensued-— this time to the residence of Melchissedech Thevenot,
one of the habituis.
The reunions continued, here until 1666 when Col­
bert formed from the ranks of this company the French Academy of Sciences.
As a charter member of the official institution, Cureau's role was rela­
tively insignificant due to his advanced age.
However, his nomination
to the official body is a positive indication of contemporary regard for
his stature in the scientific community, and a tribute to his thirtyfive years of active participation in advancing the cause of science
during his part of the seventeenth century.•
requires the velocity of light to.be greater in rarer media, contrary
to Descartes’ view, and this result could be supported by experiment
(as it eventually was). For extensive comparison of.the two theories,
see A.I. Sabra, Theories of Light from Descartes to. Newton (London,
1967), pp. 136-49.
92Ibid.
Cureau and the 11Jardin des Plantes"
It is .quite.possible that La Chambre1s most important role (with
respect to the growth and development of scientific knowledge during his
time) is connected to his service in the capacity of "demonatTatew?op$vatewc,n at the Jardin Royal established in 1635•
As we noted in
chapter 1 $ La Chambre was listed in the royal registry as receiving an
annual pension of 2,000 pounds as early as 1626, the same year in which
Richelieu granted patent letters to Bouvard and Guy de La Brosse for the
establishment of botanical gardens in Paris.
Thus, it may well have
been this project which drew Cureau to the capital several years before
he took up permanent residence there. What is more, the idea of creating
botanical gardens for medicinal as well as for educative purposes was
borrowed from a similar project already well underway in Montpellier
.under the supervision of Pierre Richer de Belleval.
93
Since both Cureau
and La Brosse are linked with the medical faculty at Montpellier (al­
though neither is recorded as having finished his studies there), and
Cureau and Bouvard are both from Le Mans, it seems quite possible that
the former was included in the general plans for the garden from the time
of its inception in 1626.
^ 0 n P. Richer de Belleval, see L. Dulieu, "Pierre Richer de
Belleval” in Monspeliensis Hippocrates3 n . HO, Summer, 1968, 1-18.
Belleval was a professor at Montpellier who also served as a ”medecin
anatomiste et botaniste” at the Court of Louis XIII, but was paid by
the University of Montpellier for this function. See Delaunay, La Vie
mMicale . . . , p. 195.
Another important factor in support of the theory that CureaU.
was associated with the Royal Garden project long before 1635 is the
discrepancy A.-L.Jussieu has noted in the historical account he gives
in the first two volumes of the Annales du Musiwn as to La Chambre's
assigned function as !ldSmonstrateur~operateur de 1!interieur des plantes”
and what he actually is believed to have taught there.
9U
Although there
are no records of the lessons he supposedly gave during the term of his
appointment, it is well known that Vautier, first doctor to the king
until his death in 1652, gradually replaced botanical demonstrations
with anatomical ones.
Given Cureau’s training and interests, Jussieu
postulates that he undoubtedly became the first professor of anatomy,
at the Garden, since this was the post to which.his son, Frangois, also
a doctor, was named at the time of his father’s death— or at least it
was openly admitted that he taught anatomy, and not botany.
While it
is undoubtedly true that this was the case for Marin as well, one might
also take account of the fact that climate and seasonal variables would
not have promoted the year-round study of plants.
As Dr. L. Dulieu of
the medical faculty at Montpellier has noted in an article on P. Richer
de Belleyal and the educative structure of the garden in that city dur­
ing the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, anatomy and
botany were taught on a rotational basis, "car il n'etait alors possible
de faire des dissections qu'en hiver faute de pouvoir conserver les
cadavres, alors que les herborisations ne pouvaient avoir lieu qu’en
See A.-L. Jussieu, Annales du Mus&um de I 'HistoiTe natia?elle3
II (Paris, 1802), 6-7.
73
Q tr
6tS.”
Thus$ it is likely that La Chambre taught both anatomy and
botany at first» but perhaps at the instigation of Vaufcier, gradually
abandoned the latter.
'Whatever the actual circumstances of La Chambre’s official ser­
vice might have been, the Act of 1635 describes his duties as follows:
. . . pour faire aux ecoliers la dSmonstration de
I1interieur des plantes, & de tous les medieamens,
tant simples que composes, qui consiste en
I’enseignement de leur essence, propriStes et usage,
et pour travailler manuellement en toutes operations
pharmaceutiques, ehoix, preparations & compositions
de toutes sortes de drogues, tent par voie simple &
ordinaire que chimique.96
.
The constitution of a teaching corps whose purpose was to supplement
through technical demonstration the theoretical concepts taught at the
Faculty of Medicine in Paris was thus a major step in the establishment
of experimental science and its empirical methods. Whether or not the
success of the Garden's educational goals was immediately evident, it
is significant to find Cureau de La Chambre centrally involved in
another of the most progressive institutions of his time.
One can con-
elude from his contacts with Saint-Mande, Mersenne's company and the
founders of the teJardin des Plantes" that he was not only an eloquent
spokesman for the advancement of human knowledge, but also participated
at a very concrete level in the transmission of the most up-to-date
95
Dulieu, p. 7.
96
Cited, from the Act of 1635 which appears in Jussieu's
account of the early period of the Royal Gardens, Annates du Mus§ums
II, 6-7.
lh
discoveries and theories to future practitioners of his own profession.
Cureau and seventeenth-century medicine
As we saw in chapter 1, almost everything concerning Cureau* s
medical activities is shrouded in uncertainty.
Nothing at Montpellier
gives substantial proof of his having completed his degree there; yet,
his work at the "Jardin des Plantes" and his frequent visits to Mersenne*s
and Foucquet1s indicate that he was in contact with the large group of
Montpeilierains whose good fortune brought them to the capital.
If
Cureau did share the penchant for iatrochemistry characteristic of
Montpellier graduates, it does not enter directly into his theories—
at least he offers no opinion in his works regarding the use of contro­
versial drugs like "quinquina." .
Generally speaking. La Chambre*s medical ideas are in line with
the teachings of Hippocrates, who regarded sickness as an external
manifestation of an inward struggle towards equilibrium.
97
However,
while many doctors in Cureau*s time used this doctrine of temperamental
balance as a pretext for blood-letting, purgation, and other such direct
methods of ridding the body of "sinful" humors $ Cureau*s approach was
psychophysiological and in keeping with the philosophy which teaches
that mind and body are interdependent. Illness or emotional distress,
for example, reveals in outward signs an inward, organic struggle for
survival and perfection.
To this end, the physician's role is to learn
07
See EpttreSs Letter XIII, p. 93, where Cureau ranks
Hippocrates above Aristotle in terms of his own thinking.
how to read these signs, which include such things as changes in the
size, shape, color, and texture of the skin and external sense organs.
Like Hippocrates, Cureau believed that temperamental balance depended
on the dynamics of body metabolism whose by-products— the spirits— are
the organic source of energy.
Moreover, as we shall see in chapter 6,
La Chambre regards the most refined and subtle of the spirits— those
contained in the nervous system— as the necessary subject for image
transmission, or the process by which the cognitive faculties are put
in touch with the outside world.
Hence, one could say that the physi­
cian's real task consists in regulating the internal balance on the
basis of his knowledge of the individual's "soul," i.e., by surrounding
the sick or distraught person with soothing music and scenery, thereby
easing his stress.
In any event, according to La Chambre, such mea­
sures are just as important as administration of medication to the
body since both are actually aimed at restoring the spiritual equilib­
rium.
On a long-term basis, "doctors of bodies and souls," as the
Greeks called them, could learn to apply behavior modification to their
patients by a conditioning process which, as we shall see in Part II,
is not far removed from today's behaviorist theories.
Consequently,
one of the primary goals of La Chambre1s medical approach was to arrive
at a system for classifying men that was dependable enough to serve as
a framework for behavior control.
Like his Spanish predecessor, Huarte
de San Juan, CuTeau conceived his typological design not only as a
guide to medical therapy, but also as a political and governmental tool.
76
Since the.feudal system, of class stratification could no longer he ap­
plied to an aristocracy whose•ranks were divided in their loyalties to
the king, a new and much more individualized method for screening the
character of potential public servants had to be instituted if the
monarchy was to maintain central control over France.
Hence, interest
in human typology was not merely an intellectual game, it was an over­
riding concern of the French monarchy and the ultimate goal of philos­
ophy’s most pragmatic aim since the time of Plato:
the building of a
"republic" led by an enlightened king and supported by genteel folk
whose nobility would be measured in generosity rather than in birth­
right.
There is no way to measure the success of La Chambre’s medical
theories except to note with Kerviler and Doranlo that the patients
committed to his care generally enjoyed long end productive lives.
At
least one advocate of his medical attitude can be found in Madame de
Sable, whose "Discours centre les mSdecins" emphasizes the importance of
patient-doctor relationship, implying that a doctor should not treat
only the body, but that he is also responsible for the psychological
well-being of his patients.
Highly critical of practices like blood­
letting and suppositories applied without regard to. actual circum­
stances, she writes:
Pour moy, je m'en suis entiSrement desabusSe,
apres avoir bien considere la pratique presente de
tous les Medecins: je dis tous, parce que ceux des
provinces se faisant honneur d ’imiter ceux de Paris,
I'on n ’en trouve plus qui suivent la Medecine ancienne,
et ce dereglement est ll tel point, que si on en
connoissoit la consequence, I'on craindroit autant
les Medecins, que les maladies, puisque la nature
77
toute seule lea guerit tres souvent, pourveu qu'on ne
la trouble pas comme font les Medecins d'aujourd'hui
en espuisant lea forces par les saignees frequentes et
les lavemens continueIs qu’ils ordonnent indifferement
a toutes sortes de personnes en toutes les maladies
quelles qu'elles puissent estre en toutes saisons-—
sans autre fondement que celuy de certeins principes
qu'ils se sont faicts sans examiner quelles en sont
les suites. Ils sont contents pourveu qu'ils puissent
dire qu'ils ont faict selon la raison. Car on peut
remarquer, qu'en quelque maladie, et en quelque age
que ce soit et quelque temperament que I'on ayt, ils
diront toujours que c'est la chaleur d'entrailles, et
les obstructions qui font toutes les m a l adies.
In the Marquise's opinion, this mania for harsh treatment for all ail­
ments, whether minor or severe, stems from the theory that all illness
is caused by an excess of heat, and that this maxim has become so estab­
lished in the minds of physicians "que I'on ne void plus personne qui
ne die, qu'il faut manger d'une telle viande parce qu'elle rafraichit,
et qu'il ne faut manger d'une autre parce qu'elle eschauffe, et ce qui
est plaisant> c'est que cela va jusqu'aux cuisiniers, et jusqu'aux
patissiers, qui ne font pas leurs potages, ni leur patisseries de bon
sel, pour suivre cette maxime que les medecins etablissent par tout
Turning next to the psychology of the doctors of her time,
Madame de SablS goes on to suggest that perhaps their eagerness to
simplify the art to such a degree is not without some practical moti­
vation.
She notes that doctors are driven by self-interest and greedi­
ness, and that one can remark frequently in their demeanor signs of
■^Mme de Sable's Discoups eontre les m&deeins is reproduced in
Ivanoff, pp. 109-20. This text appears on pp. 107-10.
^Ibi<i.3 p. 111.
78
impatience to be on their way;
. . . partout ou ils vont, ils ont 1 'esprit si distrait
par 1 *impatience qu’ils ont d'aller ailleurs, qu'ils
paroissent tons egares et des qu’ils ont le pied dans
une maisons ils croient pour y estre entrSs avoir desia
gagne leur escu et s’imaginent qu’ils n ’y avoit plus
rien a faire.iOO
As a means of rectifying this deplorable situation, the Marquise
recommends a return to traditional principles;
, . . pratiquer divers remedes, et, eomme autrefois,
examiner les maladies, les crises, les hetires, et les
temps de faire une saignee M e n a propos; echauffer,
quand il y a trop de froideur, et rafraichir, quand
il y a trop de chaleur, et enfin, se servir de divers
remedes, comme de pillules, de topiques, ou il en est
besoin, et de tons les autres qui se pratiquoyent
anciennement, et qui mesme he se trouvent pas chez
les apoticaires, a cause que 1 *usage en est entierement
perdu.101
In her criticism of medical practices, Madame de SablS did not
exempt any doctor; in fact, although she does not mention Cureau di­
rectly, he may well have been included in the category of "excellens
MSdecins, qui avoyent baucoup de soin, d*attache, et mesme d'amitiS
pour les personnes qu'ils traitoyent." .
As she goes on to comment
about the profession and the demands comported in its lofty ideals since
the time of Hippocrates;
. „ . il semble que la corruption des temps, qui est
dans tons les Estats, en a fait une plus grande partie
dans celuy dont je parle que dans tous les autres et
qu'en cette profession la maxime se trouve fort
veritable, que la, ou il y a plus de perfection, la
10°J2>id., p. 113.
10:Ll2)td., p. llU.
1Q2Ibid., p. 120.
79
corruption y est encore plus dangereuse, car les
Medecins ayant un objet si nobles je veuz dire la
vie et la sante, pour lequel Hippoerate demande tant
de vertus et de perfections, il semble que dans ces.
demiers temps ils se soyent abandonnez S. des abus
et a des desordres, d1autant plus grans qu’ils
est.oyent plus obligez de les eviter et de pratiquer
tout le contraire.103
Whatever the opinion Madame de SablS might actually have had of La
Chambre in terms of his medical practices, we do know from their letters
that she did reproach him on occasion for his ’’manque d'amitiS” towards
her insofar as his letter-writing habits are concerned.
Whether or not
such remarks are to be taken too seriously in the light of the hyper­
bolic style of preciocity is another matter, for there is no allusion to
any doctor-patient relationship in their written exchange that would
imply a mistrust on Madame de Sable’s part of La Chambrees medical
expertise.
Looking back over the wide range and variety in La Chambre's
intellectual and social contacts, one is left with the distinct impres­
sion of a man who loved the conversation and stimulation of the literary
and scientific salons so popular in his time.
Perhaps, as Madame de
Sabi# noted regarding doctors in general, monetary gain was a primary
motivating force behind what appears to have been a rather high-paced,
sometimes frenetic life stylej however, there is no doubt as to the
sincerity of his love for science and his optimism with respect to the
bright future of his country in the advancement of human knowledge. In
many ways, Cureau resembles Fontenelle who, at the end of the century
103Ibid., p. 120.
enjoyed entertaining elegant marquises, on the "pluralite des.deux
mondes," just as our physician delighted in regaling educated women
like Madame de Sable or Christine of Sweden with his stories about
animal behavior or with excerpts from his Charaet'&ves des Passions,
All told. Curean was a man who took advantage of the best his century
had to offer, and as we shall see in the final chapter of this part,
he shared the fate of most men upon whom fortune chooses to smile so
favorably, and was not always as well-loved as he might have wished.
CHAPTER 3
CUEEAU AS SEEN BY HIS CONTEMPORARIES:
CHARACTERIAL STUDY OF THE MAN
BEHIND. THE WORKS
When dealing with historical figures$ it is important to obtain
as complete an idea as possible of the relations between the individ­
ual's psychology and his professional goals before attempting to analyze
his works. Taken in themselves, the texts tell only what a man thought
about certain things, and while such knowledge is useful in situating
the person with respect to events and other people of his time, somehow
we always come back to the fundamental questions
what inner drive, or
psychological motivation operated in conjunction with his life experi­
ences to cause him to write or do what he did when he did?
Of course,
there will never be.any answer complete enough to account for all the
parameters involved.
Nevertheless, each thread we are able to weave
into the tapestry of a person's life adds new dimensions to the entire
fabric, and helps us to see all that was previously believed in a dif­
ferent perspective.
But more than this, specific characterological
studies of important men of the past provide the possibility for better
insight into history's fundamental problem:
to explain why, as Shake­
speare observed, there are certain "tides in the affairs of men" that
can transform one century’s hero into another's whipping boy.
•81
82
nLe Grand.Homme Melancolique";
A Psychomoral Portrait
of La Chambre
The most famous portrait of Cureau is an engraving by Hanteuil,
intended as a part of a collection of "Famous Men" begun by Michel BSgon
%
and completed by Charles Perrault.
The print is a bust representation,
encircled by a wreath bearing the La Chambre coat-of-arms and the Latin
inscription:
"Marin Curaeus de La Chambre, regi a Sanct. Consil. et
Medieus Ordinarius."
In contrast to the rather unfortunate reputation
seventeenth-century physicians suffered at the hands of their contempo­
raries , Kerviler has observed:
Est-ce lei m e de ces physionomies doctorales, telles
qu’on se les imagine, grotesques ou flegmatiquement
guindees, d’apres les comedies de Moliere? Non pas.
Cette perruque ondoyante, ee rabat finement empesl,
ces glands S. la riche toumure, cette robe de satin
aux brillants reflets, aux plis recherches et aux
msmches largement flottantes, tout ce costume elegant
denote un conseilleur royal qui salt faire sa cour,
qui a 1 'habitude du monde et des societes polies. Et
cet air spiritual et bon, ces yeux doux et brillants
S. la fois, cette fine moustache qui encadre si bien
m e bouche pr#te a sourire he representent nullement
les traits de ces pedants de la facultS, toujours
prets a disserter devant leurs malades dans un
langage mSme inintelligible pour leurs doctes
confreres.^
E.-T. Hamy, "Note sur un medallion de J.-B. Tuby reprSsentant
le portrait de M. Cureau de La Chambre, demonstrateur au Jardin Royal
(1635-1669)," in Butteiin du Mus&um de t ’Evstoive natvcpen,e3 n° 6
(Paris, 1895), p. 231. In a letter to Cabaret deVilermont dated Febru­
ary 8, 1689, Begon writes: "J'ai le portrait de M. de La Chambre grave
par:Nanteuil, qui est tres beau et a m e belle epreuve." According to
Hamy, Begon intended to use this portrait as a model for the type to be
included in his gallery of famous men.
^Kerviler, Revue du Maines II, 170.
83
Although Kerviler.leans a bit
heavily
on the cultural context
in the'tracing of this psychological portrait of La Chambre, it.is in­
teresting to.,compare the gentle-featured, affable personality captured
in the artist's representation to.the stereotyped notions of doctors
literary men like Moliere, Boileau and.others have transmitted to pos­
terity.
In his appearance as well as in his actions, Cureau was a
cultivated, sensitive gentleman who is perhaps best described by the
dean of the Paris Medical Faculty ,and his professional colleague Guy
Patin, who wrote in a letter to.Falconnet shortly before the former's
death;
"Cest un grand homme mSlancolique, qui a beaucoup Scrit, et
principalement Les Charaet^res des Passions. . . .
II est savant, tout
ce qu'il ecrit est fort bon.
Mais les honnetes gens meurent comme les
O
autres, et encore quelquefois plus tGt." .
The typological indication "melancolique" which appears in the
above text is important, particularly because it comes from a member of
the profession fully qualified to make such observations. Even though
I have found no other direct reference to La Chambre's temperament, a
reading of the letters included in his collected correspondence quickly
confirms Patin's judgment. For example, there are a number of allusions
to a personal loss in letters dated 1652 or 1653^— the year during which
Cureau attempted to acquire the title of Premier M&deoin du Roi after
O
Letter to Falconnet dated November 23, 1669, DCCXCVI.
.
See EpttreSj, Letters X?, XVI and XVII.
.
84
Vautier's death9 and was outbid by Guillemeau.
The feeling expressed
in all references to this event is one of deep disappointment bordering
on bitterness.
Despite the propensity towards exaggerated sentiments
prevalent in the prieieux society he frequented so regularlys there is
evidence that he became ill upon hearing the bad news, and stayed in bed
for three months to recover from the shock.
5
The sensitive nature typical of the melancholic temperament also
manifested itself in other aspects of La Chambre*s personal conduct.
By
all accounts, he was a man who felt intense loyalty to his friends as
well as to his country.
As the co-historian of the French Academy
D *Olivet expressed it, Cureau ”. . . etoit a tous les hommes de lettres
6
un ami qui ne leur manquoit jamais au besoin.”
D ’Olivet also notes
that these qualities were largely responsible for endearing Cureau to
those who patronized his efforts:
"Pierre Seguier voulut I1avoir pres
de lui non-seulement comme un excellent medecin, mais encore ccmme un
homme consomme dans la philosophic et dans les belles lettres.
Le
cardinal de Richelieu en porta le m§me jugement et en fit une estime
singulilre."^
«5
Epttres, Letter XXXI.
6
Kerviler, Revue du Mainej II, 170.
D *Olivet’s remark is cited.
No reference or date to
7
Pellisson et D*Olivet, Ristoire de I'Academie Fvanqaises
ed. by Ch. Livet, I, 263.
85
One very interesting dimension to Cureau1s regard for his
friends and superiors is his reiterated dislike.for writing letters and
the rationale he provides in his own correspondence for this attitude.
In his estimation, the language men. use in their day-to-day contacts is
filled with equivocation and duplicity.
Thus, when it comes to ex­
pressing sincere feelings of friendship and love, one is forced to use
a language that has lost all of its.vigor and aptitude for communica­
ting heart-felt sentiments of love, admiration, and tenderness.
Since
letters are but the written counterpart of social bien&eonoess it be­
comes difficult, if not impossible, for sincere individuals to distin­
guish true sympathy from social obligation.
For Cureau6s part, he much
preferred to let actions speak louder than words; the Only way he saw
fit to give testimony to his deepseated loyalties was to do something
for the other person.
This is why, as he explains in thefollowing
passage of a.letter to the Swedish royal physician Bourdelot, he con­
tinually postponed answering mail, hoping that in the meantime he would
have the opportunity to render some service instead of returning a
letter:
Quoy qu*en toutes les Lettres que vous avez
escrites & vos Amis de deg&, vous ne m*avez point
mis au rang de ceux que vous honorez de votre
souvenir; jVai si bonne opinion de ma Personne, •
que je n'ay point creu que vous avez fait cela par
. mespris ou par oubly: au contraire, je me suis flatte de cette pensee, que vous vous teniez si asseure
de moy, que vous n ’aviez pas besoin de me traiter
avec ces petites civilitez, qui ne sont bonnes que .
pour des Amis communs. De sorte qu’au lieu.de vous
en faire des reproches, je me trouve oblige de vous
remercier, d*avoir separe nostre amitie des affections
vulgaires, & de 1’avoir conservee toute entiere dans
le coeur, sans la dissiper sur le papier en de vains
86
compliments & de protestations inutiles. Mais j ’attends
de vous la mesme justice que je vous rends en cette
rencontre,.& je dois croire.que vous faites le mesme .
jugement de mon silence, que je fais du vostre. Et .
certainement, quand vous sauries, que je tiens pour
suspectes toutes les paroles qui font le commerce .
ordinaire du monde; Et que je ne puis souffrir que '
I 1on employe dans 1'amitie les mesmes termes qui servant
aux fourtes & aux trahisons; vous jugerez bien que
jusques & ce que I ’on fait [sie] de nouveaux mots qui
expriment nettement les choses, je ne m ’empresseray pas •
a escrire a mes Mis, & que je reduiray tous les
tesmoignages d'amitie que je leur doibs, aux services',
que je pourray leur rendre
[Epttrea, pp. 69-71),
In addition to the reasons given in the above passage for not liking to
write letters, Cureau had another very personal one that is also related
to his melancholic temperaments
prudence.
Since he was, by his own
admission, a person of very strong and intense emotion, he recognized
the risk involved in responding to an upsetting piece of news while
still caught up in the heat of passion.
By waiting awhile for the
feeling to subside, Cureau assumed that one could acquire the distance
necessary to respond objectively and sympathetic ally.
Insights such as those evident in La Chambre1s correspondence
are extremely valuable in reconstructing the personality of the author
of Les Charact'&res des Passions.
Obviously, the interest he manifested
for this particular aspect of medicine was not of academic motivation
alone; it was deeply rooted in his personal experience and psychologi­
cal makeup.
A man of such intense feeling was perhaps more aware than
most of the dangers involved in allowing sentiment to override reason.
Through greater knowledge of the passions, an individual like Cureau
could learn to cope with his own sensitivity by devising methods for
understanding and dealing effectively with the cause or causes of
87
irritation and distress.
He could, for example9 try counteracting one
emotion with another, or change his environment to soothe and relax him­
self.
In short, the "doctor of bodies and souls" had to be his own best
friend and physician before he could really be anyone else *s. After
probing the motivations concerning his own behavior, his task— if he
were socially oriented like Cureau— was not only to tell people what
to do in a given situation; it was also to teach them how to handle
themselves on a day-to-day basis by providing an "art of knowing men."
•''
1
The Writer
Ho one has better described the intimate connection between
Cureau1s temperament and his writing style than his fellow "Manceau"
Manage, who recalled the following conversation;
II m ’a dit que quand 11 prenoit la plume, il ne savoit
ce qu'il alloit ecrire, qu’une plriode produisoit une
autre plriode. Je ne savois de meme ce que j ’allots
faire que quand je faisois des vers. . . .8
As the above text indicates, writing was for La Chambre a kind of ex­
ercise in transcribing
the "sounds" and rhythms of his inner being. In
those letters, pertaining to his Chc&aat&pes des Passionst hefrequently
alludes to the exhaustion he felt upon completing the analysis of the
various emotions, for in describing each state, he inadvertently ex­
perienced the passional movements. Incapable of writing without some
emotional input, he notes that even the composition of the simplest
^Menagianas p. 177.
88
"Lettre de menage'* cost him dearly in terms of time and energy con­
sumed.^
For the most part, those of his contemporaries who read his
works agreed that he was an excellent judge of human character and ex­
ceptionally perspicacious with regard to human nature. As Guez de.
Balzac wrote in a letter addressed to the author of Les Charaot&res des
'Passions in 165k, just after the appearance of the second volume:
Apres avoir bien consider!, examin!, StudiS votre livre
quinze jours entiers, je conclus que jamais homme n'a
connu 1 fhomme a I ’egal de vous. Jamais le dieu de
Delphe n*a St! plus ponctuellement ohei; non pas m§me
par celui d qui il rendait temoignage d'une parfaite
sagesse, ni par celui qu’on appela autrefois 1 ’Entendementj
ni par cet autre qu’on appelle encore aujourd’hui le D$mon
de la nature [Descartes]. . . . II n ’y a ni coin ni cachette
de 1 ’esprit•humain oil vous n ’ayez penStr!; il ne se passe rien
•-• la-dedans de si vide ni de si secret, qui echappe a la subtilit! de votre vue, et dont vous ne nous apportiez des nouvelles tres-fidelles et tres asseurees. . . . On pent done •
dire, sans en dire trop, que vous etes philosophe en chef. ^
Even those who did not exactly approve of all La Chambre’s
methods for judging men, like Guy Patin who referred to the Discours
sur
les Principes de la Chiromanae et de la Mitoposcopie as • rienque
du babil,
admired the physician for his special ability
to attractand
to deal successfully with people through exercise of these arts of
divination.
As Patin wrote in another letter to Falconnet just after
Cureau’s death:.
^Epitres, Letter XXXII.
^Lettres de Balzacs II (Paris, 1666). Letter dated September 15,
16^5, and quoted by Kerviler, Le Chancelier Pierre Siguier, p. 430,
note '2. ..
89
II.etoit de I’Academie frangoise et.m .des.premiers •
et des.plus Sminents, tant a raison de sa doctrine,
qui n'etoit point commune, que pour le credit qu'il
avoit chez M. le Chancelier, en vertu de quoi il
Stoit officiexix et bienfaisant a ceux a qu il pouvoit
servir, et qui avoient affaire en ce pays de
chancellerie.il
Another of La Chambre1s close associates, Chapelain, agreed with
the favorable opinion Patin and others, including Sorel,
and Bayle,^ expressed concerning La Chambre1s works.
12
13
Niceron,
However, in
Chapelain*s case, one very interesting reservation is made which de­
serves some consideration;
for writing history.
the physician’s rather mediocre capacity
In the academician’s words;
C’est un excellent philosophe, et dont les ecrits
sont purs dans le langage, justes dans le dessein,
soutenus dans les orneinens, et subtiles dans les
raisonnemens. Son application est dans les matieres
physiques et morales, en tant que celles-ci regardant
la nature; je ne le tiens pas dans les politiques,
et je doute qu’il fut propre a ecrire 1 ’Histoire,
quoique fort judicieux. . . .15
"^Letter to Falconnet dated December 13, 1669$ DCCXCVII.
^Bibl'iot'h'&que Franqoise (Paris, 1664), p. 238.
I
3
e
•
Memo-ire pour servir a I ’H'istoire des Hotmes Iltustress XXVII,
392-97.
^According to Kerviler in Le Chancelier Pierre Siguier3 p. 27$
Bayle refers to La Chambre in his Dictionnaire as "le meilleur ecrivain
qu'aient eu les mSdecins au XVIIe siecle," but I have not been able to
locate the passage.
■^"Memoire> de quelques.gens.de lettres vivans en M.D.L.X.III," .
dresse par ordre de M. Colbert— Autres ecrivains franqois LII, in
Melanges de litt&rature tires des lettres manuscrites de M, Chapelain
90
Following the.observation of Haureau in L'Histoire ti-ttevaive du
Maine^ Chapelain's brief allusion to.Cureau’s ineptitude for writing
history is a direct reference.to the rather modest success of his po­
lemical work Les Observations de PhilaltZthe.sur vn tibette intitule
"Optatus GalluSj " published in 1640 at Richelieu’s request.^ . However,
the remark is unique as far as I have been able to ascertain, and seems
to be related more precisely to the author’s emotional nature. If in­
deed Cureau was as' sensitive a man as his letters indicate, it is
likely that those who knew him well might have viewed his intense
loyalty to his friends and patrons as an obstacle to maintaining any
sort of sustained objectivity with regard to past events. Such an ob­
servation might be particularly well taken in the light of Cureau’s
quasi-mystical patriotism, which claimed not only his heart but to a
certain extent, his intellect, as we shall see in chapter 5 in connec­
tion with his theory of climates. Hence, Chapelain’s comment might have
been prompted by a more personal and profound opinion of La Chambre’s
character, and not merely meant as an allusion to the polemic with
Hersant over the Gallican Church.
uLe Parvenu”
We saw in chapter 2 that Cureau’s intellectual and social
efforts were generally well rewarded at the Court as well as in the
(Paris, 1726).
Cited by Kerviler, Revue du Maine* II, 170-71.
■^Kerviler is of a similar opinion. See Le Chanceliev Pierre
S$guiers rp, 1*52, note 1.
91
intellectual circles. However, success can breed jealousy on the part
of some, particularly in a society where artists who are not indepen­
dently wealthy have to depend on patrons for monetary support.
Menage,
as we noted in chapter 1, was not unlike Boileau in his feelings towards
the French Academy, and both poets took their respective opportunities
to poke fun at La Chambre's ideas.
For Menage, the pretext was the
"modernistic" notion of using French instead of Latin for scientific
discourse; for Boileau, it was the high-flown style of Lee Cha^aetepes
des Passions which merited La Chambre's inclusion in the list of authors
of works on the passions (Senault and Coeffeteau) who consistently try
17
to "dogmatiser en vers, et rimer par chapitres."
Although Boileau's criticism of La Chambre is ostensibly di­
rected at his verbosity and preoccupation with elegant.language, there
is nevertheless an underlying suggestion that the author of L 'Art
po&tique shared Descartes' low opinion of Les Charaot^pes des Passions.
According to the latter, this work contained nothing but words, and for
18
this reason, did not deserve the effort required to read through it.
At the opposite end of the spectrum from those who exaggerated
La Chambre's faults, there were those whose praise for him was too ex­
travagant.
Take, for example, the following poem by Richelieu's favor­
ite Boisrobert, who heralds Cureau as a new "Eseulape," gifted with
"^"Satire VIII, a MM. . . Morel, Docteur en Sorbonne," lines
113-118.
18
Coppespondanoe du Plre Mepsenne3 ed. by B. Rochot, X, Descartes
to Mersenne (28 Jan. l64l), p. 483.
92
extraordinary healings powers that border'on the magical:
^
La Chambre a Esculape.nouveau,
Qni.te regies surle niveau
De ce dieu:dont la medecine
Tire son illustre origine;
Esprit sans homes .et sans esprit s:
Fameux entre les grands prix,
De qui I ’adresse et la science .
Et la force et 1 1experience $
Pent d 1entre les bras de Caron,
Du fond de I’obscur Acheron
Rappeler une ame ravie
Dans un corps depouillS de vie. . . .
All flattery La Chambre might have derived personally from such hyper­
bolic praise put aside, poems such as these, if published, would hardly
have impressed his professional and intellectual compeers at Mersenne’s
or at the Paris Faculty of Medicinal
Some Guidelines for a Charactero. logical Analysis
%-As a conclusion to the section of our study concerning Cureau’s
relations with his contemporaries, We would like to attempt a charac­
terological portrait of the man using the methodology outlined
by Roger Mucchielli in his book Caraet'&res et Visages.
on
From what we
have been able to gather from letters written by La Chambre together
with the opinions proffered by both his friends and his enemies, his
patrons and those who looked to him for favors, the physician is best
exemplified.by the type EnAP, or Enotif (excitable), Secondaire or
Boisrobert, Epistres (Paris, 164?), p. 39.
20
Paris, 1963.
See Chapters 1-3 in particular.
93
non-A6tif (persistently influenced by past experiences, principles or
distant projects) and Flastique- (adaptable).
The" couple Emot'tf-
Seaondaive designates the structuring properties of temperament, which
in classical typologies such as those of Hippocrates and Galen, is the
equivalent of the Melancholic or nervous individual of a predominantly
cold and dry humoral disposition.
Plasticity, on the other hand, re­
fers to the individual’s relative openness or closedness with regard to
the world around him.
In the typology of C. G. Jung, an individual
having such a character might be described by the general term "intro­
vert
.
Leaving aside the many details that would be involved in making
a complete characterologi cal analysis, we can see how Cureau expresses
each of the three basic aspects of the type EnAP according to our
knowledge of his personal habits.
With regard to emotivity, we have
seen clearly in the information provided by his letters that Cureau
considered himself an excitable person possessed of an innate propen­
sity to strong feelings. However, this first aspect of his character
cannot be properly understood without relation to his cautiousness,
which is represented in the idea of Secondaire.
Taken together, this
combination accounts for the strong attachment Cureau felt for his
friends, his patrons, his country, and the Tradition, all of which.have
an important bearing on the way in which he viewed himself as a writer.
Finally, in his relation to himself,.the world and to the people around
him, Cureau tended more towards plasticity than he did towards in­
transigence or inadaptability expressed by the term S&jonet'Cf.
This
aspect of his.attitudinal orientation is particularly apparent.to.those
familiar with his disposition as a philosopher., IMlike Descartes, who
admitted with.great difficulty to.accepting the ideas of.others and in
consequence was a great theoretician adept in matters requiring analytic
and abstractive ability, Cureau was instinctively drawn to concrete,
pragmatic ideas and sensualist philosophy.
His art of knowing men was
conceived in view Of helping individuals to adapt to their surroundings
and to live harmoniously with their fellow man.
However, as Mucchielli
points out, plasticity and intransigence do not constitute real human
types, for one or the other taken to its extreme would destroy the indi­
vidual:
the first by denying him a personal conscience vis-a-vis the
world and other men; the second by cutting off his vital link with
things outside himself and rendering him incapable of tending to his
needs.
21
Thus, while Cureau advocates, adaptability to bis patients, he
also encourages them to be strong and to hold steadfastly to their
principles, for he realized that only hearty individuals capable of
expressing both generosity and love, possess the kind of characterial
traits, necessary to becoming leaders whose abiding concern will be for
the governed.
As we leave the man to look more specifically at the theory of
man expounded in his works, it will be very useful to keep, in mind the
intimate connection between La Chambre *s characterial dispositions and
the overall design of the art of knowing men.
^Mucchielli, p. Uo.
In the eyes of most
95
historians s the techniques advocated for the discovery of human nature—
physiognomy, chiromancy, metoposcopy, and related astrological sciences—
do not appear to have survived the initial wave of Cartesian idealism
with its emphasis on equating what is real with what is evident.
Yet,
in looking more closely at the moralist literature during the last half
of the seventeenth century, there remains among writers like La
Rochefoucauld, Malehranche and Mme de Sable a tendency to view man in
greater complexity and detail than Cartesians might have originally be­
lieved necessary:
instinct, imagination, the senses— Z 'amoicr px'opre in
sum— together with la fortunes exert an undeniable influence on the
course of human actions in spite of, or in the case of the lucky, in
conjunction with, the strength of a person’s inward resolve.
This is
not to say that man is without any control over his fate; it merely
raises the possibility that despite our clear and distinct understanding
of what causes should produce what effects, there are parts of our
psychophysical and moral being which continue to elude us.
-PART II
THE THEORY OF MAH ACCORDING TO CUREAU
96
/
CHAPTER 4
FORMATION OF THE METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
FOR THE ART OF KNOWING MEN
When examining the list of works by La Chambre, one is immedi­
ately struck by the number of titles which promise "new" information or
methods for the study of problems as seemingly diverse as light, the
Nile's fertility, digestion, rainbows, and the thought of Hippocrates
and Aristotle.
This adjective comes as somewhat of a surprise in the
light of what we have said in previous chapters concerning Cureau's
reputation among his contemporaries as a leading adversary of the cen­
tury's most iconoclastic philosopher, RenS Descartes, and as an ardent
defender of Traditional thought. Yet, the word appears so frequently
and in connection with so many different questions that we cannot over­
look the obvious relation between "innovativeness" and Cureau's atti­
tude towards his own ideas in comparison with systems of thought ad­
vanced by his compeers. Thus, it seems fitting to begin our study of
his works and the theory of man they formulate and defend by coming to
terms with the ideological and methodological implications of "new" as
it applies to the title of his first major contributions
NauveVles
Vensees sur tes causes de ta lwni'&res du desbordement du
et de
t'amour d'inclination.
97
98
La Chambre's Early Works and the Hew
Scientific Spirit; Revolution
Versus Reform in His
Approach
There is no doubt that one of La Chambre1s principal aims in
selecting the three topics to be examined in the first volume of essays
•was to win favor among the various interest groups comprising the in­
tellectual elite of Paris.
Checking the literature of the period around
163^s we find that light was a fashionable topic of conversation among
the associates of Mersenne's academic c ir c lewhile the theory of
2
ttcanoup d ’inctinat-Lon fascinated poets and scientists alike.
The short
essay on the Nile was certain to please Siguier and the residents of his
hotel who studied the culture and civilization of Ancient Egypt, but
more than this, the mysterious property that caused this particular
river to overflow its banks and fertilize the surrounding valley was a
curiosity that had captured the imagination of the Renaissance natural
philosopher, Jerome Cardano, who came up with the interesting theory
Gassendi and Descartes both advanced theories on the nature of
light consistent with their respective methodological theories. (See
Descartes® Le Monde3 "Traite de la lumiere,M which was in private cir­
culation as early as 1633$ Peiresc's correspondence with Mersenne be­
tween 163b and 1635 pertaining to the experiments with the mechanism of
vision he and Gassendi were conducting at his residence in Aix-enProvence at that time, and Mersenne1s L'Optique et la Catoptvique (1651),
where all the major theories on light during the first part of the cen­
tury (those of Della Porta, Descartes, and Gassendi) are systematically
discussed and refuted as having too little concrete data to support the
conclusions drawn.
2
See Th. Renaudot, Premieve Centurie des Questions Traitees ez
Conferences du Bureau d'adresse2 "Table des Points.” Some examples are
listed in note 4 of chap = 2.
99
that the "occult virtue" was really saltpeter, or le nitre.
Hence, a
volume bearing the intriguing title of Nowettes Pensees sur tes causes
de la lumi'&re, du desbordement du Nils et de 1 'amour d*inclination was
certain to achieve an immediate, if not an enduring, success for the
provincial doctor from Le Mans.
While establishing a diversified audience for himself was one
of La Chambre's obvious goals, it does not suffice to explain why he
elected to publish the essays in a single volume rather than as separate
tracts— a choice he might well have made if his only purpose had been
to cater to the tastes of the various academic and social circles of
Paris.
As he promises in the opening pages of Bouvelles Pens$essur
les causes de la lvmV&re3 the essay which heads the volume:
Et s'il est tel que je le desire, ce ne sera plus par
obeissance, mais par inclination, que ie te feray part
de mes autres estudes\ ou tu verras, a mon advis, les
plus rares desseins que la Medecine & la Philosophic
puissent donner, conduites par des routes qui n ’ont
point este battues, et qui t *obligeront sinon d’approuver mes sentimens, pour le moins de louer mon
courage
(Lwz., av.-pr. ).
Thus, the reader who begins with the essay on light is advised from the
outset that the thoughts about to be revealed to him in the pages that
follow are presented in view of elaborating a methodological theory ap­
plicable to a broad spectrum of scientific problems.
Turning to the essays themselves, we find no introductory state­
ment announcing a break with Scholastic methods comparable to the famous
preface Descartes was to publish three years later in explanation of the
method used in analyzing the problems considered in each of three
100
illustrative essays respectively concerned.with dioptrics, meteors, and
geometry,
Nevertheless for the author of NouoeZZes Pensees sup Zee
causes de Za ZvmV&Pet formerly held theories of light are of interest
only insofar as they serve to confirm his own ideas regarding the nature
of this phen omenon— -ideas which originate with the Biblical revelation,
but which become intelligible to the human mind only through observation.
Hence, the choice of light as the point of departure for scientific in­
quiry becomes imperative for man, since both the Bible and human expe­
rience confirm its excellence.
According to the author of Genesis, light represents the first
creation, fashioned by God as ”le veritable caractere & la parfaite
image de sa divinite qu'il vouloit imprimer sur la face de I'univers" .
{.Lum., av.-pr.).
As for man's role in relation to light, Cureau re­
marks :
. . , ie croirois estre coupable envers le Pere de
la Lumiere, si ie n ’avois applique mon esprit a
considerer attentivement cette divine Qualite, qui
est tout ensemble, s'il faut ainsi dire, le coup
d1essay & le chef-d'oeuvre de ses Ouvrages; Si ie n ’avois
tasche de faire quelque decouverte dans les tenebres, ou
il dit luy-mesme qu'elle est cachee; Et si apres cela ie
ne faisois part au public des connpissances que ie pense
y avoir acquises
\Lym3 av.-pr.).
The fact that light was created first is of prime importance to
man's understanding of the nature of his world, because as Cureau ex- '
plains, "les choses les plus parfaictes s 'approchent de 1'unite de la ‘
multitude" (Lum.3 p. 87).
In this sense, light "ayant cette unite de
nature par sa simplicity, & cette multitude par le nombre des effets
differents plus qu'aucune des formes sensibles, a plus d'essence & est
101
plus parfaicte en son action que pas m e d'elies'* (Lim., p. 88).
Thus $
we see that for Cureau, light, by virtue of its "created" nature, is
sensible and therefore less infinite and less pure than its creator,
even though it remains for man the most worthy object of contemplation
in the universe.
But "contemplation" for La Chambre does not mean world renounce­
ment . As he intimates in the last line of the passage cited above, the
beatific vision is a privilege to be shared with others by the "seer,"
according to his talents.
Whether the vision is communicated verbally
or represented graphically, this activity constitutes the noblest oc­
cupation in which individual men.can engage, because it glorifies the
Creator through multiplication and expansion of being.
In Cureau*s
words:
On peut. . .dire. . .que la Gloire augmente en effet
le merite des choses excellentes, & qu'elle leur
donne quelque accroissement qui les rend plus grandes
qu'elles ne seroient sans elles. Car puis qu'elle
se fait par la Connoissance, & que la Connoissance
n'est rien que la Representation & 1*image des objets
que 1'ame se forme en elle-mesme; il est certain que
la Gloire multiplie en quelque sorte I ’estre des
choses excellentes, & qu'autant qu'elle se respand
dans 1'esprit & dans la bouche des hommes ee sont
autant de pourtraits vivans & autant de nouvelles
productions que 1'ame fait de ces choses-la. Et
c'est de ill sans doute que precede cette ardente
passion que 1'homme a pour 1'estime, pour I'honneur
& pour la louange, parce qu'il aime sa grandeur &
qu'ils se voit accreu par elles, & comme renouvele
dans la pensee de ceux qui les luy donnent, ou qui
en sont les tesmoins.
Que s'il est permis de parler des pensees que
Dieu pent avoir par les sentimens que nous
esprouvons en nous-mesmes; nous pouvdns dire aussi
qu'il se plaist a la Gloire que nous luy rendons
102
.
en considerant la Bonte, la Sagesse & la Puissance
qu’il fait paroistre en ses Ouvrages; parce que nous
les multiplions & leurs donnons un nouvel estre,.qui
sert a nostre perfection propre & qui aceroist en
quelque sorte la nature & le nombre des choses qu'elle
a produites
(Lvm^s av.^-pr.). .
Thus, in Cureau’s opinion, we can see that human knowledge be­
gins with "enlightenment” in the most concrete sense of the word.
By
comprehending light's multiple effects, i.e., its figures and images as
signs, the seer affirms the existence of an intelligent plan behind the
apparent chaos of cosmic diversity.
The instrument that enables him to -
identify recurrent patterns apart from the phenomena in which they im­
mediately occur is language— a sacred trust invested by God in man for
the purpose of confirming the excellence of His order.
Language is the
only dimension of human existence capable of transcending the continual
flux of sensible existence by separating quality from the accident in
which the observer apprehends it.
It is in the act of discovering and
naming these qualities as existents in their own right that man not
only confirms, but also reinforces through intensification, the orderly
design of creation.
Keeping in mind the emphasis Cureau places on the need for an
individual effort to apprehend the signs of divine presence, it is easy
to understand what his perspective on Tradition might be;
man's order
of knowledge is, always has been, and always will be, nothing more than
a commentary on truth as it is glimpsed through study of the phenomena
of the natural world; but in perfecting one’s understanding of sensible
phenomena by. striving for precision and clarity in the details, man
moves closer to achieving truth-likeness in his science which, in effect.
103
can be the only ultimate goal of a body of knowledge conceived, in terms
of a spatiotemporal existence.
Hence,.while it is true that Curean believed in the infinite
wisdom contained in the principles, already discovered.by Ancient thinkers
like Aristotle, Democritus, and Plato, he was not convinced that the
terms of application such laws might have to the study of empirical phe­
nomena had ever been properly understood.
Otherwise, he notes, impre­
cise phrases like "occult property" and "secret virtue" would not appear
in scientific discourse intended to aid in the discovery of phenomena.
In fact, as he postulates in Les Charact&res des Passions just a few
years later s "... .bien qu'il soit veritable qu'il y ait de ces vertus
ou proprietez occult es, il est certain qu’il y en a bien moins que 1‘on
ne pense, & que souvent on fait passer de choses tres claires & tres
manifestos pour de grands secrets de la Nature
. . ." (C.P.3 III, 208).
In the carrying out of his actual scientific work, Cureau re­
mains essentially faithful to the Aristotelian system which, in his
words,
. .est fond# sur une demonstrat ion composSe de notions
communes ausquelles il faut donner les mains" (Epttress p. 95)•
These
general notions about nature are often reiterated in La Chambre’s works
in phrases of the type ; "la nature suit toujours l e .ehemin le plus
court" or "la nature ne fait rien en vain."
However, it would be mis­
leading to say that Cureau was an "Aristotelian" unless one understands
by this term the authentic method of the Stagirite, which consisted
primarily in the observation of phenomena.
For his own part, La Chambre
considered himself more of a disciple of Hippocrates than of Aristotle,
104
and indicates in his correspondence that his esteem for the former
3
slightly outweighs his regard for the latter.
In advising a friend as
to the way one ought to go about using the ideas of the Ancients, we can
see the general outline of the physician's own methodology;
. .11
ne seroit point de besoin de ruiner les systemes de la philosophie
ancienne. . . .
[l]l suffirait de montrer. . .que les principes d'Hippo-
crate conviennent avee les premiers que ces grands Hommes [Platon,
Ddmocrite, Aristote] ont poses” (Epfctres, p. 95)•
By "first principles,”
he means those "qui sont insensibles, & qui ne se peuvent connoistre,
que par de subtiles abstractions de 1'entendement” as compared to those
which are "sensibles & palpables coxmne ceux de la Medecine, de la
Chimie, &c."
{Epttx>es3 p. 95).
In taking account of his own talents and interests, Cureau de
La Chambre saw his role as a methodologist in terms of form as well as
in terms of content. Since his mode of communication had to be verbal,
his first concern was to cultivate the language to a point where it was
both precise and accessible to the widest possible range of individuals.
In other words, his discourses were not only intended to be read for
their content; in his role as an Academician and early advocate for the
development of a scientific French language, Cureau wrote for purposes
related to the cultivation of lexicography and semantics, for in his
^See Epttves, Letter XIII, p. 93.
• .j'ay une veneration
singuliere pour Aristote, & . . .apres le grand Hippoerate je ne conhois
personne dans 1*Antiquite qui ait parle si raisonnablement de la Nature
que luy. . . . "
mind there could be no knowledge in scientific matters without a means
of verbal expression.
The cultivation of French goes hand-in-hand with the second
aspect of Cureau's self-styled mission— the continuation of natural
philosophy's traditional aim:
to account for phenomena through the
correlation of size, situation, figure, and movements.
Making phenomena
"reasonable" means making them intelligible— a task which remains im­
possible as long as the linguistic instrument of expression is equivocal
and in consequence, obscure.
For Cureau, as for the rest of his edu­
cated contemporaries, there was only one model for precision and clarity
mathematics.
As he wrote to the Bishop of Cahors upon being asked
whether the blood of an individual could remain pure even after death,
or whether in the instance in question— the death of a man ofGod— it
was connected with his exceptionally spiritual natures
Vous m'avez donne une Commission qui est fort delicate,
& qui me fait trembler, quand je pense qu'elle me rend
juge entre la puissance de Dieu, & celle de la Nature,
& qu'elle me met au hazard d'oster a un Saint laGloire
d'un Miracle, ou de luy en attribuer un qui serapeutestre faux. C'est pourquoy vous ne devez pas trouver
estrange si je forme des difficultez sur une chose qui
a paru tres-evidente a d'autres: Farce que je tiens
qu'en ces matieres il faut agir comme dans la Mathematique;
sur des hypotheses, & par des principes qui soient si
certains qu'ils ne laisseroient pas le mo indre doufce dans
1'esprit
{Epttres, p. 257).
With the ideological, methodological and epistemological prem­
ises of Cureau's approach to science in proper focus, the frequent ap­
peal to "novelty" we noted in his work becomes easy to explain.
To
begin, the very fact that his discourses are written in French smacks
106
of innovation, for in 1634, it remained the exception rather than the
rule to use any language other than Latin for philosophic writing.
Second, his fidelity to Aristotle is quite different from Scholastic
Aristotelian!sm, which is authoritarian in the sense that it substitutes
philosophical concern for classification for the empirical concern of
direct observation of phenomena.
Therefore, while La Chambre frequently
expresses his admiration for the Ancients, it is not out of any belief
in their superior intelligence, but rather because, as he notes in
L'Art de oonnoistre tea Homnes in 1659, they were "plus justes observateurs que ceux qui sont venus apres eux" (Airfc, p. 383).
In conclusion, we can now see that Cureau acted in good faith
when he characterized his thoughts as "new" even though his constant
frame of reference includes the principles which are as old as philos­
ophy itself.
As E. Gilson has demonstrated in his careful examination
of the Cartesian system in relation to Scholastic philosophy and theol­
ogy, even the seventeenth-century thinker whose break with "authority"
is regarded as the most dramatic of his time found himself continually
drawn back into the framework Tradition had established for discussing
the problems of physics and biology.*1 For Cureau, as for Descartes,
the "Tradition" was not only the foundation of science, it was also the
basis for religious dogma.
Hence, any departure from the accepted
teachings had to be thoroughly justified in terms of the consequences,
E. Gilson, Etudes sw? le role de la pensee midi&vale dans la
formation du systems cartisien (Paris, 1930).
107
\
involved, for as we shall see next in reviewing the basic lines of syn­
cretic attempts between Christian theology and pagan philosophy, the
risk of limiting God’s power at the expense of man, or vice versa, was
for all practical purposes unavoidable.
Christianity and Platonism: Outline of
the Major Ideological Conflicts from
Aristotle to the Renaissance
Natural Philosophers
Since the time of its inception, Christianity had been a melting
pot of Judaic and pagan customs, rites $ and cosmological doctrines which
appeared superficially reconcilable, but which in reality were often at
complete odds.
On the one hand, there were the external pressures?--the
history of Western thought is punctuated by periods of strong intellec­
tual resistance to the advance of Christianity, most of which are in
some way reminiscent of the earliest, most obstinate opposition leading
up to the Middle Ages $ the Neoplatonist School, whose major represen­
tatives include Plotinus (205-270), Porphyry (233-304?), lamblicus
(d. 330), and Proclus (d. 485).
However, as C. S. Lewis observes in
The Discarded Image, the reason why Neoplatonism always held such a sway
over Christianity has less to do with pressures exerted from the outside
by Neoplatonists than it does with internal pressures arising from the
doctrines themselves.
As he comments;
“There was [at the time of the
Neoplatonist School] and is still, a Christian 'left,* eager to detect'
and anxious to banish every Pagan element; but also a Christian ’right’
108
who, like St. Augustine, could, find the doctrine of the Trinityforeshadowed in the Vlatorvio-i.
Strictly speaking, the conflicts that beleaguered Christian
theologians down through the centuries fall into one of two categories:
either they are inherent to the affiliated Platonic tradition, which
A; 0. Lovejoy has shown to be in fundamental contradiction with itself
over the Idea of the Good;^ or else they stem from the basic disharmony
between the Judaeo-Christian and pagan world views which imply radically
different conceptions of the Divine and, subsequently, of man.
Plato and Aristotle on the Idea
of the Good
The Platonic Idea of the Good introduced in the Republic as the
Idea of Ideas is portrayed as a Perfect and Self-Sufficient Being, a
position which leaves no rational explanation for the existence of the
world. In the Timaeus, Plato attempts to provide such an explanation
by taking advantage of the negative corollary modern Greek usage had
attached to the word for good = self-sufficiency, which was good - free­
dom from envy.
This metaphysical polarity, when extended to the idea of
perfection, has interesting repercussions: if the Good were not somehow
productive of, or responsible for, the existence of other creatures than
himself, it would, as Lovejoy remarks in The Great Chain of Being3 "lack
a positive element of perfection and would not be so complete as its
5C. S. Lewis, The Discarded Image (London, 1964), pp. 48-1*9.
^A. 0. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being (Cambridge, Mass, 1936).
109
7
very definition demands that it is.” . Thus, by a bold inversion of
logic, the idea of a Self-Sufficient Being is transformed into a SelfTranscending Fecundity whose necessary objective is to fill all parts
of the universe with as diverse a range of creatures as there are ideas
endemic to the Idea of the Good.
Aristotle versus Plato on the
Idea of the Good
In studying the teachings of his master $ Aristotle adhered to
the original notion of self-sufficiency as the essential attribute of
Good, while acknowledging the inner necessity of a relationship between
the Unmoved Perfection and the sensible world of phenomena.
In other
words, he did not view the Supreme Being as a World-ground, or explana­
tion as to why other things exist in actuality, and in his Metaphysics
he even goes so far as to reject the notion that all potentialities
should be realized.
The primary refutation of the contradictory Pla­
tonic doctrine of the Good, however, comes in the Evmedicot Ethies where,
as Lovejoy has remarked, Aristotle argues according to the purest logic
on this point: "One who is self-sufficient can have no need of the
service of others, nor of their affection, nor of social life, since
he is capable of living alone."
8
^Tbid.f p. ^9.
8
Ibid.y p. 1*3, quoted from Aristotle ’s Eth. Eum«s VII, 12l*l*b12l*5b. In a footnote (#27, p. 339)$ Lovejoy later mentions that there
are passages elsewhere in the works of Aristotle that conflict with the
doctrine of complete self-sufficiency defended here, e.g., Magna
Moratias 1213a.
110
Christian application of the Idea
of the Good to the Godhead
Through its early association with Classical philosophy, Chris­
tianity absorbed the Platonico-Aristotelian dialectic of the Idea of
the Good in all of its inherent contradiction and applied it to God.
In consequence there existed, according to Lovejoy, side by side the
conception of at least Two-Gods-in-One,
of a divine completion which was not complete in it­
self, since it could not be itself without the ex­
istence of beings other than itself and inherently
incomplete; of an Immutability which required and
expressed itself in Change; of an Absolute that was
nevertheless not truly absolute because it was re­
lated, at least by way of implication and causation,
to entities whose nature was not its nature and whose
. existence and perpetual passage were antithetic to
its immutable e x i s t e n c e . 9
In its confrontation with the Judaic all-powerful God, Chris- .
tianity1s confused Platonism fostered an effort among Church doctors
to reconcile the problem of evil.
This debate became particularly
virulent during the twelfth century, when Bernard de Clairvaux chal­
lenged Pierre Abelard's notion of the "best of all possible worlds" on
the grounds that God would not have included evil in his plan unless .
there was to be an evolution towards perfection over time, as the Bible
teaches. In the thirteenth century, the controversy took on a new di­
mension, as Thomas Aquinas, in his Stoma Theologica, set out to estab­
lish a rational link between man and God which would supplement the ex­
periential love-based faith taught by St. Augustine. He was opposed
9a. 0. Lovejoy. The Great Chain of Being3 p«: 50.
Ill
by a group of British theologians whose chief exponent. Duns Scotus,
argued against the Aquinian doctrine of free will enlightened and di­
rected by the superior understanding faculty in favor of a voluntarist
theory, according to which will, and not understanding, is viewed as
the prime ingredient in the constitution of reality.
As we shall sge
in chapter 7, the issues under discussion among these theologians— free
will and grace— were revived again in the seventeenth century, at which
time they involved not only theologians, but philosophers and theore­
ticians of science as well.
In addition, another important current in
Medieval philosophy, Averroism, which taught that God had created the
world in one fell swoop, leaving the work to regulate itself through
the innate balance of its component parts, helped to bridge the gap be­
tween Renaissance natural philosophy and the first phase of the scien­
tific "revolution" in the seventeenth century because, unlike.the other
thought systems of its time, it offered a positive rationale for the
continuation of human inquiry into the nature of things.
With Marsilio Ficino, the emphasis is unmistakably placed on
man, whom the author of De vita eo&iitus aompapanda (lA70) saw as the
cosmic mediator in maintaining the natural balance between good and
evil.
Inspired by his discovery of an alledgedly ancient set of manu­
scripts known as the Corpus Hermeticum in 1U60, Ficino proposed a
theory of the cosmos whereby man could invoke the "powers" of celestial
realms by working upwards through solicitation of the innate correspond­
ing properties of natural phenomena.
According to the philosopher-
tumed-magician, this definition of man was consistent with a system of
112
aboriginal theology everywhere harmonious with, itself or una prisca
theologica ubique si-bi consona seota which had culminated and was syncretized in the more recent revelations of Christianity.
Throughout the Renaissance period, theories of the magical prop­
erties of the universe abounded— some "demonic,” some "white" and, most
importantly, others which lay claim to the ancient Hebraic cabbala.
On
the one hand, it was assumed that the world and all of its parts were
"alive," and that this universal life was maintained by secret virtues
that the magician could not really understand, but which he was perfectly
capable of invoking.
At the same time, technology developed rapidly in
the applied sciences, thanks to the interest which cabbalistic study
generated in mathematics, the one "true" science, and the consequences
of this positive science suggested that what seemed occult and unknowable
in nature obeyed laws not unlike the ones that governed the man-made
machines which produced intricate fountains and the like. Thus, while
magic affirmed the alchemical design of living things, mathematicians
worked out designs for building elaborate machines to decorate the
estates of nobles and the palaces of kings, leaving the door open for
the formulation of a philosophy of nature which would reject the notion
of "secret" or "occult" properties along with Aristotelian final causes
and substantial forms in favor of "clear” and "distinct" ideas such as
the principles on which geometry was based.
History shows that man's confidence in his abilities to unravel
the mysterious relationships binding the universe together was not
merely discouraged by the Church; the challenge was met on intellectual
grounds by defenders of Scholastic philosophy who found sufficient
ammunition within the actual texts touted by the self-proclaimed magi­
cians to deal a crippling blow to the magical side of natural philos­
ophy.
The recently discovered Hermetic documents, for example, which
included Pimander and AsalepiuSf were attributed to the thrice-great
philosopher, priest and king of Egypt named Hermes, whose existence had
never really been documented.
Moreover, the Huguenot scholar Issac
Casaubon^ had meticulously dated the manuscript thought to be the
authentic work of Hermes to the first century A.D., thereby destroying
the magicians' argument in favor of its antiquity.
But even if the
natural philosopher refused to accept these proofs, he had to admit that
the author of the texts in question, whether Hermes himself or one of
his later commentators, was not an advocate of natural magic so much as
he was a world-renouncing mystic who, like the real Plato and not the
invention of the Neoplatonists, held worldly things in utmost contempt.
As Lewis remarks, it was actually through the commentaries of late
Christian translators like Chaldius who left an incomplete version of
the Timaeus in the fourth century, that Plato gained the reputation of.
having been, next to Moses, the great monotheistic cosmogonist and
philosopher of creation.^
Finally, man's position at the center of the
■^Chalmers' General Biographical Dictionary3 Vol. viii (1813)
places Casaubon (pseud. Hortentius) "among those learned men who in
the beginning of the [seventeenth] century were very solicitous to
have a union formed between the popish and protestant religions"
(p. 357).
11
C, S. Lewis, The Discarded Images p. 52.
114
universe turns out to be a gross exaggeration of the ancient astrologi­
cal cosmology; in truth, the world and mankind were deemed marginal
elements in the universal scheme, made from the dregs of matter and
situated on a planet located on the outermost rim of the action.
Ac­
cording to this view, the so-called magus is really nothing more than
a peripheral observer— at best an afterthought— who would have to be
worse than slightly pretentious to regard himself as a cosmic coordina­
tor!
But doctrinal rebuttals such as these did not discourage natural
magicians of the early seventeenth century who remained undaunted in
their loyalty to the yviscae theologicae*
Following in the tradition
of Giordano Bruno who, according to Lovejoy, made the incongruity of the
entire compound of preconceptions in medieval philosophy "far clearer
than ever before, by developing each with bold and rigorous logic within
its own sphere, and with a fine indifference to any lack of harmony be12
tween it and the others,11 many were touched by what Frances Yates has
called the "Rosicrucian enlightenment."
Far from dying out at the end of
the sixteenth century, alchemy and the astrological sciences experienced a
new wave of enthusiasm which was intimately connected to the political am­
bitions of Protestant states in Germany, England, and Bohemia, as Miss
Yates has shown.
13
Paracelsian physicians like the Englishman, Robert
Fludd, together with latter day cabbalists and hermeticists in France
12
«
A. 0. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Beingx p. 121.
^F. Yates, The Rosieruaian Enlightenment (London, 1972).
115
like J. Gaffarel and A. Kircher,.continued to promote.the occultist ap­
proach to science well into the mid-century, provoking flagrant criti­
cism and denouncement in some cases by solid members of the scientific
community like Mersenne and Gassendi.
Despite the wide diversity: in the methodological approaches to
science proposed by different individuals and groups within the intel­
lectual sphere of the first half of the seventeenth centurys it was
clear that the Renaissance had succeeded in establishing one universal
principle: man stood firmly at the center of this world regardless of
whether the position of the planet itself was cosmically significant or
not.
Whether through contemplative thought or magical operations, man
was a mediator 5 capable of dominating the terrestrial realm through his
understanding of the. celestial one. Unless one were a world-renouncing
pietist, in which case all human endeavor short of submitting to divine
will was futile, the consensus seemed to be that science was the pri­
mary goal of human existence.
The problem was to decide the proper
points of departure for scientific inquiry and to select a method or
series of methods that would enable one to eventually separate fact from
fiction.
Cureau and the Methodological Debate
in the Early Seventeenth Century '
In the academic circle of Mersenne, professional bias came to
be an important dividing line among scientific thinkers: mathematicians
and physicians, for example, could not be expected to maintain the same
priorities as theologians; yet, representatives from different
116
professions obviously felt.compelled, to universalize the approach best
suited to their discipline to.all areas of scientific inquiry.
Hence,
one of the popular methods of demonstrating the versatility of a method­
ological approach among those who disagreed was to compose a volume of
essays on seemingly different areas of investigation and to show how the
same methods could apply to each case.
As we know, this was the intent
of both Descartes and Cureau in their respective statements on method,
although the former was more explicit in admitting his design.
In spite
of such attempts at cordiality, there were eventual clashes between in­
dividuals over the issues which were at the heart of their respective
theories of nature:
light, animal intelligence, the nature of the soul
and of the passions, and the possibility of a vacuum in nature.
Some­
times, as in the case of Gassendi and Descartes on the theory of light,
the disagreements took on exaggerated proportions and set men at odds
for unduly long periods.
Dy extension of his theory of a natural hierarchy of essences
based on the multiple effects of light, Cureau espoused the HermeticoPlatonic doctrine of universal life expressed in the formula of Hermes
Trismegistus, "la lumiere est I 1amour & le commerce des choses les plus
dissemblables & les plus opposees” (Lwru3 p. 63, marginal note to
Pirnancbe). Hence, his approach to the study of living things remains
essentially animistic in the sense that he believed in the existence of
an organizing principle which controls all organic development and be­
havior.
Following the teachings of Hippocrates, he assumed that com­
merce between body &nd soul is maintained by a light-like quality or
117
spirit which Hse nourrit d ’une pure & lumineuse substance, parce q.u’il
est vray que dans les esprits 11 y a une lumiere inter!eure, & qui est
la plus subtile, rare, legere & mobile partie du corps" (Lum*3 p. 63)..
It is on this basis that Cureau attempts to formulate his theory of the
organism, which assumes that within a material body animal spirit
has been synthesized from the luminous substance contained in vital or
heat-.producing spirits and desposited in the nerves, provides the neces­
sary medium for transmitting the cognitive signals required for the
performance of any voluntary action (see chapter 6).
Since by this definition spirits are considered to be of a
nature similar to that of visible light. La Chambre posits that the ob­
server of phenomena can expect their presence in a material body to make
itself known through some recognizable forms.
If an organism is highly
spiritual in composition, its body should have a luminous appearance,
like the stars whose content is primarily light.
However, in examining
nature, one finds that there are denser, more solid bodies which reflect
light from their surfaces but are not really luminous, and others of an
even denser composition that contain light but are not ostensibly
illuminated.
Hence, he establishes three classes for physical bodies:
luminous bodies, illuminated bodies, and visible species (esp^oes
visibles)* , However, the distinctions between these categories are not
as important to Cureau as their common cause, diaphany, which makes them
all light-emitting bodies proportional to their compositional ratio of
spirit, and therefore, colorful.
theory:
As he explains, citing the Platonist
118
. . . il est vray que "1e Diaphane est en tons les corps
plus ou moins, & c'est la cause pourquoy la couleur se
trouve en chacun d'eux." Car a mesure que la matiere
est sous m e plus grande ou moindre quant ite , il y a
plus ou moins du diaphane; et ou il y a plus .ou moins
du diaphane, la lumiere est aussi a proportion. De
sorte que la couleur estant une lumiere se trouve en
chaque corps. . .
{Lum** pp. 70-71).
Light and the Order of Perfection
Of all things known to man through his senses, Cureau believed
that light "ayant cette unite de nature par le nombre des effects
differens, plus d’aueunes des formes sensibles, a plus d*essence & est
plus parfaicte en son action qu’aucune d'elles" {Lum.s p. 88).
Since it
comes closer than any other creature to carrying out the incarnativetransformative activity characteristic of pure form, or God himself, it
was La Chambre's wish that visible light be used as the model for
..analyzing the patterns of change exhibited by the more inhibited, less
perfect phenomena of nature. Hence, he begins the study of natural
forms with the most obvious and impressive group of light bodies in
the sensible world, the stars.
The fact that celestial bodies are visible to man indicates that
they are of a mixed composition.
Cureau imagines their substance to be
fluid-like or humoral, permitting the continuous absorption, emission,
and transmission of esprits.
Considering their size, distance, and
relation to the terrestrial realm, it is obvious that they influence
the dispositions and behavior of the lower creatures of nature through
their spiritual effluences.
In the terrestrial sphere of the cosmos, or sublunar world, the
only substance resembling stellar composition is fire, the first of the
■
.
. -V '..
- .. . '
'-
■
• 119
four elements whose physical nature incorporates the two male qualities»
hot and dry.
The mixed bodies of natural phenomena have only a small
portion of this igneous or spiritual substance in their systems; other­
wise they are composed of cold, moist components native to fire's ele­
mentary opposite, water. Thus, color as a-key to psychophysiological
nature exists only within the humors of the denser bodies of men and
animals, for what appears on the surface to be the natural color of
something is the net product of its structure and organization.
Cureau's words:
In
”. . . l a couleur ne suit pas la quantite, mais bien la
vertu des elemens, laquelle est bien souvent en celuy qui est en moindre
portion & quantit6” (Lum. 3 p. 111).
A good example of the unreliability
of superficial color can be seen in the appearance of water itself,
which is outwardly transparent, but whose metaphysical components
guarantee its cold moist and therefore material nature. The true com­
position of water is only evident in the effects or traces left by its
passage over something.
As Cureau points out, Aristotle is correct in
assuming that the principle of blackness lies in humidity, for the char­
acteristic marks or chca’det&res left by water are indeed black (Lum. j
p. 22).
A further example is that of charcoal, which as he explains be­
low, is primarily composed of water:
Les charbons deviennent noirs par 11humeur que la
chaleur attire du centre a la superficie. Et de
fait quand toute 1*humeur est consommSe, la noireeur
du charbon se perd. Or ie n 'entends pas ici le
centre du corps, ny les superficies exterieures;
mais le centre, la circonference, & les superficies
du meslange, qui se trouvent en chaque partie du
corps
(Lum* s p. 22 ).
120
Analysis of the organism through
external characteristics; the
theory
In living organisms capable of self-initiated and self-generated
movements, the same compositional-decompositional, creative-destructive
cycles which characterize the interaction between the composite entity
and its environment is internalized-
Like the celestial bodiess each
organic part strives to maintain its integrity against the stresses
imposed from within and without by the constant struggle of esprits to
regain their freedom only to reunite again with another mixed entity.
Cureau imagined that free spiritual bodies moved from place to place in
nebula-like formations vibrating together at a certain frequency.
If
such a mass were to encounter a similarly inclined spiritual nebula ? he
thought that attraction would cause the two to merge, and the resulting
effect of their vibration would be proportionately intensified.
Thus,
spiritual masses as understood by La Chambre are capable of stimulating
inanimate bodies of similar composition, impelling them to resound in
the same manner that two chords strung to the same tension will affect
one another.
As he explains in L 'Amour d finclination:
Or comme il y a des mouvemens proportionnez, & d'autres qui
ne le sent pas, & des subiects disposes a tels mouvemens, &
non pas a d'autres; il faut aussi, ce me semble, avouer que
1'esmotion spiritueuse a ces mesmes conditions, & que rencontrant
un corps dispose a recevoir le mouvement qu'elle a, elle
I'excitera assurement en luy; ou bien le fortifiers, si le_
mesme s'y trouve desia, comme nous venons de dire qu'il se fait
dans la chorde, qui est tendue a la mesme proportion de celle
qui est touches. Mesme s'il arrive que 1'impression soit bien
forte, elle ne laissera pas d'esmouvoir des esprits du mesme
mouvement qu'elle a, quoy qu'il ne fussent pas disposes a le
recevoir
{Inal. ^ pp. 73-TU ).
121
Through its involvement in the transmission process, each organ­
ism expends spiritual energy in proportion to the puissance active or
essence of its moving parts (the humors and internal organs), and the
measure of this dynamic exchange is the body temperament.
Unlike tem­
perature, which registers only relative levels of heat and cold— or
destructive alteration— temperament refers to all four qualities of ele­
mentary composition— hot, cold, dry, and moist— end is directly con­
cerned with the cognitive operations of the soul (see chapter 6).
Thus,
body temperament constitutes not only an index to physical activity, but
also to the entire range of psychophysiological and moral dispositions
of every living thing, and may consequently be considered as the basis
for classification according to type by interpretation of the individ­
ual's external features and behavioral patterns.•
Temperaments and Humors as the Premise
for a Science of Human Character
and Behavior
Cureau believed that what was needed in the seventeenth century
was a method of judging the temperament as both the momentary disposi­
tion of a given individual and as an indication of type.
Strictly
speaking, Aristotle's theory on the relations between temperament and
inclination had already established the framework for typological
classification by creating categories to correspond to the predominant
qualities.
However, in La Chambre's opinion, Aristotle' system was but
a beginning since it designates only the dramatic differences between
men thereby failing to account for the fact that the inner world is not
in static equilibrium, but is instead a constant and dynamic struggle to
122
create order among the changing levels of vital heat.
Although the
psychological understanding of man in the seventeenth century was by
and large framed, in the typological categories of Aristotle, those who,
like Cureau, had studied Greek philosophy and civilization realized that
-there never.had been a consensus among thinkers as to what the true
cause or causes of temperament might actually involve.
The theory of temperament
before Cureau
Empedocles was the Greek physician to first advocate the doc­
trine of four elementary qualities in nature.
A student of Egyptian
medicine, he believed that air, fire, water, and earth were the basic
ingredients whose proportion in living things had to be kept in equi­
librium in the interest of survival.
This doctrine became a primary
point of controversy between Aristotle and Democritus; the first
espoused the Empedoclean view of biology while the second argued in
favor of atomism and maintained that all things were essentially made
of a homogeneous matter that could be more or less dense.
The rejection of materialism and subsequent equation of the
"substantial forms" with soul was precisely what made Aristotelian
thought more amenable to the neoplatonized Christian theology than the
atomistic philosophy of Democritus and the Epicurean school he inspired.
Hence, along with the physics of the Prime Mover and the Moved, Aris-r
totle's biological analogy of the heart as Mover or generator, and
123
distributor of vital spirits via the humors or Moved entities dominated
lit
Western psychology and shaped the medical outlook of the Middle Ages.
The Greeks themselves were not strictly Aristotelian in their
medical practice$ however.
Inspired by the Platonic confusion between
subject and object arising from the apparent identity between God and
Goodness or Productivity, Hippocrates (460-375 B.C.) emphasized the role
played by spirits in the production of the vital heat needed for anima­
tion.
In the physician’s view, animation consisted in the body’s ability
to synthesize the inner light of spirit into energy.
Consequently,
movement could not be reduced to a mere transfer of impulse from one
place to another; instead, it had to arise from the innate capacity of
a material substance to transform itself into a spiritual one.
Thus,
the difference between the humoral outlook of Aristotle and the PlatonicoHippocratic tradition essentially comes down to the different prereq­
uisites of their respective theories of animation:
on the one hand,
Aristotle searched for a principle, or fountainhead, from which all
movement could be shown to originate, a position which ultimately leads
to the mechanism of an electrical circuit; by contrast, Hippocrates, like
Plato, does not appear to have insisted on the separation of subject and
object, assuming instead that the inherent capacities of matter are al­
chemical, or self-transformative and hence biochemical.
.
1
.
h^The analogy between Aristotle's doctrine of the Prime Mover
and its counterpart in the human system— the heart— is developed by
G. Ganguilhem in the first chapter of La Formation du oonoepte de
reflexe anx XVIIe et XVIIIe sieoles (1955) entitled: "Etat du
problSme du mouvement musculaire avant Descartes," pp. 9-26.
'
124
The two attitudes which characterize the systems of Plato and
Aristotle give rise to different theories of health and well-being.
For
Aristotle, the point of departure consists in recognizing that health is
a static state or fortress whose sanctity is threatened from without by
spiritual nebulae whose vibrations cause humoral and organic spirits to
resonate out of kilter with the internal mechanism.
Hippocrates, by con­
trast , begins with the premise that health is the net product of dynamic
equilibrium between the individual and his environment 9 and that good
health is fostered through control of that interaction.
Consequently,
the medical techniques suggested by Aristotle's view include measures
helpful in restoring the inner balance such as blood-letting and purga­
tion in addition to preventive methods such as appropriate dress to
counter the deleterious effects of extreme heat or cold.
Hippocratic
medicine makes use of all these techniques, but at the same time encour­
ages the implementation of external controls including soothing music,
good company, and pleasant surroundings. In fact, it was this theory of
therapeutics that led to the formulation of the classical Greek notion
that the physician cares for both the body and the soul.
The legacy of Greek medicine to Western civilization can largely
be viewed as an attempt to dissociate the theory of animation from the
philosophical impasse inherent in the application of either Platonic
or Aristotelian physics to biology by bringing it into line with the
fruits of observational science.
In the third century, B.C., Erasistra-
tos, the Greek doctor after whom we might remember that Le Vayer de
125 •
Boutigny named the physician of Tarsia et Zilie reputedly modeled after
15
the personality of Cureau de La Chambres. .identified, the life-giving
spirits.of the organism with pnevma* or the atmospheric substance re­
newed to the body through respiration and instrumental in the functions
of the brain and nervous system.
Continuing along similar lines, the
Roman physician Celsus (53 B.C. - 7 A.D.) posited that the life-giving
principle inhaled from the air was assimilated into the organism's blood
and then circulated throughout the body via the veins and arteries.
Finally, in the second century A.P., Galen taught that this vital prin­
ciple maintained the muscular tone that distinguishes living animals
from dead ones since, he observed that in the latter, the muscles soon
become flaccid.
16
■
By comparison, "psychology” or its historical antecedent in the
typing of human character and behavior through analysis of external ap­
pearance, initially pursued a much less empirical course than other
aspects of medicine.
Most likely the reason for its retarded develop­
ment into a scientific discipline lies in the fact that it had little
to gain in the way of concrete information from the primary techniques
of early physiologists— -dissection and gross anatomy— and thus remained
the derivative of mathematical logic.
The same Galen who investigated
muscular tone through dissection categorically applied Euclidian
15 '
See chap. 2, note 39•
■^Canguilhem, p. 10.
126
geometry.to.the Aristotelian theory of four elements, and arrived.at
the concept of temperament as a predictable proportion between %the four
bodily humors, choler or yellow bile, blood,.atra- (black) bile or
melancholy, and phlegm, which allegedly are formed by.the combination
of the non-polar qualities, respectively hot and dry, hot and moist,
cold and dry, and cold and moist.
Using this system, men could be di­
vided into psychological types on the basis of their humoral disposi­
tions, making it possible.to foresee emotional as well as physical dis­
orders peculiar to a given category.
Traditional "psychologists" agreed that the ideal temperament
was typical of mankind, who as a species stood at the midpoint of nature,
where all four qualities of elementary composition are proportionately
distributed.
If an individual exemplifying the attributes, of perfect
temperament were to exist, he would be classified as "temperate,11 while
all others would fall into one of the eight remaining subcategories of
intemperate or imperfect temperament, in which case one or two of the
qualities predominated.
If one quality held precedence over the other
three, the resulting individual could be classified as being of hot,
cold, dry, or moist temperament.
These four classes constitute the
group known as the simple intemperate temperaments.. If, on the other
hand, two of the non-polar qualities shared the dominant role, the
individual possessed of such a temperament would be described as hotdry, cold-moist,.hot-moist, or cold-dry . Traditional medicine referred
to these as the mixed intemperate temperaments, and usually designated
them by the name of the humor of the same mixed nature.
Hence, the
127
hot-dry mixture was "bilious or choleric, the cold-moist type phlegmatic,
the hot-moist type sanguine, and the cold-dry type atrabilious or melan­
cholic.
Persons of mixed intemperate temperament were expected to look
and act according to the characterial dispositions native to the con­
trolling humor or humors.
Moreover, humoral types were often linked to
their astrological counterparts:
cholerics were considered to be of
Martian temperament, or highly active and aggressive, quick to anger;
phlegmatics were passive, dull and slow to move like the moon; sanguines
were deemed jovial and magnanimous like Jupiter; and melancholics
possessed the cautious and often recalcitrant and taciturn nature of
Saturn.
As for appearance, hot-dry men had angular features and were
large of frame as a result of heat, with the hairy, rough-textured skin
caused by excessive dryness; cold-moist phlegmatics, soft and round due
to a preponderance of moisture, and small of stature from the retractive
effects of cold; sanguines, warm to the touch, large and round from the
combined effects of heat and moisture; and melancholics, hirsute and
small of stature, or typical of cold-dry mixtures.
According to Aristotle's syllogistic rule of physiognomy,
17
a
man's character could be inferred from the effects known to proceed from
the qualitative dispositions of his humors. Thus, a choleric man who
appeared yellow-faced, lean and hairy from the predominance of bile in
"^For the text of Aristotle's syllogistic rule quoted by La Chambre
in L 'Art de connoistre les Hormess see chapter 5.
128
his system was expected to display those behavioral traits associated
with a highly active and noble nature» i.e.„ prides ambition, vengeance
and shrewdness.
From the Greeks down through the Middle Ages, the notions of
temperament and humors derived from Aristotelian categories of being
formed the basis for the psychological understandings of man, an astral
being existing in a cosmos regulated by sideral movements and aspects.
By the late sixteenth century, however, the word humor had acquired
another meaning in addition to the one derived from astrology, creating
as it were an interesting dichotomy in the theory of man which is re­
flected in the ideas put forth by La Chambre. Therefore it deserves
brief mention before consideration of his version of the theory of
temperaments and humors.
During the sixteenth century, the theme of humoral psychology
enjoyed an unprecedented vogue among literary writers of international
acclaim whose works were being read in France.
We find, for example,
that the theory of humors serves as the basis for analyses the differ­
ent characters make of one another in the plays of Shakespeare.^
.
Towards the turn of the century, the theater of Ben Jon son known as the
”comedy of humors” shows that the characterial types have become so
entrenched in the minds of people that a man could assume a certain
humor or guise as his public personality in order to hide what he
really was.
In other words, the word humor was gradually being
There are numerous examples, but in Shakespeare the inter­
action between Caesar and Brutus is particularly interesting from this
vantage point.
129
assimilated.to the word character, as the enterprising individual dis­
covered the means of mastering his destiny, or nature,.through con­
sciously creating a self-image.. The fashion of thinking of man as hav­
ing a real and affected, humor is an important ingredient in the 'pr^cieux
and burlesque literary styles of early seventeenth-century France where
the demarcation line between being and appearing (etve/pcQ?a$tve) became
less clear.
Thus by the time of Cureau de La Chambre, the word humor
had distinctive reference to both a physiological reality and a charac­
ter! al type from which personality traits could be selected and adopted
by the individual.
The sixteenth-century discrimination between these two notions
of humor is reflected in the two categories of chavoQt'&vess or exter­
nally manifested traits,, established by La Chambre% the ohaxact^ves
ooi’povelSj or unaffected gestures and features owing to the inclination,
and the eharact'&pes movauXy or conscious supplement to verbal communica­
tion, such as eye and forehead movements, wagging (tremoussement) of the
tongue, voice inflections, laughter mad body carriage.
However, in
Cureau‘s theory of man, the word humor retains its medical authenticity
as a bodily fluid, or causal factor, not to be confused with the exter­
nal effect, or participation in a complex of external effects, which
together constitute character qua personality.
We shall take up this
problem in greater detail again when discussing the various categories
of signs used by La Chambre as the means, by which men might be known.
For the present time, however, let us examine the fundamental contrasts
between La Chambre*s psyehophysiological understandings of human charac­
ter and behavior.and the medical outlook of the early seventeenth century.
130
.La Chambre8s Modified Theory of
Temperaments and Humors
In summing up the medicine of seventeenth-century France 9
Levy-Valensi wrote:
D 1avoir connu Hippocrate et Galien, sans la deformation
des traductions arahes, semble dtre ne chez nos predecesseurs un renouveau d*adoration idolatre. La doctrine
medicale frangaise, c'est Hippocrate accommode par Galien
a la sauce pSripateticienne! 1'observation du medecin^g
de Cos est remplacee par 1*induction aristotelicienne.
While it is true that Cureau de La Chambre ? like most of his contempo­
raries , does not appear to depart significantly from Aristotle's teach­
ings, he does not apply the Stagirite's inductions without reservation.
Instead, he attempts to follow the advice of Hippocrates, interpreting
what he observed in the light of his spiritual transmission theory to
which he attributes "la cause de la dissolution universelle des corps,
& de ce que I 1on dit que le temps ronge & devore tout"
p. 13).
Like the Greek physician, Cureau de La Chambre believed that alteration in
the balance of external and internal conditions was a continuous process
which worked.to either reinforce the individual's innate dispositions
or inclinations, or else to weaken them by fostering the acquisition of
new behavioral patterns or habits.
Thus, the theory of spiritual
transmission is at the heart of Cureau's theory of man just as we
^^Levy-Valensi, La Medeoine et ies Medeoins frangais au XVIIe
sieole (Paris, 1933), p. 12.
131
found it to be.the basis of his.cosmology.
This theoiy .permits' him to
make the traditional qualitative.statements about human.temperament
within the quantitative frame of reference provided by the spirits, as
shown in the following texts
Ceux qui ont beaucoup d'esprits, actifs & remuans; ont
1'emission plus facile & plus vigoureuse, aussi bien
que ceux qui ont le cuir plus rare & plus ouverte &
tout ce qui aide a fortifier le sexe, 1 5aage, les
alimens, les passions, I’exercice, la saison, le
climat, & les autres. Car les sanguins & les bilieux
en ont davantage que les melancholiques & les phleg-'
matiques; les hommes que les femmes, les ieunes que
les vieux; ceux qui se nourrissent debons alimens,
subtils & transpirables, qui sont en un air & une
saison temperee, qui sont ioyeux ou choleres.
Car toutes ces choses rehdent les esprits plus actifs
& la peau plus ouverte ' (Incl.3 pp. 55-56 ).
Cureau’s understanding of spiritual transmission was very im­
portant in shaping his attitude towards the Aristotelian system of
classification by humoral type since it emphasized the compositional
nature and circulation of the humors themselves, which he believed
constituted the body’s system for distributing vital heat: espvits
moving through the body during digestion and respiration cause fluctua­
tion in the natural equilibrium of all organic parts; since certain
humors contain more espvits in their composition, and are therefore
more easily altered than others, their innate spirituality renders them
much more susceptible to similar spiritual masses reaching the body
from the outside.
Alteration in the concentration levels of espvits
in the humors subsequently would modify the action potential or essence
of that humor by rendering it either more or less viscous.
It was
particularly in its failure to recognize the qualitative differences
132
that exist in the humors themselves and modify their behavior accord­
ingly that caused La Chambre to be critical of the medicine of his own
time.
As he explains in L'Art de oormoistve tes Eormea:
Mais.de toutes les qualitez secondes il n'y en a
point de si considerables pour les Inclinations que
la subtilite & 1-epaisseur; Car chaque humeur pent
estre subtile ou espaisse, & une melancholic subtile
est plus differente d ’une melancholic espaisse,
qu’elle n ‘est de la bile. En effet elle causera la
promptitude, I ’inconstance, la cholere, comme la bile,
au lieu que la melancholic espaisse produira la paresse,
la stupidite, 1'opiniastrete. Et c’est en cela que
la Medecine ne s'est pas assez etendue dans la division
des Temperamens, car elle n'en marque que neuf, un
qui est tempere, & huict autres qui sont dans I'excez, qu'elle pouvoit multiplier par 1 ‘addition de
I'espais & du subtil, & par les divers meslanges que
les hommes souffrent comme le sanguin bilieux, le
sanguin melancholique, &c. . .
(Ar*, pp. 106-07).
Cureau blamed the alteration in humoral viscosity on the con­
stant circulation of the esprits vagabonds, or free spirits contained
in the blood but capable of separating and activating humors during
the transportation of vital heat from one organ to another.
He con­
tended that the most subtle and refined free spirits continuously
associate with the espri-ts fixes, or animal spirits attached to the
various organs as the neural part of their composition, producing a
proportionate increase in the level of organic activity.
Thus, each
organ, and in particular those called the noble parts (heart, liver,
pancreas, and brain) from which the humors blood, bile, black bile, and
phlegm respectively originate, strive.to maintain a certain temperament
against the alterative tendencies, of the espvits vagabonds.
Of the four primary humors, Cureau affirms that blood is by far
the most directly involved in the production and circulation of the
133
esprits— in fact, in its ..purest form, he supposed .that the "matiere” .
of blood was made up of espri-ts vitaux* or the spiritual bodies which
transmit vital heat to all body parts.
In its course, blood picks up
or loses material through its mixture with other bodily humors, and
thereby becomes impure, either because it has more then the optimum
level of spirits, in which case La Chambre calls it "sang bilieux," .
or less, in which case he calls it "sang pituiteux."
The theory we have described above incorporates what we have
already shown to be a number of basic ideas found in the philosophical
doctrines of Plato, Aristotle, and their successors, and attempts to
skirt certain inconsistencies, or at least certain problematic issues.
First of all, the doctrine of four separate humors is acknowledged; ye t ,
there is a constant tendency on La Chambre*s part to differentiate more
specifically between the various altered states these humors might
assume due to the continuous circulation of spirits.
Cureau's theory
of spiritual transmission, in turn, bears strong resemblance to the
Celsian notion that the principle of life is found in the pneuma3 but
by the same token, the seventeenth-century physician maintains that the
organs and humors are innately endowed with life-sustaining properties
above and beyond what they acquire from the air.
Thus, it remains u n - .
clear at this point in the development of his physiology exactly where
he places the source or fountainhead of animation— in the heart, as
Aristotle's Prime Mover, or in the spirits which actually carry out the
transfer of vital heat from one part of the body to another and in this
sense constitute the principle of life.
This problem is not really
13U
confronted directly until 1664 in the last book of Le Systems de t 'dme,
where Cureau explains that animation is made possible by images present
in the neural substance of the body whose task it is to inform the
appetite.
However, even as early as 1640, in volume 1 of Les
Charaeteipes des Passions, It is clear that in Cureau's estimation, any
movement in the spirits must be preceded by the "movement" of the soul
itself, since it is the quality which imparts a direction to what would
otherwise be blind, or at best, habit-conditioned movement.
Thus, he
remarks:
C'est* . .une chose M e n certaine, que le corps s'altere
& se change quand I'ame s'esmeut, & que celuy-cy ne fait
presque point d'actions q u ’elle ne Tuy en imprime les
marques, que I 1on peut appeler Characteres, puisqu'ils
en sont les effets, & qu’ils en portent 1 1image & la
figure.(C.P., p. 3).
To be sure, the practitioner of Cureau's art of knowing men
would do well to know something about the internal process leading to
the outward manifestations of the oharaat^pes.
However, the author of
the 1659 edition of L 'Art de oonnoistpe Zes Horrmes assures us that an
in-depth knowledge of the inner system of the soul is not mandatory at
this level.
The "physical" or "natural" foundation of the principles
of the art can to some degree be separated from the interpretation of the
external signs.
As he explains, knowledge
I'une Physique & Naturelle, qui examine la
of man is of two sorts,
composition de 1'homme, la
nature des facultez de I'ame, & 1'oeconomie admirable qui se trouve
dans leursfonctions; 1'autre Morale qui regarde les moeurs, & qui fait
connoistre les Inclinations, les Passions, les Vertus & les Vices"
(L 'Art, p. 5).
The art of knowing men leaves "1'entiere &
;
135
1 'exacte.recherche".characteristic of the former to medicine and phi­
losophy, and applies itself to "la plus belle & plus curieuse partie de
la Physique," the interpretation of temperaments, humors, spirits, the
conformation of the parts, the inclinations, passions and habits through
the study of chca'aet'&ves«
As we have seen in the foregoing, the methodological theory
elaborated in Eouoetles Pensies sur les causes de la lumV&ve was b o m
out of a desire on Cureau de La Chambre’s part that was really no less
ambitious in its undertaking than Rene Descartes1 attempt to univer­
salize the mathematical method;
to place all scientific problems with­
in the context of an organic, rather than a mechanistic, theory of na­
ture.
That Cureau*s primary concern— man— dictated the overall design
of this effort, is evident in the organization of his first volume of
essays, which culminates with L ,Amowc d'inclination and the formulation
of a theory of the passions whose utilization in the founding of a
science of human character and behavior was to be spelled ,out more
precisely in Les Charact^res des Passions3 and eventually synthesized
in L ’Ant de connoistre les Eormes.
By the very nature of the project, Cureau was forced to align
himself with practitioners of divinatory arts, for it was in the princi­
ples that underlay these practices that the author of L ’Art de
connoistve les Rotrmes recognized the beginnings of a "science" of man.
In his view, these "rules" were no different from the concepts that
formed the basis of all other sciences inasmuch as they were products
of a methodology involving the synthesis of "revelation" and
observation.
Therefore, he saw no reason why these arts: should be dis­
carded as mere superstition when it was apparent that their rules could
be explained according to the same natural law that helped mathemati­
cians and physicians of his own time in the formulation of principles
for predicting the action of such phenomena as light— as in the case of
Fermat in his discovery of the law of least time (see chapter 2).
Thus,
initially in setting out to establish rules for knowing men. La Chambre
undoubtedly expected the support of his compeers whom he regarded as
intelligent men willing to admit the intuitions of their "common sense,"
so to speak, and to affirm the two orders of change in the physical
world— one external to the subject and explained through geometric laws
of local movement, the other internal and generated by the presence of
something quite real though completely unknowable in its essential
form but observable in its predictable outward effects.
Little did the
physician realize then (as he was to understand completely by the time
he wrote Le Systhne de f a m e in iSSb and had lived with Cartesianism for
thirty years) that the Aristotelian notion of substantial forms was the
true object of Descartes' attack on Tradition because these "forms" or
"qualities" were precisely what could not be conceived as clear and
distinct ideas; and, therefore, in accordance with the True Philosophy,
could not exist.
CHAPTER 5
THE ART OF KNOWING MEN:
METHODS PRESCRIBED
To understand and analyze a man's character according to La
Chambre's methodology, two orders of understanding are necessary:
first, a model or archetype to serve as the standard for all men; and
second, a series of prototypal, models representing the common varieties
of deviation from the primary or archetypal paradigm.
From these
models, each man can he evaluated first in terms of theexpectations
for the species mankind, and then in terms
on that ideal.
of anticipated variations
Using the same procedure, a man can learn about other
men as well as about himself so that he might exercise wisdom and pru­
dence in society.
The Androgyne: Mankind as the
Middle Term of Mature
Cureau considered nature in terms of discreet classes which,
like numbers, marked the limitations of each species:
. . . les especes des Nombres sont indivisibles, &
d'autant qu'a mesure qu'ils regoivent le plus ou
le moins, elles se changent, & ne sont plus ce
qu'elles estoient. Ostez ou adioustez quelque
chose a quatre ou cinq; ce n'est plus ni x4. ni
5. . .
{Lwn.3 pp. 122-23).
As with the numerical system, higher species contain the virtues or
137
.138
potential capacity to become the smaller ones.
In living things, the
degree of transformability depends on the soul's power to move toward
and ultimately possess what perfects its beings and this power is com­
mensurate with the body's spirituality.
The hierarchy of animate crea­
tures thus culminates with man, whose constitution embodies all that is
possible in microcosmic form:
. . .eomme les plus grands nombres contiennent les
moindres parce que le plus contient le moins; on
void aussi que telles especes possedent encore la
vertu des autres, parce qu'elles ont la portion
de 1'essence qui constitue celle-cy. Ainsi 1'ame
raisonnable contient en soy la vegetative & sensi­
tive (comme "le Tetragone contient le Triangle,"
dit Aristote) voire mesme tout ce qu'il y a dsns
le monde: d'ou vient qu'on appelle communement
" M i c r o c o s m e o u bien comme S. Paul, "toute
Creature"; parce que la portion de 1'essence qui
constitue I'espece vegetative & sensitive, &c. est
contenue dans celle qui fait la raisonnable
pp. 124-25).
It may seem rather surprising to find such a strong reaffirma­
tion of the Thomistic hierarchy of being in the seventeenth century by
an author who, by his own admission, was interested in doing away with
concepts that are difficult to relate to concrete observations.
How­
ever, one should keep in mind the fact that in La Chambre's system, the
term "essence" implies both quantitative and qualitative dimensions:
it,refers to the spiritual content of the animal which is proportional
to his capacity for self-determination in addition to designating his
psychomoral place in the hierarchy of being.
Thus, when man is de­
scribed as having more "essence" than other sensible creatures, it
means that he has a greater proportion of spirits to matter in his phys­
ical structure than they.do and is therefore capable of achieving a
139
higher degree of perfection through alteration of his substance.. In
Cureau's words:
. . .a raison de son temperament, de la quantite
des esprits qui luy sont necessaires, & qui estant
le plus parfait de tous ceux que la Nature a compose,
il doit avoir cette vertu qui se trouve es autres,
qui est une marque de la perfection servant a
I*union des parties de tout 1 'univers
{lnat.3
pp. 14-15)..
As the apotheosis of the lower order of natural phenomena, man
can therefore be expected to possess in virtual form all degrees of
essence belonging to the species of that order, wherein lies the per­
fection of his nature;
to be equally disposed to all actions and de­
terminated to none in particular.
Cureau finds support for this theory
in the practical observations of his medical experience.
For example,
in Eouvelles Conjectures sup la Digestion3 he argues that man has ,!un
corps proportionne a ceste indifference, ayant la plus juste tempera­
ture qui se puisse trouver dans les choses anim^es" (Dig*, p. 9)>
To
support this premise, he contends that the powers of human senses point
to the fact that man is the midpoint of nature since
, .ceux entre
les Sens qui sont attaches a ce parfait temperament, sont excellens en
I'homme, comme le Toucher & le Goust, dont 1*action est plus exquise,
plus le temperament est egalli {Dig*s p. 10).
Furthermore, of the re­
maining senses, smell depends on a specific quality of temperament for
intensification and is therefore less perfect in man than in other
animals:
. . .ceux qui ont besoin d'une qualite particuliere,
qui doive estre plus forte que les autres, ont
este foibles en I'homme, comme I'Odorat qui demande
beaucoup de secheresse (Pig., p. 1 0 ).
iko
Similarly5 he posits that hearing and sight are dependent on the com­
bined effect of external and internal conditions and thus the perfec­
tion of these senses has only in part to do.with the temperament:
Mai s. la Veue & I'Ouie ont este mediocres, parce
que bien qu'elles ne dependent pas precisement
du temperament, mais de la disposition du
diaphane, I ’oeil ne laisse pas d 1avoir besoin
d'humiditi, & I ’oreille de la secheresse
(Dig.3 p. 1 0 ) •
The ideal human temperament described above is, of course, a
model for the species and not for its individual members.
The latter
fall into categories of intemperate temperaments based on the propor­
tion between the elementary qualities of hot, dry, cold, and moist
(see chapter 4).
The midpoint of nature is like an ever-receding re­
flection of mirrored images— the closer one gets to the "real" object,
the more elusive it becomes.
Just as the extreme poles of nature
represent metaphysical abstractions, the ideal temperament is a myth
inasmuch as it may not be ascertained through empirical means, but only
inferred from what does exist.
Plato attributed this archetypal tem­
perament to the androgyne, or human being as he is supposed to have
been prior to division into sexual categories.
According to Cureau*s
account of this tradition, the primary division was a measure under­
taken by the Creator for the purpose of conserving the species through
love, or more precisely, through " 1.'amour d*inclination."
writes concerning the androgyne;
De sorte qu’il est vray que le Temperament iuste
& egal dont nous avons parle, est celuy qui convient
a la Nature humaine; mais parce que 1'Homme & la
Thus, he
Ifcl
Femme ont deu avoir des qualitez differentes, ce iuste
temperament a este partage entre deuxs & sans s ’eloigner
beaueoup de cette parfaite temperatures 1 1Homme a eu un
pen plus de chaleur & de secheresse, & la Femme un pen
plus de froideur & d ’humiditS.
C ’est la le veritable sens qu'il faut donner It la
fable de 1 ’Androgyne„ quand Platon dit que 1 ’Homme &
la Femme ne faisoient an commencement qu'un mesme corps
qui estoit de figure ronde; qu’ils furent. apres separez
en deux; & que 1 'amour qu'ils ont I ' m pour 1 *autre
n ’est que le desir qu'ils ont de se reunir, & un moyen
de se perpetuer. Car cette premiere union de 1'Homme
& de la Femme n'est autre chose que la Nature humaine
qui contient deux sexes, & qui a pour corps ce juste
Temperament qui est semblable a la figure ronde, dont
toutes les parties sont
Sgales & uniformes« Mais dans
la separation qui a este faite de cette nature en deux
sexes, ce Temperament a este divise en deux, & s, forme
deux corps dissemblables pour les qualitez differentes
qu'ils ont deu avoir pour la conservation de 1 'espece
\Avts pp. 27-28).
Since individual male and female members of the species only
tend towards the perfect equilibrium represented in the androgyne,
standards of beauty must be taken from the prototypes rather than from
the archetype, and therefore must reflect the procreative function for
which the sexual categories were originally established.
Beauty can
then be defined as "un just assemblage de toutes les dispositions qui
sont necessaires aux corps pour faire les fonctions auxquelles il sont
destinez" (C.P., p. 127).
Consequently, the sphere or figure vonde of
the androgyne is not suited
to the tasks for which
created, as Cureau explains
in the passage below:
the sexes were
Ainsi la figure Ronde qui est la plus parfaite de toutes,
parce qu'elle est la plus simple & qu'elle contient
toutes les autres, ne se peut accommoder avec les actions
de toutes les parties du corps humain, qui seroit
monstrueux & horrible s'il n 'avoit que cette figure. II
en est de mesme des plus belles Couleurs qui n'ont pas
de conformite avec le temperament de 1 'homme, & qui marqueroient une extreme alteration dans les humeurs si
Ik2
elles paroissent sur le visage. Le Ton mesme de la voix
qui doit estre aux horames plus fort & plus esclatant,
seroit un dSfaut en une femmes parce qu'il n ’est pas
conforme k son tenperament qui doit estre proportionne
et la puissance naturelle de son sexe
(C.P. s p. 1 2 8 ).
If beauty is relative to function, and function is determined by psychophysiological nature, then no ma n ’s perfection can be compared to
that of another since each man is expected to act according to the
inclinations or qualitative dispositions of his compositional nature.
The Inclination: A Reconsideration
of the Term in Reference to
Morality
The inclination is "une disposition permanente, & une facilitS
contractSe de longue-main 9 que 1 ’Appetit a de se mouvoir vers certains
objets qui luy sont agreables" (Arts p. 90), or conversely, "que
I ’Appetit a de s'lloigner de certains objets qui luy sont desagreables"
(Art, pp. 1 0 8 -0 9 ).
At the biological level, then, the inclination as
defined by Cureau is neither virtuous nor vicious, but indifferent since
it arises from natural conditions (temperament) which have no inherent
reference to good and evil as such.
Instead, claims La Chambre, all
inclinations are faults which detract from the indifference of ideal
temperament, and therefore are equally disposed to becoming virtues or
vices if carried to extreme.
Here is his argument as it appears in
L ’Art de conncrLs tre les llomnes:
Et certainement on n'a gueres veu que ceux qui ont
eu de naissance quelques vertus excellentes, n ’ayent
eu de plus grands vices qui les ont accompagnies, parce
qu'il faut de necessity tomber en des deffauts quand on
s'eloigne de la perfection. Or la Perfection de 1'Homme
est d'estre indifferent & sans estre determine a une
11*3
vertu particuliere, il fatrfc qu'il soit capable de toutes;
Car les vertus qui viennent avec la naissanee ne sont pas
de veritables vertus; ce n *en sont que des commencemens ,
ou plustost
ce ne sont que des
inclinations que l ‘on a
pour elles.
Enfin ce sont des
h o m e s & des limites qui
restraignent la capacite de I'Ame, qui est universelle3
& une habitude particuliere. L'Azne de sa nature n'est
point determinee & doit estre capable de toutes les
actions humaines
p. 2k).
Implicit here is
the idea that mankind— not individual men— iscapable
of realizing the
perfection of the ideal temperament.
It would be un­
realistic to apply the perfection of the species to the individual as
his actual goal since his natural perfection has to do with the psychophysiological composition of his sex, and not with the androgyne.
In short 5 good and evil are irrelevant to the individual members of the
species, "le Bien est ant une chose convenable S. la nature, cela doit
entendre aussi bien de la nature depravSe cozmne eelle qui est parfaitej
car conrnie un malade prend plaisir a des choses qui Ivy sont eontraires,
& les hoimnes vicieux trouvent du contentement dans leurs debauches;
parce qu*elles sont conformes il leur nature corrompue & desreglee”
(C.P., p. 177).
Given this fact, Cureau poses the following question
in the introduction of L ’Art de eonnoistve tea Horrmea as a consideration
relevant to all men alike:
. . . toutes nos inclinations & nos habitudes nous
plaisent, toutes nos passions nous semblent
raisonnables, Qui pourroit done les sentir & les
condamner estant soutenues du plaisir & de 1 'apparence
de la raison, qui sont les deux plus grands corrupteurs
de nos sentimens
pp. U-5 ).
Ikk
Morality as the Justification for
La Chambre^s Art of
Knowing Men
Despite the apparent contradiction between the orders of nature
and morality in man, the two are really interdependent, and the art of
knowing men cannot consider one without constantly referring to the
other.
For Cureau this means that
. . . comme 11 [the art for knowing men] est obligS
d*examiner & fonds les choses qui regardent les
Moeurs, il est impossible qu'en cherchant leurs
causes, & la maniere dont elles se foment dans
I'ame, il ne fasse entrer en son dessein la plus
belle & la plus curieuse partie de la Physique, &
qu'en parlant de la Conformation des Parties, des
Temperaments, des Esprits & des Humeurs, des
Inclinations, des Passions & des Habitudes, il ne
decouvre ce qu'il y a de plus each# dans le corps
& dans I'ame
(Ar*., p. 6 ).
•
Because the individual must ultimately be evaluated in terms of both
himself (compositional nature) and the species (archetypal structure),
it must be understood that moral actions do not necessarily coincide
with human actions:
. . . 1 1 faut remarquer que notre ame fait deux sortes
d'actions; Les unes qui sont necessaires, les autres
qui sont libres. L'Eschole appelle les premieres
Actions de 1 'Homme, & celles qui sont libres, Actions
Humaines, parce qu'elles sont propres k 1'homme en
tant qu'il est raisonnable, estant le seul de tous
les animaux qui ait la literte. Quelques-uns confondent
celles-cy avec les Morales, qui sont les bonnes ou
mauvaises moeurs: qui meritent la louange ou le blasme,
la recompense ou le chastiment. Mais si entre les
actions libres il y en a d'indifferentes qui ne sont
ny bonnes ny mauvaises, comme beaucoup de Philosophes
croyent, il faut qu'il y ait quelque diyersite entre
les actions Humaines & les Morales, & que celles-la
soient comme le genre de celles-cy, en sorte que les
actions Morales soient Humaines parce q u 'elles sont
libres, & que toutes les Humaines ne soient pas
Morales, parce qu’il y en a qui ne sont ny bonnes ny
mauvaises
(Art, pp. 2h5-k6).
ll*5
Moral actionss he concedes $ lie in the realm of the spiritual and are
understood by men through the knowledge they acquire from both within
and outside themselves through perception.
The soul then .acts on the
information it receives from.perception to form its ideas or concepts.
Such knowledge of the highest level is the basis for "right reason
and according to Cureau, proceeds from God, Nature, or ratiocination,
for as he explains;
"Dieu fait connoistre aux hommes ce qu'il veut
d ’eux; Et cette connoissance est la regie Souveraine" (Art, p. 24%).
As the above text indicates, ratiocination is not only the in­
dividual’s prerogative; it is also the means by which society uses ac­
quired knowledge for the general purpose of forming its rules for the
arts and sciences, civil laws for the regulation of individual and
In Cureau*s system, Za Droite Raison is defined as "une con­
noissance iuste de la fin & des moyens que 1 ’Homme doit avoir pour se
rendre parfait" (Art, p. 246). Generally speaking, human exercise of
this knowledge consists in avoiding any extreme behavior since man's
perfection as exemplified in his balanced temperament tends towards
mediocrity. There are four puissances which Cureau regards as being
regulated by right reason, and each of these has its particular kind of
virtue; Z 'entendement, whose virtue is prudencej ta volont$s whose
virtue is justice; Z 'app&tit conaupiscible, whose virtue is temperance;
and Z ’app&tit irascible, whose virtue is force. By looking at each of
these virtues, and by analyzing how they may be corrupted by one of the
various weaknesses in the psychophysiological constitution of the organs
involved either directly or indirectly in the operation of each
puissance, Cureau arrives at a series of four lists of psychomoral
types which contrast the virtue to its corrupted counterparts. For ex­
ample , under Prudence he names L fIngenieux ou ie bon -Esprit, whose op­
posite is Le ludicieux; under lustice, Le Veritable is opposed to Le '
Menteur, and this second type is further subdivided according to whether
the individual lies with words or in his actions— in the first case he
can fall into one of three classes designated by Le Vain, Le DissimutS,
and Le M$disant, and in the second case he is either L ’Arrogant or .
L 'Hypocrite; under Temperance there is Le Hardy versus L 'Impudent and
Le Timide; and under Force, Le Constant versus L'Inconstant and
L'Obstinant. For details see Art, pp. 262-74.
Ik6
group activities, and maxims for appropriate public conduct.
Together
these provide men with a context in which to.formulate their,goals and
aspirations as well as to control behavior which is detrimental to the
attainment of these goals.
Although it appears that Cureau is merely
reaffirming here the golden mean of Antiquity as the ultimate guide for
morality, the basic thrust of his statements is somewhat special:
actions, not men, are virtuous or vicious; a man is labeled as such be­
cause of the habits he acquires which either reinforce or moderate
innate inclinations of the soul.
As L'Avt de connoi-stre te.8 Eotmes
explains:
Les Actions Morales qui ont done la mediocrity que
la Droite Raison prescrit, sont bonnes & honnestes,
& celles qui sont dans 1 ’excez ou dans le defaut, sont
mauvaises & privees de I'honnestete morale. Elies sont
appelees vertueuses ou vieieuses, mais elles ne
communiquent pas ce nom & ceux qui les font: Car un
Homme pour faire une bonne ou mauvaise action, n'est .
pas appellS vertueux ou vicieux, il faut qu’il en ait
fait plusieurs, & qu'il en ait acquis 1 ’habitude,
dautant qu'il ne peut estre appelle ainsi, que parce
qu'il a la vertu ou le vice, qui sont des habitudes. . .
(Art* pp. 250-51).
Having taken such a stand, Cureau would agree that mi art of
knowing men is mandatory for all men inasmuch as each person is blinded
by his own self-love, or amour-propre.
2
Individuals are incapable of
Although Cureau was not directly involved in the controversy
over the doctrine of grace and human free will between the Jesuit fol­
lowers of Molina and the Oratoriaas, his remarks in L 'Art de conncristre
Zee Hormes regarding "indifference" in human actions indicate that his
sympathies coincide with the Molinist viewpoint (Art3 pp. 251-56). See
chap. 7 of Part III for discussion of this problem in relation to
Cureau.
judging what is ultimately good, and unless each man sees the potential
dangers of his inclinations mirrored in others, he will continue to use
his own idiosyncrasies as the measure of all men.
As Cureau observes;
"Pour s5 avoir les defauts qu'elles [our habits and inclinations] ont,
il les faut voir en autruy, c ’est un miroir qui ne flatte point" (Art,
p. 5).
In looking at others as a key to understanding oneself, a second
order of perfection based on the well-being of the species or common
good is possible.
Unlike natural perfection which rules the individual,
this second order directs all men to some degree of perfection in spite
of their differences of temperament.
Inasmuch as this order of perfec­
tion is as "unreal" for each person as the androgyne's ideal tempera­
ment is unattainable, it is just because it provides the standard from
which deviation can be measured and evaluated as "good" or "evil" for
society as a whole.
The Practical Context for Judging Men;,
General Categories
Sexual types
Beginning with the archetypal construct or androgyne, models
having specific reference to men as sexual beings can be deduced to rep­
resent the standard deviations from the absolute perfection of mankind.
The first and foremost division applies to the entire animal kingdom
and is derived from the metaphysical conception of nature as having
male and female poles.
Though Cureau adds nothing new to the tradi­
tional theory of sexual typology, he does draw an interesting comparison
between his own models and those of Aristotle.
Faithful to the androgyne
148
myth, Cureau could not accept the full implications of Aristotle’s cor­
relation between animal and human types because he believed that such
comparisons overplay the differences while they underestimate the simi­
larities between men and women.
Thus, he warns against the analogy be­
tween man and the lion, or woman and the panther in the following text;
. . . il y a apparence qu’Aristote n ’a pas icy consider^
1 ’Homme simplement selon la vertu de son Sexe, mais
selon la qualite qui estoit la plus considerable dans
1 ’opinion des Hommes, & sgavoir la Force Heroique, qui
est la source de la valeur, qui a droict de commander,
& i, qui on a tousiours reserve les plus grands honneurs
& les plus nobles recompenses. En effet quand il propose
la Panthere pour I'idSe du Sexe feminin, il fait M e n
voir qu’il considere bien plus la force dans les Sexes
que leur perfection naturelle; puis que c'est un animal
qui est fort courageux & qui n ’a point la docilite, la
timidite & les autres qualitez qui conviennent S, la
Femme
(Arts pp. 42-431*
It is important to note that although Cureau rejects the Aris­
totelian primary sexual types in favor of the Platonic androgyne, he
continues to strive for the kind of concrete frame of reference that
Aristotle established for typological classification.
As U s e Foerster
has demonstrated in a major study of La Chambre’s philosophy entitled
Mca'in Cureau de la Chambre (1594-1675):
Bin Beltrag zur Gesckichte der
psyahomoralisohen Literatur in Frankreich (1936),
one of the important
vThis book constitutes the most complete analysis of Cureau
de La Chambre's thought to date. The author’s thesis is concerned
with the materialistic aspects of La Chambre's theory of nature in
relation to Ancient and Medieval sources. His objective is to
demonstrate the important role played by Cureau’s psychomoral litera­
ture in the formulation of eighteenth-century mechanist and sensualist
doctrines, as in the works of La Mettrie and Locke.
149
traditional sources of the physician's views regarding morality is
stoicism, a philosophy which underwent a period of intense revival dur­
ing the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
In reality. La Chambre's
androgyne is a synthesis of Platonic myth and the practical striving
after virtue recommended by the Stoics; whereas, the androgyne fable
recounts the "history” of man's former idyllic state, the latter pre­
scribes the exercise of restraint in view of annihilating or neutral­
izing all passion and achieving the maximum level of happiness in this
life.
The criticism La Chambre levels against Aristotle in the above
passage is also of interest in the light of French seventeenth-century
social typology whose ideal is expressed in the notion of honne8tet$»
As a courtly man, our physician was very concerned with man's role in
society— certainly the honnite horme would not confess to having modeled
himself after the lion, nor the honnete femme after the panther!
Practi­
cally speaking, the mean was far more conducive to the maintenance of
social institutions and moves than either of the two extremes which bet­
ter suited a fiercely competitive social order.
In defending his king,
Cureau was likewise conservative with regard to radical social change. _..
Thus, we find his political and philosophico-medical ideas charting an
identical course for mankind as a body of polite, honest men and women.
The sexual prototypes delineated in A'Art de connoistve tes
Hcrnnes are conceived in strict relation to one another:
men are hotter
and dryer, while women are colder and moister, and these qualities are
responsible for basic differences in appearance and behavior.
As the
150
following texts.show, there is an abiding concern on the physician's
part to relate the characteristic size, shape, color and texture of dis­
tinguishing sexual features to the quantity of certainqualities
dominant in the humors.
pre­
Of men he writes;
. „ .la grandeur de la taille, de la teste & de la
bouche, 1'ouverture des narines, la grosseur du col,
la largeur des epaules & la poictrine, la vivacite
des yeux, la force de la voix, la liberte des join­
tures , & la noblesse de la mine, du maintien & du
marcher, sont les effets de la chaleur qui estend ■
les parties, & qui en rend le mouvement plus actif
& plus vigoureux,
D 1un autre coste la durete du poil, la fermete
des chairs, la solidite des jointures, 1'inegalite
du front & sa figure mo ins ronde, la subtilitS des
. iSvres, la figure du menton plus obtuse, & celle de
tout le visage presque quarree, sont les effets de
la secheresse qui endurcit les parties, & qui resiste
aux Mouvemens des humeurs, les empeschant de prendre
la figure ronde qui leur est propre & naturelle. . .
Urt, p. U 5 ).
Similarly, the woman's appearance belies the cold, moist temperament
which shapes and texturizes her individual features and determines her
psychomoral dispositions:
De toutes ces parties, celles.qui sont petites,
courtes & deliees sont des effets du temperament
froid qui resserre les matieres, & qui empeschent
qu'elles ne s'estendent. Les charnues & les molles
viennent de 1'humidite, car elles marquent une
abondance de sang pituiteux. Mais de celles qui sont
rondes, il y en a qui dependent du froid, & les.
autres de 1'humidite: Car ou elles viennent de la
graisse qui remplit les entredeux des muscles, comme
aux bras, aux ioues, aux.cuisses: ou du froid qui
resserre la figure des parties, & la presse de toutes
parts: Au lieu que la chaleur qui pousse tousiours
en avant, cause des inegalitez & des angles, qui en
corromptent la rondeur; c'est pourquoy le front &
le visage de 1'Homme sont de figure quarree, & ceux qui
sont bilieux, ont des coins du front en.pointe & le
visage fort long, tout au contraire des pituiteux, qui les
151
ont de figure ronde. La douceur 4 la' modestie & la
pudeur qui paroissent sur le visage & au reste des
actions, sont encore effets du froid qui abbat le
courage, & qui retient ou alenfcit le mouvement des
parties.: C ’est luy encore qui rend la voix gresle
& foible, en estressissant le gosier ou elle se
forme, & affoiblissant la faculte vitale
(Avts
pp. 60 -6 l).
To summarize La Chambre1s account of sexual categories in the
context of his art of knowing men, we see that the division of man­
kind into male and female merely marks the primary level of differen­
tiation among members of the species.
Like number, however, these
categories represent absolute barriers insofar that no woman of bilious
temperament is capable of achieving the degree of hotness and dryness
characteristic of the bilious man, or vice versa.
Thus, in character!al
analysis, sexual identity is sure to be the point of departure in pre­
dicting an individual's innate strengths and weaknesses.
The influence of climate
.
The second most important consideration in the classification
of men after sexuality is climate, or the major influence proceeding
from the environment.
Following the classical theory of racial types
originating from certain climatic zones, Cureau contends that men and
animals inhabiting a given area will mimic to some degree the qualita­
tive composition of their surroundings:
De moy ie pense qu’il faut dire que le Climat donne .
une eertaine disposition au corps, & luy fait changer
son temperament, & que telle [sic] temperament donne
telle inclination & telle puissance a I ’ame. Or
parce que le corps doit estre proportionne aux
puissances, c 1est une suite necessaire que les corps
ayent les marques de ces inclinations
(C.P., p. lUU).
Mor eover * he adds;
152
. . . la Beaute consistant dans la proportion que les
corps ont avec leurs vertus & leurs puissances, &
les hommes ayant telles puissances en certains Climats,
. il faut qu'ils estiment beaux ceux qui ont ces marques;
parce que ces inclinations leur sont naturelles &
communes; ainsi ils iugent de la beante suivant leur
inclination naturelle. . .
(C.P. 4 pp. 144-45)«
Since climatic zones are governed by the same laws as body tem­
perament, Cureau suggests using the location of the most even-tempered
zone as the means to finding concrete examples of the most temperate
human types:
. . . la perfection naturelle du Corps humain consiste
dans la medioerite du temperament & de la conformation
des parties, pour les raisons que nous avons dites
[see above passage], & que les Sexes qui ne I 1ont peu
conserver a cause des qualitez differentes qu'ils
doivent avoir, ne s'en eloignent que fort peu. Car il
s 1ensuit de la que le Climat ou se trouve la parfaite
Beaute, est celuy qui s'oppose le moins a cette
mediocrity, & qui par son exacte temperature la conserve
& ne I'altere point
[Arts pp. 6 8 -6 9 1 .
It is not surprising to find that this ideal climate is located at 45°
elevation,
4
and that its perfection is not only contingent on the posi­
tion of the heavenly bodies, but also on the nature of the soil and
vegetation.
Cureau can thus eliminate both China and America on the
grounds that the American soil is too cold and the Chinese soil is too
humid.
This leaves only Europe as the potential seat of true beauty,
and since France is precisely at the center of that continent, it stands
By 45° elevation, Cureau means the position of the sun at high
noon, which in France would be at an angle of 45°, compared to the sun's
position calculated at the equator.
153
to reason that it is the country most suited to the fostering of the per­
fect beauty that results from humoral equilibrium.
It is interesting to
note the psychological rhetoric Cureau uses to construct his chauvinis­
tic argument in favor of the preeminence of the French:
le sgay qu'il y a des pays qui sent en cette
situation [^5 ° el.] ou elle [perfect beauty] ne
se rencontre pas, comme dans la partie de la Chine
& de 1 1Ataerique, qui est sous le mesme degre. Mais
il ne faut pas icy considerer la seule position du
Ciel, il y faut joindre la nature du terroir,
1 *origins & la police des peuples. Car ce qui est
dans, la Chine est trop humide, a cause de la quantitS
de lacs & de rivieres qui y sont; Ce qui est dans
I ’Amerique est trop froid, a cause des bois & des
montagnes $ comme la Nouvelle France. Dailleurs, il
y a des peuples qui habitant des lieux fort temperez
qui n ’en sont pas originaires, & qui neantmoins ont
conserve la Conformation que leur premiere demeure
leur avoit donne. Enfin ces nations sont barbares
& mal policees, & il est certain que les desordres
de 1 1ame se communiquent au corps, en alterent a
la fin le temperament, & en corrompent souvent la
figure. De sorte qu'il ne faut pas chercher la
veritable Beaute hors 1'Europe, & I 1on peut dire
que la France en est 1'unique sejour, est ant
iustement au milieu des extremitez du chaud & du
froid, du sec & de 1 'humide: En un mot, du Midy
& du Septentrion
(Art, pp. 69-70
Although the argument in favor of a superior French race based
on perfectly equilibrated temperament is not pursued at length, we can
see how a concrete demonstration of national superiority by temperament
would have enhanced the case for French cultural predominance advanced
in the preface to Nowelles Conjeetupes sup la Digestion (see chapter l).
However, climate, like sexuality, is one of nature's rudimentary divid­
ing lines, and its influence must thus be considered as general enough
154
to affect all animate creatures inhabiting a given region.
As Cureau
contends in a later section of L ’Apt de oonnoistre Zes Hormes devoted
to the reevaluation of Aristotelian physiognomy, because the influence
of climate is so all-encompassing and difficult to relate directly to
human individuals, it remains one of the least certain criteria for
passing judgment on a person's character:
Celle [the rule] des Climats est plus generale que 1*autre
qui se tire de la ressemblance des animaux; mais elle n 'est
pas si certaine, parce que tous ceux qui sont d'un mesme Climat, ne sont pas d'un mesme Temperament, & n'ont pas tous une
mesme conformation des parties, & la consequence n'est pas
necessaire, que parce qu'un Homme est ne dans la Grece, il
doive estre vain, inconstant & menteur, & ainsi des autres
(Apt, p. 314).
In summary, we have seen that in focusing his attention on the
composition of the humors as the media for spiritual transmission,
Cureau is able to explain any change' in outward appearance and behavior
" in terms of either a loss or gain in spirituality, i.e., quantity of
esprits.
Thus, the external signs of temperament are the most reliable
keys to understanding an individual's predisposition to certain be­
haviors since, as Cureau reasons:
. . .quand on voit un effet, il faut de necessity que
la cause ait precede. C'est pqurquoy la connoissance que
1'on a des Temperamens par les marques qu'ils laissent sur
le Corps, est plus certaine que celle que 1'on a des Incli­
nations par le Temperament, d'autant que ces marques sont
les effets du Temperament, & que le Temperament est cause des
Inclinations (Art, p. 28l).
From knowledge gained about the quantitative aspects of tempera­
mental control, Cureau saw the possibility for what B. F. Skinner calls
in his recent book entitled Beyond Freedom and Dignity an actual
technology of behavior” which would be applicable to both the individ­
ual and the society.
The human being, like all other organisms, sur­
vives through interplay between his inward dispositions and the environ­
ment in which he finds himself.
His relationship with this environment
has both passive and active aspects;
on the one hand, he responds to
the stresses it imposes on his system, and on the other hand, he ac­
tively selects things from it in view of perfecting, i.e., expanding,
his being.
Through an understanding of the nuances of this quest for
survival and perfection on both individual and social levels, it seemed
possible to some men in the seventeenth century, just as it does to be­
havior! sts today, to reinstitute the "heaven on earth" or utopic dream
that has haunted mankind since the dawn of civilization, by setting up
a system of "positive" and "negative" reinforcers.
But not all seventeenth-century intellectuals were persuaded by
this theory of man and its implicit ideology of national preeminence.
Pascal,, for one, could hot dismiss from his mind the cosmic view of
man, "un neant I 1 'egard de i einfini, un tout & 1 ‘egard du neant, un
milieu entre rien et tout:
Infiniment eloigne de comprendre les
extremes, la fin des ehoses et leur principe pour ltd invinciblement
cachSs dans un secret impenetrable, Sgalement incapable de voir le
nSant d'otl il est tirS, et I'infini o& il est englouti" (fr. 7 2 ).
For
Pascal, man without grace is doomed to the servitude of concupiscence
or amour-propves that inner voice which deceives us into believing that
we are the best judges of our needs.
Moreover society can be no better
than the individuals that compose it, for "l.1union qui est entre les
hommes n ’est fondee que sur cette mutuelle tromperie" (fr. 1 0 0 ).
;
156
The observations of Pascal are of central importance here be­
cause they strike at the heart of one of the very matters at issue in
the scientific controversies of the seventeenth century;
of final causes.
the knowledge
Incapable of understanding the ends of their actions
without the grace of God, men cannot build a society that sooner or
later will not fall victim to the corruption of self-love; God alone
is perfect, and the best we can do with our mortal lives is to direct
ourselves toward Him.
In the words of the famous ’’Pari,” we have
nothing to lose and everything to gain by doing so.
Under the circumstances, Pascal saw the only possibility for a
decent earthly existence in the society of man in honnestet§s which
could serve as a kind of provisional morality.
For Cureau, by contrast,
this society was not perfect, and never could be— but it was certainly
worth improving on!
In the physician's view, there is an important
distinction between finality and the natural principle of perfection,
and the second by no means precludes the first.
Therefore, the study
of external signs, though incapable of revealing the original or first
cause, which is the soul and by definition unknowable in its absolute
form, is nevertheless useful in understanding the secondary, or effi­
cient cause, which is the temperament.
Hence, the term "sign" refers to
evidence concerning the intermediary stages in the sequence, and this
intermediary knowledge is valuable in inferring a probable first, or
final, cause.
Such knowledge, in Cureau's estimation, was the key to
building a social order that was infinitely perfectible, just like the
organism, though never perfect.
I
157
The "Arts" of Knowing Men
Analysis of the signs
In the second book of L 'Art de connaistre tes Hormes entitled
"Des Moyens par lesquels on pent connoistre les H c m m e s C u r e a n estab­
lishes the various kinds of signs that may be used to understand human
character and behavior, and their importance in relation to other cate­
gories of signs.
But first he begins by clarifying what he means by
the word "sign" with respect to the causal relationship between inclina­
tion and temperament. Taking as his example the melancholic individuals
he writes;
Ainsi en connoissant un Homme de temperament melancolique *
on peut dire qu'il a 1*inclination a la Tristesse, parce
que le Temperament est cause de cette inclination, & alors
la cause est signe de I ’effet: Au contraire, par 1*in­
clination naturelle que quelqu'un aura a la Tristesse,
on presume qu'il est de temperament melancolique, & en
ce cas 1'effet est Signe de la cause. Enfin la Timidite
& la Dissimulation precedent toutes les deux de,1a
foiblesse qui accompagne le Temperament melancoliques
& c'est alors que 1'effet est Signe de I ’effet
[Artj
P. 2761.
Having thus established that signs may appear at any point in the causeeffect sequence, in which case they may be regarded as either "causes"
or "effects," Cureau then proceeds to the first step in outlining his
art
of knowing men— the enumeration of causal factors and the sources
from which they proceed, either from inside the individual or from his
surroundings.
According to Cureau, the division should be made as
follows:
Les interieures sont des facultez de 1'ame, le
Temperament, la Conformation des Parties, 1'Aage,
la Maissance noble ou vile, les Habitudes tant
158
Intellectuelles que Morales, les Passions. Les
Exterieures sont les Parens, les Astres, le Climat,
les Saisons, les Alimens, les Peines & les
Recompenses
(Art, p. 277 )•
EText, the internal and external signs of cause are divided ac­
cording to spatiotemporal factors such as size, degree of spirituality,
and distance from the individual inorder to
determine which ones exert
the most notable influences.
concerned with temperamen­
Those directly
tal alteration are called next causes (causes prockaines) and include
instinct„ temperament, and the conformation of the parts 5 all others
are classified as remote causes (causes &lo'ign&es) and include the
celestial bodies, age, alimentation, and disease.
Of these two groups,
:/
the next causes are the more important to the art
knowing men since
they are closely linked with corporeal effects, as Cureau explains be­
low;
. . . comme il y a des Causes Prochaines, & d'autres
qui sont Esloignees, les premieres donnent un iugement
plus certain, parce q u ’elles ont une
connexion
plus
estroite avec leurs effets; Ainsi la connoissance que
l eon a du Temperament, decouvre mieux les Inclinations
que ne fait la Naissance, l*Aage ou le Climat, &c.
(Art, p. 2 8 2 ).
Although Cureau was convinced that the surest judgments of
human character and behavior could be made through discovery of the
causes since in his words, "pour connoistre la cause d 8une chose, il
ne s 8ensuit qu’elle la produise, & raison des divers empeschemens qui
y peuvent arriver" (Art, p. 28 l ), he nevertheless admitted that only
the effects, are certain indications that an emotion has been experienced.
Moreover, of the signs related to the passions or humoral movements,
those leaving clear impressions on the body surface are the most
159
reliable of all.
Hence, the second problem he faces in the elabora­
tion of his art is the classification of the various kinds of effects
and their relative importance in the estimation of character.
The natural signs or effects
All effects fall into one of two major categories inasmuch as
they mark either the individual’s outward appearance or his behavior
and mannerisms.
Those belonging to the first group are corporeal ef­
fects (effete eovpovele) and include changes in the size, shape, color,
and texture of the external features.
In the second group are the
spiritual effects (effete eptvituets) which encompass the qualities of
the Mind, the inclinations (meant here, as the effects proceeding from
the temperament or immediate cause), habits and all actions and move­
ments of the soul.
Taken together the corporeal and spiritual effects
are regarded as the natural signs (signee natw?ele)j which may also be
referred to in La Chambre 1s works as the ostensible characters of the
passions.
Following the example set by Aristotle, Cureau included in
this category the following traits which he lists in L ’Avt de cormoistTe
tee Homines:
"1. Le Mouvement du Corps, comme le Marcher, le Geste, le Maintien
"2. La Beaute & la Laideur
"3. La Couleur
L 1Air du Visage
"5. La Qualite du Cuir
"6 . La Voix
~
160
"76 La Charnure
"8. La Figure & 1
f" Des Parties"
"c?.. La Grandeur
{Arty p. 287).
Commenting on this list, he explains that all of the signs mentioned
come from either internal or external causes.
What is more, he adds,
"cette distinction (between internal and external causes) est si
necessaire qu'elle fait presque toute la difference de ceux qui sont
utiles & in utiles11 {Art3 p. 287).
Cureau then goes on to differentiate further between the na­
tural signs according to the specificity or generality of the causes
involved in producing them:
those which proceed from a single quality
such as heat or cold are the proper signs (signes propres)3 while those
like, the air of the countenance which are the combined product of
several causes are the common signs (signes eormtuns).
Moreover, he
notes that the natural signs are not equally stable, and mustthere­
fore be divided according to their relative permanency:
those includ­
ing age and climate are the stable and permanent signs (signes stables
& permanens)3 while those arising from temporary conditions such as
stress or sickness are regarded as transient signs (signes passagers).
These subgroups, claims Cureau, are essential in determining the rela­
tive importance of the various cause-effect sequences in judging men.<
As he explains:
. . . ceux qui viennent des.Causes Externes ne .
signifient rien d'asseure. Et de ceux que les '
Internes ont produit, les Stables marquent les
Inclinations Permanentes; les autres peuvent bieh
-
l6l
marquer les Passions presentes; mais.non .les
Inclinations naturelles, si ce.n’estpar
accident, comme parle Aristote.
D ’ailleurs, les Signes qui se changent
moins facilement par les causes Externes, sont
plus certains, tels que sont la Figure, I'Air
du visage, & le Mouvement; mais la Couleur, le
Cuir, la Chamure & la Voix, ne le sont pas
tant
{Arts PP* 290-91).
As for the value of common signs, like the air, Cureau concludes that
they can only designate something certain if among the causes involved
there is a proper sign that points hack to a specific cause.
It isfor
this reason that the characters of different passions are impossible to
identify without prior understanding of the inclinations or qualities of
temperament which are the immediate cause.
Removed
fromthe context of
humoral categories, Cureau finds it easy to see why thesecharacters
which impart a certain "air" to the individual's appearance and mannerisms came to be known in literary circles as the "je ne sals quo!."
5
On void bien que chaque Passion apporte ie ne sgay
quel Air sur le visage; que la vertu fait couler dans
ses actions une certaine grace & une contenance agreable
qui ne se trouve pas dans les vicieuses. Mais comme on
a toujours appele cela 11Le je ne sgay q u o y i l semble
qu'on ait aussi voulu enseigner que I'on he pouvoit
dire ce que c'est. Car ie suppose, comme il est veritable,
que les Char acteres que nous cherchons, ne sont autre
chose que "l.’Air" dont nous venons de parler: Or il se
trouve en tant de choses differentes, qu'il est presque
5
o
In TpT&e'teux circles, where Z ’Equivoque was cultivated and in
fashion, the ge ne sais quoi was a favorite expression for alluding to
something intangible in a person’s demeanor, appropriate by dint of its
calculated imprecision. For the Academician La Chambre, on the other
hand, f Equivoque was anathema; the ge ne sais quois like the air of the
countenance, was obviously related to.the psychophysiological and moral
character of the passions, and the very existence of such a vague term
was evidence of the need for clarification in.these matters.
162
impossible de marquer ce qu'elles oat de common, d ’ou .
I ’on puisse establir son essence " (C.P., p. 7)•
Thus, it is through association with the internal, stable and
proper signs that designate the subject's natural inclinations that
information regarding the passions and habits might be inferred using
the deductive method of Aristotle outlined by his Syllogistic rule:
o . .eette Regie Syllogystique marque les Inclinations
& Passions presentes, tout au contraire des autres,
parce qu'elle ne demands point de Signes propres; mais
d'une inclination & d'une Passion connue par ces marques,
elle tire la connoissance d'une autre qui n'en a point.
Et cette Regie est fondee sur la connexion que les
Inclinations, les Habitudes & les Passions ont entr’elles:
Car 1'une estant [l]'effet de 1'autre, on pent iuger
qu'un Homme a 1 'Inclination a une telle Passion ou Habi­
tude, quoy qu'il n'y ait point de signe qui luy soit
propre, & qui la puisse faire connoistre, sgachant qu'il .
a celle qui est cause de eelle-cy. Ainsi apres avoir
sceu qu'un Homme est Timide, on pent dire qu'il a
1'Inclination naturelle a 1'avarice, en suitte qu'il
est mesquin, qu'il est artificieux & dissimulS, que la
crainte le fait parler avec douceur & soumission, qu'elle
le rend soupgonneux, deffiant, incredule, mauvais amy, '
&c.
(Art, pp. 312-13)*
Despite the inherent limitations involved in judging human
character and behavior on the basis of momentary moods or fleeting dis­
positions arising from emotional stress, Cureau felt that such transient
signs were relevant to gaining knowledge of deepset inclinations and
habits.
It is for this reason that he devoted so much of his literary
career to outlining the characters, or expressional patterns, of pas­
sions:
if a passion could be shown to produce specific kinds of change
in a person's appearance and behavior, then these changes could be mea­
sured against his normative state, and the normative state against the
category of temperament in which his more permanent characteristics
163
placed him.
In this way, the practitioner of La Chambre’s art of
knowing men might make statements regarding not only a person's perma­
nent dispositions, hut also with respect to the impact that specific
kinds of change or stress might have produced in the past, or would he
likely to produce in the future:
. . .De sorte qu'en connoissant ces Causes, & sgachant
le pouvoir qu'elles ont, on peut iuger de leurs effets.
presens ou a vehir: Et remarquant aussi ces Effets, &
sgachant a quoy ils se doivent rapporter, on peut en
diviner les causes presens ou passees
(Art., p. 279!•
As we have seen in the foregoing, Cureau wagered that the most
certain information concerning a person's characterial dispositions
comes from knowledge Of the internal system of the humors.
However,
his theory of spiritual transmission with its emphasis on the constant
influx and emission of esprits also implies that the distant spiritual
centers like the stars and planets are capable of affecting appearance
and behavior.
Hence $ the category originally established to counter­
balance the natural signs is termed "astrological," and includes those
external markings such as the lines on the palms, feet, and forehead
which cannot be explained as the direct result of any single, inter­
nally controlled cause.
Traditionally, the astrological signs had been
closely studied by magicians who practiced divination through chiro­
mancy and metoposcopy as well as through consideration of the facial
and body features, or physiognomy.
However, the paramedical use of
physiognomy had suggested all along that the so-called astrological
signs were intricately related to.the natural processes, and could
therefore hot be explained entirely on the basis of sideral movements
16k
and aspects -
Cureau surmised that the same confusion between.astral and
humoral influences probably had something to do with the formation of
lines on the forehead and palms.
Thus, he was led to posit that all of
these practices could be shown to have a basis in physical science that
had yet to be firmly demonstrated.
In keeping with this theory, the
final chapters of L ’Axrt de oonnoisfcpe les Hormes incorporate the consid­
erations published six years earlier in the Discows sur l.es Principes
de la Chivomance et de la Metoposccrpie; in so doing, they introduce into
the fabric of what has pretended up until this point to be an empirically
oriented methodology for discovering human character and behavior the
ancient arts of astrological divination.
The astrological signs
The study of relationships between the features of the human
body and innate behavioral dispositions is one of the lesser known
aspects of the Greek legacy to Western thought.
According to Paul
Delaunay, author of two informative pamphlets tracing the evolution of
chiromancy and physiognomy from their Biblical and Oriental origins
neither of these divinitory methods, seems to have been regarded as an
esoteric practice in Aristotle's time.
In an apochryphal book en­
titled De Pkysicgnomoniai we find Aristotle reinstating the ancient
belief;
"Physiognomonia . . . est de naturalibus passionibus quae sunt
.in anima et accidentibus quaecumque adveniunt, et transmutant signa
^De la Physiognomonie a la Phrenologie (1928) and Chivomancie
et Chivognomonie (1 9 2 8 ).
165
7
physiognomizata.** . While no comparable work on chiromancy is attributed
to the Stagirite, the brief mention he makes of its principles in his
Problems suggests a similar matter-of-fact acceptance.
own question?
Answering his
“Cur qui manus coesuram per total obtient palmiam, vivere
diutius possint?" he posits:
"Pars interior manus vola dicitur . . .
scissuris vitoe indicibus distincta;
Iongioris siilicet vitae
singulibus aut binis ductis per totam, brevoris binis s quoe non
longitudinem tot am designent
In retrospect, Aristotle's indulgence for divination was, in
Delaunay's opinion, forgivable at its best— after all, the Greeks did
not have the means to study man without constant reference to their
cosmological beliefs.
By contrast, remarks Delaunay, the sixteenth
century produced such avant-garde thinkers as J.-B Porta who, in the
tradition of anatomist Leonardo Da Vinci, regarded man as a subject
worthy of attention in and for himself.
Given such progress in scien­
tific thought from Aristotle to the Renaissance men, the historian ex­
pressed impatience for the likes of La Ghambre who, in the seventeenth
century continued to propagate "toute cette fantasmagorie
-
scolastico-oecultiste" which' hindsight shows clearly headed for its. doom
"au vent de la revolution cartesienne..
He invites us to examine the
7
Aristotle, De Phy8iognomias Chap. II, in Delaunay, De ta
Physiognornonie . . . , p. U.
®La Ch'Lromxncie . . . , p. 1.
^De ta Phys-iognomonie . . .
p. 9-
166
progression he sees from Descartes' Les Passions d e f a m e (1649) 9
through Bos suet "s La Connais sance de Dieu et de soi-rneme (1 6 7 2 ) and
La Brxjylre's CaPaet^Tes (3.688) to measure "le chemin parcouru en moins
d'un demi-siecle" with respect to knowledge of the relationship between
the passions and physiognomy;
phrase of La Bruy ere:
10
then,, in conclusion 9 he quotes the
"La physiognomie n'est pas une regie qui nous
soit donnee pour juger des hommes; elle peut nous servir de conjee—
ture."^
With all due respect to Delaunay's talent for writing medical
history and his interest in consecrating to his ancestral compatriot
La Chambre a significant place in the evolution of its practices, it
seems that his Judgment of seventeenth-century attitudes towards the
occult practices is too categorical and oversimplified.
Physiognomy»
metoposcopy and chiromancy were, to be sure, essential tools in La
Chambre's art for knowing men, and as we shall see his assessment of
the rules governing each practice generally reinforces the ancient
theories.
However, La Chambre himself did not regard his views as
B.stvotogical so much as he considered them to be astvals or physically
valid assumptions.
As he writes in Diseours
sup
tes Ppinaipes de ta
Chiromanoe et de ta Mitoposoopie regarding the implementation of these
rules as a method for knowing men:
C'est assez pour la Chiromance que la Physique soustienne
ses premiers fondemens: tout ce qu'elle regoit apres de
10
De la Physiognomonie,.., p. 9.
^ L a Bruyere, Caracteres, XII, "Des Jugements" in Delaunay,
De la Physiognomonie, **s p. 9.
167
I'Astrologie luy doit estre alloue, ou du moins estre
mis en surseemce iusqu’a ce qu'on examine le fonds de
I'Astrologie mesme
{.Chi. &
p. 122)..
In fact, if Cureau's official function at the Royal Garden as "demonstrateur de I'interieur des plantes" was, as Jussieu has suggested,
12
more oriented towards human anatomy than hot any, it seems likely that
any modification he introduced into the system of human-astral corre­
spondences, stemmed from direct'inspection of the human body and his own
success and failures in treating diseases according to astrological
principles.
Like Porta, Cureau was primarily a physiologist interested
in controlling the temperament by medicine, and not by calculating the
power angles of celestial houses.
Unlike Descartes, however, Cureau's
pragmatism did not permit him to lay aside all except that which was
clear and distinct, but instead forced him to venture into those areas
which, by his own admission, were direly lacking in concrete evidence.
Though public and private enthusiasm for Cureau's ideas on
knowing men might have served to further the promotion of "toute cette
fantasmagorie scolastico-occultiste," this does not seem to have been
in any way the intention of the author.
Rather than disagreeing with
La Bruyere1s observation, Cureau would be more likely to have supported
12
Annates du Museum, II (l803), 6, states: "Au milieu des
reproches justes faits a Vautier, on aime cependant a rappeler qu'il
substitua definitivement les legons d'anatomie au cours design# sous
le nom insignifiant de t *int^vieun des ptantes. II paroit que Cureau
de la Chambre, nomme dans 1'edit de fondation du jardin, renongant a
ce genre de demonstration des vegetaux dont il avoit d ’abord St6
charge, fut le premier professeur d'anatomie, et que son fils, Frangois
de la Chambre, lui succeda dans cette place."
168
it, with the sole reservation that it was man's knowledge about phys­
iognomy , metoposcopy, and chiromancy that was lacking, while the foun­
dation of the principles governing the rules was in itself reliable.
In other, words, Cureau believed in the eventual confirmation of cor­
respondences rational philosophy expected to find between the internal
and external human structure through the application of empirical
methods.
However, when in doubt, the conclusions he reached were more
the result of his overriding faith in traditional cosmology than of his
experimentation with human subjects.
Theoretical basis for physiognomy, metoposcopy, and chiromancy.
In presenting his views on physiognomy, metoposcopy, and chiromancy,
Cureau is careful to establish from the outset that astrology as a
science of natural phenomena grounded in similarities between microcosm
and macrocosm is quite different from the popular practice of casting
•horoscopes or judiciary astrology.
In variation with this latter branch
of astral sophistry, Cureau remarks that the science of interest to him
. .n'est pas soustenue du calcul scrupuleux des Astrologues, & nous
ne disons pas comme eux, que le Soleil & la Lune se trouvant en des
lieux infortunez, produisent cet effet-la;
Parce que cela suppose la
direction des Maisons celestes, & des Aspects qui appartiennent purement
& la ludiciaire" (Art, PP« ^33-34).
For Cureau, the stars and planets are indeed responsible for
certain influences affecting the natural cycles of all organisms be­
cause they are, after all, the primary sources of spiritual transmis­
sions in the cosmos.
Spiritual influx produces alteration in the
169
quantity of espxn-ts composing the .humors ■and noble parts which, like all
vehicles or organs of movement, are highly susceptible to change.. The
sort of natural affinity or inclination that exists between man and the
celestial bodies is, in any event, more specific than the single di­
mension of organism to planet; all spiritual centers, including the
separate organs and humors of living things, exert a particular in­
fluence on those of similar composition and proportion.
Thus, within
each organism there is an independent system of relationships at work,
the structure of which corresponds to the macrocosmc or astral model.
Just as the planets come in various sizes and colors according to their
compositional nature, Cureau assumes that the major organs of the
human system are pre-arranged in a similar hierarchy of nobility, and
that this hierarchy,is established during the prenatal period of de.. velopment.
The most active organ, the heart, is the first to be formed,
thus placing it in sympathy with the most powerful luminary, the sun;
next comes the brain, ruled by the moon; then the two major external
organs, the eyes and mouth, ruled respectively by the sun, moon and
Mars (also the ruler of the belly); next, the organs of progressive
movement; and finally, the pancreas and other viscera, each with its
astral ruler (Chi. & Meto.s pp. 53-5^)«
Since the.most spiritually
active parts require a quantity of vital heat proportional to their
essence, La Chambre infers that "la chaleur naturelle est plus forte
TO
chez les premieres parties formees" {Chi. & Mito., p. 5 6 ).
Thus,
TO
As Cureau explains this idea, in L ’Apt de oormoistre tea Hormes:
". . .il est certain que tout le soin que la Nature prend des parties,
170
temperament in man, as in the general scheme of natural phenomena,
corresponds respectively to the two primary orders of effect-— physical
and moral— stemming from the organic utilization of esprits.
If nobility can be correlated with a time factor in those organ
isms like man of mixed composition, it must also have a reference to
space, since it is within a spatiotemporal continuum that human life
occurs.
As Cureau explains in the passage below, nobility of position,
is relevant only to those creatures whose physical constitution places
concrete limitations on the manner and direction of their movements:
Pour donner un solide commencement B, cette recherche:
II faut remarquer qu'il y a trois ordres de SITUATION,
dans lesquels toutes les parties des Animaux, si on en
excepte le Coeur, se trouvent placees, le Haut & le Bas,
le Droit & le Gauche, le Devant & le Derriere. Mais ils
ne sont pas egaux en origine ny en dignitS, & il y a
diversity de perfection non settlement entr'eux; mais
encore entre les termes & les differences dont ils sont
composes. Car le devant & le Derriere sont plus nobles
que le Droit & le Gauche, & ceux-cy que le Haut & le Bas:
Mais encore le Devant est plus noble que le Derriere, le
Droit que le Gauche, & le Haut que le Bas.
La raison de cette diversity vient premierement de ee
que ces trois ordres de Situation rSpondent aux trois
dimensions qui se trouvent en tout corps naturel, la
Longueur, la Largeur, & la Profondeur; comae celles-cy
rSpondent aux trois especes de quantitS, qui entrant en
tout corps Mathematique, la Ligne, la Surface & le Solide:
Car la ligne fait la Longueur, 1& la longueur produit le
Haut & le Bas; De la Surface vient la largeur, & de cellecy le Droit & le Gauche: Et le Solide produit la
profondeur, comae la profondeur fait naistre le Devant &
le Derriere.
"" '
Or comae la ligne est plus simple & premiere par nature
que la surface, & celle-cy que le solide; aussi la
longueur devance naturellement la largeur, & celle-cy la
soit en les formant les premieres, soit en avangant leur perfection,
depend de la chaleur naturelle qu’elle leur communique” (Art, p. 3 6 9 ).
profondeur: Et en suitte 1'ordre.de la situation du
Haut & du Bas est plus simple & premier.que celuy du
Droit & du Gauche, comme celi3y-cy est a I ’egard du
Devant & du Derriere. De sorte que la nature faisant
toujours ses progrez des choses les moins parfaites a
celles qui le sont davantage, il s ’ensuit non seulement
que la ligne & la longueur sont moins parfaites. que la
solide & la profondeur; Mais encore que la mSme
diversite se trouve dans les ordres de situation qui
repondent a chacune d'elles: Et que par consequent
celle du Devant & du Derriere est la plus noble; que
celle du Droit & du Gauche 1'est apres, & que celle
du Haut & du Bas I'est moins, comme estant la premiere
& la plus simple detoutes.
En effet, nous voyons que toutes ces choses ont
est£ distribuees aux corps selon I 1excellence q u 'ils
doivent avoir: Car ceux qui sont vivans, croissent
premierement en longueur, & en se. perfectionnant ils
acquierent la largeur & la profondeur: Les Plantes
ont bien le Haut & le Bas; mais elles sont privies
du Droit & du Gauche, du Devant & du Derriere. II
n ’y a que les Animaux qui possedent ces dernieres
differences: Encore y en a-t'il qui ne les ont pas
toutes, cela n ’estant reserve que pour ceux qui ont
les parties mieux distinguees, & le mouvement plus
regulier.
Ce n'est pas pourtant §, dire que toutes ces sortes
de Situation ne se puissent trouver dans les corps
purement naturels; mais elles y sont incertaines &
estrangeres, n ’ayans aucun principe interne qui les
arreste & les determine, & ce n ’est que par rapport
aux choses animies qu1elles s ’y font remarquer. Car
ce qui est le Haut & le Devant d ’un pilier, en pent
etre le Bas & le Derriere, & celui qui est a Droit,
pent estre mis a Gauche, sans mesme qu'il change de
place. Mais il n ’en va pas ainsi dans les choses
vivantes & animies, ou toutes les differences de
Situation qu'ont leurs parties, sont invariables,
estans fixees & determinees par les vertus & par les
observations de I ’ame. Voire pour ce qui conceme
les genres de Situation compares entr'eux.
Mais qui voudra considerer les termes & les dif­
ferences dont chacun est compose, trouvera encore
q u ’il y en a tousiours m e qui est plus noble que
1 ’autre, parce que c'est le principe, & que le
principe est plus excellent que ce qui en depend:
Car le Haut est le principe du Bas, & le Droit I ’est'
du Gauche, comme le Devant 1 ’est du Derriere.
En effet, le commencement est une sorte de
principe, & le commencement des trois principales
observations de I'Ame se fait en ces trois
172
differences de situation. Car la Nutrition commence par
le Haut, le Mouvement par le Droit9 & le sentiment
par le Devant. Et de vray la Bouche qui est la
premiere porte des alimens d'ou ils sont apres
distribuez par tout le Corps, fait le Haut dans tous
les Animaux, comme la Racine le fait des Plantes:
D'ou vient que la langue Latine appelle hautes, les
Racines qui sont profondes; Et 1'on a dit que 1'Homme
estoit un arbre renverse, non parce que ses cheveux
qui ont quelque ressemblance avec les racines, sont en
haut & celles-cy en bas, mais parce qu'il a sa bouche
directement opposee a celles des arbres; Car on ne
peut douter que la Racine ne soit la bouche des Plantes
puis qu'elles prennent par la leur nourriture & que de
la elle est portee a toutes leurs autres parties. Le
Sentiment commence aussi par le devant, car hors le
sens du toucher qui a deu estre repandu par toutes les
parties de 1'Animal,
tous les autres sens sont placez
au devant, parce que
les sens devoient conduire &
regler le Mouvement qui se fait toujours en avant, &
qui commence par le coste droit. . . . D'ou il s'ensuit
que le Haut, le Droit & le Devant sont les principes
des autres & qu'ils sont par consequent plus nobles
qu'eux
(Arts PP« 35^-591*
Thus, for mankind, nobility connotes spatlotemporal relation­
ships which determine the order of being.
vertu of the lower, just
Upper is the principle or
as right contains the virtue of left
the virtue of rear, for it is the
potential to become, the other.
first point that initiates,
andfront
orhasthe
And even more important, as Cureau ex­
plains at a later point in his discourse, nobility of situation is
correlevant to the excellence of the various organs and parts and is
therefore defined as a quality "qui se tire de 1'utilite qu'elles
parts] apportent" (Art, p. 367).
[the
Hence, in La Chambre'stheory,nobil­
ity, like beauty, is an attribute that has direct reference to.intended
function and thus points to the essential pragmatism underlying his
basic assumptions about nature.
\
.
173
In summary. La Chambre’s methodological theory for knowing men
presumes that the microcosm, or man, is a self-contained unit whose
parts are structured, composed and ordered in the image of the macro­
cosm, or astral system.
Relationships between the sun, moon, and each
of the five planets and the human organs are based on similarity of
compositional nature, while the humors of a. man are the equivalent of
astral effluences in their various proportions of hot, dry, cold, and
moist qualities.
Moreover, the emissions from the various celestial
bodies constitute only one dimension of intercosmic rapport, i.e., that
of one discreet entity to another, and while sideral effluences are
generally experienced by the organism, they are more specifically re­
ceived in the noble parts of similar composition.
As Cureau explains:
. . . il y a a deux sortes d 1Influences que toutes les
parties regoivent des Parties Robles; L ’une qui est
commune & generale; I 1autre qui est particuliere &
Specifique. Par la premiere les Yeux ont correspon­
dence avec le Coeur & avec le Cerveau par le moyen
de la chaleur vitale & de la vertu sensitive qu'ils
regoivent d ’eux; Et en cSt egard il est vray de dire
que le Soleil & la Lune qui dominant sur ces deux
principales parties ont aussi une direction generale
sur les deux Yeux. Mais si 1'on considers la sympathie
& la societS particuliere que les membres ont les uns
avec les autres, qui est une veritS que nous avons
demonstrSe par 1'experience & par la doctrine d'Hippocrate, on verra bien qu'il y a raison pour croire que
le Coeur & le Cerveau peuvent avoir plus de liaison
avec un oeil qu'avec 1 ‘autre; Et par consequent, que
I ’un peut estre sous la direction particuliere du
Soleil, & 1'autre sous celle de la Lune. Or comme
I'oeil Droit est dans une plus noble situation que
le Gauche, qu'il est fort & plus exact en son action
que luy, & que c'est le seul qui fait la rectitude
de la veue. . .; il n'y a pas lieu de doufcer qu’il
ne soit aussi gouveme par I'Astre qui est le plus
noble & le plus puissant
(Art, pp. U35-36).
rru
This "sympathie & societe particuliereV between internal and external
parts is maintained by the humors,'whose'compositional ratio of esppits
relates.them to the planets and subsequently determines outward be­
havior.
It is in this regard that disease and humoral imbalance are
influenced by astral aspects, and that one can draw parallels between
the invisible humoral qualities, their outward expression in charac­
ters of passions, and the possible kinds of alteration in organic com­
position that produce them.
The passage below is one of the many ex­
amples drawn from medicine by La Chambre to support his premise of
cosmic unity with empirical evidence:
. . .Les Levres ont un rapport avee le ventre, & les
Seings qui se trouvent sur elles en designent d ’autres
en cette partie, qui est sous la direction de Mars.■
loint que les Levres s'ulcerent dans les fievres
tierces, qui sans doute viennent de la Bile, laquelle
est gouvemee par cette Planete. Et c 1est une observa­
tion qui merite d'estre icy exactement consideree:
Car comme cette ulceration est critique, & qu'elle est
propre a ces sortes de fievres, ilfaut que les Levres
ayent une sympathie particuliere avec I ’humeur qui est
la source du mal, & que ce soit la cause pourquoy elle
se iette plustost sur cette partie que sur quelque
autre que ce soit
(Art, p. 451)•
The physiognomical characters.
Like traditional physiognomists,
Cureau believed the face to be the mirror of the soul, or an even more
microcosmic resume of the microcosm.
As he reasons:
.' . .la Sagesse infinie de Dieu, qui reduit toutes
choses a 1'unite pour luy estre plus conformes,
apres avoir racourcy tout le Monde dans 1'Homme,
a voulu racourcir tout 1 1Homme dans le visage:
Car on ne peut pas dire que cette correspondance
dont nous venons de parler, soit simplement dans
ces marques, puis qu'elles sont toutes formees d'une
mesme matiere, & par consequent elles.ne peuvent
avoir plus de rapport avec I'une qu*avec I 1autre;
mais il faut qu’elle soit dans les parties mesmes,
175
& que la societe qu’elles ont ensemble, soit cause que
I'une ne puisse estre marquee, que sa correspondante .
ne souffre en mesme temps la mesme impression. Aussi
voyons-nous, outre le secret..consentement q u felles
peuvent avoir ensemble,, un rapport sensible & manifeste
dans la situation & dans la structure q u *elles ont. . .
WrA, pp. U39-^0 ) •
. The first indications of emotional stress are reflected in what
Cureau sees as the body’s two luminaries, the eyes, which have sympathy
with the heart (right eye) and brain (left eye), the two Msources d ’ou
[les passions 1 precedent” (Art, p, ^32).
Medical knowledge, claims
Cureau, lends support to the extension of these relationships between
human organs and their astral counterparts, the sun and moon, by dem­
onstrating that the right eye is indeed stronger than the left in
addition to being the origin of correct optical perspective.
As he
explains;
Mais que 1 ’oeil Droit soit plus fort que le Gauche,
e'est une chose si certain q u ’elle n ’a pas besoin de
preuves: car outre que toufces les parties droites sont
les plus fortes, outre que cSt oeil est moins attaque
des maladies que 1 ’autre, & que lors que les avant
coureurs de la mort detruisent la vertu des parties,
il conserve la sienne quelque temps apres que le Gauche
est tout a fait eteint: II faut qu’il soit plus fort
que luy, puis q u ’il est plus exact en son action. Et
une marque evidente q u ’il est plus exact, e'est que la
Rectitude de la veue entiere & complette qui se fait
avec les Yeux depend de luy seul. En effet, qu'on
regarde des deux Yeux quelque pbjet que ce soit, si on
vient apres a fermer 1 ’oeil Gauche, 1 ’objet paroistra
dans la mesme situation & sur la mesme ligne ou on
I'avoit remarquS avec les deux yeux; mais si 1 'on ferme
le Droit, 1 ’objet ne paroist plus dans la mesme ligne,
& semble changer de situation: Qui est m e marque
certaine que la Rectitude de la veue complete vient de
1 ’oeil Droit, puis que la ligne sur laquelle il void
les objets est la mesme que eelle qui dirige les yeux
(Art, pp. 436-37).
.
176
By similar token, the nose is :ruled.by Venus, the planet govern­
ing the organs of regeneration.
According to Curean, this correspon­
dence may be ascertained through examination of the moles (seings or
sings) appearing in exactly the same situation and proportionately sized
in both parts.
The presence of these moles is, in fact, one of the
surest methods of demonstrating the authenticity of association and
communication between the facial features and other parts of the body,
as Cureau explains below;
i
. . .c'est m e chose admirable, qu1a mon advis on ne
considere pas assez, qu'il n'y a sur le visage aucune
de ces marques naturelles, qu’il ne s ’en trouve m e
autre sur quelque Partie du Corps certaine &
dSterminee, qui luy respond particulierement.' Car
s ’il s ’en rencontre m e sur le Front, il y en aura
m e autre sur la Poitrine; Et selon que celle-lB,
sera au milieu, ou plus haut ou plus has, d ’un coste
ou d 1autre; celle-cy aura les mesmes differences de
situation. Si I ’une se void aux Sourcils, 1 ’autre se
rencontrera sur les Espaules; si I ’une sera sur le
Nez, 1'autre sera aux Parties [genitales]: si aux
loues; 1'autre sur les Cuisses; Si aux Oreilles,
1 ’autre sera sur les Bras, & ainsi du reste
{Arts
pp. 438-39) •
In conjmction with the similarities one
of the face and other parts of the
can observe between the parts
body, the moles provideadditional
assurance that the following assessment of these relationships is an
accurate reading of their situation and compositional nature;
. . .la Poitrine qui est la partie du Corps au dessous
de la Teste qui est la plus ossue & la plus plate au
devant, repond iustement au Front qui a les memes
qualitez. Les Parties Genitales sont au milieu du
Corps, & avancees en dehors, comme le Uez 1 ’est au
milieu du visage. Les Cuisses qui sont fort chamues
& a coste, se rapportent aux loues qui sont de la
mesme sorte: Le Sourcil a 1'Espaule,.a cause de
1'eminence ou I ’m & 1'autre se trouve. L'Oreille .
au Bras, estans tons deux a coste, & comme hors d'oeuvre,
& ainsi des autres ( Art, p. 440).
177
While Cureau's argument in favor of a science of physiognomy
seemed to him well enough grounded in humors and the system of noble
parts which correspond to the sun, moon, and planets, metoposcopy and
chiromancy presented him with a perplexing lack of biological data.
The only manner in which he could justify their inclusion in his method
for knowing men was to present them in relation to the principles es­
tablished for physiognomy and clearly state what were to be the scope
and limits of their usage.
Since the forehead is part of the face and
therefore has its own relation to the other parts of the body, he begins
by examining traditional accounts of the anticipated correspondences
between the lines and the stars.
Metoposcopy.
In traditional metoposcopy, or what Cureau calls
"la metoposcopie vulgaire" or "ordinaire," the forehead is divided into
sections, each of which is deemed receptive to the influence of a par­
ticular planet.
For his part, La Chambre did not subscribe to this sys­
tem, and adopted instead the view of a physiognomist whom he regarded as
"un Homme admirable en cet Art" (Art, p. 428).
This second approach
to metoposcopy (in Cureau's words, "la vraye metoposcopie"). opts for
the integration rather than the separation of divination of forehead
lines with physiognomical observations:
taken in themselves, these
lines do no more than define the strength of Saturn in the person­
ality, since this planet is the purported ruler of the forehead.
The
line of Saturn bisects the forehead as the midpoint between two extreme
lines representing Mercury (immediately below Saturn) and Jupiter (the
178
.
uppermost line)s with Mars above Saturn „ Venus above Mars and the sun
and moon's lines over the right and.left eyebrows respectively (Figure
l).
According to Cureau, this midsection constitutes "le lieu ou cet
Astre agit plus puissamment, & o& il inprime les lignes qui sont les
effets & les marques de son pouvoir” (Art, p. M l ) .
Comparing the re­
lationships between the various lines in the two schools of thought on
metoposcopy, Cureau concludes:
. . .le Systeme du Phisionomiste dont i'ay parlS, est
mieux fonde que celuy de la Metoposcopie ordinaire, &
que hors la ligne de Saturne qui est au milieu, & qui
est eelle qui semble estre la plus propre & la plus
naturelle au Front, toufces les autres ne servent qu’S,
marquer les rapports & les aspects que Saturne pent
avoir avec les autres Planetes
(Art, pp. 447-^8).
Attesting to the success both the physiognomist and he had experienced
in using this system in preference to the other. La Chambre felt that
there was reason to hope for a true science of metoposcopywhich, in
his words, "n'est pas si vaine & si trompeuse que quelques-uns
se
pourroient imaginer; mais encore que celle que I'on trouve dans les
Livres, & dont on se sert ordinairement a de faux Principes, & des
regies qui ne peuvent donner la connoissance qu'on doit attendre d'un
Art si utile & si merveilleux" (Art, pp. 429-40).
What Cureau is advocating, in effect, is that metoposcopy be
used as an adjunct to physiognomy rather than as an independent system
of astrological signs.
Although its lines cannot be explained by phys­
ical factors such as skin quality and forehead structure, they never­
theless must have a relation to the inner system which in turn relates
through sympathy to the astral system.
In this sense, then, one can
Sun
Moon
Mercury
Saturn
Fig. 1:
5.
6.
7.
Mars
Venus
Jupiter
La Chambre's Metoposcopy
180
conclude that the forehead lines are "astrological1' signs.
As he warns;
. . . il faut desabuser ceux qui croyent que le Front
est la seule partie du visage qui f o u m i t la Meto™
poscopie des Signes dont elle se doit servir: Car
il est certain que toutes les autres y contribuent
comae luy: Et 11 n ‘est pas croyable que s'il y a
quelques secrets rapports des Parties Nobles & des
Astres avec les parties exterieures, il n'y ait au
visage que le Front qui aye eonvenanee & sympathie
avec eux: Et que.les Yeux, le Nez & la Bouehe qui
sont des parties si considerables» & que la Nature
forme & conserve avec tant de soin, n'y en ayent
aucune
{Arts p. U3l).
Chiromancy. Just as physiognomy regarded the face as a micro­
cosm, of the individual, the palmist saw in the hand a resume of all
the body parts.
In terms of comparison, Cureau claims that ” . . . on
a estS contraint de les mettre en par allele avec 1'Bit en dement & dire
que eomme il estoit la forme des formes les ayant toutes en puissance,
les Mains estoient aussi 1*instrument ayant tout seul la vertu de tons
les autres” {Chi. & Meto.s p. M O .
. Although medicine since the time of Hippocrates had used the
principles of chiromancy to establish correspondences between parts of the
hand and the organs, Cureau was not satisfied with the rationale that up­
held these relationships.
. . . la grande difficult# est de sgavoir quels sont ces
endroits & ces lieux particuliers ou ces influences sont
regues. Car bien que la Chiromance nous asseure que le
premier doigt a sympathie avec la Rate, le troisieme avec
le Coeur, &c.l^ Elle n 1apporte aucune preuve convainquante de cette verite; Et quelques experiences qu’elle
Cureau disagrees with the traditional system of correspondences
between the organs and fingers, which places Jupiter in sympathy with the
index, Saturn with the second finger, the Sun with the third. Mercury
with the fourth, Venus with the thumb, Mars with the center of the palm.
l8l
mette en avaat pour la soustenir, elles laxssent
toujours en doute ceux qui ne se veulent payer que
de raisons, & passe souvent dans leurs esprits pour
des phantaisies & des grotesques que la curiosite
humaine s'est for gee
{Chi. &
pp. 97 -9 8 ) •
In the light of these difficulties, the method proposed by la Chambre
involves the reevaluation of the principles on which chiromancy was ori­
ginally founded to see if there are any reasons that can sustain them.
If so, he claims:
. . . il n'y a point a mon advis de personne raisonnable,
qui ioignant les precedens soupgons avec la verite de
ces Principes, ne confesse que si la Science qu'on a
bastie dessus, n'est pas encore bien asseuree, elle le
pexrfc devenir par les diligentes & exactes observations
qu'on y peut adjouster. Et que si elle [ne] pent
promettre tout ce que I'Astrologie luy fait esperer
par les Astres qu1elle a places dans la Main, elle peut
du moins iuger de la bonne ou mauvaise disposition des
parties interieures qui ont sympathie avec elle, &
donner par la de grandee ouvertures pour la conservation
de la sante, & pour la guerison des maladies: car quand
elle seroit restrainte dans ces bomes, & qu'elle ne se
pourroit vanter d ’autres choses, ce seroit tousiours une
science tres-considerable, & qui par 1 'excellence de ses
connoissances & par I ’utilitS qu'elle peut apporter,
seroit digne de la euriositS des plus severes Fhilosophes
& de tous ceux qui s 'appliquent a la recherche des
*
merveilles de la Nature
(Art, pp. 351-52].
The reconsideration of chiromancy's rules follows the guidelines
established for the characters of physiognomy and metopocopy elaborated
in the following text:
and the Moon with the lower part of the palm. His own system, though
not complete, attempts to base itself on concrete evidence of sym­
pathies between the hand and the internal organs obtained through
successful application in the practice of medicine. Thus, he places
Jupiter and the liver in correspondence with the first finger, the
Sun and heart with the third finger, and Saturn and the pancreas with
the middle finger.
Or la nature tient cette maxime qu'elle place les
choses les plus excellentes dans les lieux qui sont les
plus nobles, corame on peut voir dans I'ordre ou elle
a mis toutes les principales parties de 1'Univers; Et
partant il faut que dans 1 1Homme qui est le racourcy
& 1'abrege du monde3 les parties ayent aussi un rang
conforme a leur dignite; Et que I'on puisse dire, non
seulement que les plus excellentes sont dans la plus
noble Situation, mais encore que celies qui sont dans
la plus noble Situation, sont les plus excellentes.
Car il s'ensuit de la que les Mains, qui sont au haut,
sont plus excellentes que ceux qui sont au bas, & la
Main qui est au coste droit que celle qui est au coste
gauche. Mais comme 1'Excellence des parties se tire
de 1'utilite qu'elles apportent a 1*Animal, il faut
voir pour le dessein que nous avons entrepris.a quoy
peuvent servir les Mains, en quoy elles sont plus
utiles que les Pieds, & quel usage a la Droite par
dessus la Gauche.
Premierement il est certain que tous les Animaux
qui sont composes de sang & que pour cette raison on
appelle parfaits, ont este pourveus de quatre organes
pour se mouvoir d ’un lieu a 1'autre, lesquels repondent
aux quatre premieres differences de Situation que nous
venons de marquer, a sgavoir au Haut & au Bas, au Droit
& au Gauche: Car il n ’y a point eu d 'instrumens qui
repondent aux deux demieres, a sg avoir au Derriere &
au Devant, ne se trouvant aucun animal parfait qui se
meuve naturellement en arriere, & les autres organes
pouvans satisfaire au mouvement qui se fait en avant,
comme 1*experience fait voir. Cette verite paroist
dans tous les genres des Animaux parfaits; veu que la
pluspart de ceux qui sont terrestres ont quatre pieds;
les oiseaux en ont deux avec deux ailes; les poissons
ont quatre nageoires; & les serpens font quatre plis
differens. Et toutes ces parties leur sont tellement
necessaires pour le mouvement progressif qui leur est
naturel, que s ’il leur en manquoit quelqu'une, ils ne
le pour[r]oient [sic] faire qu'avec peine. Car les
oyseaux ne peuvent voler quand ils ont les iambes
rompues; ny les poissons nager quand ils ont perdu
quelqu'une de leurs nageoires; ny les serpens ramper,
si on leur a coupe les parties du corps qui font les
derniers plis de leur mouvement. D'ou il faut conclure
que les Mains qui sont du rang de ces quatre instrumens
qui sont destines au mouvement progress!!, servent a
celuy de I 1Homme, & que s'il en estoit prive, il ne
feroit pas ce mouvement avec tant de facilite. En
effet on ne peut courir qu'avec grande peine quand
on a les mains liees, on ferme & serre les poings quand
183
on vent sauter, & dans le marcher ordinaire le bras se
retire tonslours en arriere quand la iambe du mesme
coste s'avance. A quoy il faut adiouster que dans
l.'enfance elles servant de pieds; que lors qu'on est
tombe, on ne peut se relever sans elles, & que s ’il
faut monter ou descendre en des lieux difficiles, elles ne
sqnt pas moins utiles que les iambes. Qut sont des
marques 6vi dentes que ces parties contribuent au Mouvement progressif de I'homme.
Mais comme la Nature est m e grande mSnagere des
choses qu’elle fait & qu'elle en tire tous les services
qu'elle peut, elle ne s'est pas contentee de ce premier
usage qu'elle a donne aux Mains; elle les a encore
destinees si tant d'autres employs qu'il est presque
impossible de les marquer & d'en tirer compte. De sorte
qu'on a este contraint de les mettre en paralelle [si-o]
avec 1 *entendement, & de dire que comme il estoit la
forme des formes, les ayant toutes en puissance, les
Mains estoient aussi 1 'instrument des instrumens, .
ayant tout seul la vertu de tous les autres. Car c'est
par elles que 1 'Homme prend & retient les choses qui
luy sont necessaires & agreables, c'est par elles qu'il
se defend & qu'il vient a bout de celles qui luy sont
nuisibles & dommageables; Ce sont enfin les principales
ouvrieres de tous les Arts & les outils generaux dont
1 'Esprit se sert pour mettre au iour ses plus belles
& plus utiles inventions. Et sans doute elles donnent
un si grand avantage a 1 *Homme par dessus les autres
Animaux, qui si I*on ne peut pas dire, comme cet aneien
Philosophe, qu'il est Sage parce qu'il a des Mains, on
peut du moins asseurer qu'il paroist Sage, parce qu'il
a des Mains. Apres cela il ne faut pas s 'estonner si
elles ont este plaeees au haut bout comme au lieu le
plus honorable, & si la Nature les a approchSes autant
qu'elle a pu, du siege de la Raison & des Sens, avec
lesquels elles ont tant de commerce & de liaison
(Art, pp. 359-641.
Inasmuch as the hands are the instrument of instruments, Cureau
reasons that they must require a special supply of esppi-ts wCtaux
(carried in the blood) and a complex neural network (esppits animaux 1
in the nerve canals) to provide the necessary strength and capacity for
sensitivity and intricate motor control.
And while it is true that the
feet share these same extra provisions, they are less perfect due to
184
their later formation during gestation and their less noble position9
and are therefore secondary in importance to the hands.
Having established the theoretical framework of his new chiro­
mancy on the premises of geometric principles and drawing supporting
evidence from the biological data of medicine (formation of the noble
parts in utero), Cureau proceeds to reaffirm the traditionalideathat .
the hand is a miniature replica of the body parts, just asthe face
is
the soul’s mirror;
Car [the hand] est un racourcy de tons les membres
exterieurs, n 'ayant aucune partie qui n ’ait son
rapport particulier & manifests avec quelqu'une d ’eux;
comme [the face] 1 ’est de toutes les parties interieures,
n ’ayant aucun endroit qui n ’ait sa liaison & sa sympathie
avec quelqu’une d ’elles
p. 388) •
Pursuing this analogy between the face and hand into his home territory
of anatomy, he gives relevant structural evidence in favor of his argu­
ment;
Et sans doute c ’est lit m e des principales raisons pour
laquelle ils ont eu tous deux m e constitution de cuir
tout particuliere, & que la peau qui par tout ailleurs
est separee des muscles, y est tellement unie, qu'il
est impossible de 1 ’en sepsrer; La Nature qui a destine
ces parties pour estre comme les miroirs ou se doivent
representer toutes les autres, ayant voulu que la chair
fust iointe au cuir, afin que 1'impression qu’elle
regoit des nerfs, des veines & des arteres qui y sont
rSpandues, se communiquast plus facilement & parust
plus promptement dehors
(Art, pp. 3 8 8 -8 9 )•
He adds that while this condition is shared by the bottom of the feet
as well, and serves as an equally solid foundation for a science of
podomancy, it is less successful than chiromancy in actual practice
since the foot receives less vital heat than either the hand or face
185
because it is located so much further from the source (heart) and the
characters are therefore less clearly imprinted on its surface.
In the final pages of L 'Apt de oonnoistre les Hormes3 Cureau
confronts directly for the first time the most important assumption of
traditional chiromancy— the liaison between the hands and the stars— a
problem he views as being contingent on the same factors that make the
science of physiognomy reliable:
Toute la difficulte se reduit. .
ce point de sgavoir
si veritablement ces Astres gouvernent les parties du
Corps, & s'ils leur communiquent quelque vertu secrette
qui soit la cause de la bonne ou mauvaise disposition
qu'elles ont
(irt, pp. 404-05).
Though La Chambre believed that his own experience in the practice of
medicine together with the assurances of his theory of spiritual trans­
mission clearly suggested a relationship between the fingers and inter­
nal organs, he also willingly admitted that to answer this question
properly would have demanded ”un discours qui passeroit les h o m e s de
nostre dessein, & qui choqueroit meme la methods avec laquelle toutes les
Sciences veulent estre traitees" (Art, p. 405).
The method he then pro­
ceeds to describe as the one officially prescribed for scientific in­
vestigation is as follows:
. . .elle ne veut pas qu'on entre en doute, ny en
contestation de toutes les choses qui s'y rencontrent
[in Astrology]: Elle deffend particulierement de
mettre a la censure les principes sur lesquels elles
sont etablis, & fait passer ceux qui sont pris des
conclusions des Sciences superieures, quelque douteux
qu'ils soient, avec le mesme privilege que peuvent
avoir les maximes & les notions communes des
Mathematiques. (Art, pp. 405-06).
In sum, he concludes with regard to chiromancy (and by association,
physiognomy and metoposcopy):
186
C'est assez pour la Chiromance que la Physique soutienne
ses premiers fondemens; tout ce qu'elle regoit apres
de 1*Astrologies luy doit estre alloile ou du moins
estre mis en surseance iusques a ce qu'on examine
le fonds de I'Astrologie mesme
(Ax>ts p . 4o6) .
The above passage brings us back to what is not only the prob­
lematic issue of La Chambre's theory of man, but, as we saw in chap­
ter 4, the central concern of his recommended approach to the study of
natures
the establishment of a methodological framework of principles
that are evident like the principles of geometry and perhaps related to
them— but without the implicit suggestion that all systems in nature
are really machines whose essences can be sufficiently explained by ap­
plication of spatiotemporal laws of local movement.
Although astrology
was often indiscriminate in its selection of methods and principles,
Cureau did not wish to dismiss those observations and formulations which
seemed to be grounded in empirical evidence without careful consideration.
i
Thus, while he recognized the value of mathematics as a model for
science, his bias as a physician made it impossible for him to make the
leap of faith from a philosophy based on probability, like the tradi­
tional systems, to a philosophy based on mathematical certitude, like
the Cartesian system.
And so we find him caught in the middle.
On the
one hand, the observations he makes regarding the basic "laws" of nature
are analogies to geometric notions;
(l) Nature loves proportion;
(2) Nature always looks for the shortest path, i.e., moves in a straight
line unless otherwise impeded; (3) Nature loves to separate its differ­
ent types of movement {vertus or principles for specific direction)
since she despises confusion and mixture; and (4) Nature takes such care
to conserve the integrity of living things that she almost always
divides them in halves, so that if one half suffers alteration, the
other half can hold the total being in check (s'en gccpantiv?) and there­
by preserve the nature of the composite organism.
On the other hand,
he is a Platonist whose "world of ideas" consists of complex, enigmatic
figures far more reminiscent of images than of three-dimensional geo­
metric characters.
And so when he writes in Le Syst'&me de t !dmes
"Cette Philosophie toute nouvelle qu'elle paroisse est aussi ancienne
que celle de Platon" (System p. 223), he recalls item by item the
Hermetic cosmology of the Renaissance natural philosophers, who would
have agreed that
. . .les Idees qui sont dans 1 ‘Entendement divin sont
les exemplaires sur lesquels Dieu produit toutes choses;
que les Raisons qui sont dans I ’Ame du monde sont les
Images des Idees & les modeles sur lesquels la Nature
fait ses ouvrages; et enfin tout ce qui est dans le
Monde, n'est que 1 1ombre, c ’est-a-dire 1 1Image de ce
qui est dans la Divinite
(Sy'st.s p. 223 ) .
Within this traditional cosmological framework, however, Cureau is able
to formulate one of the most fascinating and important aspects of his
theory of nature— the structural understanding of the soul.
CHAPTER 6
THE STRUCTURAL UNDERSTANDING OF MAN
From the Art of Knowing Men to a
Science of Human Behaviors
La Chambre8s Theory of
Man's Inner Nature
With Le Systhne de t 'wne^ we come to the final episode in our
study of La Chambre1s theory of man.
Taking up where L tArt de
connoistre les Hormes left off in 1 6 5 9 $•this new work continues the
search for a more complete understanding of human nature.
But whereas
the first confines its attention to teaching the reader how to discover
the inclinations, passions, virtues, and vices of an individual through
interpretat ion of external signs, the second proposes to disclose the
entire sequence of events leading up to the formation of these signs
which Cureau designates as the soul's movements.
As he explains in the
preface of this latter treatise, it is only through a more exact knowl­
edge of how the soul acquires and distributes information to the organs
of local movement designed to execute its orders that any true science
of man is possible,
Car soit que I'on considers la Connoissanoe de I 'Homme,.
comme m e Science qui apprend a connoistre 1 'Homme
tout entier; il est certain que la Connoissanoe de
I'Ame en fait la plus noble partie. Soit que I'on
la reduise a un Art particuller, qui enseigne^a
decouvrir les inclinations, les passions, les vertus
& les vices, comme nous avons fait; Toutes ees
choses-lk presupposent la Connoissanoe & les Mouvemens
.de I'Ame; & si on ne montre comment elle se meut, il
188
189
restera quantitS de doutes dans 1 ’esprit, quelque
esclaircissement que l ‘on donne d ’ailleurs & ces
matieres
{Syst., pref. 1 .
From what Cureau discloses in a later section of his prelimi- nary remarks, the selection of an appropriate title for his last major
work was a matter involving careful deliberation on his part.
Faced
with the problem of dealing with a subject of general interest to the
intellectual community, he did not wish to misrepresent his intentions
by choosing a phrase that would be either too vague or too restrictive
with regard to his understanding of the term "soul."
Moreover, the
word "system" as it was used by astronomers to characterize their con­
ception of the celestial order appealed to him inasmuch as it did not
connote the study of the natures ascribed by astrology to each of these
bodies.
As he reasons:
. . . le n ’ay pu trouver de terme qui expliquast M e n
mon dessein que le mot de Systems*
Car de luy donner
pour titre, Disoovrs de ta nature divine eust estS
trop vague, puis qu'il y a beaucoup de choses qui
regardant sa nature, que ie suppose, & que ie n 6examine
point. De luy donner aussi celuy des Actions de t 'Ame3
il eqgtv estS trop resserre, puisque mon Discours s ’estend
plus loin, & qu’il-traitte d'autres subjets que des
Actions.
De sorte qu’apres avoir remarque que les Astronomes
en faisant le Systeme du Monde, qui n ’est autre chose
que 1 ’ordre & la disposition qu'ils donnent a tous les
corps dont le Monde est composS| n ’examinent point la
nature de ces corps-la, & ne cherchent que leur situa­
tion, leur figure, leur grandeur & leurs mouvemenss
j ’ay creu que ie pouvois emprunter d ’eux ee terme-la,
puisque i ’avois les mesmes visees pour le regard de
1 ‘Ame. Car ie n 1examine point le fond de sa nature,
ie suppose que c'est m e substance Spirituelles In­
divisible & Irnnortelles & ne veux point affoiblir par
mes preuves m e verite que la Religion a establie:
Mais ie cherche quelle est sa Situations sa Figures
sa Grandeur & ses Mouvemens.
Et sous ee dernier mot,
ie comprends ses actions principales, & qui luy sont
communes avec les autres Substances spirituelles; &
190
sgavoir, Connoistves se Souvenir^ se Mouvoir & Faire
Mowoi-v le Corps.
Car il est certain que toutes ces
actions sont des mouvemens, puisque la Connoissance &
le Souvenir appartiennent au mouvement d*alteration;
Et les deux autres au mouvement local, comme nous
montrerons en son lieu
(,Syst. * pref =).
As for the order of topics to he discussed. La Chamhre remarks
that he has reversed the "natural order" of his discourse to begin with
an analysis of the soul's actions rather than with a theory of its na­
ture.
His reason for making this change is quite practical, for as he
wagers,
. .si ie mettois a 1'entree de mon Livre tant d'espines,
comme il y en a en tout ce Traitte, ie te ferois perdre I ’envie de
passer plus avant (Syst. pref.).
However, he has a second motive which
is far more significant in the light of the growing demand among intel­
lectuals during the last half of the seventeenth century for clear and
distinct ideas.
By his own admission, the arguments presented in support
of his conception of the soul's nature in this treatise have the double
disadvantage of running counter to popular opinion and beingframed
metaphysical premises.
in
In anticipation of criticism from hiscompeers,
Cureau avows:
Outre que tout ce qu'il contient, est contraire aux
opinions communes, qui par consequent ne trouvera pas
1 'esprit prepare pour se laisser facilement persuader;
Le commencement se soutient par des raisonnemens
Metaphysiques qui te rebuteroient: Et la fin est
pleine de Conjectures si fresles & si legeres, qu'elles
donneroient infailliblement une mauvaise opinion de
tout 1 'Ouvrage, si ie 1 'avois commence par la
[Syst.y
pref.)
Thus, in order to offset the weaker sides of his theory of the
soul, Cureau's first three discourses are aimed at demonstrating beyond
the shadow of a doubt that all human actions, be they ''vegetative,"
"sensitive," or "intellectual,11 are essentially cognitive.
For this
191
reason $ he claims* they deserve to be examined from the vantage point
of this particular kind of action.
As we shall see in examining the
various cognitive behaviors in man* what is important to La Chambre is
not establishing strict distinctions among these faculties on the basis
of traditional ideas about the three-part soul of man.
Following the
dual guidelines suggested in his title* the purpose of Le Syst'hne de
t ’dme will be to explain how the soul’s faculties together with the
vital organs are aspects of evolving biological structure * of which the
two primordial terms are its instinct and its sensitivity.
Theory of knowledge
TSntendement as a model for cognitive action.
Opening his dis­
cussion of the soul's system on a very dramatic and profound note*
La Chambre calls attention to the sharp contrast between the noble
status of the human mind in the cosmic scheme— a truth assured to us by
religious revelation— and the poor understanding philosophy demonstrates
in its general assumptions about the cognitive process.
As he comments;
L'Esprit de 1 *Homme qui est si vain & si superbe»
doit avoir m e estrange confusion quand il vient &
considerer* que luy qui est destine pour connoistre
toutes choses, & qui croit en effet connoistre la
pluspart de eelles qui sont dans le monde; ne sgait
point du tout ee qu'il est* ni ce qu'il fait * ni com­
ment il le fait. II congoit* il juge* il raisonne;
en un mot il pense* & neantmoins il ne sgauroit dire
ce que c'est que Penser* ni comment il Pense. De
sorte qu'on le peut justement comparer a ees Lamies
des Poetes, qui prenoient des yeux quand elles
sortoient de chez elles * & les laissoient st la porte
quand elles y vouloient rentrer. Car il void tout ce
qui est hors de luy & ne se peut voir luy-mesme: Et
sans le secours de la Foy qui luy apprend qu'il est du
nombre de ces Substances qui ne peuvent jamais perir,
tous ses raisonnemens le laissefoient en doute de
192
cette verite; Et avec la vanite q.u'il se donne de
mettre toutes choses en leur ordre, 11 ne pourroit
s'asseurer du rang qu'il doit tenir dans 1 'Univers
{Syst't p. 2 ) •
To begin closing this deplorable gap he finds in man's knowl­
edge, Cureau proposes to examine the human system from the vantage
point of its most noble as well as its most occult, function— to.
oormoissanoe— which he regards as "la veritable lumiere de I'Ame, &
le plus parfait mouvement qui se fasse dans les choses creees" (Syet.,
P • 3) •
Turning his attention first to the problem of intellectual
cognizance, Cureau makes an important distinction between the operation
of the understanding faculty as it exists in the separate soul and its
operation in the confines of body structure.
In the first instance, he
notes that the faculty is free to join directly with the objects it en­
counters "parce qu'il a une 6 gale disposition & se changer en tous les
objets qu'il puisse connoistre" (Syst., p. 40).
When contained in a
human subject, however, the entendement cannot leave the body to go to
these objects and must therefore make use of Nature's medium which
Cureau describes as "les images qui sortent de ces Objets-lsl1 & qui les
representent, lesquelles passant dans les organes des sens s'unissent
& 1*imagination 1 Et alors cette faculte agit sur elles & les eonnoist;
^Cureau's theory of vision is similar to J.-B. Della Porta's,
published in 1593 in Be Refraotione, according to which images are
either produced by light and carried to the eye, or encountered in
transit and communicated to the organ. For further analysis of La
Chambre's conception of visible species in relation to ancient and con­
current theories of vision, see V. Ronchi, Hidtoire de la Limi^res
(1956), esp. pp. 148-50.
193
& apres qu'elles sont ainsi connues, elles s'appellant Phantosmes" .
{Syst.3 p, 7).
Although this union would appear to constitute cognition,
Cureau is adamant in denying that it is anything more than a necessary
condition to the action which in effect consummates the intellectual
soul's knowledge.
As he reasons:
Cette Union ne fait pas neantmoins la Connoissance:
Car 1'Entendement ne pourroit connoistre que ce qui
seroit represent^ dans ces Phantosmes; non plus que
les yeux ne peuvent voir que ce qui est represent# dans
les especes visibles. Cependant il est certain qu'il
connoist des choses qu'ils ne peuvent representer;
comma 1 *universalite des natures , la bontS & la malice,
& milie autres choses qui sont de sa fagon, & qu'il ne
tire que de son fonds. II faudroit encore qu'il fust
tousiours dans la connoissance actuelle de tout ce
qui est dans la memoire qui est pleine de ces Phantosmes
[Syst., p. 9)•
In La Chambre's estimation, the action of the entendement may best be
understood through comparison with the series of operations by which
the faculties of the sensitive soul produce these phantoms in the first
place.
As he explains:
II faut. . .dire que 1 'Entendement sans 1 'intervention
d'aucune autre vertu, a la puissance de faire les
portraits & les Images des objets sur le modele des
Phantosmes qui sont dans 1*Imagination; Et qu'il connoist
quand il forme ces Images que 1 'on appelle IdSes pour les
distinguer de ces Phantosmes. Car on ne peut douter que
la Connoissance ne laisse dans 1'Esprit les portraits des
choses qu'il connoist, puisque pour absentes qu'elles
soient, il luy semble qu'il les void dans la mesme
grandeur, figure, situation, & avec les mesmes couleurs
& les mesmes mouvemens qui leur sont propres: De
maniere qu'il est necessaire que toutes ces circonstances y soient representees. . . .
Or comme ces Images ne peuvent estre que spirituelles,
puisqu'elles sont dans 1 'Entendement qui est spirituel,
il est indubitable qu'il n'y a que luy qui les puisse
19h
former: Car ni 1 ‘imagination $ ni les Phantosmes qui
sout des choses materielles, ne peuvent rien produire
qui ne soit materiel. Mais encore comme il ne reste
rien apres la Connoissance que ces Images, il faut
que ce soient les effets de la Connoissance: De sorte
que si I ’on juge des actions par les effets qu'elles
produisent, il est necessaire que I*action de Connoistre, soit la production des images. En-effet la
Connoissance des choses n ?est rien que la representa­
tion que I ’Ame s'en fait, & les connoistre c ’est les
representer: Or on ne peut se les representer q u ’en
faisant leurs portraits & leurs Images
{Syst^3
pp. 12-13).
Thus in man, the free, self-transforming nature of the supreme
cognitive faculty of understanding is preserved, hut its action is
shaped hy the images present in what Cureau calls "la Substance de
I ’Ame," or "I’organe de 1 ’Imagination, ou sont les Phantosmes ausquels
[cette FacultS] ne manque pas de s'unir, puisqu'elle ne peut agir sans
eux" (Syst.f p. 8 ).
The only real difference between its action and
the process by which phantoms are produced in the sensitive faculties
is that in the case of the purely spiritual faculty, its entire being
is transformed by the movement it experiences, or in La Chambre’s
words:
11 est certain que 1 ’action par laquelle 1 ’Entende­
ment forme ses idles, est une Alteration perfective,
comme parlent les Escholes: parce que la perfection &
la fin de 1 ’Entendement est de connoistre, c ’est-a-dire,
de former les Images & les portraits des choses. Par
ce moyen il se transforme en elles, & devient eh quelque
sorte la chose qu’il connoist: c'est le ProthSe des
anciens Philosophes qui prend toutes sortes de formes,
& qui dans la fagoh de parler du Lycee, fait toutes
choses, & se fait & devient toutes choses, mriuvrcL ttocsX
\i(Ll r r c i v r c i - (Sz/st,, p. 1 6 ) .
As he goes on to demonstrate, this action is comparable to the two
fundamental creative processes known to human experience: the
195
development of new forms from old ones as seen in certain species of
animals, and in artistic representations
On ne sgauroit mieux faire concevoir ce changement
que par celuy qui souffrent certedns Animaux, qui sans
changer le fonds de leur nature & sans addition de
matiere, prennent diverses formes & semblent passer en
d'autres especes; comme la pluspart des vers qui se
metamorphosent en chrysalides, & deviennent aprSs
papillons. Mais ce qui se fait en eux avec beaueoup
de temps, se fait icy en un momenti Car I'Entendement
sans changer aussi de nature, se fait en un instant un
animal, un astre, une pierre, &c. Enfin e'est un
Peintre admirable qui est luy-mesme son pinceau, sa
toile, ses couleurs & son portrait; Et au lieu que
les autres ne sgauroient representer que les aceidens
visibles, encore faut-il qu'ils soient stables &
permanens; eelui-cy au contraire, peint les odeurs,
les saveurs, les mouvemens, les substances; en un mot
les choses qui sont, & celles mesmes qui ne sont point
& qui ne peuvent estre {Syst., p. 1 7 ) .
Despite these remarkable abilities, the entendement 's ”freedom" is not
in its action but in its essence, for in a very real sense, the latter
disposition— complete indifference— precludes the possibility of any
.selectivity in the former.
Thus, as Cureau reasons;
. . . ce qui le determine a former une Image plutost que
1*autre, c'est ordinairement le Phantosme qui est dans
1'Imagination. Car les idees qu'il conserve apres ses
meditations le
peuvent souvent determiner, mais pour
1'ordinaire les Phantosmes luy servant de modele; Et
generalement parlant, les premieres Connoissances qu'il
a des choses se font par leur moyen
{Syst ,3 p. 1 8 ).
To illustrate how he supposed that the determination of entendement could be accomplished by a material phantom, Cureau takes two ex­
amples;
l) the filtering of light through stained glass, and 2 ) the
development of an animal from the informing virtue, which tradition
taught was carried
in the father's seed (see supra, pp. 200-0U).
the first example,
he is intent on comparing the mechanismof
the
By
196
entendement's illuminating action to other physical phenomena involving
light, and posits:
\
. . .s'il y a quelque exemple qui nous puisse faire
connoistre exactement cette merveille; c'est la Lumiere
qui a tant de conformite avec les natures Spirituelles.
Car quand elle passe a travers des vitres colorees,
elle se teint de la couleur qu'elles ont, elle se
transforme en elles, & sans la leur oster, elle la
transporfce hors d'elles. L'Entendement fait la mesme
chose; il penetre les Phantosmes, il en tire 1 *extrait,
& se charge de la figure & de la forme qu'ils ont, sans
les oster a luy . [Syst.s p. 1 9 ).
However, as he shows in the second example, the action of the entende­
ment involves more than just ’’illumination ,M which is only the initial
aspect of its movement. .Since this faculty is at the same time a trans­
cendent and an immanent quality of the living substance, its action
might also he compared to the complex events of biological regeneration,
a process which, as he notes below is described by the same term,
cpneevoir:
. . ,le changement que fait [la vertu formatricej est
une sorte d'alteration aussi-bien que celuy de la
Connoissance. Et puisque c ’est 1 ’ordre que tient la
Nature de faire cormne des essais & des esbauehes dans
les choses les plus basses, des actions qu’elle veut
aceomplir dans les plus hautes; II est vraysemblable
que le changement q u ’elle fait dans les Animaux, est
. un crayon & un coup d ’essay de celuy q u ’elle veut
faire dans les Substances spirituelles. Car enfin
c ’est la leur maniere d'engendrer: Et cette vertu qui
est si noble & si merveilleux en ceux-la, non seulement
ne devoit pas estre desniee & celles-cy, mais encore
elle y devoit estre plus parfaite & plus accompile.
Comme elle 1 ’est en effet, puisqu’elles ne produisent
pas seulement leur semblable en se connoissant ellesmesmes, mais qu’elles peuvent encore produire toutes
choses: Car il faut que 1 ’Entendement en connoissant
le Soleil, fasse en luy-mesme un autre Soleil; il faut
qu'il faisse ainsi les Estoiles, les Siemens, en un
mot tout ce qui est dans I ’Univers. De sorte qu'on
peut dire qu’il est en quelque sorte le Createur d ’un
nouveau monde, & que c ’est cela particulierement qu'il
197
est fait a 1 'image & a la ressemblance de Dieu, qui est
toutes choses, & qui produit toutes choses. . .
isyst., pp. 21-22f*
While both examples are helpful in explaining Cureau1s under­
standing of the entendemeat!& action in man $ we caai see the obvious
problem involved in trying to describe something defined as "immaterial”
as an integral part of an essentially corporeal being.. Either one is
forced to give the impression that the faculty is like an external
agent $ in which case "movement” is regarded as something independent of
matter| or else one makes ehtendement appear to be inherent to the ani­
mate substance in which case materialism must be conceded.
In an effort
to avoid the pitfalls of either the dualistic or materialistic doctrine 9
Cureau wrote a second chapter to his discourse, which he entitled
"Comment se fait la Connoissance de I ’Ame separSe," and aimed at clari­
fying his understanding of entsndement apart from any involvement in
biological structure.
As we noted at the beginning of this discussion, the difference
between the understanding faculty as it exists in man and as it was be­
lieved to exist in separate souls is that in the first case it can unite
with only the phantoms produced by imagination, while in the second in­
stance, it is capable of penetrating the objects themselves.
However, as
Cureau remarks in the passage below, the ability of the independent in­
tellectual faculty to "see" into the nature of something does not dis­
pose it to any knowledge of that object's essence, for such complete
cognizance requires the presence of "connatural images" in the cognitive
structure of the agent:
198
Ce n fest pas neantmoins que cette Connoissance experimentale leur puisse faire connoistre tout ce qxd. appartient
B, 1 ’essence des choses 5 comae sont les rapports que les unes
ont avec les autres, les notions tmiverselles, & les connoissances practiques qui s'en peuvent tirer. Mais les
Especes generales qui leur ont este infuses au moment de
leur creation, achevent & consomment cette Connoissance; de
la mesme sorte que les Especes qui sont nees avee les
animaux oB consiste leur Instinct. . . » perfectionnent &
accomplissent la Connoissance que les Sens leur donnent des
choses qui leur sont amies ou ennemies. Car la veue que
la Brebis a du Loup, ne luy apprend pas que c 5est un ennemi
qui attente a sa vie; mais elle reveille le souvenir de
1 1Image naturelle qui I'en instruit: Et de ces deux Connoissances se forme 1 !aversion qu'elle a centre luy, & la
resolution q u ’elle prend de le fuir. De mesme la Connois­
sance que les Anges aequierent en s 'unissant a leurs
objects, 8$ qui leur en fait connoistre 1 ’existence & la
presence, reveille celle que les Images naturelles leur
donnent de tout ce qui regarde leur essence; & de ces deux
11 se forme une notion qui comprend tout ce qui s ’en peut
connoistre
{Syst° 3 pp. 43-^).
Although Cureau did not concede that separate souls are endowed
with as complete a set of natural images to guide their actions as are
granted to angels or animals, he did admit that they had certain dis­
positions, which he identifies at a later point in his discourse as the
moral virtues.
As he reasons:
. . .si I'on considers toutes les choses de 1 ’Univers, on
y remarquera cette Connoissance secrette dont nous par­
lous. Elle se trouve mesme dans 1 'Entendement; ear
1 ’inclination qu’il a pour la libertS, pour la gloire, pour
la felicitS & pour cent autres choses semblables, devan cent
toutes ses Connoissances ordinaires [i.e., in man]; il se
porte de luy-mesme a la recherche de toutes ces choses sans
s ’en appercevoir; Et ce qui est estrange, il n ’aime ce qui
est beau que parce qu’il luy plaist. Mais la raison pourqupy il luy plaist, luy est inconnue. Cependant cette
raison est le veritable motif & la seule Connoissance qui
1 'oblige a 1 ’aimer
(Syst., p. 1 8 9 ).
In the separate soul, then, there is already a kind of instinct whose
degree of imperfection seems to suggest to Cureau the existence of a
199
pre-established order of divine grace among men:
Quant aux Ames Separees comme elles n ’ont point este
pourveues de ces Especes naturelles, si on en excepte
quelques-unes qui servent a 1 ‘Instinct pour, certaines
actions> & qui en font petit nombre: II est certain
qu 1elles ne peuvent naturellement avoir m e Connoissance
si parfaite des ehoses que les Anges. Mais il est fort
vraysemblable que celles qui sont destinees pour la
Gloire, recevront de la main liberale de Dieu les mesmes
avantages qu’il a donnez aux Esprits Angeliques; puisqu’il
dit qu'elles leur seront semblables, & qu'il y a de
1 'apparence que devant occuper les places de ceux qui luy
ont este rebelles, elles auront aussi les mesmes privileges
& les mesmes Connoissances qu'ils avoient.
Pour celles a qui le Ciel sera f e m e s quoy q u 'elles
ayent la puissance de connoistre la nature particuliere
des choses, les pouvant penetrer & se transformer en elles
aussi-bien que les Anges; Elles -ne seront point secourues
des Especes generales que les autres auront, & ne pourront
par consequent avoir une Connoissance si parfaite que la
leur. Mais quelle qu'elle soit, 1'estat ou elles seront
la retranchera bien, & ne leur laissera presque point
d*autre libertS que de penser aux peines & aux supplices
qu'elles souffriront etemellement
(Syat*3 pp. UU-U51.
The exact relationship between the entendement rs ''instinct" as
a separate soul and its "inclination" to love in man,.while not entirely
clear at this point, is obviously going to be one of the key problems
in the elaboration of the theory of man.
Since the ubiquitous presence
of the understanding faculty is a primordial factor in the constitution
of the human soul, it must predate the formation of any phantoms inas­
much as these images are formed solely through direct contact with the
outside world, and human existence begins in the womb.
In short, the
entendement in man can.only be fully appreciated when its relation to
the evolving biological structure is understood, for it is in this re­
gard that the true character of human sentiment or sensibility, which
incorporates moral and esthetic virtues, can be seen as the highest
200
expression of "sensitivity," or predisposition enabling organisms
to assimilate and order new substance in the interests of their preser­
vation and perfection.
Origin and nature of sense-knowledge:
biological structure.
soul, temperament and
In La Chambre's system, human life begins at the
moment of conception when the informing virtue is joined to the active
and passive virtues of matter.
Traditionally, it was believed that the
father’s seed transmitted the active virtue, or hot-dry ingredient, in
the form of an image representing all the details of the future being,
while the mother provided the cold-moist qualities along with a body to
host the offspring during the prenatal period of maturation.
Although
this theory was metaphysically satisfying as late as the mid-seventeenth
century,
it was not longer universally accepted.
As Cureau
in L'Art
de conno'istve tea Hormes3 a number of his compeers
pointsout
hadbegun
to think that both male and female partners contributed to the consti­
tution xof the primordial seed, and that the male was therefore not the
sole producer of "active virtue."
While he did not subscribe to the opinion that there was equal
sharing between parents in the production of the animal. La Chambre
did admit the likelihood that both male and female donate virtues in
proportion to their temperamental qualities.
Given this premise, he
theorizes;
. . .quoy qu'il y ait contestation entre les Philosophes
pour
la perfection de la femelle dans la generation, & que
les uns tiennent qu'elle concourt a la production de
201
1' animal aussi M e n que le masle, neantmoins sans qu’il
.soit besoin d 1aporter les raisons & les experiences qui
dStruisent cette opinion* il est certain que quand elle
seroit veritable, il faut confesser que la vertu active
qu’elle peut avoir,■ y est beaucoup plus foible, & que la
cause passive y est plus dominante: Ce qui suffit pour
montrer que les qualitez passives y dominant aussi
Ctet,."pp. 29-30).
At first, this solution seems like a reasonable compromise between
traditional philosophy1s metaphysically-based theory of regeneration
and the conclusions modern scientists drew from their own observations
•and knowledge of reproduction.
However, if we consider the real moti­
vation of metaphysics which is to divide things into logical (in this
sense absolute and mutually exclusive) categories, it becomes clear that
the slightest departure from its original position raises the same prob­
lem;
as long as the female is considered in any way. a contributor to
the constitution of the active cause, she must of necessity play a role
in the constitution of the efficient cause, for as Cureau notes,
. . entre les dispositions corporelles, les premieres qualitez sont
les plus.effieaces & les plus necessaires [et] il falloit que la chaleur
& la secheresse, qui y soht les plus actives, fussent donnees au Sexe
qui fait la fonction de la cause efficiente” (Art, p. 29).
Consequent­
ly, the ideas of "soul" and "temperament" may no longer be directly
associated respectively with the active and efficient causes and with
the passive and material causes, but must instead be viewed as aspects
of an informing virtue which is constituted precisely at the moment o f '
conception.
As far as Cureau is concerned, however, the facts of biological
structure do not serve to make "temperamentH and "soul" exactly what one
202
might call equal, partners in the prenatal development of the organism.
As he discusses in great detail below, the strong characterial and
structural resemblance between family members is assured by the. image
inscribed in the informing virtue which programs each organ's sensi­
tivity according to the inclination of corresponding structures in the
engendering animal.
In this sense, "soul” refers to the nervous system,
while "temperament" plays the supporting role of providing the vital
heat:
Quant a la Conformation des parties, personae ne doute
que ce ne soit une marque certaine de beaueoup d 1Inclina­
tions, puisque mesme sans art par la seule inspection des
traits du visage on connoit a peu pres 1 'humeur & I 1esprit
des personnes. . . .
Mais ie dis bien plus, ce n'est pas seulement la
marque, elle est encore la cause des Inclinations, car
elle fait pancher I'Ame a eertaines actions, comme le
temperament. Et il ne faut pas dire que c'est I'effet du
Temperament mSme, & qu'ainsi elle ne marque les Inclina­
tions que parce qu'elle designe le Temperament qui en est
la veritable cause & non pas elle. Car quoyque cela soit
veritable en plusieurs rencontres, & qu'il soit certain
que pour 1 'ordinaire les parties s'allongent, se retressissent, & prennent diverses figures selon la qualitS
de 1 'humeur qui domine. II arrive neantmoins. tres-souvent
que la conformation ne s'accommode pas avec le Temperament,
& qu'une complexion froide, par exemple, se trouve avec
une Conformation qui semble tempigner de la chaleur. En
effet le cOeur & le cerveau sont quelquefois plus grands
ou plus petits dans m mesme Temperament: Ce qui cause
une difference notable dans les passions sur lesquelles
ces deux parties ont un grand pouvoir. Outre cela combien
voit-on de bilieux qui ont le nez gros & court, de
melancholiques a qui il est long & aigu contre la nature
de ces humeurs? Qui diroit que tons les Tartares & tous
les Chinois sont d'un mesme temperament a cause que ceuxlil ont tous le visage large, & que ceux-cy sont tous camus?
K'y a-t'il pas des animaux de diverse espece qui ont une
mesme temperature? & neantmoins ils ont la figure des
parties toutes differentes. Enfin ce n'est point le tem­
perament qui perce les veines & les arteres, qui fait les
articulations des os, qui divise les doigts, & qui fait
cette. admirable structure des parties de chaque animal.
G'est la vertu formatrice qui est 1 'architects que I ’Ame
employe pour luy bastir un corps qui soit propre a faire
les actions ausquelles elle est destinSe, Et comme cette
vertu tasche tousiours de rendre 1 *animal q u 1elle forme,
semblable a celuy qui le produit, si celuy-cy a des
parties d'une telle grandeur ou figure, elle qui en porte
le characters, en fait toujours de pareilles, si elle
n'est erapeschee, II est vray que le Temperament s'oppose
souvent a son dessein, & empesche que les parties n 'ayent
la figure qu’elle s'estoit proposes de leur donner, mais
souvent aussi il n'y resiste pas, & laisse agir selon
les mesures qu'elle a prises. C'est ainsi que 1 'imagina­
tion des Femmes-grosses luy fait changer la figure des
parties del'enfant qu'elles portent, sans que le Tem­
perament y resiste; c ’est ainsi que les Astres impriment
sur le corps des marques qui ne repondent pas a la com­
plexion naturelle qu'il a, &c.
Tout cela presuppose, la question est de sgavoir com­
ment la Figure, qui est une qualite sterile, & qui n 'agit
point, peut causer les inclinations. Certainement il ne
faut pas eroire qu'elle les produise par une vertu agissante; Car le temperament me sine, quoy qu'il ait cette
vertu, ne I 1employe pas sur 1'Ame qui n'est pas susceptible
des qualitez materielles; Car il n'y a rien qui puisse
veritablement echauffer ou refroidir 1'Ame. Ny luy ny
la conformation des parties ne sont que des causes occasionnelles, & des motifs qui 1 *excitent a faire des actions.
Quand elle a connu la chaleur qui domine dans le corps,
elle forme ses lugemens conformes aux effets qu'elle peut
produire, & se dispose apres a faire agir les organes selon
le dessein qu'elle a pris. II en est de m£me de la figure,
elle sgait celle qui est ou n'est pas propre & certaines
fonctions, elle en fait ses lugemens apres, & solicits enfin
1 'appetit a se mouvoir conformement a la resolution qu'elle
a prise.
Or tout de mesme qu'il y a des figures qui sont propres
au mouvement des corps naturels, & d'autres qui y resistant,
il est certain que chaque fonction organique a une figure
qui luy est affectee, & sans laquelle elle ne se peut faire
qu’iraparfaitement: C'est pourquoy chaque partie, & mesme.
chaque espece d'animal a une figure differente, parce que
les fonctions en sont differentes. Et comme le corps qui
devoit estre quarre, & qui estoit par consequent destine
au repos, devient propre a se mouvoir quand on luy donne
la figure ronde; Aussi quand une partie organique qui
devoit estre d ’une telle figure, en regoit une autre, elle
perd la disposition qu'elle avoit pour la fonction a
laquelle elle estoit destines, & acquiert celle qui a
liaison avec la figure extraordinaire qu'elle a receue.
20k
Mais il y a icy m e difficulte qu'il est mal-aise de
resoudre. C'est que I'Ame connoist par Instinct 1 *action
que doivent faire les organes, quand ils ont la Conforma­
tion qui leur est propre & naturelies Cependant on ne
pent pas dire cela quand 1 ’organe n'a pas la figure qu'il
doit avoir, parce que 1 *Instinct ne Ivy donne pas la
connoissance de 1 'action qui ne luy est pas propre,
puisque c ’est un deffaut particuller, & que 1 'Instinct
est;m e connoissance generale a toute 1 'espece,
Pour se tirer d 1un pas si difficile, il faut remarquer
que la figure des parties est 1 'effect de la vertu formatrice,
& que cette vertu suit le temperament ou 1 'impression &
1'image qu’elle a receue de 1'animal qui engendre. Si c'est
le temperament, la figure n'est pas la' cause de 1 'Inclina­
tion, ee n'est que la marque, parce que le Temperament en
est la cause veritable; & pour lors I'Ame connoit 1'action
de la partie par le moyen du temperament, comme nous avons
dit cy-devant. Mais si c'est 1 'impression & 1 'Image de
1 'animal qui engendre; la vertu formatrice est la cause de
1 'Inclination, parce que c'est une faeulte qui ports avee
soy non seulement le characters des parties de 1 'animal qui
engendre, mais encore la disposition qu'il avoit & agir,
conformement §, leur figure. Et cela est si veritable que
souvent mesme un enfant conserve 1 'Inclination de ses parens;
encore qu'il ne leur ressemble pas, le Temperament ayant
resist! a la figure des parties, & n'ay ant pas eu assez de
force pour effacer la disposition a 1 ’inclination qu'ils
avoient. Or il est certain qu'il n 'y a que la vertu
formatrice qui porte le caractere de ces Inclinations, n'y
ayant rien que 1 'animal qui engendre, communique a celuy
qui est engendrS, que cette seule vertu, comme les ex­
periences modemes nous 1 'apprennent.
Or comme la vertu formatrice qui est dans les organes
de 1 'animal qui est engendre, se me vet avec ses organes.,
elle acquiert la mesme pente & la mesme disposition & se
mouvoir qu'ont ces organes, de sorte que venant & former
un autre animal elle porte avec elle cette mesme disposi­
tion qu'elle a acquise, & la luy communique. Et parce que
cette disposition est comme un poids qui presse & sollicite
continuellement I'Ame & se mouvoir: I'Ame qui le ressent,
forme a la fin le lugement conforme a 1 ’impression qu'elle ,
. en a receue, & 1 'inspire apres i. 1 'appetit qui prend la
meme pente? Et cette pente est la veritable Inclination,
parce que 1 'inclination ne peut estre que dans 1 'appetit
Urt, pp. 96-104 ) •
On the basis of the arguments presented in the discussion cited
above, we can conclude that for La Chambre "soul" and "temperament"
205
correspond respectively to the metaphysical poles of form and matter
inasmuch as it is the first that guides and directs the ordering of the
second.
However, what is important to the author is that the ordering
process does not really have a Mfinal cause.”
More accurately, it has
a frame of reference— the inclination— from which the soul conducts the
building of body structure by learning to accommodate the continually
changing nature of its material substance to the original design of the
informing virtue.
In order to understand what all of this means in
terms of the evolving biological structure„ we must see more exactly how
Cureau describes the formation of the vital and sensitive parts of the
human system during prenatal development.
According to the author of Le SysttOme de 1 !dzne3 the informing
virtue may also be called the informing faculty, or natural faculty,
which is characterized as "la premiere de toutes, en temps, en ordre &
en fauction” (Syst.3 p. 226).
In the course of gestation, the two pri­
mordial aspects of the natural faculty’s operation— heat production and
•
.
sensation— give rise to two sets of structures designed to accommodate
the increasingly complex demands of the evolving organism.
The first
set is concerned with the production and distribution of vital heat,
which it accomplishes through digestion and "spiritualization" of the
nutrients to form blood.
The second set of structures simultaneously
receives this humor in its organic parts and isolates the most subtle
"spirits" to serve as a subject for its images. These "spirits," now
called "animal spirits" to distinguish them from the vital spirits car­
ried in the blood, are thus suited to sensitive operations which, as
206
Cureau remarks, "demandent une grande quietude9 & ne peuvent souffrir
dans leurs organes aucune quailte turbulente’1 (Syst. 3 p. lUU).
The “animal spirits1’ thus constitute the basis for sensitivity
in all living substance.
As we have noted above, what distinguishes
them from vital spirits is not their nature, for as Cureau demonstrated
in his treatise on light, spiritual bodies are categorically different
from corporeal bodies in that they contain only the tiniest speck of
matter.
If the animal spirits are called “subtle,” this term applies
more to their quantitative than to their qualitative aspect since
spirits are concentrated in the brain and neural structures where they
serve as ”le premier subjet des Facultez.sensitives, comme ceux qui par
leur subtilitS approchent le plus de la nature de I ’Ame” (Syst.j
pp. iVr-W).
In La Chambre's system, however, not all animal spirits are
attached to the organs, although they may hover in the immediate vi­
cinity of highly spiritual organs because of their natural inclination
to unite with similar substance.
These free and “vagabond” spirits are
the final products of vital fermentation whose collective role is to
serve as a supportive medium for the entendement> or spiritual remnant
of the informing virtue (see supra^ pp. 224-28).
As Cureau explains be­
low, these unattached spirits enhance the action of the sensitive
faculties, but do not actually direct them, for “il est necessaire queces Facultez qui sont permanentes ayent un sub jet fixe & constant.
Ce
n'est pas que les autres ne servant it leurs actions; mais c'est seulement comme aides, & non pas comme premiers organes" (Syst^ p. 148).
207
We can now see more precisely what La Chambre intends by the
phrase "les liens de 1'Arne & du Corps" which he frequently uses to
describe the action of spirit.
Confined within the body, the animal
spirits provide the substratum necessary to support the soul'simages.
And as shown in the passage below, while it is not clear how image
and
spirit are actually related, it is certain that both aspects must be
present in order for the conditions prerequisite to sentient life to
be met:
. . .il n'y a aucune partie qui puisse soustenir les
Phantosmes que les Esprits| parce qu'il faut que le subjet
soit proportional a la forme qu'il doit soustenir, &
qu'il n'y a que les Esprits qui par leur subtilite ayent
quelque conformity de nature avec ees Images qui sont si
minces & si deliSes.
Si cela est ainsi, il n'y a plus lieu de douter que
ces Esprits ne soient animez, dautant que les Phantosmes
sont des effets qui ne sortent point de la Faculte Sensi­
tive qui, les produit; parce que toutes ses actions sont
immanentes comme parle 1'Eschole. Si done les Phanthosmes
sont dans les Esprits, il faut que la FacultS Sensitive y
soit aussi: Et si la FacultS Sensitive y est, e'est une
necessity que 1'Ame y soit, puisque ses Facultez ne
peuvent separer d'elle
(Syat.t p. l 65 ) •
Thus, the phantoms and animal spirits are the constituents of
all sensitive substance.
Considered separately, each is the product
of a phase in the spiritualization and refinement of matter, which as
Cureau explains below, is Nature's way of bringing the metaphysical
antitheses, body and soul, together:
. . .s'il y a quelque chose qui nous puisse faire connoistre la nature des Images qui sont dans 1'Ame, ee
sont les Especes que les objets respandent dans 1'air;
car les unes & les autres sont destinees pour faire connoistre les choses, elles les representent egalement, &
1'on peut asseurer que les Phantosmes & les Images qui sont
dans 1'Ame, sont des Especes qui sont plus subtiles & plus
raffinees. Car e'est 1'ordre que tient la Nature, qu'elle
208
subtilise & spiritualise en quelque sorts de matieres quand
ells les veut approcher plus pres de I'Atne, afin qu'elles
lay soient plus con formes. Ainsi du chile elle en fait du
sang,, dont elle forme les esprits vitaux, q u ’elle raffine
apres pour en fairs les esprits sensitifs. ce q u ’elle fait
done lit dans les organes, elle le fait aussi dans les objets:
comme ils sont materials & grossiers, elle en tire les Especes
sehsibles qui sont beaucoup plus subtiles; & ces Especes
elle en fait apres des Phantosmes qui sont encore plus desliez;
d'oh. elle forme enfin les Ideas qui sont tout-a-fait spirituelles
{Syst.j, pp. 304-05 ) •
From the vantage point of evolving organic structure, the para­
digm for this action is the vital system, whose organs are programmed by
the informing virtue to work together as a spirit-producing system.
As
the sensitive faculties are constituted through concentration and isola­
tion of animal spirits in the brain and the neural canals, knowledge
about the functioning of these organs is ”emitted" in the form of a lu­
minous aura, which is then transmitted to the faculties to serve as the
primordial model (instinct) for their cognitive operations.
When the
subject is released from its mother’s body and placed in direct contact
with the outside world, the instinctual images, along- with the charac­
teristic ability of sensitive faculties to abstract information from the
spiritual emissions of external objects, enable the individual to relate
his own being to his surroundings.
All five senses contribute to this
cognitive process in their own way.
However, it turns out that only
sight and hearing incorporate "perception" or knowledge of the physical
parameters of the subject-object relationship which include relative
size and distance.
Thus, observes Cureau, only these two senses utilize >
images to mediate their contact with objects in the outside world while
the other senses operate on the basis of taction with a corporeal part
of the objects
209
. . .11 n'y a que les Sens de la Veue & de I'Ouye qui ayent
besoin d ’Especes pour connoistre leurs objets. C ’est-pourquoy 11 n'y a qu'eux seuls qui iugent de la situation & de la
distance de ceux qui sont esloignez; & parce qu'il n'y a que
les Especes qui puissent donner cette Gonnoissance . . . 11
s'ensuit que les autres Sens qui ne 1'ont pass ne connoissent
point par ce moyen-la
(Syst.s p. 77).
The operation of the sensitive and intellectual faculties as un­
derstood by La Chambre is similar to the process of visual and auditory
perception.
The imagination is like an internal "eye" which perceives
the relata represented in the phantasmal representation of the subject™
event in the same way that the organ of vision extracts information from
the sensible species.
Thus, to understand the action of the cognitive
faculties, Cureau finds an empirical model in the visible species, which
he supposes to be like all reflected images, i.e., "rien qu'un assemblage
d'une infinite de Rayons, qui se joignant ensemble font une masse qui est
large & profonde a la maniere des corps solides" {Syst.s p. 82).
As for
the nature of these rays, he compares them to sound waves, and comments;
.
.si nous faisons voir que le Son qui se repand dans 1'air
est aussi compose de ses Rayons particullers que 1'on peut
appeler Sonoves3 comme ceux de la Lumiere s'appellant lumineux,
nous pourrons conclure que le Son qui se fait dans les corps
sonnans respand comme la eouleur un autre Son, qui luy est
semblable, & qui est compose d'une infinite de Rayons. On ne
peut douter de cette verite, si on considere que le Son reflechit
a angles egaux comme la lumiere; qu'il se repand en 1 'air de telle
sorte qu'il est tout en toute 1 'espece qu'il occupe, & tout en
chacune de ses parties; Et qu'enfin 11 se fortifie dans les voutes
de figure elliptique ou parabolique: Car toutes ces experiences
font voir evidemment qu'il est composS de rayons".
En effet comme la lumiere ne se reunit en un point dans le
miroir parabolique, que parce que tous les costez du miroir sont
tellement compasses, que tous les rayons qui y tombent se reflechissent necessairement a ce point; il faut qu'il en soit de
•mesme du Son, & qu'il ait des Rayons pour faire les diverses cheutes,
& les diverses angles qui les conduisent au point ou ils se doivent
ramasser & reunir tous ensemble. Et comme il n'y a point de raison
pour laquelle 1 'image du corps lumineux est toute.en chaque partie
dudiaphane, que parce qu'elle est composee de Rayons . . . il est
necessaire que le Son qui s'estend aussi tout entier dans chaque
partie de 1'espace qu'il occupe, soit compose de rayons {Syst. pp. 85-
8 6 ).
210
The difference between the organic eye and the imaginative eye
is that the second is far more refined and spiritual than the first,
and the "rays" by which it senses are invisible when the insides of the
body are observed.
As Cureau reasons;
Cottme il y a des yeux qui voyent des objets que
d ’autres ne peuvent appercevoir; il y a aussi des choses
que 1'Imagination void, que les Sens ne peuvent eonnoistre.
Car c'est 1 1ordre de la Nature que dans les Connoissances
subordonnees, les hautes soient plus delicates & plus parfaites que les basses, Et que leur objets soient aussi
plus subtils & plus spiritualises. Les Images, sent done
des Lumieres plus subtiles que celles qui frappent les
yeux & qui ne sont sensibles qu'i. 1 1Imagination. Et cela
est si vrsy, que la commune opinion, sans sgavoir pre™
cisement comment cela pouvoit estre, a este contrainte de
reconnoistre des Lumieres dans 1 1Imagination & dans I ’Entendement; car 11 n'y a rien de si ordinaire dans I'Eschole,
que de dire que I 1Imagination esclaire les Especes; que
1* Entendement esclaire les Phantosmes; Et dans le langage
commun, qu'un Homme a de grandes lumieres d'esprit, qu'il
soit fort esclaire, &e. Quelques-ms a la verite
asseurent que ce ne sont que des Lumieres metaphor!ques %
mais si on prend garde a ce que nous venons de dire, &
a ce que nous avons dit au lieu allegue, on jugera bien
que ce sont de propres & de veritables Lumieres
{Syst.s pp. 324-25)..
Returning now to the mechanism of cognitive action in the sensi­
tive faculties, we can see why Cureau believed it was necessary to have
both internal and external models for image production.
Only the two \
highest sensory organs— the eye and ear— are capable of perceiving the
physical vetata of external objects because only they operate through
reception of images.
Hence, when they are transmitted to the iph&nttxis'ie
this faculty is directly in touch with the event, from which it then
forms its phantom.
The lower sensitive faculties dp not know through
images, but yet in Cureau's system where every cognitive act results in
the formation of an image, they must be equally capable of producing an
211
image-like representation of their experience before transmitting it
to the imagination or to other parts of the nervous structure.
Thus 9
the sense organ whose knowledge is acquired through direct contact with
objects forms its phantoms on the model of the natural image which is
immanent to the organ, and which in Cufeau’s estimation, Mest c o m e la
forme de I'organe, & 1 ’exenrplaire sur lequel il forme son mouvement”
(Syst.s p. 5 2 2 ).
Regardless of where the image is formed, it is immediately com­
municated to all parts of the sensitive system "comma m e Lumiere qui
se multiplie, & se rSpand dans toutes les parties de I'Ame qui en sont
susceptibles” (Syst.3 p. 119).
The latter part of this observation is
particularly significant, for as Cureau explains;
C'est eL dire que celle qui est spirituelle se communique
aux facultez spirituelles; Et celle qui est materielle
aux facultez eorporelles: Et I'une.& 1 'autre y agit
selon la nature de la faculte qui la regoit. Car si elle
est mobile comme I'Appetit $ cette image 1 1emeut; si elle
n'a poiht d*action comme la Memoire, elle n ’y produit
rien, & s'y conserve seulement; si elle est alterative
comme la vertu Formatriee, elle sert de modele a
1 *alteration qu'elle cause dans les membres, & ainsi du
reste. 1 1 en est comme de cette vertu magnetique, . . .
qui bien q u 1elle se communique Sgalement & tous les corps,
n 'agit pas egalement sur eux; elle altere & meut I ’aymaat,
le fer, & les tuiles plombees, sans causer aucune altera­
tion ni mouvement a tous les autres
(Syst,* pp. 1 1 9 -2 0 ).
Unlike the entendement whose action is accomplished in one
movement, the sensitive soul has three distinct phases in its cogni­
tion, each of which is carried out by a particular structure within the
system.
The first phase is intuitive, or the judgment of the present ob­
jects; the second abstractive, or judgment of absent objects; and the
third practical, or application of a prior knowledge of good and evil
212
to the immediate situation in view of ordering the appetite to either
pursue or flee the object in question.
Comparing these actions to the
entendement's, Cureau associates the three phases with their respective
faculties as follows:
. . . la Connoissance du Sens Commun [all the sense organs
taken together]2 repond a la premiere Conception de
o
Cureau devotes a section of Book II, "De la Connoissance Sensi­
tive," to defining the term sens oarawn within the cognitive structure.
His argument reads as follows:
"Pour etablir done cette verite, nous avons deux choses a
prouver; la premier, que les Sens Exterieurs ont leurs Phantosmes
particuliers, & qu'ils les foment dans leurs organes. L ’autre, que
la connoissance du Sens Commun, est la mesme que celle des Sens
Exterieurs.
"Quant a la premiere, puisque sentir c'est connoistre, & qu'on
ne connoist point sans faire le portrait des choses qu'on connoist,
e'est une necessity que les Sens Exterieurs qui connoissent leurs objets
en fassent les Images; Et ces Images sont leurs Phantosmes; . . . de
sorte qu'on ne peut contester que les sens ne produisent leurs
Phantosmes. Suppose mesme que le Sens Commun alt une action propre, &
qu'il fasse aussi les portraits des objets sensibles, 1 1 faut qu'il ait
un patron & un modele pour les faire. Or si les SensExterieurs ne produisoient point leur Phantosme, il n'auroit aucun modele, & par conse­
quent il ne pourroit agir. Car puisque le sens de 1'Odorat, du Goust,
du Toucher n'ont point besoin d'especes pour connoistre immediatement:
si le Sens Commun reside dans la teste, comment connoistra-t-il le
sentiment du chaud, du dur, du mol qu'ont les doigts,si le sens du tou­
cher ne luy communique 1 'Image de ces qualitez? II faut done qu'il la
fasse luy-mesme, puisque le chaud, le dur, le mol n'ont point d'Especes
qui se puissent porter au Cerveau. Les Sens exterieurs doivent done
produire leurs Phantosmes.
"Mats parce que la sensation se fait dans leurs organes particuliers, & que ra Veue se fait dans les yeux, le Goust dans la langue,& le
Toucher en toutes les parties qui ont du sentiment, il s'ensuit que
puisque la sensation est une connoissance, ils connoissent au lieu mesme
ou ils sentent; Et par consequent qu'ils y foment leur Phantosme, puisque
la Connoissance Sensitive consiste dans la production du Phantosme.
"L’autre point que nous avons a montrer est facile a resoudre,
si 1'on se souvient de ce que nous avons dit cy-devant, que le Sens
Commun & les Sens Exterieurs ne font qu'une mesme vertu: car de-ll. il
s'ensuit necessairement que leur Connoissance est la mesme chose que la
sienne.
213
"En effet si le Sens Commun estoit tme Faculte differente des
Sens Exterieurs, ce seroit un genre de Facultez comme est la vertu
Animale qui a diverses espaces; on nne espece particuliere qui seroit
sous un genre comme est la Veue, I ’Ouye, &c.
"Or le Sens Commun ne pent estre le genre des Sens Exterieurs
parce que le genre est en chacune de ses especes, & chaque espece a en
soy tout ce qui est dans le genre: , Dependant le Sens Commun n ’est pas
dans la Veue; Et la Veue n'a pas tout ee qui est dans le Sens Commun;
autrement la Veue connoistroit les objets de tons les autres Sens.
"Ce n ’est pas aussi une.espece de Faculte particuliere, parce
qu’elle auroit une action propre, & le Sens Commun n'en a point. Car
comme il n*y a que trois sortes de Connoissances, 1*Intuitive, 1'Ab­
stractive , & la Practique, qui demandant trois Facultez differentes;
il faut puisque 1'Intuitive est propre aux Sens Exterieurs, que le Sens
Commun n 1en ait point d* autre que eelle-leL, (parce que les deux autres
se font par la Phantaisie & par 1 ’Estimative) & par consequent que le
Sens Commun ne soit pas une Faculte differente des Sens Exterieurs
puisqu'une action ne demands q u ’une seule cause. D 1ailleurs la Connoissance du Sens Commun n 'adjouste rien a celle de la Veue, de I'OuIe,
du Toucher: d*ou il s 1ensuit, & que son action n'est pas differente de
la leur, & que ce n'est pas une Faculte distincte; la Nature ne
multipliant point les choses sans necessite. Enfin la marque ordinaire
de la distinction des Facultez, en ce qu'elles agissent en divers temps,
& separement, & qu'elles sont blessees,pendant que les autres sont saines,
ne se trouve point icy: Car le Sens Commun n 'agit point sans les Sens,
ny eux sans luy; Et la Medecine qui a este si exacte a remarquer. les
maladies qui alterent les actions des Facultez superieures, n'en met
point pour celle du Sens Commun. II y a des delires qui troublent la
Phantaisie, d'autres qui alterent 1 *Estimative, & qui corrompent la
Mempire; mais personne n'a dit, qu'il y en eust aucun qui blessast le
Sens Commun. Puisqu'il n'a done point d'action propre, ce n'est point
une faculte particuliere; Et tout ce que 1 'on en peut dire, e'est un
Mot qui comprend tous les Sens Exterieurs; ou plustost c'est un tout
dont ils sont les parties. le sgay M e n que 1 'on dit qu'il connoist la
fonction des Sens, & qu'il en disceme les objets, & que e'est luy qui
nous fait jtiger que. nous voyons, que nous entendons, &c. & que nous distinguons la eouleur d'avec 1 'odeur, & des autres.
"Mais pourquoy la Phantaisie n'aura-t-elle pas cette employ,
puisqu'elle a la vertu d'unir & de diviser les Phantosmes, que le Sens
Commun & les Sens Exterieurs n'ont point; Et que e'est par 1 'union & la
division que ces connoissances s'acquierent. En effet la Phantaisie
connoist que les Sens agissent, c'est a dire, qu'elle fait son xPhantosme
de 1 'action & de 1 'objet des Sens: car il faut necessairement qu'elle
s'en represente 1 'action, puisque on se souvient d'avoir -veu, d*avoir
entendu, d*avoir senti, &c. ce qui ne se peut faire, que les Images de
ces act ions-la ne se con servant dans la Memoire; ell.e unit done 1'action
avec 1'objet. Mais quand elle divise les parties de 1'objet que les
Sens luy presentent, elle distingue la eouleur d'avec 1 'odeur, &c. Ainsi
2lk
I ’Entendement qui est toute simple; celle de la Phantaisie
au lugement qui separe & unit les Images; Et celle de
1'Estimative au Discours qui tire la conclusion des connoissances precedentes
(JSyst.j p. 1 2 8 ) •
This final phase, he notes, is very similar to the practical judgment
of the entendment’s action, inasmuch as it is compound:
En effet, de la Connoissanee que celle-cy a du M e n &
du mal, elle juge qu'il faut poursuivre I'un & fuir
l fautre; Et conclud enfin, en ordonnant a I'appqtit de
I'executer. Ce qui ne se pent faire sans Raisonnement,
comme nous avons pleinement montre au Traite de la
Connoissanee des Animaux
{Syst*s p. 128).
•
As the allusion to this earlier work implies, Cureau* s argument against
the Cartesian Chanet *s account of the animal-machine is based on his
belief in the operation of an estimative faculty, or its equivalent, in
3
all animate beings.
il n ’est point necess'aire d'introduire icy m e autre faeulte, pour faire
ces jugemens, puisque celle-cy les peut faire toute seule, & que la Na­
ture suit tousiours les voyes les plus courtes. Concluons done qu'il
n'y a point d'autre Connoissanee qui precede celle de la Phantaisie, que
celles des Sens Exterieurs, & que ce sont les Phantosmes qu'ils font dans
leurs organes, sur lesquels cette Faeulte forme ses Connoissances
(Syst.s pp. 1 5 6 -6 2 ) .
O
Cureau explains in Tvait& de la Connoissanee des Animaux in
161(8, and reiterates in De I *ami tie <& de la haine qui se tvouvent entve
Zes Animaux in 1 6 6 7 , that the difference between animal and human be­
havior has to do with the primary source of cognitive stimulation. In
man, past experience may be recalled intellectually through the medium
of language, whereas in animals what appears to be instinct is quite
often memory triggered by sensorial apprehensions. As he explains:
” . . . si I'on y veut prendre garde, on trouvera que la plus grande part
de leurs aversions, que I'on croit estre les plus secrettes, sont fondSes
sur des sons qui les surprennent, ou sur des odeurs qui leur dSplaisent,
ou sur d'autres qualitez sensibles qui leur sont facheuses, & qui leur
remettent en memoire les choses qu'ils pensent les devoir inqommoder"
(Amitiij p. 170).
'
215
Having thus divided sensitive cognizance into three separate
phases, none of which
is called "imagination" in his system, LaChambre
takes the opportunity
to discuss this amission and to qualifyhis use of
the word in the context of his own theory:
Mais si toutes les actions de I'Ame Sensitive se
reduisent au Sens Commun, ala Phantaisie, & a
1 ‘Estimative, que deviendra 1 ’Imagination,
dont on parle
tant? II faut dire que c'est un terme commun a toutes
les Facultez Sensitives qui connoissent, tout de me sine
que le mot d 1Entendement comprend 1 ’Intellect Agent &
le Possible, le Speculatif & le Practic. En effet, quand
on compare les Facultez Connoissantes avec les Motives,
on oppose 1 1Entendement a la Volonte, & 1*Imagination a
1'Appetit Sensitif: Auquel cas 1'Imagination comprend
toutes les autres Facultez connoissantes. Son nom mesme
fait voir cela evidemment; car le mot d 1Imagination ne
signifie autre chose que la FacultS qui forme des Images:
Or il n ’y a aucune FacultS Connoissante qui ne forme des
Images, & par consequent il n'y en a pasune a qui le
mot d fImagination ne convienne; quoy que par une fagon
de parler populaire on 1 ’ait applique partieulierement
S. la Phantaisie, & a la presence de 1 *Esprit, parce que
c'est la ou la production des Images paroist davantage.
Nous-mesmes emploirons souvent ,ce mot au Chapitre du
Souvenir, pour designer la Phantaisie & 1 *Estimative,
quand nous voudrons parler conj ointement de ces deux
Facultez
(Syst. 3 pp. 130-31) •
Despite the fact that this word seems to denote one cognitive
faculty, Cureau is quite thorough inhis explanation as to why he re,gards the phantaisi-e and estimative faculty as two separate items even
though they both appear to be located in the head, unlike the sense
organs which are distinctly removed from thecognitive center.
As he
notes in the following passage, there is ample evidence tosuggest
that
the functioning of one of these may be impaired without causing any dam­
age or exerting any influence on the functioning of the other:
. . . c'est une marque evidente, que le Sens Commun est une
puissance differente de la Phantaisie, de ce qu'il est lie
216
& san s a c tio n dans l e som m eil3 & qua e e l l e - c y e s t en
l i b e r t e 9 comme i l p a r o i s t p a r l e s Songes q u i s o n t de
s a fa g o n . E t l e s m a la d ie s qui b l e s s e n t l a P h a n t a i s i e ,
san s f a i r e t o r t a 1 1E s tim a tiv e , on 1 *E s tim a tiv e san s
a l t e r e r l a P h a n t a i s i e , m o n tren t c la ire m e n t que ce s o n t
deux p u is s a n c e s , dont l e s f o n c tio n s & l e s o rg an es s o n t
d if f e r e n s
Q S yst.3 pp. 1 3 1 -3 2 ).
As f o r th e l o c a t io n o f th e s e n s i t i v e f a c u l t i e s , C ureau g iv e s a
le n g th y acco u n t o f th e s t r u c t u r e and o rg a n iz a tio n o f t h e n ervous system
w h ich , a c c o rd in g t o th e tw e n tie th - c e n tu r y p h y s ic ia n R o b ert D o ra n lo , i s
q u ite a c c u ra te e x c e p t f o r th e in c lu s io n o f th e $ to n n o irs o r c a n a l by
w hich t r a d i t i o n a l m edicine e x p la in e d th e d is c h a rg e o f phlegm o r mucous
t o th e p a l a t e .
k
Superim posed on t h i s sound a n a to m ic a l fram ew ork, how­
e v e r , i s an im ag in ary p h y s io lo g y b a se d on th e c o r r e l a t i o n La Chambre
assumed betw een th e tem peram ent o f a g iv e n s e c tio n o f th e b r a i n and th e
r o l e he a s s ig n s i t in h i s c o g n itiv e m o d el.
A ccording t o t h i s p arad ig m ,
th e common sen se i s i n th e n e r v e s , th e p h a n ta is ie in th e lo w e st p a r t o f
th e b r a i n , e s tim a tiv e f a c u l t y in th e m id d le , and on to p th e memory b an k .
The a u t h o r 's r a t i o n a l e f o r t h i s arran g em en t goes as fo llo w s :
T aking th e
two maxims w hich he avows " to u s l e s P h ilo so p h e s & to u s l e s M edecins o n t
ap prouvees" ( S y s t . s p . 1 ^ 5 ), he p o s i t s t h a t :
l ) i n each organ th e r e i s
an analogue o r " m e p a r t i e s i m i l a i r e q u i e s t l e p r in c ip e & 1 *in s tru m e n t
de s a fo n c tio n " { S y s t c S p . 1 ^ 5 ); and 2) " le Temperament p ro p re des
p a r t i e s e s t l a p r i n c i p a l s d i s p o s i t i o n que l e s F a c u lte z dem andent p o u r
a g ir " ( S y s t . , p . 1 ^5 )•
G e n e ra lly s p e a k in g , claim s C u reau , th e an alo g u e
S t. D o ra n lo , La Medecine au XVIIe silH ele:
Chambref medecin e t p h ilo so p h e (1 9 3 9 ), p . 91.
Mcann Cureau de La
217
c o n s is ts in th e c e r e b r a l and n e u r a l su b sta n c e w hich c o n s t i t u t e s " le
s ie g e & l a s o u rc e " o f a l l th e anim ate f a c u l t i e s {Syst<,3 p . 1 4 6 ). Conse­
q u e n tly ^ in term s o f th e o rg a n is m 's s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g d e s ig n , he w r i t e s :
. . c ’e s t une n e c e s s ite que l e s F a c u lte z an im ales q u i se c o n se rv e n t
dans l a Substande des n e r f s , s o ie n t p r o d u it e s p a r l a S u b sta n ce du
C erveau q ui e s t sem blable a l a le u r " ( S y s t . , p . 1 ^ 7 ).
T aking th e s e o b s e rv a tio n s i n t o a c c o u n t, La Chambre r a t i o n a l i z e s
h i s c h o ice o f th e lo w e st p a r t . o f th e b r a i n f o r th e phantais'Ce on th e
grounds t h a t t h i s a re a i s a t th e same tim e th e w arm est, m o i s t e s t , and
most d i r e c t l y a c c e s s i b l e 'p a r t o f th e b r a i n w ith r e f e r e n c e t o th e a f ­
fe re n t n e rv e s:
■.
/
. . » a c o n s id e re r l a n a tu r e de l a P h a n t a i s i e , on se s g a u r o it
r i e n s 1im a g in e r de p lu s v ra y sem b la b le que de l a p l a c e r dans
l a p a r t i e i n f e r i e u r e du C erveau. Car o u tre que e e t t e p a r t i e
e s t p lu s m o lle & p lu s chaude a cau se du t i s s u des a r t e r e s qu i
e s t to u t c o n tr e , & que c es q u a lite z co n v ien n e n t a l a
p ro m p titu d e avec l a q u e l le c e t t e F a c u lte a g i t , & l a f a c i l e
im p re ssio n q u 'e l l e demande p o u r fo rm er s e s Im ages. O u tre
c e t t e r a i s o n , d i s - j e , p u isq u e c ’e s t e l l e q u i d o i t t r a v a l l i e r
l a p re m ie re s u r l e s e sp e c e s que l e s Sens lu y e n v o y e n t, c ’e s t
comme une n e c e s s ite q u ’e l l e s o i t p la c e e au l i e u ou e l l e s
a b o rd e n t, c ’e s t & d i r e , a c e t t e b a s s e p a r t i e du CerVeau, ou
to u s l e s n e r f s q ui l e s y a p p o r te n t, se re n d e n t comme a l e u r
so u rc e & & le u r c e n tr e
{.Syst. t p p . 152-53 )„.
Im m ediately above th e 'phant(xis,i e s he p la c e s t h e e s tim a tiv e f a c ­
u l t y , w hich r e c e iv e s th e images o f th e p h a n ta is ie and ju d g e s them a c c o rd ­
in g t o th e good o r e v i l t o be g a in ed by a c ti n g on them .
B esid e s th e p h i l ­
o s o p h ic a l s a t i s f a c t i o n he d e r iv e s from th e s u p p o s itio n t h a t t h i s m iddle
te rm p o s i t i o n would s u i t th e
s e n s i t i v e s o u l ’ s most n o b le f a c u l t y , C ureau
a ls o n o te s t h a t th e t e x t u r e and c o lo r in g o f t h i s p a r t o f th e b r a in i s s i g ­
n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t o f th e re g io n s d i r e c t l y above and b elo w .
218
an d c o n c lu d e s:
f ii f in son a c tio n e s t a n t l a p lu s d e l i c a t e de t o u t e s ,
demands m e p lu s grande q u an t i t e d ’e s p r i t s q u i s o ie n t
p lu s p u rs & p lu s s u b t i l s que l e s a u t r e s . Ce q u i se
re c o n n o is t p a r l a b la n c h e u r $ & p a r l a tra n s p a r e n c e q u i
s o n t p lu s g ran d es en c e t t e p a r t i e , q u 'e n t o u t l e r e s t s
du C erveau: Car l e s e s p r i t s e s t a n t n a tu re lle m e n t
lum ineux & t r a n s p a r e n s , lu y communiquent ces q u a l i t e z l a . A quoy i l f a u t a d jo u s te r que l e s Phantosm es e s t a n t
de l a n a tu r e des e sp e c e s s e n s ib le s q u i s o r t e n t , & se
m u l t i p l i e n t h o rs de l e u r s s u b j e t s , i l f a u t q u ’i l y a i t
u n -e sp ac e dsns l e C erveau ou i l s a y e n t l a l i b e r t e de
se re p a n d re comme e l l e s ; E t c ’e s t sa n s d o u te to u te l a
p a r t i e s u p e r ie u r e ou e s t l e s ie g e de l a M emoirs. . . .
I I p a r o i s t b ie n q u ’i l f a u t que c e l a s o i t a i n s i , p u is q u e
e n tr e l e s Phantosm es q u i s ’y c o n s e rv e n t, i l y en a dont
on se s o u v ie n t f a c ile n ie n t, & d 'a u t r e s q u ’ on a de l a p e in e
a t r o u v e r : Car c e la ne p e u t p ro c e d e r que de ce que l e s
m s s o n t p lu s p ro c h e s & p lu s exposez a 1 ’ Im a g in a tio n , &
l e s a u tr e s p lu s e s lo ig n e z & p lu s c a c h e z , comme so n t ceux
q u i s o n t ren ferm ez dans l e s d e t o u r s , & c ir c o n v o lu tio n s
de c e t t e p a r t i e
( S y s t. j, pp. 15^-55 ) •
Memory and th e c o g n itiv e s t r u c t u r e :
a n a to m ic a l and p h y s io lo g ic a l r a t i o n a l e
f o r e v a lu a tin g human memory
In r e l a t i n g La Chambre ’ s c o n c e p tio n o f b r a in anatom y and p h y s- ■'
io lo g y t o h i s g e n e ra l te a c h in g s abo u t th e e v o lu tio n o f human o rg a n s ,
i t i s im p o rta n t t o r e a l i z e t h a t th e r e c e p tio n and s to r a g e o f phantoms
i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f a l l s e n s i t i v e s u b s ta n c e , and n o t th e u n iq u e p ro v ­
in c e o f th e upperm ost
t h e f o u r th book o f
p a r t o f th e h e ad .
As he rem inds th e r e a d e r i n
Le S ysth n e de t ’czme, "De l a memoire e t du s o u v e n ir " :
. . .c e s Images ne s ' a r r e s t e n t p as seu lem en t dans l a
T e s te , e l l e s e o u le n t en to u s l e s H e r f s , & se rS p an d en t
a i n s i p a r t o u t l e C orps. Car ay an t l a mesme s u b sta n c e
que l e C erveau, i l s o n t l a mesme d is p o s i t i o n po u r l e s
r e c e v o ir & pour l e s gard er..q u e l u y ; . E t l ’on p e u t a s s e u r e r .
que c e t t e s u b sta n c e l e u r e s t ce que l e D iaphane e s t 5,
l a lu m ie re : Car comme c e ll e - c y se re s p a n d p a r t o u t ou
e l l e r e n c o n tre
de l a tr a n s p a r e n c e , e l l e s se re p a n d e n t
a u ssi par to u t
ou c e t t e s u b sta n c e s e tro u v e
( S y s t *,
P. 274 ) .
219
n e v e r t h e l e s s »■claim s C ureau, i t i s c l e a r t h a t th e p a r t o f th e n erv o u s
sy stem m o st' c e n t r a l l y in v o lv e d in th e p ro c e s s o f memory
. ♦ .e s t c e lle
q u i e s t a u d essu s du l i e u ou 1*Im a g in a tio n a g i t , c a r l e s Images se f e r ­
ment en ce l i e u - l k , & se rlp a n d e n t a I ’e n to u r comme l e s e sp e c e s v i s i b l e s
s o r t e n t des Corps c o lo re z & s 'S c o u le n t dans I 1a i r q u i l e s e n v iro n n e ”
( S y e t . f p . 2 7 5 ).
The e s tim a tiv e f a c u l t y and p h a n ta i-sie a ls o c o n se rv e im a g e s' i n
t h e i r s u b s ta n c e ,. . In f a c t , Cureau b e lie v e d t h a t som ething l i k e s h o r t­
te rm memory i s an e f f e c t produced by t h e im ages l o c a t e d r i g h t in th e s e
p a r t s b e c a u s e , as he r e a s o n s , ” . . .
. i l y a des choses q u i s o n t s i
p r e s e n te s a 1 *E s p r i t , q u ' i l e s t im p o s s ib le q u 'e l l e s n e s o i e n t au l i e u
mesme otl i l a g i t ” { S y s t , 3 p p . 2 7 5 -7 6 ).
The d if f e r e n c e betw een th e
memory o f th e s u p e r io r s e n s i t i v e f a c u l t i e s and th e c e n t r a l d e p o s ito ry
lo c a t e d above them i s t h a t th e c o n s ta n t a c t i v i t y o f th e f a n ta s y and
e s tim a tiv e works a g a in s t any lo n g -te rm r e t e n t i o n o f p hantom s, and as
C ureau n o t e s , “ e 1e s t en c e t t e longue g ard e que [ l a ] p e r f e c t i o n [de l a
Memoire] c o n s is ts " ( S y s t , , p . 2 7 6 ).
As he goes on t o e x p l a i n :
Comment s 'y p o u r r o i e n t - e l l e s [ th e im a g e s] se c o n s e rv e r
dans 1 ’a b o rd c o n tin u e ! des e sp e c es q u i v ie n n e n t de d e h o r s ,
dans l e mouvement c o n tin u e ! des E s p r i t s , dans 1 ' a g i t a t i o n
que se donnent l e s p a r t i e s q u i s o u tie n n e n t c es F a c u lte z ?
c a r i l ne faufc p a s c r o i r e q u 'e l l e s dem eurent en re p o s
pendant que l e s F a c u lte z a g is s e n t: E l i e s se r e s s e r r e n t ,
e l l e s s 1e s te n d e n t, e l l e s s 1a llo n g e n t ou se r a c o u r c i s s e n t
s e lo n l e s a c tio n s q u i se f o n t & e 'e s t de l a en p a r t i e
que v ie n t l a l a s s i t u d e q u i s u i t l e s lo n g u es & l e s g ran d es
a p p lic a tio n s d 1E s p r i t . . . . E n fin ce c o n tin u e l a b o rd
d 'e s p e c e s , & l e mouvement des E s p r i t s & des p a r t i e s q u i
se fo n t dans l e s ie g e de 1 ' Im a g in a tio n , e f f a c e n t & c o n fo n d e n t l e s Im ages, & em peschent q u 'e l l e s ne s 'y p u is s e n t
c o n s e rv e r lo n g -te m p s ; de s o r te q u ' i l e s t n e c e s s a ir e que
l e s a u t r e s e n d r o its du C erveau q u i s o n t p lu s t r a n q u i l l e s
en s o ie n t l e s f i d e l i e s d e p o s i t a i r e s . Or i l n 'y en a p o in t
220
q u i s o i t s i p a i s i b l e qua s a p a r b i e .s u p e r ie u r e ; . p a r c e ..
q u ' i l ne . s ’y f a i t a u c m e . de ces . f o n c tio n s p u b liq u e s . q u i .
r e g a rd a n t t o u t l e C o rp s; i l n 'y a q u a . c e l i e s q u i s o n t :
n e c e s s a i r e s .a s a s u b sta n c e p a r t i c u l i e r e ; .& on p e u t d i r e
q u 'e l l e e s t sem blable a l a f r o n t i e r e d ’un E s ta t ou l e .
tu m u lte & 1 ’ em barras de l a Cour ne se tro u v e n t p o in t :
( S y s t . s pp. 2 7 6 -7 8 ).
S in c e th e p e r f e c t io n o f memory l i e s i n th e a b i l i t y t o s to r e a
g r e a t d e a l o f in fo rm a tio n o v er a .lo n g p e r io d o f tim e s h e ad s iz e and th e
fu n c tio n o f th e p a r t in q u e s tio n to g e th e r w ith th e tem peram ent o f th e
r e g i o n » a r e im p o rta n t in d i c a t o r s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l ’ s c a p a c ity .
F ollow ­
in g th e te a c h in g s o f A r i s t o t l e on p h y sio g n o m ical a n a ly s is 9 Cureau a s ­
sumes t h a t a s b r a in s i z e in c r e a s e s in p r o p o r tio n t o th e a n im a l’s b o d y ,
so does h i s p o t e n t i a l f o r rem em bering th i n g s :
. . . 1 ’on p e u t d i r e que t o u t l e C erveau n ’e s t p as t r o p
g ra n d pour [ l a M em oire]; & que c ’e s t l a r a is o n p o u r
l a q u e l l e ceux q u i o n t l a T e s te p lu s g r o s s e , comme
A r is to te a rem arque dans s a P h y sio n o m ie, ou q u i 1 ’o n t
p lu s advances en d e r r i e r e , o n t l a Memoire p lu s h e u re u s e ;
p a rc e que c ’e s t une marque q u ’i l s o n t p lu s de c e r v e l l e ,
& q u ’ i l y a p a r consequent p lu s d ’e sp a c e p o u r lo g e r ces
Im ages. A quoy on p e u t a d jo u s te r que l a G randeur q u i
e s t dans 1 *Homme e s t en p a r t i e cau se q u ’i l a p lu s de
Memoire q u 'au cu n a u tr e Anim al: Car i l n ’y en a p o in t
q u i a i t s i grande q u a n tite de C e rv e lle que lu y ; ju s q u e s l a q u ’on p e u t d ir e q u ’i l a n e u f f o i s p lu s q u 'u n B o eu f,
p u i s q u 'i l a l a T e s te t r o i s f o i s p lu s p e t i t e que l u y , &
que l e Boeuf a un t i e r s moin s de c e r v e l l e
\_Sy8t. ,
p p . 2 7 2 -7 3 ).
As f o r th e fu n c tio n o f t h e upperm ost r e g io n , C ureau has a lre a d y
p o in te d o u t t h a t i t i s u n iq u e ly fa s h io n e d f o r c o n se rv in g im ages, and
does n o t c o n s t i t u t e a c o g n itiv e f a c u l t y a s su ch .
H ence, th e i d e a l tem ­
peram ent f o r such an organ w ould c o n s is t in b e in g warm and m o ist enough
t o be e a s i l y im p ressed by th e d e l i c a t e phantom s, and y e t c o ld and d ry
enough t o h o ld th e im ages s e c u r e ly ; e i t h e r extrem e w ould be a s e r io u s
221
f a n l t s f o r as he e x p la i n s :
. . . s i l e C erveau e s t tr o p hum ide, i l a b eau r e c e v o ir
fa c ile n ie n t l e s Images s i l ne l e s g a rd e p as lo n g -te m p s ;
Et 1 *im p re ssio n q u 'e l l e s y fo n t re sse m b le & c e l l e q u i
se f a i t s u r I 'e a u ou l e s f ig u r e s q u , on lu y donne se
corrom pent & s 'e f f a c e n t in c o n t i n a n t . D*ou v ie n t que
le s e n fa n s & to n s eeux qu i o n t c e t t e p a r t i e tr o p humide
ne se so u v ien n e n t de r i e n ; q u ’au e o n t r a i r e ceux q u i
I ’o nt tr o p s e c h e , eonrme l e s v i e i l l a r d s & l e s m elan c h o liq u e s , manquent de M emoire, d ’aufcant que l e s Images
n 'y e n tr a n t q u 'a v e e p e in e , l a d u re te r e s i s t a n t a
1 ’im p re ssio n q u ’e l l e s y d e v ro ie n t f a i r e
i.Syst.^
p . 282 ) .
In C ureau’ s e s tim a tio n , th e human b r a in accommodates th e s e p r e ­
r e q u i s i t e s f o r lo n g -te rm and q u ic k memory b e t t e r th a n t h e c o rre sp o n d in g
organ in any o th e r anim al b e ca u se i t c o n ta in s a fa v o ra b le p ro p o r tio n o f
an im al s p i r i t s (eePV elle) whose n a tu r e he c o n sid e re d t o be " s i te m p e re z ,
que l a c h a le u r n e s ' y p u is s e r e c o n n o is tr e " { S y s t . s p . lUU).
T hus, he
c o n c lu d e s :
Le tem peram ent q u i e s t done p ro p re & l a Memoire e s t
e e lu y q u i p a r t i e i p e egalem ent de c es deux q u a l i t e z ; E t
p e u t - e s t r e que e 'e s t une des r a is o n s p o u r le s q u e l l e s
1 1Homme I 1a p lu s e x c e lle n te que to u s l e s aufcres A nim aux:.
p a rc e que o u tr e q u ' i l a p lu s de c e r v e l l e q u 'au cu n a u t r e
comme nous avons d i t , i l n ’y en a p o in t & q u i l a m edioc r i t S du Temperament s o i t p lu s n a t u r e l l e . . .
(Syst.^
pp. 282-83 )•
W hile c o n s e rv a tio n o f images i s a n e c e s s a ry p a r t o f a l l memory,
i t does n o t e x p la in th e p ro c e s s w hereby p a s t e v e n ts a r e r e c a l l e d t o
mind by th e c o g n itiv e s u b j e c t .
.This a c tio n i s acco m p lish ed i n C ureau’s
system o f th e s o u l by th e im a g in a tio n * o r combined a c tio n o f th e phanta-is'Le
and e s tim a tiv e f a c u l t y , b o th o f w hich a r e fu n d a m e n ta lly d i f f e r e n t .from
th e memory in t h a t th e y r e q u ir e a c o n s ta n t su p p ly o f v i t a l h e a t t o
a s s o c ia te and a rra n g e im ages—th e p ro c e s s in which t h e i r p e r f e c t io n
222
c o n s is ts .
Hence, a w e ll-te m p e re d e x te n s iv e memory must be b a la n c e d by
f a c u l t i e s c ap a b le o f v iv id im a g in a tio n and sound judgm ent f o r as C ureau
re m a rk s;
. . . une tr o p v iy e Im a g in a tio n f a i t t o r t au lu g em en t,
comme l a fo rc e du lugem ent f a i t t o r t a I 1Im a g in a tio n ;
E t l a t r o p g ran d e Memoire met l fun & l fa u tr e en d e s o r d re .
La j u s t e p e r f e c t io n q u 'e l l e s d o iv e n t a v o ir comme nous
avons d i t . . , d o it e s t r e conforme & l a n a tu r e de
1 ’Homme q u i c o n s is ts dans l a M e d io c ritS , & q u elq u e e x c e lle n c e q u 'e l l e s a y e n t l e s unes s u r l e s a u t r e s , c 'e s t
une Im p e rf e c tio n , eu e g a rd a l a f i n ou e l l e s so n t
d e s tin S e s
f e y s t . s p p . 2 8 4 -8 $ ) .
,
The p ro c e ss o f rem em bering
In La Chambre1s sy ste m , rem em bering ( t e soicoeniv) resem b les th e
p rim ary c o g n itiv e a c tio n o f th e entendem ent inasm uch as i t i s immanent
and removed from d i r e c t c o n ta c t w ith th e o u ts id e w o rld .
However, a s he
e x p la in s below , in th e case o f th e o n ly u n a tta c h e d human c o g n itiv e f a c ­
u l t y , memory i s an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f i t s p rim a ry c o g n iz a n c e , w h ile th e
im a g in a tio n perform s two s e p a r a te a c t i o n s , th e second o f w hich i s
memory;
. . . quand 1'Ame se s o u v ie n t de q u elq u e o b j e t , e l l e f a i t
l a mesme chose que l a p re m ie re f o i s q u 'e l l e 1 ' a v o it
connu: E t to u te l a d if f e r e n c e q u ' i l y a , c 'e s t q u 'a l o r s
e l l e a g i s s o i t s u r l e s e sp e c e s & l e s Images que l e s o b je ts
Tuy p r e s e n t o i e n t ; E t q u 'i c y e l l e a g i t s u r l e s Images de
l a M emoire. Or e s t - i l que dans l e r e s s o r t de I'Ame
S e n s i t i v e , c 'e s t 1 ' Im a g in a tio n q u i f a i t l a p re m ie re Conn o is s a n c e . . . . E t p a r consequent c 'e s t e l l e q u i f a i t l a
sec o n d s: E t un mot c 'e s t e l l e q u i f a i t l e S o u v e n ir, &
non p as l a Memoire, comme q u e lq u e s-u n s o n t p e n se . E t de
v ra y s i c 'e s t une C o n n o issan ce, i l f a u t que ce s o i t une
a c t i o n , & c e t t e a c tio n ne p e u t e s t r e q u 'u n e p ro d u c tio n
d 'Im ag e[s3 que l a F a c u lte forme en soy-mesme. Comme i l
n ’y a done que 1 ' Im a g in a tio n q u i p ro d u is e a i n s i des
Im ages, i l s 'e n s u i t q u ' i l n 'y a q u 'e l l e q u i f a s s e l e
S o u v e n ir; de s o r te q u 'o n l e p e u t d e f i n i r , une seco n d s
Ccmnoissance q u i s e form e su r le s Images q u i s o n t dans
la Memoire,
:
••
223
Ce que i e v ie n s de d i r e de I 6Im a g in a tio n se d o it
e n te n d re a u s s i de 1 1en ten d em en t, c a r quoy que l a F a c u lte
q u ’i l a de c o n n o is tr e , s o i t une mesme chose que s a M emoire,
c 'e s t neantm oins en Ire rtu de s a C onnoissance q u ’i l se
s o u v ie n t; Et I ’on ne d o it pas a t t r i b u e r son S o u v e n ir a l a
M emoires m ais a c e t t e F a c u lte q u ’i l a de C o n n o is tre ; p a rc e
que l e S o u v e n ir e s t une s o r te de C o n n o issan ce. . .
( $ y s t . 3 p p . 2 9 1 -9 3 ) .
But as f a r as th e s u b j e c t ’s a c t u a l rem em bering i s c o n c e rn e d ,
d i s t i n c t i o n s such as th o s e drawn in th e t e x t above a re n o t r e a l l y s i g n i f ­
i c a n t , f o r in C ureau’ s system -, " l a C onnoissance de 1 1Homme- e s t une
a c tio n m ix te , comme s a n a t u r e ; & i l f a u t que l e s Images p a r l e s q u e l l e s
e l l e se f a i t , s o ie n t m ix te s , c ’e s t a d i r e q u ’e l l e s s o ie n t composees de
c e l l e s de 1 ’Entendem ent &.c e l l e s de 1 ’Im a g in a tio n "
( S y 8 t . s p . 262) . •
In o th e r words $ w h ile th e p u r e ly s p i r i t u a l im ages o f t h e u n d e rs ta n d in g
c o n s t i t u t e a perm anent change in th e su b sta n c e o f th e s o u l t h a t can n o t
be a f f e c t e d by th e m a te r ia l q u a l i t i e s o f h e a t , c o ld , d ry n e ss and m ois­
tu r e , th e y do n o t p la y an a c tiv e r o le in human c o n sc io u sn e ss u n le s s
m ed iated by phantom s.
As C ureau e x p l a i n s , u s in g th e example o f am nesic
illn e s s e s s
. . .d a n s le s m a la d ie s q ui fo n t p e rd re l a Memoire, l e s
Images s p i r i t u e l l e s q u i y d em eu ren t, y so n t comme s i e l l e s
_ n ’e s t o i e n t p o i n t ; d ’a u ta n t q u ’e l l e s ne peuvent t o u t e s
s e u le s s e r v i r & l a C onnoissance que demands l e S o u v e n ir;
t o u t de mesme que I ’on ne s o u v ie n t p o in t de ce que
1 ’Im a g in a tio n a f a i t p en d an t que 1 ’E s p r i t e s t d i s t r a i t
{ S y s t .3 p . 262) .
H ence, im a g in a tio n and u n d e rs ta n d in g viewed in t h e g e n e r a l con­
t e x t o f human c o g n itiv e b e h a v io r r a t h e r th a n in term s o f t h e i r s p e c i a l
pow ers a re th e c o -a u th o rs o f human c o n s c io u s n e s s , o r w hat C ureau has
c a ll e d " l a C onnoissance q ui e s t p ro p re a 1 ’Homme."
When r e f e r r i n g t o
them in t h i s r e g a r d , C ureau s u b s t i t u t e s th e word "mind" ( E s p r i t ) f o r
224
u n d e rs ta n d in g f a c u l t y (entendem ent) t o d e s ig n a te th e s p i r i t u a l c o u n te r­
p a r t o f th e o r g a n ic a lly bound im a g in a tio n whose domain in c lu d e s a l l th e
memory s to r e s o f th e body.
A lthough t h i s s h i f t in te rm in o lo g y comes so
a u to m a tic a lly t o th e a u th o r t h a t he does n o t b o th e r t o j u s t i f y i t h e re
o r a t any o th e r p o in t in Le Syst'&me de 1 ,Sone3 i t i s n o t w ith o u t s i g n i f ­
ic a n c e to ou r a n a ly s is o f h i s system and d e se rv e s b r i e f c o n s id e r a tio n
b e f o r e going on t o th e mechanisms in v o lv e d in rem em bering.
A ccording t o La Chambre' s d is c u s s io n o f th e s e p a r a te s o u l in
th e second c h a p te r o f Book 1 , entendem ent i s c h a r a c te r iz e d as h av in g
some i n c l i n a t i o n d e s p it e i t s s o - c a l l e d " i n d i f f e r e n t " n a t u r e .
T hus, when
Cureau r e f e r s t o i t a s th e o n ly c o g n itiv e f a c u l t y in man t h a t i s " f r e e "
and " u n d e te rm in e d ," th e s e te rm s d e s c r ib e i t s in d ep en d en ce w ith re g a rd t o
o rg a n s , and n o t i t s in n e r d i s p o s i t i o n .
N e v e r th e le s s , i t rem ain s d i f f i ­
c u l t t o r e c o n c ile w hat he say s a b o u t th e " i n c l i n a t i o n " o f th e en ten de­
ment and i t s in d e te rm in a te n a tu r e on a n o th e r l e v e l b e c a u se he seems t o
u se th e term s " s e p a r a te so u l" and " s e p a r a te u n d e rs ta n d in g f a c u lty " i n ­
te rc h a n g e a b ly , when, in r e a l i t y , he re g a r d s t h e second a s t h e c o g n itiv e
a s p e c t o f th e f i r s t .
T h is c o n fu sio n d is a p p e a r s , how ever, once th e
entendem ent i s re g a rd e d from th e v a n ta g e p o in t o f o rg a n ic developm ent:
b e g in n in g w ith th e in fo rm in g v i r t u e , s o u l i s i d e n t i f i e d w ith th e image
w hich g iv e s r i s e t o two in te rd e p e n d e n t s e t s o f s t r u c t u r e s —th e v i t a l and
s e n s i t i v e sy stem s.
F ollo w in g t h i s th e o r y , th e entendem ent co rresp o n d s,
t o th e u n a tta c h e d s e n s i t i v e su b sta n c e w hich i s c o n ta in e d w ith in th e
c o n fin e s o f th e d e v e lo p in g organism b u t i s n o t a f f i x e d t o any s t r u c t u r e .
At t h i s p o i n t , i t may be i d e n t i f i e d w ith t h e inw ard p r i n c i p l e o f l i f e
225
and th e c o n tin u o u s ly changing f ig u r e o f th e s o u l , whose r o l e i s t o u n ite
w ith and anim ate th e new m a tte r a c q u ire d d u rin g d ev elo p m en t.
In t h i s
way, th e " f r e e " su b sta n c e g ra d u a lly becomes a tta c h e d t o p a r t i c u l a r o r ­
gans f o r Which i t th e n becomes th e "m otor" o r b a s i s f o r movement.
It
i s in t h i s se n se t h a t Cureau d e s c r ib e s th e n a tu r e o f s o u l as " i n d i v i s ­
i b l e " b e ca u se i t r e s i s t s d i v i s i o n ,^ f o r a s he e x p la in s i n t h e p assag e
b elo w , th e d if f e r e n c e betw een f r e e and a tta c h e d s o u l c o n s i s ts i n i t s
s i t u a t i o n and n o t in i t s n a tu r e :
Ce n 'e s t pas que to u te s [ le s p a r t i e s de I'Am e] n ’a y e n t la.
p u is s a n c e de . . . f a i r e [ le s a c tio n s q u i s o n t in d e p e n d e n te s
de l a m a t i e r e ] , l e s tm es & l e s a u tr e s e s t a n t homogenes & de
mesme n a tu r e ; m ais l a d if f e r e n c e q u i s 'y t r o u v e , ne v i e n t
que de ce que l e s unes s o n t u n i e s , & que l e s a u tr e s ne l e
s o n t p a s ; E t que 1 ' u n ion d e term in e l e s unes aux f o n c tio n s
c o r p o r a l i e s , le s a u tr e s dem eurant i n d i f f e r e n t e s a t o u t e s :
c a r c e l l e s q u i s o n t l i b r e s , ne l a i s s e n t p as a to n s mommens de s ‘u n i r a l a m a tie re qu i s u r v ie n t po u r f a i r e
c r o i s t r e l e s membres. . . . E t c e t t e d e r n ie r e c o n s id e r a tio n
d o it f a i r e c r o i r e q u ’e l l e s s o n t re sp a n d u e s p a r t o u t l e
C orps, & q u ’e l l e s ne s o n t p as r e d u i t e s & un c e r t a i n e n d r o i t ,
a f in d ’e s t r e to u te s p r e s t e s a anim er c e t t e n o u v e lle m a tie re
q u i s u r v ie n t & to u te s l e s p a r t i e s du Corps
(^Syst.y
PP. 399-U00.).
T h u s, we se e t h a t "mind" o r Es'pri-t i s a te rm t h a t a p p lie s t o man
i n th e p o s t n a t a l s ta g e o f h is d ev elo p m en t, w hereas entendem ent can
e i t h e r be c o m p le tely synonymous w ith s o u l , as in th e s e e d , o r r e f e r
o n ly t o th e " f r e e " p a r t o f th e human s o u l w hich c o n tin u a lly tra n s fo rm s
5
A ccording t o C ureau, t h e r e a r e tw o k in d s o f d iv i s i o n i n n a t u r e :
im p o s s ib le , in th e sen se t h a t th e r e a re no p a r t s t o i t , as i n a p o i n t ,
and r e s i s t a n c e t o d i v is io n . The s o u l as he d e fin e s i t f a l l s i n t o th e
second c a te g o r y , f o r as he e x p l a i n s : " . . . qucy q u 'e l l e a i t des p a r t i e s ,
e l l e s [th in g s b e lo n g in g t o th e second g ro u p ] ne p eu v en t ia m a is e s t r e
a c tu e lle m e n t d iv is S e s , s o i t p a rc e que s a n a tu r e se d e t r u i r o i t , s i on l a
p o u v o it d i v i s e r , s o i t p a rc e q u ’i l n 'y a p o in t de cau se q u i l e p u is s e
226
i t s e l f in to id e a s d u rin g th e c o u rse o f a l i f e t i m e .
Hence $ w h atev er
p rim o rd ia l i n s t i n c t ” i n c l i n e s ” th e entendem ent tow ards a tr a n s c e n d e n ta l
k in d o f s e n s i b i l i t y may h e r e a f t e r be u n d e rsto o d as c o i d e n t i c a l w ith th e
m oral a s p e c ts o f th e in fo rm in g v i r t u e 's im ag e, w hich i s a t once th e p sy ­
c h o lo g ic a l and p h y s io lo g ic a l b e g in n in g o f a l l s e n s i t i v e l i f e .
T urning now t o th e p ro c e ss by w hich th e i n d iv i d u a l rem em bers,
we n o te d e a r l i e r t h a t e v ery tim e th e im a g in a tio n ( f a n ta s y and e stim a ­
t i v e ) o r entendem ent know s, th e new in fo rm a tio n i s c o r r e l a t e d w ith p r i o r
e x p e rie n c e by s e a rc h in g th e memory f o r im ag es.
Depending on how r e ­
c e n tly th e a s s o c ia te d e v e n t o c c u r re d , o r how s tr o n g ly r e in f o r c e d i t w a s,
t h i s in v e s t i g a t i o n may ta k e more o r l e s s tim e .
Once th e p ro p e r re c o rd
i s lo c a t e d , how ever, i t fu n c tio n s l i k e a m a ste r key w hich u n lo ck s an
e n t i r e s e r i e s o f e v e n ts c h a r a c te r iz e d by C ureau as b e in g l i k e " m e
longue c h a is n e , d o n t on ne p e u t t i r e r un anneau que to n s l e s a u tr e s n e
l e s u iv e n t” ( S y s t * , p . 2 1 1 ).
In te rm s o f b r a in anatom y, he assumes t h a t
t h i s c h a in i s a s t a r - l i k e f e a tu r e "q u i c o n d u it 1 ' E s p r i t a se s o u v e n ir
des choses q u i o n t qu elq u e o rd r e & q u elq u e s u i t e e n t r e e l l e s " ( S y s t , 3
p . 331).
As he re a s o n s :
Car quoy q u ' i l y a i t m e i n f i n i t e d* a u tr e s Images q u i s o n t
au mesme e n d r o i t , i l s u i t c e l l e s ou i l re c o n n o is t l a marque
de l a L ia is o n q u 'e l l e s o n t, san s s 1a r r e s t e r aux a u tr e s q u i
ne 1 ’o n t p a s . E t de I k v ie n t a u s s i que l o r s que ce
c h a r a c te r e s 1e f f a c e , on ne se s o u v ie n t p as de l a s u i t e n i
de 1 ' O rdre des ch o ses que I 'o n s g a i t , quoy q u 'e l l e s s o ie n t
f a i r e ; t e l l e e s t 1'Ame, 1'A nge, & s i I 'o n v e u t t e l s s o n t l e s Atomes
dans 1 ' o p in io n de D em ocrite, & t e l s s o n t l e s Cieux dans c e l l e
d 'A r i s t o t e q u i c r o i t q u 'i l s so n t i n d i s s o l u b l e s , & q u i p a r t a n t ne
s e p euvent d i v i s e r
(S y s t. ^ p. 376)
227
t o u te s dans l a Memoire; p a rc e que e 'e s t l e l i e n q u i l e s
a t t a c h o i t ensem ble, e ’e s t l e f i l q u i g u id o it 1 ' E s p r it
& 1 ’Im a g in a tio n dans ce g ran d Firm am ent d o n t 11 y en a
de s i p e t i t e s & de s i r e c u lS e s , q u 'o n ne l e s p e n t v o i r
san s l u n e t t e s d 'a p p ro e h e . Car i l y a des Phantosm es
qu i so n t s i f o i b l e s & s i S lo ig n e z , q u 'i l s ne p eu v en t
re p a n d re le u r s Rayons s i l o i n , & i l faufc que l e s E s p r i t s
l e s a i l l e n t p re n d re p o u r l e s a p p ro c h e r de 1 ' Im a g in a tio n .
E t c e rta in e m e n t on p e n t d i r e q u ’i l s o n t l a v e r tu
des l u n e t t e s q ui g r o s s i s s e n t l e s e sp e c e s p a r l e u r
d e n s it e ; c a r q u elq u es s u b t i l s q u 'i l s s o i e n t , ce s o n t de^
c o rp s qu i s o n t p lu s d en ses que l e s Phantosm es, & i l f a u t
p a r n e c e s s ite q u 'i l s l e s g r o s s i s s e n t & l e s a m p lif ie n t.
Et p e u t - e s t r e c 'e s t l a une des r a is o n s p o u r l e s q u e l l e s
ceux q u i ont des m a la d ie s m e la n c h o liq u e s se r e p r e s e n te n t
to u jo u r s l e s choses p lu s g ran d es q u 'e l l e s ne s o n t, p a rc e
que l e s v ap eu rs a t r a b i l a i r e s se m e sla n t avec l e s E s p r i t s
l e s re n d e n t p lu s g r o s s i e r s , & a c c r o is s e n t l e s Images
comme 1 'e a u & l e s v a p e u rs g r o s s i s s e n t l e s e sp e c es
( S y s t . pp. 343-^6.).
.The a c tu a l p ro c e s s o f a s s o c ia t i n g im a g e -lik e d a ta i s th u s
c a r r ie d o u t by th e s p i r i t s , w hich tr a n s m it th e image form ed in one o f .
th e f a c u l t i e s o f im a g in a tio n t o th e p a r t o f th e b r a in i n w hich th e r e ­
l a t e d phantoms a re s to r e d .
T h is complex im age, o r c o r r e l a t i o n o f
e v e n ts , i s th e n r e tu r n e d t o th e organ o f im a g in a tio n w hich a c ts on i t
t o produce a new and m o d ifie d r e p r e s e n ta ti o n
o f th e o b je c t com plete
w ith a l l th e nuances re p e a te d and a s s o c ia te d
e x p e rie n c e s have i n t r o ­
duced i n t o th e p i c t u r e .
As Cureau e x p la in s b elo w , i t i s f o r t h i s r e a ­
son t h a t th e im a g in a tio n " s e e s ” b o th p a s t and p r e s e n t in e v e ry th in g i t
a p p re h e n d s:
. . . quand 1 ' Im a g in a tio n a forme l e Phantosme d 'u n e chose
q u 'e l l e a connue a u t r e f o i s , ce Phantosm e e s t p o r te p a r
l e s E s p r it s dans l e s p a r t i e s du C erv eau , & s 'u n i t a
1 ' Image q u i s 'y en e s t c o n se rv S e, & qui la y e s t s e m b la b le ,
& non pas aux a u tr e s q u i n 'o n t aucun r a p p o r t avec l u y .
E t comme c e t t e Image e s t ra p p o rte e a 1 'Im a g in a tio n ,
1 1Im a g in a tio n a g i t d e ssu s & l a c o n n o is t de nouveau, en
quoy c o n s is te l e S o u v e n ir.
228
E t p a rc e que c e t t e Image de l a Memoire se p r e s e n te
a 1 ' Im a g in a tio n avec to u te s l e s c ir c o n s ta n c e s & l e s
m o d if ic a tio n s q u ’e l l e a : a p re s que I 1Im a g in a tio n I ’a
re c o n n u e , e l l e v o id en s u i t e ces c ir c o n s ta n c e s & ces
m o d ific a tio n s dans I 'o r d r e q u 1e l l e l e u r a d o nne, &
s ’en r e s s o u v i e n t . . . • {Syst»3 p p . 3 4 7 -^ 8 ) As we have see n in th e fo re g o in g s C u reau ’s th e o r y o f knowledge
i s e s s e n t i a l l y a th e o ry o f "memory" inasm uch as th e f a c u l t i e s which p r o ­
duce and a s s o c ia te im ages in a form t h a t i s m ean in g fu l t o th e s u b je c t
c a r r y o u t t h e i r o p e ra tio n s on th e b a s is o f " i n c l i n a t i o n , " o r i n s t i n c t
t h a t i s b u i l t i n t o t h e i r r e s p e c tiv e o rg an s o v e r tim e .
T h u s, in La
Chambre1s sy ste m , a l l c o g n itiv e a c tio n i s e v a lu a tiv e an d , i n t h i s
s e l e c t i v e , b e ca u se i t
sense,
alw ays i s con d u cted in th e fram e o f re f e r e n c e
p ro v id e d by p r i o r know ledge.
T h is does n o t mean t h a t th e o rg an s a re
i n a l t e r a b l y programmed t o re sp o n d th e same way t o th e same th in g s
th ro u g h o u t th e a n im a l's l i f e t i m e , how ever, f o r as we saw i n a n a ly z in g
th e a u t h o r 's id e a s on e a r ly c o o p e ra tio n betw een s o u l and tem p eram en t,
th e fo rm er i s c o n tin u o u s ly " in c a r n a tin g " and accommodating i t s e l f t o th e
new m a t e r i a l th ro u g h w hich i t p e r f e c t s i t s c o rp o re a l in s tr u m e n ts .
H ence, th e s e organs a re n e v e r e x a c tly w hat th e y were b e f o r e a t any g iv e n
moment t h e r e a f t e r .
N e v e r th e le s s , th e r e a re c e r t a i n c o n s t a n t s , o r com­
mon d e n o m in a to rs, i n th e sh a p in g o f th e a n im a l's p s y c h o p h y sio lo g y .
These a re th e p r a c t i c a l v i r t u e s whose p u rp o se i s t o i n s t r u c t th e o r ­
ganism as t o how to c o o rd in a te i t s know ledge w ith th e in s tru m e n ts o f
l o c a l movement ( th e m u scles) i n th e i n t e r e s t s o f s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i o n .
For
th e sake o f s i m p l i c i t y , Cureau c a l l s b o th th e o rg a n ic form and th e
p r im o r d ia l images o f th e memory
" n a t u r a l " o r " c o n n a tu ra l" im a g e s, and
recommends t h a t o th e r p h ilo s o p h e rs fo llo w h is exam ple, f o r as he
229
re a s o n s :
. . . ces Images so n t l e s E x em p laires s u r le s q u e ls l a Na­
t u r e f a i t to u te s s e s p r o d u c tio n s ; que ce so n t l e s v e r tu s
sem in ale s & comme l e s form es p a r l e s q u e l l e s to u te s l e s
F a c u lte z p ro d u is e n t l e u r s e f f e t s : E t o u tr e q u ' i l n ’y
a aucun in c o n v e n ie n t de l e s a d m e ttre , i l y a de
1 1av an tag e p o u r l a P h ilo s o p h ic : Car e s t a n t s i tim id e a
d e f i n i r l e s c h o se s , & n ’em ployant que des term es & des
n o tio n s vagues & g e n e r a le s p o u r en e x p liq u e r l e s d i f ­
fe re n c e s , e l l e a u ra un moyen de l e s s p e c i f i e r p lu s
p a r tic u lie r e m e n t p a r ces Images
( S y s t . , pp. 222-23)
The above t e x t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r i k i n g in th e l i g h t o f contem­
p o ra ry i n t e r e s t in in fo rm a tio n t h e o r y 9 f o r what C ureau i s a c t u a l l y sug­
g e s tin g h e re i s t h a t we assume th e r e l a t i o n betw een body and s o u l t o be
" l i n g u i s t i c , " o r id e o g ra p h ic , and t h a t t h i s lan g u ag e f u n c tio n s a s th e
m e d ia to r betw een two i r r e c o n c i l a b l e te rm s :
m a tte r and form .
M oreover,
s in c e he has c o n s tr u c te d h i s th e o ry o f know ledge on t h e m odel o f v i s u a l
p e r c e p tio n , th e image- i s t h e a p p r o p r ia te manner in w hich t o r e p r e s e n t
t h i s c o d e , f o r as he e x p l a i n s , " c e t t e d o c tr in e . . . f a i t m ieux v o iv
(my em p h asis) que to u te a u t r e , l a so u rc e des v e r tu s q u i s o n t dans l e s
c r e a t u r e s , & I 'o r d r e m e rv e ille u x que D ieu a e s t a b l i parm i e l l e s "
{ S y s t . 3 p . .2 2 3 ).
Having th u s d is tin g u is h e d s o u l from body a s a s e p a r a te b u t de­
p en d en t sy ste m , Cureau i s l e f t w ith th e problem o f d e m o n stra tin g how t h e
s o u l moves i t s e l f and, in c o n seq u en ce, t h e body to w ard s i t s n a t u r a l p e r ­
fe c tio n .
As we s h a l l s e e n e x t in re v ie w in g h i s c o n c e p tio n o f t h e s o u l 's
n a t u r e , th e exam ples he g iv e s a re b a se d on m e ta p h y sic a l id e a s a p p lie d t o
th e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f b i o l o g i c a l e v e n ts .
Though h ig h ly c o n j e c t u r a l ,
th e s e argum ents a re fu n d am en tal t o h is th e o r y o f man b e c a u se th e y a t ­
tem pt t o p ro v id e a framework f o r ty p in g men a c c o rd in g t o a c ti o n s which
230
r e f l e c t th e r e l a t i v e " g re a tn e s s " o r s p i r i t u a l i t y o f th e s o u l beyond
w hat c o rp o re a l d is p o s it io n s c o n tin g e n t on q u a l i t i e s o f tem peram ent m ight
re v e a l.
!
The n a tu re o f th e s o u l
In ou r d is c u s s io n o f C u re a u 's th e o r y o f know ledge, we have al-*re a d y seen what s o u l r e p r e s e n ts in term s o f th e e v o lv in g c o g n itiv e
s tru c tu re .
As th e image o f th e in fo rm in g v i r t u e , i t i s th e o rd e rin g
p r i n c i p l e o f m a tte r and a " f r e e " a g e n t inasm uch as i t i s n o t y e t s p e c i­
f i e d t o p a r t i c u l a r o rg a n s.
However, as soon as i t a tt a c h e s i t s e l f t o
m a tte r , th e i n c a m a t i v e , s e lf - tr a n s f o r m a t iv e p ro c e s s o f grow th and de­
velopm ent b e g in s whereby i t form s and s u b se q u e n tly a n im ates th e c o n tin ­
u a l ly changing o rg a n ic s u b s ta n c e .
A ccording t o C ureau, man i s endowed w ith a s o u l whose p o t e n t i a l
e x te n s io n i s f a r g r e a t e r th a n w hat i t a p p e a rs t o be from w hat i s v i s i b l e
t o th e human o b s e r v e r.
However, s in c e e m p iric a l s c ie n c e h as no way o f
v e r if y in g t h i s th e o r y . La Chambre i s fo r c e d t o r e s o r t t o th e s c h o l a s t i c
method o f d e m o n stra tio n t o p ro v e h i s p o i n t .
As he e x p la in s b elo w , th e
d i f f i c u l t y l i e s i n u n d e rs ta n d in g t h a t c o r p o r e a l q u a n tity and e x te n s io n ,
i . e . , what i s e m p ir ic a lly m e a s u ra b le , i s som ething e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t
from and n o t alw ays c o eq u al t o m e ta p h y s ic a l q u a n tity and e x te n s io n :
. . . l a Q u a n tite & 1 ' E x te n s io n , s o i t c o r p o r e l l e , s o i t
m eta p h y siq u e , e s t de deux s o r t e s . L 'u n e e s t p ro p re &
i n t e r i e u r e ; I 1a u tr e e s t e x te r ie u r e & l o c a l e . La
T h e o lo g ie , l e L ycee, & l e sens nous a p p ren n en t c e t t e
d i s t i n c t i o n . Car l e tre s -A u g u s te S a c re m en t, l e Corps
de l e s u s - C h r is t a to u te s a q u a n tite i n t e r i e u r e , q u i
neantm oins ne resp o n d pas au l i e u que n a tu re lle m e n t
i l d e v r o it a v o ir . Dans l a C o n d en sa tio n , quand une
chose e s t r e d u i t e a un p lu s p e t i t volum e, e l l e ne p e rd
r i e n de s a q u a n tite i n t e r i e u r e ; coimne i l ne s 'y
a d io u s te r i e n quand e l l e se r a r e f i e ; & to u t l e
231
changement q u i y a r r i v e se f a i t dans 1 ‘E x te n sio n l o c a l e .
E n f in , nous sgavons q u 'u n e t a p i s s e r i e e s t a u s s i g rande
quand e l l e e s t p l i e e , que quand e l l e e s t te n d u e , quoy
q u 'e l l e occizpe p lu s d 'e s p a c e quand e l l e e s t te n due. Or
quoy que l a Q u a n tite i n t e r i e u r e s o i t l e p r in c ip e & l a
cause de l a l o c a l e ; c a r une chose ne s ’e te n d q u 'a u ta n t
q u 'e l l e a de c e t t e p re m ie re q u a n titS ; nous ne pouvons
neantm oins c o n n o is tre c e l l e - c y que p a r 1 'E x te n sio n
l o c a l e , & nous ne pouvons iu g e r de l a v e r i t a b l e
G randeur d.!une chose que p a r l a p u is s a n c e q u 'e l l e a
d 'o c c u p e r un p lu s g rand ou un p lu s p e t i t e s p a c e ;
[ S y s t . j pp. U10- 1 1 ) .
R e f e r rin g back t o B i b l i c a l te s tim o n y in su p p o rt o f t h e h ie r a r c h y
o f r a t i o n a l b e in g s (God c r e a te d man a l i t t l e low er th a n t h e a n g e ls ) ,
C ureau goes on t o s u g g e st a method f o r c a lc u la t in g th e ap p ro x im ate s i z e
o f th e human s o u l b a se d on th e n o tio n t h a t a n g e ls were c r e a te d a t th e
same moment as t h e . s t a r s , and th e r e f o r e must be c ap a b le o f e x te n d in g
th e m selv e s t o a com parable s i z e .
As f o r man, he c o n clu d es t h a t i t i s
re a s o n a b le t o assume a s im ila r p ro p o r tio n betw een t h e p o t e n t i a l s iz e o f
th e human s o u l and th e a c t u a l e x te n s io n o f p l a n e t s , whose n a tu r e i s
c o n s id e ra b ly l e s s p e r f e c t ( s p i r i t u a l ) th a n th e lum inous n a tu r e o f s t a r s .
And s in c e th e sun was known t o be so much l a r g e r th a n any o th e r
" p l a n e t ," C ureau ta k e s t h i s o p p o rtu n ity t o compare i t s s u p e r io r b e in g
t o t h a t o f th e d iv in e monarch t o whom h i s work was d e d ic a te d !
E t c e rta in e m e n t s i 1 'o n c o n s id e rs to u te s l e s ch o ses
en quoy e l l e s s o n t s e m b la b le s , on se l a i s s e r a fa c ile m e n t
p e rs u a d e r q u ' i l n 'y a p o in t de p ro p o r tio n q u i s o i t s i
i u s t e que c e l l e - l a ! Car l e s P ia n e t t e s so n t p la c e e s
au d essous des E s to i3J .e s , & n ’ont pas une lu m ie re s i
p u re : Ce so n t a l a v e r i t e des A s t r e s , m ais des A s tre s
e r r a n s , q u i s 'e c a r t e n t incessam m ent l e s uns des a u t r e s ,
q u i o n t des c o rp s o p aq u es, qu i ch an g en t to u s l e s io u r s de
c l a r t e , & q ui e n fin s o u f f r e n t des e c l i p s e s . N 'e s t - c e
pas l a l e v e r i t a b l e p o r t r a i t de I'A m e, q u i e s t d 'u n
o rd re i n f e r i e u r a l ’Ange, & qu i n 'e s t p a s s i e e l a i r e e ;
qu i e s t §. l a v e r i t e un E s p r it comme i u y , m ais un E s p r i t
e r r a n t & vagabond; q u i e s t a tta c h e a un co rp s g r o s s i e r
& m a t e r i e l ; q u i change S. to u s momens de p e n se e s & de
d e s s e in s , & q u i tombe sou v en t en d e f a u t .
232
S i c e la e s t a i n s i , pourquoy ne p o u rro n s-n o u s com parer
l a G randeur des Ames a c e l l e des P i a n e t t e s ; p u isq u e nous
avons tro u v e du ra p p o rt e n tr e l e s Anges & l e s E s t o i l l e s
pour l a le u r ?
Mais quoyl l e S o l e i l e s t une P i a n e t t e q u i surpass©
en G randeur to u te s l e s E s t o i l l e s ; y a - t - i l une Arne q u i
p u is s e a v o ir r a p p o rt avec l u y , s ' i l e s t v ra y q u 'e l l e
s o i t m oindre que l e s Anges? Guy san s d o u te s i l y en a
une q u i e s t p lu s n o b le & p lu s g ran d e que to u te s l e s
I n t e l l i g e n c e s 5 qui donne l a lu m ie re a to u t e s l e s a u tr e s
comme f a i t l e S o l e i l it to u te s l e s P l a n e t e s , q u i r e span d
s a d a r t # a to u t l e monde, & q u i f a i t non pas l e s io u r s
de l a t e r r e ; m ais l e s io u r s de I ’E t e m i t e b ie n - h e u r e u s e ,
En un m ot, c 1e s t I'Ame de c e lu y q u i s 1a p p e lle l e S o l e i l
de j u s t i c e ; c a r nous l a c o n sid e ro n s ic y c o m p le tte , c ’e s t
a d ir e avec son h y p o s ta s e q u i n 'e s t a u tr e que l a p e rso n n e
D iv in e
{ S y s t . s pp. U 34-35)•
In a d d itio n t o i n d i c a t i n g th e r e l a t i v e s i t u a t i o n o f man w ith
r e s p e c t t o th e r a t i o n a l o r d e r , th e an alo g y betw een human s o u ls and th e
seven p la n e t s e n a b le s C ureau t o e s t a b l i s h a ty p o lo g y in w hich t h e i n d i ­
v i d u a l ’s r u l i n g p la n e t ( d iv in a b le from a n a ly s is o f h i s e x t e r n a l f e a ­
t u r e s ) s e rv e s as a b a s i s f o r c a l c u l a t i n g th e ’’s iz e " o f h i s s o u l in r e ­
l a t i o n t o th e s o u ls o f o th e r men in a more e x a c tin g fa s h io n th a n th e
o b s e rv a tio n o f tem p eram en tal i n d i c a t o r s p e r m its ;
■
Quand nous vo y o n s. . . c e t t e g r a n d e .d iv e r s i te d 'E s p r i t s ,
& q u ’ i l y en a q u i s o n t s i s u b lim e s , q u i sg av e n t p re sq u e
to u t p a r n a t u r e , comme d i t P in d a re , & q u i fo n t des a c tio n s
d ig n e s de 1 'E nthousiasm e & de 1 ' I n s p i r a t i o n : He devons-nous
p as iu g e r q u ’i l y a dans le fonds de l e u r ame q u elq u e d eg re
d ’e sse n c e q u i l e s d is tin g u e des a u tr e s ? Efc s i nous v o u lo n s
c o n s id e re r ces i n c l i n a t i o n s que l a n a is s a n c e donne p o u r
le s beaux a r t s , & p o u r l e s g ran d es v e r t u s ; q u ’i l f a u t n a i s t r e P o e te , & n a i s t r e a u s s i O r a te u r , quoy q u 'o n en v e u lle d i r e ;
q u ’ i l f a u t a v o ir l e G enie q ui domine dans to u te s l e s s c ie n c e s ,
p o u r y p o u v o ir r e u s s i r , & a v o ir e n f in re c e u de l a N a tu re une
Ame h e ro iq u e p o u r f a i r e l e s a c tio n s des Heros t Nous n e .
( c ro iro n s ja m a is que des q u a lite z s i e x c e lle n te s p u i s s e n t
v e n ir du Temperament, n i d ’aucune a u tr e d i s p o s i t io n du C o rp s,
m ais que l a so u rc e en e s t p lu s h a u te & p lu s p u re .
Pour moy, i e c r o i r o i s f a i r e un blasphem e de d i r e que
I'Ame de le s u s -C . f u s t e g a le a c e l l e de lu d a s . I I e s t o i t
233
M en Homme comme ce p e r f i d e , & s 'e s - t o i t r e v e s tu de t o u t e s .
le s i n f i r m i t e z de l a M ature hum aine, h o rsm is de
I 1Ig n o ran c e & du P eeh e; m ais c e la re g a rd e I ’esp ece &
non I 'I n d i v i d u . I I a v o it san s d o u te I'Ame l a p lu s p a r f a i t e q ui p o u v o it ia m a is e s t r e : & on p e n t a s s e u r e r ,
comme nous avons d e - ja d i t , q u ’e l l e a v o it l a mesme e x ­
c e lle n c e s u r l e s a u t r e s , que l e S o l e i l s u r l e r e s t e des
A s tr e s .
Or quoy que ces r a is o n s nous p e rs u a d e n t que to u te s
l e s Ames ne so n t p as e g a le s 5 e l l e s ne nous o b lig e n t p a s
§. c r o ir e q u 1e l l e s s o ie n t to u te s i n e g a l e s . I I y en a san s
d o u te beaucoup d ’un mesme o r d r e , & s u r l e s fondemens que
nous avons p o s e s , on p o u r r o it r e d u ir e to u s l e s o rd r e s
ou e l l e s peuvent e s t r e au nombre des P i a n e t t e s , & en
consequence d e te rm in e r l a G randeur de chacune p a r c e l l e
q u 'o n t ces A s tr e s . Et c e la e s t s i v e r i t a b l e q u 'o n a
e s t a b l i l a d i v e r s i t e des E s p r i t s s u r l a n a tu r e des
P i a n e t t e s , c a r l e s m s s o n t S a t u m i e n s , l e s a u tr e s
lo v ia u x , M a rtia u x , &c, & i l n 'y en a aucun qui n 1a i t
r a p p o r t avec q u e lq u 'u n e d 1e l l e s .
Mais quoy! s ’i l y en a q u i s o ie n t e s s e n tie lle m e n t de
d iv e r s o r d r e s , i l y a u ra d iv e r s e s E sp eces e n tr e l e s
Hommes; p u isq u e I ’E spece n 'e s t q u 'u n o rd r e e s s e n t i e l ,
dans le q u e l i l y a p l u s i e u r s p a r t i c u l l e r s ? Pour moy i e
ne voy aucun in c o n v e n ie n t en c e la : p o urveu q u ’i l s
co n v ien n en t to u s dans l a p re m ie re q u i f a i t I ’Espece
hum aine: Tous l e s Hommes en cSt e g a rd s o n t egalem ent
Hommes. A in si to u s l e s Anges so n t egalem ent A nges, eu
Sgard a. l a M ature A n g e liq u e , m ais c e la n'em pesche p a s
q u ’i l n 'y a i t d iv e r s e s e sp e c e s e n t r e eu x . Et mesme
c e t t e d i v e r s i t e d 'e s p e c e s dans l e s A nges, f a i t p resu in er
q u ’e l l e d o it e s t r e a u s s i dans l e s Ames, n 'y ay a n t p as
1 'a p p a re n c e que l a S p i r i t u a l i t e de c e u x - la a i t e s te s i
feconde & q u ' e l l e se s o i t m u l t i p l i e s en t a n t d 'e s p e c e s ,
& que c e l l e de I'Ame s o i t s i s t e r i l e , q u ' e l l e a i t e s t e
r e d u i t e & une s e u le . I I e s t i n u t i l e de d i r e que l e
Verbe s 'e s t u n i a l a N atu re humaine p o u r sa u v e r to u s l e s
Hommes; c a r l a N a tu re humaine l e s comprend to u s q u e lq u es
d i f f e r e n s en e sp e c e s q u 'i l s p u is s e n t e s t r e . Tout de
mesme que s ’i l se f u s t u n i a l a N a tu re A ngelique comme
l a T h e o lo g ie nous apprend q u ’i l p o u v o it f a i r e , i l e u s t
sauve to u s l e s Anges r e b e l l e s de q u elq u e esp ece q u ' i l s
f u s s e n t : c a r on t i e n t q u ’i l y en a v o it de to u s l e s
o rd re s
(S ty stly pp... 44Q-.U3), '
R e la tio n betw een knowledge and l o c a l movement. - I n k e e p in g w ith
h i s b i o l o g i c a l d e f i n i t i o n o f s o u l, Cureau was opposed t o t h e A r i s t o t e l i a n
t r a d i t i o n ' s i n s i s t e n c e on d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g betw een r e a l and m e ta p h o ric a l
23h
movements.
A ccording t o La Chambre, a l l o f th e s o u l 's movements a r e
r e a l in th e se n s e t h a t th e y in v o lv e e x p an sio n o r c o n tr a c tio n o f th e
an im ate s u b s ta n c e .
As he n o t e s , " e l l e s 1e te n d quoad un E n fan t d e v ie n t
g ra n d ; e l l e se r e s t r a i n t a un p lu s p e t i t esp a e e quand l e s membres so n t
co u p e s:
E n fin quand on m e u rt, e l l e s o r t du Corps & p a s s e dans un a u tr e
e n d r o it" { S y s t . 3 p . 4 3 1 ).
The d i f f i c u l t y , as he s e e s i t , i s t h a t
movement i s a te rm w hich i s g e n e r a lly a p p lie d t o .c o rp o re a l a c t i o n s ,
w here th e "mover" and th e "moved" a r e c l e a r l y two d i f f e r e n t t h i n g s ,
r a t h e r th a n a s p e c ts o f th e same s u b s ta n c e .
In h i s w ords;
l e sgay to u te s l e s o b je c tio n s q u 'A r i s t o t e a f a i t e s
e o n tre P la to n , q u i a c re u comme nous que I'Ame se meut
v e r ita b le m e n t; l e sgay c e l l e s que I 'E s c h o le a a d io u s t e e s :
Mais i l n 'y a q u 'u n e re sp o n se a l e u r f a i r e . C 'e s t q u 'e n
d e t r u i s a n t l e Mouvement de I ’Ame, e l l e s d e t r u i s e n t e e lu y
des A nges, s u r le q u e l l e s mesmes in c o n v e n ie n s q u 'o n
a t t r i b u e a 1 ' a u t r e , tom bent n e e e s s a ire m e n t; quoy que ce
s o i t une v e r i t e q u 'o n n 'o s e r o i t e o n t e s t e r , que l e s Anges '
se meuvent d ’un v e r i t a b l e Mouvement l o c a l .
On a b eau d ir e que ce q u i se meut d o it o ccu p er un
l i e u , & a v o ir l a mesme q u a n tite que l e l i e u , & que
I'Ame n ' a p o in t de q u a n t i t e , p u i s q u 'e l l e e s t i n d i v i s i b l e .
De p l u s , q u ' i l f a u t q u 'e n t o u t Mouvement ce q u i m e u t,
s o i t d i f f e r e n t de ce q u i e s t meu, & que I'Ame e s t a n t
sim ple & i n d i v i s i b l e , ne p e n t a v o ir c es choses s e p a r S e s ,
& p a r ta n t q u ' i l e s t im p o s sib le q u 'e l l e se p u is s e m ouvoir.
Mais o u tre q u 'o n p e u t d ir e que c es Maximes ne s o n t
p fo p re s q u 'a u x Mouvemens c o r p o r a ls , p u i s q u 'i l e s t v ra y
que 1'A nge se meut d ' un l i e u a 1 ' a u t r e , a u s s i b ie n que
I'Ame quand e l l e s o r t du C orps; S i l a q u a n tite & l e
l i e u s o n t n e c e s s a ir e s au Mouvement, I'Ame ne manque n i
de 1 'u n n i de 1 ' a u t r e , p u isq u e comme nous avons m ontre
c y -d e v a n t, e l l e a s a q u a n tite S p i r i t u e l l e & E n t i t a t i v e ,
Que p a r son moyen e l l e occupe un esp a c e que I 'E s c h o le
a p p e lle L ie u d e f i n i t i f , p o u r l e d i s t i n g u e r de c e lu y
des C orps; Et que e n f in pour e s t r e i n d i v i s i b l e , e l l e
ne l a i s s e pas d 'a v o i r une E x te n s io n , & p a r co n seq u en t
des p a r t i e s , & I 'e g a r d d e s q u e lle s i i y en p e u t a v o ir
q u i se m euvent, & d 'a u t r e s q u i s o ie n t m eues. C ar quoy
q u 'e l l e s s o ie n t t o u t e s m obiles d 'e lle s -m e s m e s , e s t a n t
de mesme n a tu r e , i l n 'y a p o in t d 'in c o n v e n ie n t que l e s
235
, unes se m euvent, & que l e s a u tr e s r e g o iv e n t & s u iv e n t l e
mouvement, comme i l a r r i v e aux m uscles ..qui o n t to n s l a
facT iL te.de m ouvoir ? & dont neantm oins q u e lq u e s-u n s se
l a i s s e n t m ouvoir p a r l e s a u tr e s
( S y s t . 3 pp. k 5 2 - 5 h ) ..
Thus ve see t h a t in La Cheunbre1s sy stem , th e s o u l i s a t t h e same
tim e i n d i v i s i b l e w ith re g a rd t o i t s n a tu r e inasm uch as th e a tta c h e d and
f r e e p a r t s a re in c o n s ta n t com m unication, y e t in d iv id u a l
a re a s o f i t
a re
s p e c i f i e d , and by e x te n s io n , so a r e th e a c tio n s o f th e s e
p a r t s , As he
e x p la in s below , o n ly th e f r e e p a r t i s in v o lv e d in t h e t r a n s u b s t a n t i a t i o n
o f m a tte r i n t o s p i r i t , s in c e t h e a tta c h e d p a r t s cannot le a v e t h e i r o r ­
gans w ith o u t d e s tro y in g them , even th o u g h th e y move ab o u t f r e e l y w ith in
th e s e o rg a n ic c o n f in e s :
. . .quoad 1 'Ame se p o r te & s 'u n i t a 1 1a lim e n t q u i s u r v ie n t aux membres & q u i l e s f a i t c r o i s t r e , t o u te s l e s
p a r t i e s de 1 ‘Ame ne vont & ne se jo ig n e n t p as & lu y :
I I n 'y a que l e s p lu s p r o c h e s , & p o u r l e d ir e p lu s p r e c ise m e n t, ce s o n t seulem ent c e l l e s q u i so n t l i b r e s , &
q u i ne so n t pas a tta c h e s s a l a m a ti e r e : Daufcant que
c e l l e s q u i y so n t d e - ja u n ie s , ne s 'e n d e s ta c h e n t
p as pour a l l e r donner l a v ie a c e l l e q u i s u r v ie n t de
nouveau. . . . D‘a i l l e u r s , quand un membre e s t eouppS,
i l n 'y a que l a p a r t i e de 1 ‘Ame q u i 1 'a n im o it q u i se
meuve p o u r r e n t r e r dans l e C o rp s; E t t o u t e s l e s a u tr e s
se re p o s e n t a c e t eg&rd.
De p l u s , s ‘i l e s t n e c e s s a ir e que 1 ‘Ame p o u r donner
l e Mouvement au C orps, se meuve l a p re m ie re . . . . i l
e s t c e r t a i n que quand e l l e ne remue q u 'u n membre, i l
n 'y a que l a p a r t i e de 1 ‘Ame q u i anime ce membre, q u i
s o i t en mouvement, & que c e l l e s q u i anim ent l e s a u tr e s
membres q u i so n t en r e p o s , se re p o s e n t a u s s i comme eu x :
A utrem ent i l f a u d r o i t que to u s l e s membres f u s s e n t en
mouvement, quand un s e u l se re m u e ro it
( S y s t . , p p . U56-5T)•
.
.
How th e s o u l moves th e hum ors:
th e o r y o f th e p a s s io n s
In th e human body, Cureau assum es m e d ia tio n b etw een th e s o u l 's
ex p an siv e and r e t r a c t i v e dynamism and l o c a l movement o f c o r p o r e a l mem­
b e rs o c c u rs th ro u g h t r a n s f e r o f im p u lse (im p etu s) from th e a p p e t i t e
236
t o th e hum ors, r e s u l t i n g in th e c o rre sp o n d in g p a s s io n s .
A ccording t o
th e t r a d i t i o n a l te a c h in g s t o which he s u b s c r ib e s , a p p e t i t e i s t h e name
g iv en t o th e m o b ile c o u n te r p a r t o f each o f th e p r i n c i p a l c o g n itiv e f a c ­
u ltie s .
C o n se q u e n tly 9 in man t h e r e a r e t h r e e a p p e t i t e s :
v e g e ta tiv e o r
n a t u r a l . Which moves by " i n s t i n c t " o r s e c r e t know ledge; s e n s i t i v e , o r
movement e n lig h te n e d by im a g in a tio n ; and i n t e l l e c t u a l o r w i l l , th e m o b ile
a s p e c t o f th e entendem ent.
M oreover, each o f th e t h r e e a p p e t i t e s can b e
d iv id e d i n t o two p a r t s , i . e . , c o n e u p is c ib le and i r a s c i b l e :
th e f i r s t
p u rsu e s good and f l e e s e v i l ; th e second r e s i s t s o r abandons i t s e l f t o
d iffic u ltie s .
B io lo g ic a lly sp e a k in g , th e s e two p a r t s ta k e n to g e th e r a c ­
co unt f o r th e p r a c t i c a l d e sig n o f a l l b e in g .
By i t s d e s i r e , o r con-
c u p is c ib le a p p e t i t e , th e organism c o n se rv e s and p e r p e tu a te s i t s e l f b y
s e l e c t i v e l y u n itin g w ith th o s e th in g s t h a t f o s t e r i t s p h y s ic a l and
s p i r i t u a l p e r f e c t i o n , w h ile i t s d e fe n se sy stem , th e i r a s c i b l e a p p e t i t e ,
m o tiv a te s i t t o e i t h e r d e s tr o y o r succumb t o i t s c o n tr a r y .
In C u re a u 's
w o rds:
. . . 11 a e s t e de l a P ro v id en ce de l a M ature de dorm er a
chaque c h o se , non seulem ent l e s v e r tu s q u i e s t o i e n t
n e c e s s a ir e s pour f a i r e s e s f o n c tio n s o r d i n a i r e s , & comme
d o m e stiq u es; m ais en co re c e l l e s q u i l a d e v o ie n t d e ffe n d re
des a tta q u e s e s t r a n g e r e s , & em pescher l e s v io le n c e s q u 'e l l e
p o u v o it r e c e v o ir de d e h o rs.
C’e s t pourquoy to u te s l e s c h o se s o n t des q u a l l t e z [ s i c ]
p ro p re s a c o n se rv e r le u r e s t r e , & d 'a u t r e s q u i p e u v en t
d e s t r u i r e l e u r c o n t r a i r e ; Et c e l l e s q u i s o n t v iv a n te s on
c es v e r tu s s o n t p lu s d i s t i n c t e s , o n t eu pour c e la deux
A p p e tits d i f f e r e n s : Le C o n e u p isc ib le p o u r c h e rc h e r ce q u i
l e u r e s t c o n v e n a b le , & f u i r ce q u i l e u r e s t n u i s i b l e ; E t
1 *I r a s c i b l e pour r e s i s t e r au m a l, p o u r I 'a t t a q u e r & p o u r
l e d e s t r u i r e s ’ i l en e s t de b e s o in . E n fin 1 ’I r a s c i b l e e s t
c e lu y q u i gouvem e l e s fo r c e s & q u i l e s menage s e lo n que
l e m al lu y p a r o i s t f o i b l e ou p u i s s a n t . {.JSyst, 3 p p . 480-8l) -
237
Depending on w hether th e two p a r t s o f th e a p p e t i t e move sep a ­
r a t e l y o r t o g e t h e r , th e p a s s io n s w hich th e y p r e c i p i t a t e a r e r e s p e c tiv e ly
c a l l e d "sim p le" o r "m ix ed ."
F or exam ple, in C ureau’s sy ste m , p a in i s a
p a s s io n o f th e c o n c u p is c ih le a p p e t i t e , a u d a c ity (h a r d ie s s e ) i s a p a s ­
s io n o f th e i r a s c i b l e , b u t anger combines b o th p a in and a u d a c ity and i s
. t h e r e f o r e m ixed.
Hence, s im ila r movements in each p a r t o f t h e a p p e t i t e
produce d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t sim p le p a s s io n s :
th o s e c au se d by t h e c o n -
e u p is e ib le in c lu d e lo v e , h a t e , j o y , and p a in , w h ile c o rre sp o n d in g move­
m ents i n th e i r a s c i b l e p a r t p ro d u ce a u d a c ity , f e a r , p e rs e v e ra n c e (oans ta n c e )s and c o n s te r n a tio n .
C ureau b e lie v e d t h a t a l l p a s s io n s a r i s e th ro u g h a c ts o f w i l l , ^
b e ca u se a n g e ls and s e p a r a te s o u l s , su ch a s demons, r e p u te d ly e x p e rie n c e
them .
Expounding on t h i s p o i n t , he a tte m p ts t o e x p la in how th e move­
m ents o f an in d e p en d e n t s p i r i t u a l s u b sta n c e c o u ld e f f e c t i v e l y se rv e t o
move th e c r e a tu r e tow ards o r away from t h e o b je c t o f h i s d e s ir e :
By w i l l , Cureau means i n t e l l e c t u a l a p p e t i t e . When t h i s power
"m oves," th e sequence o f e f f e c t s i t s e t s i n t o m otion i n t h e a d jo in in g
and a d ja c e n t s p i r i t s i s c a l l e d p a s s io n ; how ever, th e a l t e r a t i o n which
i s produced in th e body no lo n g e r can be c o n sid e re d as a p a r t . o f th e
" e sse n c e " o f th e p a s s io n , b u t o n ly as i t s e f f e c t . A ll o th e r movements
o f th e w i l l , such a s j u s t and u n ju s t a c t i o n s , a re c o n s id e re d t o be
o p e r a tio n s , and n o t p a s s io n s . T h is th e o r y o f th e p a s s io n s w hich em­
p h a s iz e s t h e i r d u a l r o l e as c au se s o f c o rp o re a l a l t e r a t i o n and as
p sy c h ic e sse n c e s i s P l a t o n i s t i c , as i s th e d iv is io n o f th e v a rio u s p a s ­
s io n a l movements a c c o rd in g t o w h eth er th e y a re form ed in t h e i r a s c i b l e
o r th e c o n c u p is c ih le a p p e t i t e . However, as we have n o te d on pp. 2 4 1 -4 2 ,
C ureau a ls o a d h eres to th e s c h o l a s t i c o - A r i s t o t e l i a n id e a o f t h r e e l e v e l s
o f a p p e t i t e —n a t u r a l , s e n s i t i v e , and r a t i o n a l o r i n t e l l e c t u a l —as a
means o f d is c u s s in g th e p a s s io n s n o t in term s o f t h e i r e s s e n c e , b u t
r a t h e r in term s o f t h e i r r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h and weakness w ith in th e o r ­
g a n ic s t r u c t u r e .
238
S ' i l e s t done v ra y que 1 ‘Ange & I'Ame se p a re e ay en t des
p a r t i e s , & que san s ch an g er de l i e u , i l s l e s p u is s e n t
. m ouvoir in te r ie u r e m e n t, i l f a u t v o i r q u e ls mouvemens i l s
l e u r peuvent d o n n e r: c a r de l a on c o n o itr a [ s i o ] de combien
de P a s sio n s i l s p eu v en t e s t r e a g i t e z . A ce d e s s e in i l f a u t
su p p o ser q u ' i l y a q u a tre s o r te s de Mouvemens q u i s o n t l e s
p re m ie re s de t o u t e s , & dont t o u te s l e s ehoses q u i se meuvent
s o n t s u s c e p t i b l e s , q u i e s t de s 'E s t e n d r e , de se R e s s e r r e r ,
de M onter, & de D escendre.
On ne p e u t d o u te r que l e s Anges & l e s Ames s e p a re e s ne
p u is s e n t s ' e t entire & se r e s s e r r e r , .p u is que i l s p eu v en t
occuper un p lu s g ra n d ou un p lu s p e t i t e s p a c e ; c e la ne se
pouvant f a i r e que l e u r su b sta n c e ne s ’e s te n d e & ne s e
r e s s e r r e . Mais i l y a quelque d i f f i c u l t e a c o n c e v o ir com­
ment e l l e s m ontent & q u ’e l l e s d e sc e n d a n t: P arce q u ' i l n 'y
a p o in t de h a u t n i de b a s q u i d e te rm ih e n t en eux ces s o r t e s
de s i t u a t i o n comme i l y en a p o u r l e C orps. H eantm oins s i
on c o n s id e r e , Que t o u t ce q u i a une E x te n sio n p e u t a v o ir un
c e n tr e , a 1 ' Sgard duq u el s e s p a r t i e s se p eu v en t m ouvoir en
s ' ap p ro ch an t ou s 'S lo ig n a n t de lu y : E t que t o u t ce q u i se
meut du c e n tr e a l a c irc o n fe re n c e M onte, comme i l Descend
quand i l v a de l a c irc o n fe re n c e au c e n t r e . I I ne f a u t p a s
, d o u te r que l e s Anges & l e s Ames s e p a re e s q u i o n t une E x ten ­
s io n , & qu i mesme s o n t n a tu re lle m e n t de f ig u r e ro n d e , n ' a y e n t
a u s s i un c e n t r e , a 1 'e g a r d du q u el l e u r s p a r t i e s m ontent ou
d escen d an t s e lo n q u * e lle s s 1ap p ro c h en t ou s 'e l o i g n e n t de lu y .
C ela dem eurant done p o u r c o n s t a n t , que ces S u b sta n c e s
o n t des p a r t i e s q u i p eu v en t s o u f f r i r c e s s o r t e s de mouvemens:
S i l a P a s sio n e s t une em otion de I 'a p p e t i t p o u r i o u i r du b ie n ,
& pour e s v i t e r l e m al; e 'e s t une n e c e s s i ty que l e s P a s s io n s
dont 1'Ange & I'Ame s e p a re e s o n t s u s c e p t i b l e s , c o n s is te n t
dans l e mouvement que l e u r s p a r t i e s se d o n n e n t, ou du moins
q u 'e l l e s en s o ie n t accom pagnees; p u i s q u 'i l e s t im p o s sib le
q u 'e n v o u la n t s ' a p p ro c h er du b ie n ou s 'e l o i g n e r du m a l, i l s
n 'a g i t e n t l e u r s p a r t i e s conformement a ce d e s s e i n - l a , quand
b ie n l a P a ssio n s e ro n t un mouvement M etap h o riq u e. Car s i l e s
E s p r it s & l e s a u tr e s p a r t i e s du Corps se meuvent dans l e s
P a s sio n s d e l'H o m m e, pourquoy l e s p a r t i e s de 1 'Ange q u i so n t
b ie n p lu s m o b ile s , ne se m o u v ro n t-e lle s p as dans c e l l e s q u ' i l
r e s s e n t? E t ce d 'a u t a n t p lu s que p a r l e v e r i t a b l e mouvement
I d e a l q u ' i l l e u r f a i t f a i r e , i l s 'a p p ro c h e e f fe c tiv e m e n t du
b ie n & s ' e lo ig n e du m al
L S y s t. 3 pp. 477-79). •
As th e above t e x t im p lie s , th e d if f e r e n c e betw een a n g e lic and
human p a s s io n s i s t h a t in man th e w i l l i s b u t one o f t h r e e a p p e t i t e s ,
and l i k e th e entendem ent o f which i t i s an i n t e g r a l a s p e c t , i t cannot
move th e heavy c o rp o re a l p a r t s to w ard s o r away from th in g s w ith o u t
239
c a l l i n g upon th e im a g in a tio n and s e n s i t i v e a p p e t i te s w hich ‘a r e d i r e c t l y
a tta c h e d t o th e organs d e sig n e d t o acco m p lish th e s e e n d s .
As C ureau
e x p la in s ;
„ . . l e Mouvement des membres ne se p e n t f a i r e dans 1 ' Homme
que ces deux p u is s a n c e s [ w i l l and s e n s i t i v e a p p e t i t e ]
n 'a g i s s e n t ensem ble. D autant que l a C onnoissance q u i ordonne
ce mouvement e s t m ix te , & se d o it fo rm er p a r l fEntendem ent
& p a r l fIm a g in a tio n . . . „ E t p a r co n seq u en t i l e s t n e c e s s a i r e que l a V olontS & I 'A p p e t i t e x e c u ta n t de c o n c e rt ce que
ces m a is tr e s s e s f a c u l t e z l e u r o n t ordonnS.
Car i l y a une s i grande connexion e n tr e l e lugem ent
p r a c t i c & l e Mouvement, que c e l u y - l a ne se p e u t fo rm er que l e
mouvement ne se f a s s e i n c o n tin e n t. Quand l fEntendem ent a
f a i t l e commandement qu i n ’e s t a u tr e chose que son lugem ent
p r a c t i c , l a V olontS se meut t o u t a u s s i - t o s t , t o u t de mesme
q u 'a p r e s l e commandement de I 1Im a g in a tio n , I 'A p p e t i t se meut
i n f a i l l i b l e m e n t . Comme done I'E n te n d e m en t & l eIm a g in a tio n
se jo ig n e n t to n s jo u r s ensem ble p o u r fo rm er l a C onnoissance
q u i e s t p ro p re a 1 1Homme, c 'e s t une n e c e s s itS que l a V olontS
& I ’A p p e tit s e n s i t i f se meuvent to u s jo u r s ensem ble, p o u r
f a i r e m ouvoir l e s membres. Ce s o n t d e s cau ses e s s e n tie lle m e n t
subordonnSes q ui o n t e e la de p ro p re que l e s i n f e r i e u r e s ne
p eu v en t a g ir sans l e s s u p e r ie u r e s ; E t s ' i l a r r i v o i t que I 'u n e
ou 1 ' a u tr e m an q u ast, i l ne se f e r o i t aucun mouvement
(S yst,,
pp. 530-31)•
T h u s, we se e t h a t in man, w i l l and s e n s i t i v e a p p e t i t e , l i k e m ind
( e n te nd e m e nt /E s pr it ) and im a g in a tio n , a r e f o r a l l p r a c t i c a l p u rp o se s i n ­
s e p a ra b le a s f a r as human b e h a v io r i s c o n ce rn e d .
By n a t u r e , s o u l i s an
i n d i v i s i b l e , s e n s i t i v e su b sta n c e c o n s is tin g in im ages and su p p o rte d by
s p i r i t s ; as soon as a movement i s p r e f ig u r e d in th e f i r s t , t h a t move­
ment i s a c tu a liz e d in th e seco n d , so t h a t t h e . "mechanism" o f t r a n s ­
m is s io n , w hether w ith in th e n e rv e or. w ith in th e b r a i n , i s alw ays t h e
same.
I t depends on th e s p i r i t u a l i t y o f a d ja c e n t o r a d jo in in g s t r u c ­
t u r e s t o d e term in e how q u ic k ly and e f f i c i e n t l y th e im p u lse w i l l be
tr a n s m itte d t o th e m oveable p a r t s .
In th e v e g e ta tiv e sy ste m , Cureau
2k0
b e lie v e d t h a t s t r u c t u r e s l i k e th e v i s c e r a and bones a re q u ite dense and
m a te r ia l in com p o sitio n $ i . e . , th e y c o n ta in a r e l a t i v e l y sm a ll r a t i o o f
n e u r a l c a n a ls in t h e i r su b sta n c e a s compared t o th e o rg a n s o f im ag in a­
t i o n o r s e n s a tio n .
C o n se q u e n tly 9 he co n clu d ed t h a t th e o p e ra tio n s o f
th e v e g e ta tiv e f a c u l t y c o u ld o n ly be d is r u p te d s i g n i f i c a n t l y i f emo­
t i o n a l s t r e s s was se v e re enough t o shake th e e n t i r e o rg a n , as in th e
c a se o f g r e a t p a in .
However, as he e x p la in s b elo w , a i l o f th e s e n s i t i v e
p a r t s , in c lu d in g th o s e c o n ta in e d in th e o rg a n s o f th e v e g e ta tiv e f a c ­
u l t y , expand and c o n tr a c t a c c o rd in g t o th e g e n e r a l e m o tio n a l s t a t e o f
' t h e in d iv id u a l;,
Ce n ’e s t que quand l e s P a s sio n s s o n t f o r t e s , l e s
membres ne s u iv e n t l e s mouvemens de 1'Ame, c a r l e c o eu r
& l e s a u tr e s v is c e r e s se r e s s e r r e n t comme e l l e dans l a
T r i s t e s s e ; l e s c h a ir s s 1e n f le n t & se d i l a t e n t dans l a
lo y e , l e s n e r f s se r o i d i s s e n t dans l a C o n stan ce, & se
r e la c h e n t dans l e D e se sp o ir. . .
f c y s t . , pp. 1*87- 8 8 ,)..
In a d d itio n t o th e r e l a t i v e l y b r i e f tr e a tm e n t o f t h i s q u e s tio n in Le
S ysth n e de I ,dmes we f in d a more com plete d is c u s s io n o f t h e v e g e ta tiv e
f a c u l t y 's r o le in th e p a s s io n s in L ’A r t de e o n n o is tr e l e s Hormess w hich
re a d s;
Pour ce q ui e s t des P a s sio n s de c e t t e b a sse p a r t i e de
I'A m e, i l n 'y en a aucune ou l e s E s p r i t s ne s o ie n t a g i t e z ;
m ais i l f a u t q u 'e l l e s s o ie n t v i o le n te s p o u r em ouvoir l e
c o eu r; Car i l n 'e s t pas comme c e l l e des a u tr e s A p p e ti ts ,
qui to u te s m ediocres q u 'e l l e s s o i e n t , s o n t c ap a b le s
d 'a l t e r e r son mouvement. En e f f e t , nous voyons dans l e s
p la y e s & dans l e s tum eurs que l e s E s p r i t s y a c c o u re n t
avec im p e tu o s ite , san s q u ' i l y a i t aucun changement dans
l e b a tte m e n t du co eu r & des a r t e r e s , & i l se f a i t des
E v acu atio n s c o n s id e ra b le s dans l e s c r i s e s , san s que ces
mouvemens en s o ie n t a l t e r e z . Mais dans l a F ie v re q u i
e s t l a c h o le re de 1 'A p p e tit n a t u r a l , dans l a C o n ste rn a ­
t i o n ou l a N a tu re se tro u v e q u e lq u e s fo is dans l e s m a la d ie s
m a lig n e s, & dans l e s A gonies q u i d ev an cen t l a m o rt, i l se
f a i t un n o ta b le changement dans l e P o u ls .
2kl
La red.son de c e t t e d if f e r e n c e v ie n t de l a n a tu r e de
l a f a c u l t e v e g e t a t i v e , q ui e s t p lu s m a t e r i e l l e 9 & p a r
consequent p lu s p e s a n te que l a S e n s iti v e , Car t o u t de
me sine q u ’un homme p a re s s e u x ne o ®engage q u 'a u x ch o ses
l e s p lu s a is S e s a f a i r e , & n 'e n t r e p r e n d p a s l e s d i f f i ­
c i l e s que l o r s q u ' i l y e s t c o n t r a i n t p a r l a n e c e s s ite s
A ussi c e t t e f a c u l t e q u i se meut avec p e in e , se c e n te n te
dans l e s P a s sio n s le g e r e s d 'a g i t e r l e s E s p r i t s a c au se
q u ’i l s so n t f a c i l e s a m ou v o ir: Mais e l l e n 'e n tr e p r e n d
p as d 'y e b r a n le r l e C oeur, p a rc e que c 'e s t une Machine
p lu s d i f f i c i l e a re m u e r, s i ce n 'e s t l o r s que l e m al lu y
p a r p i s t c o n s id e r a b le , & q u 'e l l e lu g e q u ' i l f a u t em ployer
to u s s e s O rganes, & t b u te s s e s f o r c e s pour lu y r e s i s t e r
' ( S i/s t ., pp. 237-38)..
Under o rd in a ry c irc u m s ta n c e s , t h e n , t h e r e a re tw o k in d s o f move­
ment communicated by th e s o u l t o th e c o rp o re a l members;
" v o lu n ta r y ."
" n a t u r a l " and
A ccording t o La Chambre, th e d if f e r e n c e betw een th e s e two
i s b a se d on w h eth er o r n o t th e im a g in a tio n p lu s o r minus th e e n ten d ement i s d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s ib le f o r i n i t i a t i n g th e seq u e n c e.
V o lu n ta ry
movements, such as w a lk in g , r e a c h in g , p u s h in g , e t c . , a r e alw ays caused
by th e " c o n sc io u s" f a c u l t i e s , w hereas v i t a l fu n c tio n s su ch as h e a r t b e a t ,
a r t e r i a l p u ls a tio n ( l e b a tte m e n t d es ca,t^ v e 8 )s b lo o d c i r c u l a t i o n , and
s e p a r a tio n o f n u t r i e n t from excrem ent a re m a in ta in e d by t h e o rg an s whose
immanent i n s t r u c t i o n s a re s u f f i c i e n t in th e m se lv e s t o c a r r y o u t th e op­
e r a tio n s f o r w hich th e y were d e s ig n e d .
However, s in c e C ureau b e lie v e d
t h a t b o th k in d s o f movement a r e r e g u la te d by th e s o u l 's c o g n itiv e sy s­
tem —e i t h e r c e n t r a l l y o r l o c a l l y in th e s p e c i f i c o rg a n s —he assumed t h a t
by s tu d y in g th o s e c o o rd in a tio n s w hich a re d i r e c t l y d ep en d en t on th e
b r a i n , one c o u ld re a c h a g e n e r a l c o n c lu s io n ab o u t th e mechanism o f a l l
n eu ro m u scu lar com m unication c a r r i e d o u t by th e sy ste m , in c lu d in g th e
t o t a l l y immanent ones o f th e v e g e ta tiv e s t r u c t u r e s .
2h2
How t h e s o u l moves th e b o d y :
th e o ry o f an im a tio n
T here was no doubt in La Chambre*s mind t h a t m u scles m a in ta in
t h e i r to n e and produce l o c a l movement by v i r t u e o f an " in f lu e n c e " d i s ­
sem inated. from t h e b r a in th ro u g h th e n e u r a l c a n a ls found i n a l l m uscle
f i b e r , f o r as he re m a rk s,
. . s i l e s n e r f s s e n t couppez ou b o u ch ez,
s i l e s f a c u l t e z s u p e r !e u r e s s o n t d i s t r a i t e s ou d e s t r u i t e s ; en un m ots s i
l e C erveau n ’ i n f l u e & ne communique s a v e r t u aux M u scles, i l ne s e f a i t
aue.un mouvement ( S y s t , 3 p . ^9 6 ) ,
W hile m ed icin e had lo n g s in c e r e a l i z e d
t h a t a l l v o lu n ta ry c o n tr o l o r i g i n a t e s in t h e b r a i n s t h e r e w as, in th e
s e v e n te e n th c e n tu r y , no agreem ent as t o w hat th e mechanism o f t h i s s y s ­
tem in v o lv e d .
D e s c a r te s , whose th e o r y i s p e rh a p s th e m ost w e ll known
t o h i s t o r i a n s o f s c ie n c e , b e lie v e d t h a t th e p in e a l g la n d moved in c e s ­
s a n tl y in re s p o n se t o c o n tin u o u s shock s tim u la tio n , and t h a t t h e r e s u l t ­
in g v ib r a to r y m otion pumped th e an im al s p i r i t s th ro u g h n e u r a l tu b e s t o
th e organs o f l o c a l movement w hich in t u r n "pushed" them .
O th ers
th o u g h t t h a t th e s p i r i t s th e m selv e s w ere i n n a te ly endowed w ith a m otive
v i r t u e t h a t was in some way r e l a t e d t o t h e i r tem p eram en t, and t h a t th e y
c i r c u l a t e d th e s e im p u lse s t o th e m uscles i n th e same way t h a t th e v i t a l
s p i r i t s d i s t r i b u t e d b lo o d and i t s v i t a l h e a t v i a th e v e in s and a r t e r i e s
w ith th e b r a i n ' s e r v in g as a h e a r t - l i k e pump.
La Chambre p r e s e n ts and d is c u s s e s th e s e t h e o r i e s i n h i s Syst'&me
de 1 ’ahie f in d in g s i m i l a r f a u l t s in th e re a s o n in g s u p p o rtin g them .
To
D e s c a r te s 1 th e o ry he o b je c ts most veh em en tly b e c a u s e , a s he e x p la in s in
t h e p a ssa g e b elow , th e p h ilo s o p h e r d id n o t know enough co m p arativ e
243
anatomy and p h y sio lo g y t o r e a l i z e how a b su rd h i s id e a s w e re :
l e ne veux p a s p e rd re l e temps a r e f u t e r une o p in io n
q u i s 'e s t i n t r o d u i t e d e p u is pen s u r ce s u b j e t 5 p a rc e
. q u 'e l l e e s t c o n tr a ir e a 1 'e x p e r ie n c e , & n 'e s t p as mesme
c o n ce v a b le. Car e l l e v e u t que l a G lande q u i e s t au
m ilie u du C erveau se meuve in c e s s a m e n t, s o i t p a r 1 'im ­
p r e s s io n que l e s o b je ts s e n s ib le s y f o n t , s o i t p a r
1 ' a g i t a t i o n que l e s E s p r i t s & 1'Ame mesme lu y d o n n e n t;
& que s e lo n q u 'e l l e se meut d 'u n c o stS ou d 'u n a u t r e ,
e l l e pousse l e s E s p r i t s dans l e s n e [ r ] f s & dans l e s
m uscles pour f a i r e m ouvoir l e s p a r t i e s .
I I s u f f i r a de d ir e en p a s s a n t que l a s u p p o s itio n
que c e t t e Glande se meut e s t f a u s s e ; que c 'e s t une c h o se
c e r t a i n e q u 'e l l e n e se tro u v e que dans l e s animaux q u i
o n t du san g ; & que to n s l e s a u tr e s se meuvent san s e l l e :
d 'o u i l s 'e n s u i t , que ce n 'e s t p a s l e p r in c ip e du mouvem ent. D 'a i l l e u r s , e l l e c r o i t que l e v e n t r i c u l e s u r
le q u e l c e t t e G lande e s t su sp e n d u e , . c o n tie n t l e s e s p r i t s
animaux q ui l a f o n t m o uvoir. Cependant ce v e n t r i c u l e ne
r e g o i t a u tr e chose que l e s excrem ens du C erveau, comme
nous avons m ontre c y -d e v a n t. Mais l e moyen de c o n ce v o ir.
que l e s a g i t a t i o n s que c e t t e Glande s o u f f r e , p u is s e n t
c a u s e r to u s l e s d iv e r s mouvemens q u i se fo n t dans l e s memb re s ? E t comment dans un s i g ran d nombre de n e r f s & de
m uscles q u ' i l y a 'd a n s l e c o rp s , & que I'Ame ne c o n n o is t
p o i n t , e l l e se p e u t d e te rm in e r ^ en v o y er des E s p r i t s a
I 'u n p l u s t o s t q u 'a 1 ' a u tre ? Sans nous a r r e s t e r done
d avantage a co m b attre c es c h im e re s; Voyons ce que l e s p lu s
sgavans M edecins o n t pensS de 1 ' In f lu e n c e do n t i l e s t
q u e s tio n
{ S y s t . , pp. 497-99) •
A ccording t o C ureau, t h e r e w ere two m ajo r s c h o o ls o f th o u g h t .
among " l e s p lu s sgavans M edecins" t o whom he r e f e r s a t t h e end o f h is
d is c u s s io n o f th e C a r te s ia n th e o ry o f movement:
th o s e who claim ed t h a t
■
an im al s p i r i t s t r a n s p o r t t h e m otive v i r t u e , and th o s e who b e lie v e d t h a t
t h e m uscles a t t r a c t e d th e p ro p e r s ig n a l from th e n e u r a l s u b s ta n c e b e ­
c au se th e y were in n a t e l y d is p o se d t o move in c e r t a i n w ays, b u t n o t in
o th e r s .
The d is c u s s io n he p r e s e n ts o f th e s e t h e o r ie s i s v e ry i n t e r e s t ­
in g b e ca u se i t b r in g s to g e th e r many o f t h e p o in ts he h as i n s i s t e d on
th ro u g h o u t Le System s de t'dm e and p la c e s them w ith in t h e s t r i c t " lo g ic "
o f organic str u c tu r e :
La p lu s p a r t t ie n n e n t que ce s o n t l e s E s p r it s Animaux
q ui p o r te n t avec eux l a v e r tu s e n s i t i v e & l a v e r t u m o tiv e .
Mais c 'e s t une chose e s tr a n g e qua ceux q u i so n t dans ce
s e n tim e n t, c o n fe s s e n t que ces E s p r i t s ne so n t p o in t an im ez,
& que cependant i l s le u r donnent des v e r tu s a n im ales q u i
n ’o n t p o in t d ' a u tr e s u b je t que I ’Ame mesme, & q u i n 'e n ,
p eu v en t ia m a is e s t r e s e p a re e s . D * a ill e u r s , quand i l s
s e r o ie n t anim ez, comme i l e s t p lu s v ra y -s e m b la b le ; p u i s que ce s o n t des C o rp s, i l s ne se p eu v en t m ouvoir, n i se
p o r t e r de l a t e s t e aux p ie d s q u ’avec du tem ps: K eantm oins
s i t o s t que 1 ' Im a g in a tio n a r e s o l u de m ouvoir l e p i e d ,
i l se meut au mesme i n s t a n t . Ce ne s o n t done p as ces
E s p r it s q u i lu y p o r te n t l a v e r tu m o tiv e , p u i s q u 'i l se
meut a v a n t q u 'i l s 1 'a y e n t ab o rd e.
I I e s t v ra y que l e C erveau l e s re s p a n d incessam m ent
dans l e s n e r f s , & que ces p a r t i e s n ’en p eu v en t e s t r e
p r iv e e s . Mais s ' i l s p o r te n t l a v e r t u m otive avec e u x ,
pourquoy l e s membres ou i l s so n t ne se m e u v e n t-ils p a s
c o n tin u e lle m e n t? Pourquoy l e n e r f e s t a n t couppe, l e
mouvement c e s s e - t - i l t o u t a co u p , p u i s q u 'i l r e s t e a s s e z
d * e s p r its dans l e s M uscles pour l e s m ouvoir du moins un
peu de tem ps a p re s? A pres t o u t , comment ces E s p r i t s
p o u r r o i e n t - i l s f a i r e m ouvoir l e s M u scles, p u is q u ’i l s o n t
d es mouvemens c o n tr a ir e s ? C ar c e lu y des E s p r it s ne p e u t
e s t r e q u 'u n e im p u lsio n q u i l e s p o u sse en a v a n t; E t l e
mouvement des M uscles e s t une a t t r a c t i o n q u i r e t i r e it
soy l e membre ou i l s so n t a t t a c h e s . . . .
E n f in , l e s f a c u l t e z a n im ales s o n t des q u a l i t e z co n s t a n t e s q ui r e s i d e n t dans l e s o rg an es quand i l s o n t l a
c om position & l e tem peram ent q ui l e u r s o n t p r o p r e s . Car
1 ' o e i l q ui a t o u t ce q u i e s t n e c e s s a ir e a s a s t r u c t u r e
& son tem peram ent, a a u s s i l a f a c u l t e v i s i v e , e n co re
que l e som m eil, e n co re que l a c a t a r a c t e & l a g o u tte
s e re n e 1'em pechent de v o i r : ■A utrem ent i l ne p o u r r o it
ia m a is re c o u v re r l a veue en ces r e n c o n tr e s , p u i s q u 'i l
n 'y a p o in t de r e to u r de l a p r i v a t i o n a l a p u is s a n c e ,
comme d is e n t l e s E scholes..
En e f f e t , a c o n s id e re r l e s F a c u lte z V ita le s en
e lle s-m e s m e s, c 'e s t a d ir e s e lo n l e u r e sse n c e & l e u r
e x is t e n c e , e l l e s so n t dans I'Ame comme dans l e u r p re m ie r
& v e r i t a b l e s u b j e t ; Et p a r t o u t ou e s t I'A m e, e l l e s y
so n t a u s s i , p a rc e q u 'e l l e s en so n t in s e p a r a b le s . Mais
s i on l e s re g a rd e dans l e u r f o n c tio n , & s e lo n q u 'e l l e s
d o iv e n t a g i r , i l f a u t non seulem ent q u 1e l l e s a y e n t l e s
o rg an es q ui l e u r s o n t d e s t i n e s , m ais en co re l e s con­
d i t i o n s q u i s o n t n e c e s s a ir e s a l e u r a c ti o n .
A in si l a F a c u lte V isiv e e s t dans to u te I'A m e, &
A r ie to te a v o it r a is o n de d ir e que s i l e s yeux e s t o l e n t aux
t a l o n s , I 1M e v e r r o i t en ees p a r t i e s - l & coimne dans l a
t e s t e , p a rc e qLue e e t t e f a c u l t e e u e g a rd a s a n a tu r e e s t
p a r to u t ou e s t I'A m e. Mais e l l e n 'e s t en p u is s a n c e d ’a g i r
que dans l e s yeux; en co re e s t - c e une p u is s a n c e e lo ig n e e , s i
.le C erveau ne co n co u rt £t l e u r a c t i o n , s i l e s p a u p ie r e s ne
s o n t d u v e r te s , s i l a lu m ie re n ' e c l a i r e l e s o b j e t s . Les
G recs on t e s te heureux a d i s t i n g u e r e es d iv e rs e s t a t s .
Car l a f a c u ltS dans I'A m e, c 'e s t l e u r
f
; dans l e s
O rganes, c 'e s t l e u r d a n s
1 'A c tio n q u i suppose
l e s c o n d itio n s e x t e r i e u r e s , c 'e s t l e u r ’^ v t f ^ 6 in -. I I en
f a u t d ir e a u ta n t de l a V e rtu M o tiv e, e l l e e s t dans I'Ame
coimne en son p re m ie r s u b j e t ; dans l e s M u scles, e l l e a l a
p u is s a n c e d 'a g i r ; m ais c 'e s t une p u is s a n c e e lo ig n e e q u i ne
se p e n t m e ttre en e x e r c ic e que p a r 1 ' I n f lu e n c e du C erveau.
De s o r t e que c e t t e In f lu e n c e ne donne p as l a v e r t u m o tiv e ,
q u i e s t dans l e s M uscles av an t que 1 ' a u tr e y s o i t re c e u e :
ce n ' e s t q u 'u n e c o n d itio n e x te r ie u r e q u i met c e t t e v e r t u
en e s t a t d 'a g i r .
Ces c o n s id e r a tio n s o n t f a i t p e n s e r a q u e lq u e s -u n s :
Que l e s E s p r i t s ne p o r t o i e n t pas a l a v e r i t e l a v e r t u
m otive aux M uscles, m ais une c e r t a i n e te m p e ra tu re q u i l e s
r e n d o it c a p a b le s de se m ouvoir. C eu x -la n 'o n t p as mieux
r e u s s i que l e s a u t r e s . Car o u tr e que l e s E s p r it s n e
p euvent pas a l l e r s i v i s t e aux p a r t i e s e lo ig n e e s , & que
l e mouvement des M uscles devance l e u r a b o rd , comme nous
avons d i t : I I n 'y a aucune te m p e ra tu re q u i ne se r a p p o r te
aux q u a l i t e z a c t i v e s , l e s q u e l l e s ne s ' im prim ent & n e s 'e n
v o n t pas en un i n s t a n t . I I f a u t q u elq u e temps a l a c h a le u r
pour s ' in t r o d u i r e en un s u b j e t , & a p re s q u 'e l l e y e s t
im prim ee, e l l e ne se p e rd p as en un moment. . Cependant l e s
M uscles se meuvent au mesme i n s t a n t que 1 ' Im a g in a tio n
1 ' o r donne; E t s i t o s t que l e n e r f e s t co u p p e, l e u r mouve­
ment c e s s e to u t a coup. I I n 'y a done p o in t de c h a le u r n i
d 'a u t r e q u a l i t e e le m e n ta ire q u i p u is s e c o u le r p a r l e s
n e r f s , & donner aux M uscles l a v e r t u de se m ouvoir.
Ce n 'e s t pas que l e s E s p r i t s Animaux q u i s 'i n s i n u e n t
dans l e s p a r t i e s , ne l e s re n d e n t p lu s s o u p le s p o u r l e
mouvement, & p lu s p ro p re s pour r e c e v o ir 1*im p re ssio n des
o b je ts s e n s i b l e s ; p a rc e q u 'e n l e u r f a i s a n t p a r t de l e u r
s u b t i l i t e , i l s l e s re n d e n t moin s m a te rie 3 J.e s, & p a r con­
seq u e n t moins p e s a n te s & moins g r o s s i e r e s . Mais t o u jo u r s
ce ne s o n t que des d i s p o s i t i o n s p a s s iv e s , q u i ne donnent
p o in t l a v e r t u de s e n t i r n i de m o u v o ir.
Comme on a done veu q u ' i l e s t o i t im p o s sib le que l a
F a c u lte M otive c o u la s t dans l e s M u sc le s, p u i s q u 'i l s 1 'o n t
a v a n t que l e C erveau l a le u r p u is s e communiquer; n i q u 'au c u n e
a u tr e v e r t u l e u r f u s t a p p o rte e p a r l e s E s p r i t s p o u r
l e f a i r e m ouvoir, p u i s q u 'i l s se meuvent av an t que l e s
246
E s p r it s y p u is s e n t a b o rd e r. On a e s t e . c o n t r a i n t de d i r e .
que I 1In flu e n c e dont e s t q u e s tio n , se f a i s o i t p a r m e
c e r ta in e q u a l i t e q u i n ’e s t p o in t p o r te e p a r l e s E s p r i t s ,
m ais q ui d 1elle-m esm e se re p and en un moment a t r a v e r s
l e s n e r f s , de l a mesme s o r t e que l a lu m ie re & l a v e r t u
"magnetique se re p a n d e n t & se m u l t i p l i e n t dans 1 ' a i r .
Que c e t t e q u a l i t e met l a V e rtu M otive q u 'o n t l e s M uscles
dans l a d e m ie r e d i s p o s it io n de se m o u v o ir: Et que s i
l e C erveau ne l a p r o d u i t , ou s i l e t r a j e t en e s t empesche
p a r quelque cause que ce s o i t , i l s dem eurent im m obiles.
{ S y s t.j pp. 499-505)•
In C u re a u 's e s tim a tio n , t h i s i s where th e most a s t u t e o b s e rv e rs
( t e s p tiis c ta tr v o y a n s ) o f h i s tim e had a r r iv e d in t h e i r th in k in g on t h i s
m a tte r .
However, as he n o t e s , " i l n 'y en a p as un q u i nous a i t d i t
q u e lle e s t l a n a tu r e de c e t t e q u a l i t e ; de quoy e l l e s e r t au mouvement;
E t pourquoy se re s p a n d a n t egalem ent en t o u t un membra, e l l e n ’e x c it e
pas to u s l e s M uscles qui y s e n t , a se m o u v o ir, & ne c h o i s i t que ceux
so n t p ro p re s au mouvement q u i s e d o i t f a i r e ’’ ( S y s t.j p . 5 0 5 ).
qui
I t i s in
a tte m p tin g t o so lv e t h i s fu n d am en tal problem t h a t th e a u th o r o f Le S y s t£me de I'lzHne s e e s h is m issio n as b o th a p h y s ic ia n and a p h ilo s o p h e r.
U nlike D e s c a r te s , who had t r i e d —and f a i l e d —t o analyze* th e n erv o u s s y s ­
tem u s in g g e o m etric law s o f fo rc e and r e s i s t a n c e , C u re a u 's g o a l was t o
d is c o v e r th e in n e r lo g ic o f t h e o rgan ism by r ig o r o u s o b s e r v a tio n o f ana­
to m ic a l and p h y s io lo g ic a l d e t a i l s .
To b e g in , he u n d e r lin e s th e f a c t
t h a t a l l s e n s i t i v e com m unication, w h e th er d e s tin e d t o p ro d u ce l o c a l
movement o r s e n tim e n t in th e member, i s made p o s s ib le by th e p re se n c e o f
n e u r a l pathw ays w hich connect m uscles and o rg an s t o th e c o g n itiv e c e n te r
and t o each o th e r by v i r t u e o f th e im ages tr a n s m itte d a lo n g them .
These
im ages, m o reo v er, a re s p e c i f i c a l l y coded t o e l i c i t re s p o n s e s in th e o r ­
gans th e y i n s t r u c t , f o r as we have seen in h i s th e o ry o f e v o lv in g
2k7
b i o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e , th e o rg a n ic form s and th e i n s t i n c t u a l im ages o f
th e memory developed s im u lta n e o u s ly from th e same in fo rm in g v i r t u e .
Review ing th e s e s u p p o s itio n s i n th e f o l l o w i n g - t e x t , he e x p la in s how
th e a p p e t i t e , i . e . , th e m o tiv e v i r t u e i n th e m u s c le s , s e rv e s a s a
r e c e p t o r - t r a n s m i t t e r system f o r th e c o g n itiv e im pulse o f th e b r a in :
I I . f a u t . . .s e s o u v e n ir. . .que l a V e rtu M otive e s t
dans l e s M uscles, quand i l s ont la, s t r u c t u r e & l e tem ­
peram ent qu i l e u r s o n t p ro p r e s . Que c e t t e v e r t u n 'e s t
a u tr e que 1 'A p p e tit mesme, q u i e s t l a s e u le p a r t i e de
I'Ame q u i se m eut, & q u i f a i t m ouvoir l e c o rp s . . . .
Que 1 ’A p p e tit ne se p e u t m ouvoir s a n s c o n n o is s a n c e , p a rc e
que c ’e s t une p u is s a n c e av eu g le qui a b e s o in d 'e s t r e con­
d u it e p a r une a u t r e . Et que dans l e s mouvemens v o lo n t a i r e s , c 'e s t 1 1Im a g in a tio n qui I ’e c l a i r e , & qui lu y
donne l a C onnoissance des mouvemens q u ’i l d o it f a i r e .
En second l i e u , que c e t t e C onnoissance c o n s is te dans
l e s Images que .1 'Im a g in a tio n se forme en e lle -m e sm e : E t
que ees Images s o n t des q u a l i t e z , q u i comme l a lu m ie re
se re s p a n d e n t en un moment en to u t e s l e s p a r t i e s ou l a
v e r tu m otive se tr o u v e . . . .
De t o u t c e la ,. i l s ’e n s u it que quand 1 ‘Im a g in a tio n a r e s o l u
& ordonne quelque mouvement, I 1Image ou c o n s is te c e t t e r e s o l u ­
t i o n , se p o r te aux membres q ui se
d o iv e n t m ouv o ir, &e x c i t e
1 'A p p e t i t , c 'e s t a d ir e l a V e rtu M otive q u i y e s t , a
e x e c u te r l e mouvement q u 'e l l e ord o n n e. De s o r t e que s ' i l
a r r i v e que c e t t e Image ne p u is s e c o u le r dans l e s m u scles q u i
s o n t l e s o rg an es du mouvement; i l e s t im p o s sib le q u 'i l s p u i s s e n t se m o uvoir, p u isq u e I 'a p p e t i t q u i y r e s id e e s t a l o r s
p r iv e de C onnoissance q u i d o it e s c l a i r e r & l e c o n d u ire .
Or i l n 'y a que l e s n e r f s q u i p u is s e n t s e r v i r de canaux
p o u r c e t t e Im age; d 'a u t a n t q u 'e l l e se forme dans l e C erveau,
& que c 'e s t p a r eux s e u ls que c e t t e p a r t i e a com m unication
& l i a i s o n avec l e s a u t r e s . I I ne f a u t done p a s s 'e t o n n e r ,
s i quand I'Ame c e sse de p ro d u ire ces Im ages; Et s i quand l e s
n e r f s so n t couppez ou b ouchez, i l ne se f a i t p lu s de mouve­
ment dans l e s membres; p u isq u e l e
t r a j e t & I 'a b o r d de ces
Images ne s 'y f a i t p lu s
{_Syst.3 p p . 506-07) •
As f o r th e mechanism o f th e r e l a t i o n betw een th e im a g in a tio n and
a p p e t i t e , Cureau r e l i e s on th e q u a s i - s p i r i t u a l , q u a s i- m a t e r i a l n a tu re o f
s p i r i t t o e x p la in th e tra n s m is s io n from s o u l t o body.
The a p p e ti te i s a
medium betw een form and m a tte r b ecau se i t i s cap a b le o f r e c e iv in g th e
lum inous ra y s o f th e image and t r a n s l a t i n g them in t o a c t u a l movements.
However, i t does n o t r e c e iv e a l l s tim u la tio n w ith e q u a l f a c i l i t y ; in
f a c t , as La Chamhre rem arks in th e p a ssa g e from L ’A r t de o o n n o istre l e s
Hormes quo ted e a r l i e r in ou r d is c u s s io n , " l a v e r i t a b l e I n c l i n a t i o n " i s
th e pen ch an t b eq u eath ed t o th e s e n s i t i v e a p p e ti t e by t h e in fo rm in g v i r ­
t u e , whose h a b its a re form ed th ro u g h i t s e x p e rie n c e in th e s u b sta n c e o f
th e en g en d erin g anim al (s e e
p p . 2 0 2 -0 4 ).
Hence, i t i s im p o rta n t
t o remember t h a t in h i s system o f th e s o u l , th e a p p e t i t e can be con­
d itio n e d o r "programmed” b e c a u se o f i t s e s s e n t i a l m a t e r i a l i t y , and b y
th e same to k e n i t i s s e n s i t i v e t o f l u c t u a t i o n s in th e tem peram ent.
As
t h e p rim ary in s tru m e n t o f th e im a g in a tio n i n th e d i r e c t i o n and c o o rd in a ­
t i o n o f a l l b o d ily movements—w h eth er immanent t o th e organism l i k e th e
p a s s io n s , o r o r ie n te d to w ard s th e a s s i m ila tio n o f th in g s o u ts id e th e
c o rp o re a l s t r u c t u r e — i t c a r r i e s o u t th e i n s t r u c t i o n s o f im a g e s, b u t in
i t s own s t y l e .
In t h i s s e n s e , i t e x p re s s e s a c e r t a i n autonomy in i t s
e x e c u tio n o f o rd e rs w ith r e s p e c t t o th e im a g in a tio n , even th o u g h i t r e ­
m ains "d eterm in ed " in i t s v e ry n a tu r e .
S in c e i t i s th e a p p e t i t e w hich moves th e m u scles and a g i t a t e s
th e hum ors, C ureau d id n o t b e lie v e t h a t th e im a g in a tio n a c t u a l l y "know s,"
i . e . , c o n s c io u s ly r e a l i z e s , w hich m u scles a re c o n s tr u c te d t o p erfo rm t h e
v a rio u s l o c a l movements.
However, in th e memory a re th e s p i r i t u a l
re c o rd s o f a l l o rg a n ic s t r u c t u r e s in th e body to g e th e r w ith th e in n a te
knowledge o f th e e ig h t d ir e c tio n s in w hich a body may move w ith r e f e r e n c e
t o i t s c e n te r .
These l a t t e r movements in c lu d e s ix sim p le —up and down,
fo rw ard and backw ard, r i g h t and l e f t — and two compound— c i r c u l a r and
2h9
te n s ile .
T hus, when th e im a g in a tio n form s a new image on th e .model o f
i t s i n s t i n c t u a l know ledge, th e s i g n a l i t sen d s o u t i s t r a n s m itte d t o a l l
p a r t s o f th e n e u r a l s u b s ta n c e , b u t o n ly c au se s movement in th o s e m uscles
whose a p p e ti te c o rre sp o n d s t o th e f ig u r e o f movement p r e s c r i b e d .
Cureau e x p la i n s :
Quand l fIm a g in a tio n se propose de f a i r e m ouvoir l e b r a s ,
e l l e se forme I 1Image du mouvement q u ’e l l e lu y v e u t d o n n er;
En mesme tem ps c e t t e Image qu i se re sp o n d comme un e s l c a i r
en to u te s le s p a r t i e s , se j o i n t aux Images n a t u r e l l e s qu i
s e n t im prim ees dans l e s M uscles d e s ti n e s a ce mouvement,
p a rc e q u 'e l l e le u r s o n t s e m b la b le s, & q u ’e l l e s te n d e n t a
m e mesme f i n . Et a lo r s t o u te s ensem ble e l l e s fo n t a g i r
ces M uscles sans que l e s a u tr e s y c o n tr ib u e n t, p a rc e que
ceux-cy n ’on t p as 1/Im age q u i ordonne ce m ouvem ent-la.
I I en e s t comme quand un P rin c e f a i t q u elque ordonnance
pour o b lig e r se s S u je ts a f a i r e q u elq u e chose q u ' i l d e s i r e
d 'e u x . Quoy que l e commandement s o i t p o r te p a r t o u t son
E s t a t , i l n ’y a p o u r ta n t que l e s O f f i c i e r s d e s ti n e s a
c e t t e fu n c tio n qui f a s s e n t e x e c u te r s e s o r d r e s , p a rc e q u ' i l
n 'y a q u 'e u x q u i ay en t l e c a r a c te r e q u i l e u r donne l e
p o u v o ir d 'a g i r .
De s o r te q u ' i l ne f a u t pas s 'e s t o n n e r s i 1'Ame ne se
trom pe p o in t dans l e c h o ix q u 'e l l e f a i t des M u sc le s, & ne
p ren d ja m a is I ' m pour 1 ' a u t r e ; p a rc e que 1 ' Image n a t u r e l l e
e s t a n t comme l a forme de 1 'o r g a n e , & 1 ' ex em p laire s u r le q u e l
i l forme son mouvement, i l n 'y a que l e s M uscles q u i on t
1 ' Image d e s tin e e a t e l & t e l mouvement q u i se p u is s e n t
m ouvoir, l e s a u tr e s q u i ne 1 'o n t p a s , e s t a n t c o n tr a in s de
dem eurer en re p o s .
D ela i l s 'e n s u i t e n co re que 1 ' Im a g in a tio n ne c o n n o is t
que l e Mouvement des membres, & q u ' e l l e ig n o re c e lu y des
M uscles; p a rc e q u 'e l l e ne c o n n o is t p o in t l e s M u scles, & que
l e s Images n a t u r e l l e s q u 'i l s o n t , ne vo n t p as ju s q u e s a
e l l e . Car quoy que c e l l e s de 1 ' Im a g in a tio n & des Sens se
m u l t i p l i e n t & se re s p a n d e n t. . . i l n 'e n e s t p as a i n s i des
Images n a t u r e l l e s qu i s o n t dans l e s M uscles; E lle s y so n t
re n fe rm e es san s en p o u v o ir s o r t i r : La N atu re n ' a y a n t p as
v o u lu l e s m u l t i p l i e r comme l e s a u t r e s ; p a rc e que c e l a ne
s e r v i r o i t de r i e n , & a p p o r te r o it de l a co n fu sio n au mouve­
ment des a u tr e s m u sc le s. Ne se communiquant done p o i n t ,
1 ' Im a g in a tio n n 'e n a aucune C o n n o issa n ce , quoy que ce s o i t
e l l e q u i e x c it e l e s M uscles a se m ouvoir p a r l e commandement,
e 'e s t a d ir e p a r 1 ' Image que 1 ' Im a g in a tio n l e u r en v o y e. Et
I 'o n p e u t a s s e u r e r q u ' i l en e s t comme d 'u n Homme q u i jo u e
As
250
du C la v e s s in : i l c o n n o is t M en l e s a cc o rd s q u ' i l veufc
f a i r e $ & s g a i t l e s to u c h e s q u ’i l d o it a b a t t r e ; m ais i l ne
v o id & ne c o n n o is t p o in t l e s s a u te re a u x q u i remuent. l e s
c h o rd e s ; quoy que l e s to u c h e s q u ’i l a a b a tu e s , f a s s e n t
m ouvoir l e s s a u te re a u x . L ’Im a g in a tio n s g a i t a u s s i l e s
mouvemens q u ’i l f a u t donner aux membres; l e s Images
q u ’e l l e form e s o n t l e s to u c h e s q u i e s b r a n ie n t l e s Images
n a t i i r e l l e s q u i so n t dans l e s M u scles; E t l e s M uscles s o n t
comme l e s s a u te re a u x q u i f o n t l e mouvement des membres
{S y st.j, pp. 520-23) •
Some Im p o rta n t P h ilo s o p h ic a l Im p lic a tio n s o f La Chambre1s
Theory o f A nim ation; D eterm inism , F re e W ill and
S e lf-C o n s c io u sn e s s in th e R e s p e c tiv e C o n te x ts
o f P h y sio lo g y and Psychology
The p h y s io lo g ic a l b a s i s f o r d i f f e r ­
e n t i a t i n g anim ate from nonanim ate
c r e a tu r e s
As we have seen in a n a ly z in g La Chambre’s sy stem o f th e s o u l ,
t h e in n a te d is p o s it io n s w hich i n c l i n e th in g s t o a c t in t h e i n t e r e s t s o f
s e lf - p e r p e t u a tio n and p e r f e c t io n a re th e consequences o f s p i r i t u a l a c ­
t i o n on m a tte r .
S in c e s p i r i t ' i s p r e s e n t i n a l l e m p iric a l phenomena,
w h eth er anim ate o r in a n im a te . La Chambre th o u g h t i t re a s o n a b le t o assume
t h a t in a n im a te th in g s a ls o h a rb o r im ages i n t h e i r d iap h an o u s p a r t s w hich
e n a b le them t o re sp o n d s e l e c t i v e l y t o t h e i r e n v iro n m e n t.
In t h i s s e n s e ,
a l l e x is te n c e s t r i v e s tow ards o r g a n ! c i t y , i . e . , dynamic and harm onious
b a la n c e betw een s u b je c t and e n v iro n m e n t.
M oreover, e x is t e n c e i s p u r­
p o s e f u l b e ca u se i t see k s t o c o n serv e and p e r p e tu a te th e o rd e r o f each
th in g by i n c l i n i n g i t t o a t t r a c t , and in th e c a se o f a n im a ls t o move
tow ards and p o s s e s s , th o s e th in g s w hich f o s t e r s u r v i v a l ,
As he e x p la in s
in A r t i c l e V III o f Book I I I , ”De l a C onnoissanee l a t u r e l l e , '* e n t i t l e d ;
MEn quoy c o n s is ts 1 ’I n s t i n c t des ch o ses in an im ees” :
251
. . „ p resu p p o se que l e s choses In aaim ees a g is s e n t p a r I n ­
s t i n c t comma to u t l e monde e s t d 1a c c o rd , & que 1 ’ I n s t i n c t
c o n s is ts dans l e s Images que l a N a tu re donne, c * e s t tine
n e c e s s ity que c e l l e s - l l , en s o ie n t p o u rv e u e s. Mais p a rc e
q u ’e l l e s n 'o n t p o in t d ’Ame q u i e s t l e p r in c ip e de l a
C on n o issan ce, e l l e s ne p eu v en t se s e r v i r de ces Images
pour c o n n o is t r e , p a rc e q u 1e l l e s n ’o n t p o in t de f a c u lte z
qu i a g is s e n t star ces. Im ages, n i q u i f a s s e n t l e s p o r t r a i t s
& l e s c o p ie s de ces o r ig in a u x , en quoy c o n s is ts l a Con­
n o is s a n c e ; & e l l e s n ’o n t p o in t c es f a c u l t e z , d a u ta n t que
ce so n t des p u is s a n c e s v i t a l e s q u i dependent d 'u n p r in c ip e
de v ie .
Mais & q u e l usage so n t done re s e rv S e s ces Images? i l
y en a deux p r in c ip a u x ; I ' u n , q u ’e l l e s s e r v a n t d ’exemp l a i r e s aux e f f e t s que l e s F a c u lte z d o iv e n t p r o d u ir e . . . .
L’ a u t r e , q u ’e l l e s su p p le e n t au d e fa u t des v e r tu s n e c e s s a ir e s
aux mouvemens q u i se fo n t p o u r q u elq u e f i n . Car i l s n e se
p euvent f a i r e sans l a c o n n o issan ce de l a f i n , n i sa n s un
m oteur q u i s u iv e c e t t e c o n n o issa n c e . Or e ’e s t une maxime
a s s e u re e que l a N a tu re a g i t p o u r une f i n , & p a r co n seq u en t
e l l e ne f a i t aucun mouvement ou e l l e n ’a i t b e s o in d ’une
F a e u lte q u i c o n n o is s e , & d ’une a u t r e q u i f a s s e l e mouve­
m ent. Dans l e s Animaux 1 ’E s tim a tiv e & I ’A p p e tit o n t ces
e m p lo is - la . Car e e l l e - l a forme l e lugem ent p r a c t i c q u i
l e u r f a i t c o n n o is tre s ' i l e s t u t i l e de f a i r e l e mouvement,.
& q u i ordonne en s u i t e ; E t I ’A p p e tit e x e c u te a p re s c e s
o r d r e s , & commence l e mouvement q u i se d o it communiquer
aux membres. Mais comme ces F a c u lte z so n t des p u is s a n c e s
v i t a l e s , & ne se p eu v en t tr o u v e r dans l e s choses q u i s o n t
p r iv e e s de v i e ; l a S agesse D iv in e q u i l e u r a donne l a .
v e r t u d 'a g i r , l e s a a u s s i pourveu es d es Images N a t u r e l le s
• . pour f a i r e l a fo n c tio n de ces deux F a c u lte z . Car c es
Images c o n tin e n e n t [ s i c ] l e lugem ent p r a c t i c & sem b len t
f a i r e c o n n o is tre aux c h o s e s , que 1 ’a c tio n q u 'e l l e s d o iv e n t
p ro d u ir e e s t u t i l e , & o n t en co re l a f o r c e de l e s f a i r e
m ouvoir. C’e s t pourquoy on d i t q u ’e l l e s o n t une Con­
n o is s a n c e & un A p p e tit n a t u r e l , quoy q u 'e n v e r i t e e l l e s
n 'a y e n t n i I 'u n n i 1 ' a u t r e ; e s t a n t seu lem en t p o u rv eu es de
1 ' I n s t i n c t qu i t i e n t l i e u de c es deux v e r t u s , & q u i en
f a i t l a fo n c tio n
i S y s t . , pp. 2 4 l- lt3 ) •
T hus, th e d if f e r e n c e betw een an im ate and in a n im a te th in g s i s n o t
r e a l l y made c l e a r by t h e te rm " s e n s i b i l i t y " s in c e a l l th i n g s o s te n s ib ly
re sp o n d t o th e o u ts id e w o rld in a s e l e c t i v e and t h e r e f o r e c o g n itiv e way
252 .
as a r e s u l t o f t h e i r in n e r d i s p o s i t i o n s .
7
The r e l a t i o n betw een iro n and
th e magnet i s C u re au 's f a v o r i t e example o f such a r e s p o n s e , f o r w h ile
th e a t t r a c t i o n does n o t c o n s t i t u t e what he would c a l l " l e v e r i t a b l e
s e n tim e n t," o r s e n s i b i l i t y a r i s i n g from f a c u l t i e s , he does adm it " q u e lque ombre
de s e n tim e n t, p a rc e q u ' i l f a u t que ces ch o ses se to u c h e n t, &
q u ' i l s 'y
f a s s e q u elq u e a l t e r a t i o n eorame dans l e v e r i t a b l e S e n tim e n t”
(System p . 2 4 9 ).
H ences th e d if f e r e n c e betw een an im ate and in a n im a te
th in g s may be compared t o th e d if f e r e n c e betw een c o g n itiv e a c tio n and
p a s s io n f o r as C ureau re m a rk s :
. . . c e l l e q ui f a i t l a C onnoissance e s t m e a c tio n de l a
chose
qui c o n n o is t, & c e l l e q u i s e f a i t dans l e s ch o ses
I n s e n s ib le s e s t une p u re p a s s io n q u i se f a i t p a r l e s
o b je ts q u i a g is s e n t s u r e l l e s . La v e r t u m agnetique a l t e r e
l e f e r , l e s q u a l i t e z sym pathiques & a n tip a th iq u e s a l t e r e n t
l e s choses q ui l e s r e g o iv e n t; m ais l e f e r & ces ch o ses l a
p a t i s s e n t seulem ent san s a g i r . Que s i a p re s c e la e l l e s se
m euvent, c 1e s t que 1 ’a l t e r a t i o n q u ’e l l e s s o u f f r e n t , e x c i t e
l e s Images n a t u r e l l e s q u 'e l l e s o n t , a f a i r e l e mouvement
ou e l l e s so n t d e s ti n e e s .
T
Cureau was v e ry i n t e r e s t e d in d is c o v e rin g th e f e t a l o r ig i n s o f
s e n s i t i v i t y b e ca u se o f th e r e l a t i o n betw een th e p r im o r d ia l i r r i t a b i l i t y
o f th e embryo and th e p a s s io n a l movem ents. As he o b se rv e s in th e p a s ­
sage below , a llu d in g t o c u r r e n t e x p e rim e n ta tio n on a n im a ls :
. .n o s
d e m ie r e s o b s e rv a tio n s nous a p p re n n en t que dans l e s p re m ie rs l i n e amen s
que l a N ature donne au c o rp s des Animaux, & l o r s q u ’i l n ’y a en co re r i e n
q u i p a r o is s e de l a f ig u r e que l e s membres d o iv e n t a v o i r ; on ne s g a u r o it
s i peu p ic q u e r l a masse inform e qui s ’y e s t f a i t e , & q u i e s t l e fo n d e ment de to u t 1 1o u v ra g e , q u ’e l l e ne se r e s s e r r e & n e .s e r e t i r e ; Or c e la
ne se p e n t f a i r e q u ’e l l e ne s e n te ce q u i l a b le s s e , Cependant i l n ’y a
p o in t en co re de n e r f s , de c e rv e a u , n i d 'e s p r i t s q u i p u is s e n t c a u s e r ce
mouvement, n i l e se n tim e n t q u i l e d o it p r e c e d e r ; & p a r co n seq u en t i l
f a u t q u ’i l s p ro c e d e n t de l a F a c u lte N a tu r e lle q u i e s t l a p re m ie re de
t o u t e s , en tem ps, en o rd re & en f o n c tio n .
"Mais quand on ne s e r o i t p as a s s e u r€ de c e t t e o b s e r v a tio n , i l y
en a c e n t a u tr e s qu i c o n firm e n t c e t t e v e r i t e . O utre ce que nous avons
d i t cy -d e y an t des p a r t i e s q u i p a r un s e n tim e n t n a t u r e l d is c e m e n t l e
v e n in dont l e sens du Toucher n 'a aucune c o n n o issa n c e : I I ne f a u t que
rem arq u er 1 ’i r r i t a t i o n que l a m a lig n ite des humeurs donne a l a N atu re en
253
Mai s' quoy! ne p e n t-o n pas d i r e l a mesme chose de l a
F a c u lte V e g e ta tiv e , san s e s t r e o b lig e de lu y donner m e
v e r i t a b l e c o n n o issa n ce c e n tr e 1 'a d v is de to n s l e s
P h ilo so p h e s? I I l e f a u t ingenuem ent c o n f e s s e r ; e l l e a
beaucoup d 1a c tio n s q u 'o n p o u r r o it r a p p o r te r §. c e t t e
m aniere d 'a g i r . Mais p a rc e q u ' i l y en a d *a u tr e s ou
i l e s t im p o ssib le de l e f a i r e , comme s o n t l e c h o ix des
jo u r s pour l e s c r i s e s , I ’o rd re des p a r t i e s dans l a con­
fo rm atio n , l e d iscern em en t des l i e u x commodes p o u r l e s
e v a c u a tio n s , & c e n t a u tr e s s e m b la b le s : I I y a de
I'a p p a re n c e q u fe l l e f a i t t o u te s s e s a u tr e s a c tio n s p a r
l e mesme P r in c ip e de v i e , q ui l a f a i t a g ir en c e l l e s - l a ,
& q ui e s t a u s s i comme nous avons d i t l e P r in c ip e de
C onnoissance
\S y s t* 3 pp. 249-5 0 )•
P h y s io lo g ic a l grounds f o r d e fe n d in g
human f r e e w i l l
Since s e lf - d e te r m in e d l o c a l movement i s a p r i v i l e g e o f s u p e r io r
o rg a n ic fo rm s, any c r e a tu r e c a p a b le o f c o n t r o l l i n g i t s i n t e r a c t i o n w ith
th e w o rld and a d a p tin g i t s e l f t o change must a u to m a tic a lly p o s s e s s c o g n i­
t i v e f a c u l t i e s and memory in o rd e r t o move in acco rd an ce w ith i t s n e e d s .
However, as Cureau n o te d a t th e o u ts e t o f Le Systh'ne de t ,cmes in lo w er
an im als th e p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r s e lf - d e te r m in a tio n a re c o n s id e ra b ly l e s s
th a n in man s in c e a l l p a r t s o f t h e i r s o u l a re a tta c h e d t o o rg an s w h ile
man has a w i l l , o r in h i s w o rd s, "une f a c u l t e s p i r i t u e l l e q u i n 'a p o in t
de commerce avec l e s choses m a t e r i e l i e s comme s o n t l e s o rg a n e s” { S y s t*,
p . 526).
M oreover, s in c e th e e s s e n t i a l u n ity o f th e r a t i o n a l o r
to u t e s l e s p a r t i e s ; l e s e f f o r t s & l e s mouvemens q u 'e l l e l e u r f a i t f a i r e
p o u r c h a s s e r ce q u i l e s incommode, comme so n t le s p a l p i t a t i o n s , l e s
changemens de p o u ls , l e s vom issem ens, l e s d ia r r h e a s & m i l l e a u tr e s
sem b lab les qui se fo n t a I 'i n s c e u du C erveau & de l a F a c u lte S e n s iti v e .
Car t o u t :c e la m ontre que l a N ature e s t i r r i t e e : & i l n ’y a r i e n de s i
commun en l a bouche des M edecins, que c e t t e fagon de p a r l e r ; m ais e l l e
ne p e u t e s t r e i r r i t S e q u ’e l l e ne s e n te , & q u 'e l l e ne e o n n o isse ce q u i
1 1o f f e n s e .
"On d i r a p e u t - e s t r e que ce mot d * I r r i t e e marque une p a s s io n , &
que l a p a s s io n e s t un mouvement de I ’A p p e tit s e n s i t i f . .
( S y s t. s
pp . 2 2 5 -2 7 ).
254
i n t e l l e c t u a l s o u l d e f ie s any r e a l s e p a r a tio n o f i t s " p a r t s t h e p a r t s
b e in g m erely a s p e c ts o f i t s t o t a l i t y , th e freedom o f th e supreme human.
f a c u l t y i s p r e s e r v e d , f o r as C ureau e x p la in s ;
. . . quoy que l a P h a n t a i s i e , 1 ' E s tim a tiv e & I 'A p p e t i t
S e n s i t i f , q u i re s p o n d e n t a 1 1Entendem ent s p e c u l a t i f , a
I ’Entendem ent p r a c t i c , & a l a V o lo n te , s o ie n t d i s tin g u e e s r e e lle m e n t e n tr e e l l e s : I I n ‘en e s t p as de
mesme de c e l l e s - c y ; E t p u isq u e I 'E s c h o le e s t d * a c c o rd ,
que ces deux Entendem ents ne s o n t q u ’une mesme f a c u l t e ,
i l n 'y a p as moins de fondem ent p o u r l e d i r e de l a
V olonte & de 1 1E ntendem ent.
A pres t o u t , c 'e s t IS, l e s e u l moyen que j e voy p o u r
c o n se rv e r a l a V olonte l a L ib e rt# & l e Commshdement qu i
lu y s o n t p ro p r e s . Car i l f a u t q u 'e l l e e o n n o isse p o u r
e s t r e l i b r e & pour commanders E t s i e l l e ne c o n n o is s o it
p a r soy-mesme, e l l e ne s e r o i t p as non p lu s l i b r e de s o y mesme, l e p r in e ip e de s a l i b e r t # s e r o i t h o rs d ’e l l e ; Or
to u te c o n n o issa n ce depend de 1 ’E ntendem ent. . . .
(S y s t.y p p . 5 2 9 -3 1 ).
Le Syst'&me de t 'arne and human p s y c h o lo g y ;
s o u l as th e p r i n c i p l e o f t o t a l o r s e l f c o n sc io u sn e ss
-
We have seen i n th e fo re g o in g d is c u s s io n t h a t image and a p p e t i t e
a r e .t h e two a s p e c ts o f a l l c o n sc io u sn e ss o r s e n s a tio n .
Even in a n im a te
c r e a tu r e s e x h ib it a v e ry b a s ic l e v e l o f s e n s i b i l i t y in t h e i r r e a c tio n s
t o s tim u la tio n f o r as Cureau has o b s e rv e d , e x te r n a l shock and th e geo­
m e tric law s o f f o r c e and r e s i s t a n c e a r e n o t s u f f i c i e n t t o e x p la in th e
m agnetic a t t r a c t i o n o f ir o n as compared t o th e i n e r t i a o f le a d under
s i m i l a r ex p o su re t o th e m agnet.
P r o g re s s in g up th e h ie r a r c h y o f b e in g
from p l a n t s t o a n im a ls , s o u l goes from a sim ple t o a more and more com­
p le x system o f organs and f a c u l t i e s whose in c r e a s in g l e v e l s o f sp iritu -ra l i t y e n a b le th e s u b je c t t o a c t on i t s i n c l i n a t i o n s by p h y s ic a lly moving
tow ards th e o b je c t o f i t s d e s i r e s .
Through th e s e ' c o n t a c t s , th e o rganism
255
a c q u ir e s knowledge about th e w o rld around him w hich can th e n s e rv e in
th e ongoing p ro c e ss o f c o n se rv in g and p e r p e tu a tin g h i s b e in g .
T h is
knowledge i s memory and when a c te d upon by th e i n t e r n a l f a c u l t i e s 5 th e
s u b je c t becomes c o n s c io u s ly aware o f th e b e n e f i c i a l and d e tr im e n ta l
th in g s around him.
What s e t s man a p a r t from th e lo w er an im ate o rd e r i s p r e c i s e l y
th e q u a lity and q u a n tity o f h i s memorys th e v a s tn e s s o f w hich i s made
p o s s ib le by th e in o r d in a te v i r t u a l e x te n s io n Cureau a t t r i b u t e s t o th e
human s o u l.
In o th e r w o rd s, as th e human b e in g d e v e lo p s > h i s in fo rm in g
v i r t u e i s n o t "used up" in th e fo rm a tio n o f o rg a n s ; t h e " l e f t o v e r ”
s p i r i t u a l p a r t rem ains f r e e and u n d e te rm in e d 9 re a d y t o in c a r n a te new
m a te r ia l su b sta n c e o r t o e x t r a c t th e e ss e n c e from phantoms t o make i t s
id e a s .
The p re s e n c e o f th e u n d e rs ta n d in g f a c u lty in a l l p a r t s o f th e
s e n s i t i v e system p ro v id e s f o r what C ureau c a l l s " l a C onnoissance p ro p re
§, 1 ’Homme," o r i n t e l l i g e n c e .
When a p p lie d t o th e i n t e r n a l w o rld , i t
becomes th e b a s i s f o r i n t r o s p e c t i o n , le a d in g t o a s e lf -a w a re n e s s o r
s e lf - c o n s c io u s n e s s t h a t g iv e s man an u n p re c e d e n te d p o t e n t i a l f o r v o l­
u n ta ry c o n tr o l o f h i s body.
When a p p lie d t o th e e x t e r n a l w o rld , t h i s
same i n t e l l i g e n c e a f f o r d s man a panoram ic view o f t h i n g s , e n a b lin g him
t o se e beyond th e ap p earan ce o f c o n tin u o u s change and t o re c o g n iz e th e
e t e r n a l r e tu r n o f n a t u r e 's c y c le s .
These a p p lic a tio n s o f t h e human mind
a r e , in C u re a u 's e s ti m a ti o n , th e tw o avenues o f p e r f e c t i o n open t o man;
t h e f i r s t , i f m a s te re d , w i l l g ra n t th e p e ac e o f mind n e c e s s a ry t o l i v e
harm oniously w ith th e seco n d .
However, p a s s iv is m and th e c o n te m p la tiv e
l i f e a re n o t th e u ltim a te g o a ls o f La Chambre' s p h ilo s o p h y , f o r a s we
256
have seen a g a in and a g a in in exam ining h i s th e o r y o f man, th e g a th e r in g
o f knowledge i s a d iv in e ly i n s p i r e d , a c ti v e p u r s u it t h a t le a d s t o th e
p e r f e c t io n o f th e s p e c ie s .
The many com parisons betw een a r t i s t i c c re a ­
t i v i t y and c o g n itiv e a c t i o n , o r th e fr e q u e n t a n a lo g ie s o f image d i s t r i ­
b u tio n and c o o rd in a tio n t o th e o r g a n is a tio n o f th e p o l i t i c a l s t a t e a re
by no means c o in c id e n c e s . th e p u rp o se o f a l l human e n d eav o r i s wisdom,
b u t t h i s wisdom i s meant t o become th e b a s i s f o r p r a c t i c a l c o n tr o ls and
t h e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s d e sig n e d t o e l i c i t th e most
n o b le e x p re s s io n o f human e x is te n c e ^
In t h i s s e n s e , t h e n , C u reau ’s
th e o r y o f man i s an a d m irab le p o r t r a i t o f th e s e v e n te e n th - c e n tu ry
F renchm an's most p ro fo u n d th o u g h ts and h i s l o f t i e s t a s p i r a t i o n s , and
th ro u g h exam ining i t s many a s p e c ts and d e t a i l s , I th in k we come c lo s e r
t o s e e in g why t h i s moment in F ren ch h i s t o r y was t r u l y ” l e g ran d s i B c l e . ”
PART I I I
LA CHAMBER'S THEORY OF MAH IN THE CONTEXT
OF SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY FRENCH THOUGHT
257
CHAPTER 7
LA CHAMBRE AND THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN
MAJOR THOUGHT CURRENTS FROM
1630 TO 1680
The problem o f e v a lu a tin g th e r o l e o f Cureau de La Chambre fs
th e o ry o f man in r e l a t i o n t o th e c u l t u r a l e v o lu tio n o f th e s e v e n te e n th
c e n tu ry i s n o t an e a sy one.
In th e f i r s t p l a c e s as an a u th o r o f s c ie n ­
t i f i c works s he te n d s t o be e c l e c t i c i n h i s a p p ro a ch , and t h i s makes
i t d i f f i c u l t t o s i t u a t e h i s id e a s w ith in th e c o n te x t o f any p a r t i c u l a r
l i n e o f t r a d i t i o n a l th o u g h t.
Second, he f a i l s t o f i t c o m fo rta b ly i n t o
any o f th e u s u a l s e v e n te e n th - c e n tu ry i n t e l l e c t u a l c a te g o r ie s l i k e
"A n cien t" o r "M odern," " G a s s e n d is t" o r " C a r te s ia n ," and y e t th e i n f l u ­
ence o f h i s t h e o r i e s on o th e rs was n o t s i g n i f i c a n t enough t o i n i t i a t e
th e fo rm a tio n o f a sc h o o l in h i s own name.
F i n a l l y , th e r a t h e r d i s ­
t o r t e d view h i s t o r i a n s have p e rp e tu a te d ab o u t th e p e rio d i n w hich C ureau
l i v e d and w ro te must be re c o g n iz e d and d e a l t w ith .
L ike any e r a dom­
in a te d by as im posing a f ig u r e as Rene D e s c a r te s , th e seco n d t h i r d o f
th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu ry i s u s u a lly c o n s id e re d from th e v a n ta g e p o in t o f
i t s m o d e rn ist te n d e n c ie s .
W hile t h i s p e r s p e c tiv e i s v a lu a b le in e s ta b ­
l i s h i n g th e p rim ary l i n e s a lo n g w hich "new" id e a s were tr a n s m it te d from
one g e n e ra tio n o f t h in k e r s t o a n o th e r , i t te n d s t o o v e rs im p lify th e
problem by s u g g e s tin g t h a t a l l o f h i s t o r y can be e x p la in e d in term s o f a
258
I
259
s tr u g g le "between h e ro ic ” in n o v ato rs'* and r e c a l c i t r a n t > v i l l a i n o u s " r e ­
a c ti o n a r i e s " o r " t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s «"
Thanks t o th e e f f o r t s o f s c h o la r s l i k e E tie n n e G ils o n , we have
come t o re c o g n iz e and a p p r e c ia te t h e S c h o la s t ic o r i g i n s o f many a s p e c ts
o f th e C a r te s ia n sy ste m , and can th e re b y b e t t e r u n d e rs ta n d how D e s c a rte s
f i t s i n t o th e i n t e l l e c t u a l s i t u a t i o n o f h i s own tim e.'*'
I n s ig h ts su ch a s
th e s e have le d o th e r s t o examine more c a r e f u l l y some o f th e le sse r-k n o w n
b u t e q u a lly im p o rta n t exponents o f s c i e n t i f i c th o u g h t o f th e p e r io d , and
o ver th e l a s t t h i r t y - f i v e y e a r s we have seen th e p u b l ic a tio n in F ran ce
o f m ajor s tu d ie s d ev o ted t o M ersenne, G a ss e n d i, and th e more g e n e r a l
problem o f " le l i b e r t i n a g e S r u d it" w ith w hich t h e i r e c l e c t i c system s a r e
o f te n a s s o c ia te d .
2
T h is e f f o r t among French h i s t o r i a n s t o r e c o n s tr u c t th e i n t e l l e c ­
t u a l framework w hich gave r i s e t o th e s c i e n t i f i c movement o f th e sev e n ­
te e n t h c e n tu ry c o in c id e s w ith th e work o f a group o f E n g lis h s c h o la r s a t
th e Warburg I n s t i t u t e whose s tu d ie s on th e d if f u s io n o f H erm etic and
N e o p la to n ic id e a s d u rin g th e R e n a issa n c e and e a r ly s e v e n te e n th c e n tu ry
have h e lp e d t o fo c u s a t t e n t i o n on th e s u b tle changes in th e c h a r a c te r o f
"T?he two m ajor works on D e s c a rte s by G ilso n a re ? Etudes s u p le
v o le de la pens&e m&di&yale dans la fo rm a tio n du syste m s o a v t$ s ie n
( P a r i s , 1930) and La L ib e r ty chez D eso a vtes e t la Th&ologie ( P a r i s ,
1 913).
2
On M ersenne, see R. L e n o b le , Mersenne; ou la n a issa n o e du
micanisme ( P a r i s , 1 9 4 3 ). On G a ss e n d i, see O .-R . B lo c h , La P h ilo so p h ie
de G assendi: Nominalisme3 M at& rialism e e t M $taphysique ( P a r i s , 1 9 7 1 ).
On l i b e r t i n e th o u g h t, see R. P i n t a r d , Le L ib e r tin a g e e r u d it dans la.
p rem iere m o i t i i du XVIIe s i £ a l e 3 2 v o ls . ( P a r i s , 1 9 4 3 ).
"m ag ical" p h i l o s o p h y from F ic in o t o C o rn e liu s A g rip p a , t o th e R o s ic ru 3
c ia a John Dee, t o G iordano B runo, and f i n a l l y , to D e s c a r te s . • D uring
th e s ix te e n th , c e n tu ry man-magus, in v o k e r o f c e l e s t i a l and s u p e r c e l e s t i a l
in f lu e n c e s f o r th e improvement o f h i s l o t in th e s u b lu n a r w o rld , u sed
h i s knowledge t o v e ry p r a c t i c a l ends in a number o f i n s t a n c e s .
F o r ex­
am ple, c a b b a l i s t i c m ath em atics was n o t o n ly s tu d ie d f o r t h e p u rp o se o f
c o n ju rin g a n g e ls ; c o n cern w ith number a ls o le d t o th e r e v i v a l o f E u c lid ­
ean geom etry whose p r i n c i p l e s o f sp a c e and lo c u s made i t p o s s ib le t o
b u i l d i n t r i c a t e m e ch a n ic al fo u n ta in s and o th e r te c h n o l o g ic a l m arv els t o
d e c o ra te th e p a l a t i a l d w e llin g s o f noblem en.
By a s i m i l a r to k e n , th e
a lc h e m ic a l approach t o m ed icin e p r a c t i c e d by P a ra c e ls u s to w a rd s th e end
o f th e s ix te e n th c e n tu ry l e d t o th e fo u n d in g o f a sc h o o l o f p h y s ic ia n s
d e d ic a te d t o th e b e l i e f t h a t n a tu r e i s composed o f t h r e e b a s ic " e l e ­
m en ts"— s u l f u r , m e rc u ry , and " a lc h e m ic a l s a l t " —p ro d u ced th ro u g h com­
b i n a tio n o f t h e i r h o t- d r y and c o ld -m o is t p r o p e r t i e s .
T h is p h y s ic a l a l ­
chemy, in t u r n , p ro v id e d th e b a s is f o r a s p i r i t u a l alchem y w hich re a c h e s
i t s h ig h e s t a r t i s t i c e x p re s s io n in M ich ael M aie r' s A tla n ta fu g ie n s
( l 6 l 8 ) , a book o f emblems su m arizin g th e R o s ic ru c ia n p la n f o r w o rld
re fo rm th ro u g h im p le m e n ta tio n o f c a b b a l i s t i c and a lc h e m ic a l p r i n c i p l e s . ^
% o rk s I have found p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l in t h i s r e g a r d in c lu d e
t h r e e by F ran c e s Y a te s : French Academies o f th e S ix te e n th Century
(London, 1 9 ^7 ); Giordano Bruno and th e h e rm etic T r a d itio n (C h icag o ,
196U); and The R o sicru cia n E nlightenm ent (London and B o sto n , 1 9 72). I '
a ls o found th e r e c e n t s tu d y o f Wayne Shum aker, The O ccu lt S c ie n c es in
th e R en aissance: A S tu d y in I n t e l l e c t u a l P a tte r n s (B e rk e le y , 1972)
v e ry h e l p f u l .
Y a te s , The R o sicru cia n E nlightenm ents p . 70.
261
As F ran c e s Y ates h as o b serv ed in h e r r e c e n t stu d y o f w hat she h as te rm e d
" th e R o sic ru c ia n E n lig h ten m en t" o f th e l a t e s ix te e n t h and e a r l y sev en ­
te e n t h c e n t u r i e s , th e c o n tin u ity betw een th e p u rp o se s o f a m atu re b ra n d
o f R en a issa n c e magic as o u tlin e d in t h e R o s ic ru c ia n m a n ife s to s o f l 6 l 4
and 1615 and th e id e a s w hich sp ark ed th e f i r s t phase o f t h e s o - c a l le d
" s c i e n t i f i c r e v o lu tio n " i s in some way r e l a t e d t o th e in c r e a s e d em phasis
on p r a c t i c a l a p p lic a tio n s o f a lc h e m ic a l and c a b b a l i s t i c le a r n in g :
The M a n ife sto s s t r e s s C abala and A lchymia as th e
dom inant them es in th e movement. The l a t t e r g iv e th e
movement a tu r n to w ard s m e d ic in e . The R. C. B ro th e rs
a re h e a l e r s . P a r a c e ls ia n p h y s ic ia n s l i k e F lu d d , M a ie r,
C r o l l , r e p r e s e n t th e th o u g h t o f th e movement. But
t h e r e i s in D e e 's Monas [h ie r o g ly p h ia ] and M a ie r's
a lc h e m ic a l movement a f u r t h e r a s p e c t w hich i s d i f f i ­
c u l t t o s e iz e and w hich may r e p r e s e n t an approach t o
n a tu r e in w hich a lc h e m ic a l and e a b a l i s t fo rm u la tio n s
have combined t o form som ething new. I t may have
been t h i s germ in R o sic ru c ia n th o u g h t which cau ses
th e b e a r e r s o f some o f th e g r e a t e s t names in th e h i s ­
t o r y o f th e s c i e n t i f i c r e v o lu tio n t o h o v e r round i t . 5
In t h i s l a s t group a r e in c lu d e d two o f C ureau de La Chsmibre's most i l ­
l u s t r i o u s c o n te m p o ra rie s in th e re a lm o f s c ie n c e —M ersenne and
D e s c a r te s —b o th o f whom were c a ll e d upon t o deny h a v in g e v e r had any
c o n n ec tio n w ith th e B ro th e rs o f t h e Rosy C ross d u rin g t h e c o u rse o f
t h e i r r e s p e c tiv e c a r e e r s .
By th e tim e C ureau a r r iv e d on th e P a r is ia n scen e in 1634, th e
R o s ic ru c ia n " s c a r e ," as M iss Y ates h as so a p t ly term ed i t , was p r e t t y
much h i s t o r y .
However, th e w itc h c ra z e was in f u l l bloom , w ith r e p o r ts
o f demonic p o s s e s s io n in a convent a t Loudun and in a n o th e r a t L o u v iers
^ I b id .3 p . 222.
r e a c h in g th e e a r s o f R ic h e lie u and t h e P a r i s i a n community.
Hence,
l a t t e r - d a y p o p u la r ! z e r s o f m a g ic al d o c tr in e s o f c a b b a l i s t i c co m p u tatio n
f o r a n g e l c o n ju r a tio n l i k e R obert F lu d d had become anathem a t o th e p ro ­
m o ters o f p o s i t i v e s c ie n c e who w ished t o d i s s o c i a t e th e m se lv e s com­
p l e t e l y w ith anyone whose id e a s c o u ld be t i e d t o d e v il w o rsh ip and th e
b la c k a r t s o f d iv i n a t i o n .
In p la c e o f t h e dubious " a u t h o r ity " o f
a s t r o l o g i c a l and H erm etic t r a d i t i o n , th e a d v o ca te s o f e m p ir ic a l s c ie n c e
s u b s t i t u t e d th e " a u th o r ity " o f th e human i n t e l l e c t whose G od-given su ­
p e r i o r f a c u l t y o f u n d e rs ta n d in g was c a p a b le o f re c o g n iz in g c o n tin u ity
and e te m a ln e s s in th e law s and c y c le s t h a t govern th e movements o f th e
p h y s ic a l w o rld .
However, t h e r e rem ained t h e problem o f c e r t i t u d e w hich
was in tim a te ly co n n ec te d t o t h e th e o l o g i c a l q u e s tio n o f human freedom ,
a n d , by e x te n s io n , t o man’s r e l a t i o n s h i p w ith God th ro u g h d iv in e g ra c e :
d id s c ie n c e have any g u a ra n te e t h a t i t s o b s e r v a tio n s and fo rm u la tio n s
c o rre sp o n d e d im m ediately t o any p r e s c r ib e d e t e r n a l t r u t h s , o r was human
knowledge by d e f i n i t i o n meant t o be o n ly ap p ro x im ate and p r o b a b i l i s t i c
b e c a u se o f i t s fo u n d a tio n in ephem eral ap p earan ce?
S c h o la s tic p h ilo s ­
ophy had c o n te n te d i t s e l f w ith a s c ie n c e o f t r u t h - l i k e n e s s grounded in
an e p istem o lo g y o f a n a lo g y ; b u t th e n S c h o la s t ic s d id n o t have th e so ­
p h i s t i c a t e d u n d e rs ta n d in g o f m athem atics t o underm ine t h i s v e ry doubt
and to e x cla im w ith P a s c a l:
"Nous avons une im p u issan ce de p ro u v e r,
in v in c ib le a to u t l e dogm atism e.
Nous avons une id e e de l a . v e r i t S ,
i n v in c ib le a to u t l e p y rrh o n ism e . " ^
PensSe 273 in OEuvres compl'&tes d e P a sc a l3 e<L. J . C h e v a lie r
( P a r i s , 196U), p . 1159.
263
I t i s w ith in th e c o n te x t o f t h i s s tr u g g le betw een "freedom " and
" a u th o r ity " (w hich i s b o th th e p rim o rd ia l s i t u a t i o n o f p h ilo s o p h y and
th e fo u n ta in h e a d o f i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n f l i c t s d u rin g th e s e v e n te e n th cen ­
t u r y ) t h a t we must a tte m p t t o p la c e La Chambre' s th e o ry o f man.
By
lo o k in g f i r s t a t th e th e o lo g ic a l e x p re s s io n o f th e d e b a te ,, we can se e
why men o f s c ie n c e l i k e D e sc a rte s and C ureau—-who w ere in e v i t a b l y drawn
in to d is c u s s io n s to u c h in g on th e problem o f g ra c e and d iv in e fo rek n o w l­
edge in human a f f a i r s —managed w ith a g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r d e g re e o f su c ­
c e s s t o a v o id d e a lin g w ith th e m e ta p h y s ic a l and e p is te m o lo g ic a l p ro b ­
lem s whose s o lu tio n s w ere t o p ro v id e t h e s t r u c t u r i n g p r i n c i p l e s f o r a
p h ilo so p h y o f s c ie n c e s u p p o rtiv e o f t h e i r r e s p e c ti v e m e th o d o lo g ic a l ap­
p ro a c h e s .
Moving n e x t t o t h e l e v e l o f m ethodology, we w i l l examine th e
a l t e r n a t i v e s o lu tio n s o f f e r e d by v a rio u s t h e o r e t i c i a n s t o th e problem o f
f i n a l cau se in n a tu r e in o rd e r t o s e e why th e s c i e n t i f i c community o f
th e second h a l f o f th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu r y te n d e d t o b e d iv id e d in to two
camps dubbed as "o ld " and "new" o r " G a s s e n d is t" and " C a r te s ia n ."
L a s tly ,
we w i l l lo o k a t t h r e e o f t h e im p o rta n t f o c a l p o in ts o f m e th o d o lo g ic a l
c o n tro v e rs y w hich c o n tin u e d on th ro u g h o u t th e c e n tu ry and i n which
Cureau p la y e d an a c ti v e r o l e .
Given th e s e g o a l s , our appro ach does n o t in c lu d e any p ro v is io n
f o r t a l k i n g about " in flu e n c e " o f one man on a n o th e r , n o r does i t con­
te m p la te d is c o v e rin g any p ro fo u n d " o r i g i n a l i t y " in La Chambre' s sy stem .
I n k eep in g w ith what h i s t o r y te a c h e s r e g a r d in g th e c o n ta c ts betw een
C ureau and h is compeers in th e s c i e n t i f i c c i r c l e s o f t h e p e r io d , we w i l l
c o n c e n tra te on f in d in g o v e r r id in g p re o c c u p a tio n s in th e p o s in g o f
264
p h ilo s o p h ic a l problem s a t t h a t tim e such a s t h e r o l e m ath em atics was
e x p e c te d t o p la y in a c tin g as a model fo r. e m p iric a l s c ie n c e .
The con­
c lu s io n s re a c h e d in t h i s c h a p te r re g a rd in g C u re a u 's th e o ry o f man w i l l
p re p a re us f o r c o n s id e r a tio n o f one o f th e m ost i n t e r e s t i n g r e f l e c t i o n s
o f th e changed s c i e n t i f i c o u tlo o k in F ran c e d u rin g th e seco n d h a l f o f
th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu ry :
th e r e p r e s e n ta tio n in m o r a l is t l i t e r a t u r e o f
a new p sychology o f human c h a r a c te r and b e h a v io r w h ich , a s we w i l l se e
in c h a p te r 8 , makes u se o f id e a s v e ry d e a r t o La Chambre and h i s s c ie n ­
t i f i c compeers l i k e t h e s e a rc h f o r p r e c is io n in lan g u ag e and th e r e ­
placem ent o f te rm s l i k e " o c c u lt" o r " s p e c i f i c " v i r t u e o r p r o p e r ty w ith
contem porary m e d ic al words l i k e " i n s t i n c t " and "hum or."
T h e o lo g ic a l C o n tro v e rs ie s and th e S earch f o r
O rder in th e S c ie n c e s : A R e -e v a lu a tio n
o f th e C oncepts o f "Freedom"
and " A u th o rity "
The fu n d am en tal is s u e d u rin g th e e a r l y p a r t o f t h e s e v e n te e n th
c e n tu ry w ith re g a r d t o th e f u tu r e o f human knowledge c o n cern ed i t s au ­
th o r ita tiv e b a s is .
A r i s t o t l e , tho u g h s t i l l a dom inant f i g u r e in p h i­
lo so p h y a t th e tu r n o f t h e c e n tu r y , was no lo n g e r t h e o n ly " a u th o r ity "
in m a tte rs p e r ta in in g t o s c ie n c e .
The H erm etic and N e o p ia to n is t th o u g h t .
c u r r e n ts o f th e R e n a issa n c e had tu r n e d up a number o f "new" t h e o r i s t s
th ro u g h v a s t stu d y o f A n cien t E g y p tian and o r i e n t a l c i v i l i z a t i o n s , t h e
m ost im p re s siv e o f whom was Hermes T r is m e g is tu s .
The l e t t e r ' s concep­
t i o n o f wisdom h e lp e d t o r e in f o r c e t h e i n t u i t i v e q u a s i- m y s tic a l d o c tr in e
o f P la to n ic lo v e w hich had a lre a d y been acco rd ed w ith t h e C h r is tia n no­
t i o n o f m an's r e l a t i o n t o God.
As a r e s u l t , man, th ro u g h h i s d i r e c t
265
l i n k t o God, f e l t he had a c e r t a i n p e rs o n a l a u t h o r i t y in c o n t r o l l i n g h i s
r e l a t i o n s w ith th e w o rld around him t h a t was s a n c tio n e d "by th e d iv in e
p la n .
H ence, th e tim e f o r r e th in k in g th e e n t i r e problem o f "freedom "
and " a u th o r ity " in s c ie n c e was e m in e n tly a t h an d , and nowhere was th e
d e b a te to be more h e a te d th a n w ith in t h e v e ry i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t had de­
f in e d and defended i t s r i g h t t o i n t e r p r e t th e s e c o n ce p ts in t h e p a s t:
t h e Church.
One o f th e most im p o rta n t s ig n s o f change in th e i n t e l l e c t u a l
o u tlo o k in th e f i r s t h a l f o f th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu ry can be found in
documents r e l a t e d t o th e th e o lo g ic a l d e b a te o v er g r a c e , d iv in e f o r e ­
know ledge, and human f r e e w i l l .
H i s t o r i c a l l y s p e a k in g , th e c o n tro v e rs y
d a te s back t o th e tim e o f A ug u stin e who to o k is s u e w ith th e
f i f t h - c e n t u r y h e r e t i c PS lage o v e r th e p o s s i b i l i t y o f f r e e w i l l w ith ­
o u t e f f ic a c io u s g r a c e .
U n d e rsta n d a b ly , th e q u e s tio n was n e v e r re s o lv e d
t o e v e ry o n e 1s com plete s a t i s f a c t i o n b e ca u se i t c a l l s i n t o q u e s tio n th e
v e ry e sse n c e o f m an's need f o r a God t o e x p la in n a t u r e .
But w ith th e
P r o te s ta n t R e fo rm a tio n 's em phasis on t h e p e rs o n a l dim ension o f th e r e ­
l a t i o n s h i p betw een c r e a tu r e and c r e a t o r , th e most p r o g r e s s iv e C a th o lic
o rd e r o f p r i e s t s in m a tte rs p e r ta in in g t o th e e d u c a tio n o f men—-the Com­
pany o f J e s u s —was com pelled t o c l a r i f y i t s r a t h e r ambiguous s ta n d on t h e
m a tte r o f g ra c e once a g a in .
The d o c tr in e o p te d f o r was "M olinism " ( t r a d i ­
t i o n a l l y c a l l e d " l a s c ie n c e moyenne") p o s itio n e d h alfw ay betw een th e a b so ­
l u t e s o f com plete freedom and com plete dependence on God w hich g r a n ts
t h e l a r g e s t p o r tio n o f autonomy t o man w ith o u t t o t a l l y e lim in a tin g t h e
n e c e s s ity o f d iv in e in te r v e n tio n = Through a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f th e
266
T h o m istic n o tio n o f freedom = absence o f c o n s t r a i n t , . M olina a r r iv e d a t
th e nuanced c o n c e p tio n o f freedom = ab sen ce o f d e te rm in a tio n s and
p o s ite d t h a t in ev ery f r e e a c t th e w i l l m ust alw ays r e s e r v e th e power t o
w ithdraw i t s concom m ittanee and e l e c t a n o th e r c o u rse o f a c t i o n .
In
o th e r w o rd s9 M o lin a ’s c r i t e r i o n f o r th e e x e r c is e o f f r e e w i l l in human
a c tio n s demands t h a t th e human s u b je c t rem ain c a p a b le o f n o t acco m p lish ­
in g th e a c t w hich he i s in f a c t a c t u a l l y a c c o m p lish in g .
I f t h i s freedom
t o choose i s w ithdraw n a t some p o in t and th e s t i p u l a t i o n i n s e r t e d t h a t
man must have e f f ic a c io u s g ra c e t o s e l e c t "good" in p re f e r e n c e t o " e v i l , "
th e n we can no lo n g e r c o n s id e r o u rs e lv e s r e s p o n s ib le f o r o u r a c tio n s and
c h o ic e s b e ca u se we do n o t make them " i n d i f f e r e n t l y " o r w ith r e f e r e n c e t o
v ic e and v i r t u e .
As E. G ilso n h as shown in La Li-bevt& chez D e sc a rte s e t la
Th& ologte, th e crux o f th e problem in t h e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu ry can be
tr a c e d d i r e c t l y t o th e A quinian d o c tr in e o f t h e i n t e l l e c t seen in term s
o f two a sp e c ts-—u n d e rs ta n d in g and w i l l —w hich combine t o acco m p lish one
o p e r a tio n —judgm ent.
G e n e ra lly s p e a k in g , A quinas su p p o ses t h a t u n d er­
s ta n d in g i s s u p e r io r t o w i l l in t h e se n s e t h a t t h e f i r s t " e n lig h te n s " o r
"in fo rm s" th e second th e re b y i n c l i n i n g man to w ard s th e s e l e c t i o n o f c e r ­
t a i n c o u rs e s o f a c ti o n .
By e x te n s io n o f t h i s d u a l a s p e c t o f i n t e l l e c t t o
th e Godhead, i t becomes l o g i c a l t o assume t h a t t h i s p r i o r i t y i s a ls o
p r e s e n t in th e d iv in e m ind.
Hence, id e a somehow p re c e d e s a c tio n so t h a t
T
See G ils o n , La L ib e r ty chez D e sc a rte s e t la T h § o lo g ies P a rt I I ,
chap. 2 ,
26?
in r e a l i t y God i s c ap a b le o f a c c o m p lish in g o n ly th o s e th in g s f o r which
t h e r e a re id e a s * And so t h e q u e s tio n a r i s e s .a s to .w h o c o u ld have .c r e a te d
t h e id e a s i f n o t God h im s e lf.
I f t h i s i s th e c a s e , th e n i t i s l o g i c a l l y
p o s s ib le f o r God t o c o n tin u e adding and s u b s tr a c ti n g id e a s from h i s
"w o rld" o f forms th e re b y le a v in g man w ith a b s o lu te ly no b a s i s f o r c e r ­
t a i n t y in th e p re m ises on w hich h i s know ledge i s b a se d .
A quinas answ ers
th e problem by in v o k in g th e a t t r i b u t e o f im m u ta b ility w hich su p e rse d e s
a l l o th e r d iv in e a t t r i b u t e s .
D elv in g d eep er i n t o th e problem o f th e s t r u c t u r e o f i n t e l l e c t
h ow ever, A quinas o b se rv e s t h a t th e w i l l and u n d e rs ta n d in g i n t e r a c t in
such a way t h a t one may a p p ea r " s u p e r io r " t o th e o th e r dep en d in g on th e
v a n tag e p o in t o f th e o b s e r v e r.
As G ilso n summarizes t h i s d o c tr in e :
S i I ’on se p la c e au p o in t de vue de l a s p e c i f i c a t i o n des
a c te s en r a is o n de l e u r o b j e t , c ’e s t dans 1 1entendem ent
que I 1on p la c e r a l e p r in c ip e p re m ie r du mouvement de
I'a m e . Mais s i nous nous p lag o n s au p o in t de vue de
1 ’accom plissem ent meme des a c t e s , a l o r s 1 ’o r ig in e du
mouvement se tro u v e p la c e e non dans 1 ' entendem ent m ais
dans l a v o lo n te .8
T hus, i f one assum es t h a t d iv in e i n t e l l e c t i s alw ays o f t h e same n a tu r e ,
i . e . , i n d i v i s i b l e , im m a te ria l, and p e r f e c t , th e s e " a s p e c ts ” o f u n d er­
s ta n d in g and w i l l do n o t c o rre sp o n d t o p a r t s b u t d e s ig n a te i n s t e a d th e
two p o in ts o f view one m ight ta k e w ith r e s p e c t t„o th e a c ti o n p e rfo rm ed .
G ureau de La Chambre and D e s c a rte s b o th b e g in w ith t h e A quinian
id e a , o f an i n d i v i s i b l e d iv in e i n t e l l e c t a s a b a s is f o r a n a ly z in g th e
s t r u c t u r e o f th e human m ind.
^Ibid*s p. 254.
F or La Chambre, a l l i n t e l l e c t , w hether i n
268
man o r in God, i s by d e f i n i t i o n p e r f e c t . and im m a te ria l.
And so i f we
c o n s id e r man s o le l y in te rm s o f t h i s s u p e r io r f a c u l t y , w i l l and u n d e r­
s ta n d in g a r e e q u a lly " i n f i n i t e " in t h e m icrocosm ic b e in g th e y i n h a b i t ».
and in t h i s s e n s e , i n d i v i s i b l e : . th e y c o n s t i t u t e a l l o f t h e " s o u l" w hich
rem ain s a f t e r p h y s ic a l m a tu ra tio n f o r th e p u rp o se o f s p i r i t u a l m atu ra­
t i o n th ro u g h th e fo rm a tio n o f new id e a s (s e e c h a p te r 6 ) .
But man i s a
m ixed c r e a t u r e , and h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l f a c u l t y n e c e s s a r i l y a s s o c ia te s w ith
t h e s e n s i t i v e c o rre sp o n d e n ts t o u n d e rs ta n d in g and w i l l —im a g in a tio n and
a p p e tite .
F or t h i s r e a s o n , human u n d e rs ta n d in g i s t a i n t e d and i n c lin e d
t o e r r o r b e c a u se i t i s o n ly th ro u g h " im a g in a tio n " t h a t the. s u b je c t
" v i s u a liz e s " and compares o b je c ts in o rd e r t o a b s t r a c t t h e i r common
p r i n c i p l e s to fo rm u la te c o n c e p ts .
In D e s c a r te s ' sy ste m , by c o n t r a s t , body and m ind a r e a p r i o r i s t i c a l l y s e p a r a te and any e r r o r in judgm ent can n o t be a t t r i b u t e d t o
c o o p e ra tio n from low er f a c u l t i e s .
Human u n d e rs ta n d in g and w i l l r e p r e ­
s e n t two d i f f e r e n t p h a se s in th e i n t e l l e c t u a l p ro c e s s :
th e f i r s t in ­
v o lv e s t h e fo rm u la tio n o f p r o p o s itio n s and ju d g m en t, o r p u re i n t e l l e c ­
t i o n , i t i s o n ly when t h i s judgm ent i s co n firm ed by t h e w i l l t h a t an
a c tio n ta k e s p la c e .
H ence, in man t h e a c t i v e f o r c e i s th e w i l l , and i t
i s t h i s p a r t o f th e i n t e l l e c t t h a t i s i n f i n i t e and " f r e e . "
F or
D e s c a r te s , th e p o s s ib le s e p a r a tio n o f s e n s a tio n and i n t e l l e c t i o n was a
fu n dam ental s te p f o r t h e fo u n d in g o f " l a v ra y e P h ilo s o p h ic " grounded in
c l e a r and d i s t i n c t i d e a s ; f o r C ureau and o th e r s who r e g a rd e d human
s c ie n c e a s a system o f c o n c e p tu a l s t r u c t u r e s a r r i v e d a t th ro u g h h y p o th ­
e s i s , t r i a l and e r r o r and new h y p o th e s is , m an’s u n d e rs ta n d in g o f t r u t h
269
would alw ays be in c o m p le te b e c a u s e , as we s h a l l see n e x t, a s a s c ie n ­
t i s t he i s alw ays an e x te r n a l o b s e rv e r o r re a d e r o f s ig n s .
Freedom o f " in d if f e r e n c e " as
an e p is te m o lo g ie a l b a s is f o r
p r o b a b i l i s t i c s c ie n c e
■
As we saw in c h a p te r 4 , Cureau de La Cham bre's m ethodology was
b a se d on th e same p r o b a b i l i s t i c th e o r y o f human s c ie n c e b o th G assendi
and M ersenne s u p p o rt in t h e i r w orks.
W hile none o f th e s e t h r e e men was
d i r e c t l y in v o lv e d in th e c o n tro v e rs y o v e r g r a c e , th e l a s t two b o th ex­
p re s s e d t h e i r p re fe re n c e f o r th e M o lin is t s o lu tio n a t d i f f e r e n t p o in ts
in t h e i r r e s p e c tiv e c a r e e r s .
9
P r a c t i c a l l y sp e a k in g , t h i s was th e o n ly
d o c tr in e o f g ra c e w hich c o u ld be r e c o n c ile d w ith th e n o m in a lis t view
t h a t a n a lo g ic a l knowledge i s b u t a s k e tc h o f a com plete s c ie n c e which
was in th e p ro c e ss o f b e in g c o n s tr u c te d .
T hus, we can e x p e c t t h a t i f
Cureau had been f o r c e d t o ta k e a s ta n d on th e q u e s tio n o f g r a c e , h e ,
t o o , would have o p te d f o r th e view w hich s e p a r a te s d iv in e and human
knowledge i n t o two d i s t i n c t o r d e r s .
As i t tu r n e d o u t, how ever, C ureau d id n o t fo rm u la te h i s th e o ry
o f " in d if f e r e n c e " in te rm s o f g ra c e ; th e c o n te x t in w hich he d e a ls w ith
t h i s concept i s e v o lu tio n o f b i o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e from th e in fo rm in g
9
On G a sse n d i’ s p ro f e s s e d M olinism , se e Syntagma P h ilosoph icw n s
I I , 8 43a-844a, and B lo ch , La P h ilo so p h ie de G assendis p . UT2, n o te s 147
and 148. In re g a rd t o M ersen n e's p r e f e r e n c e f o r " l a l i b e r t e d 'i n d i f ­
fe re n c e ," we have th e fo llo w in g p a ssa g e from Q uaestiones in Genesim:
"V o luntas i g i t u r meo quidem iu d ic io duobus o b j e c t i s s i b i a e q u a l i t e r
p r o p o s i t i s a lte r u tr u m p ro l i b i t o s e q u i p o t e s t , ta m e ts i n u l l a e i m aior
r a t i o a p p a r e a t, cum unum s e q u a tu r , quam a l i u d ; imo p o t e s t i l l u d b b iectu m
e l i g e r e , quod-m inus e f f i c a c i t e r p r o p o n it u r , a lio q u in u b i l i b e r t a s ? "
( c o l. 1296- 1 297, q u o ted in L e n o b le, Mersenne; ou la n a issa n e e du
m ieanism e, p . 301).
270
v irtu e .
" I n d i f f e r e n t " a c tio n s a r e th o s e 'which a r e acco m p lish ed by
o rg a n ic s u b sta n c e s o u t o f n e c e s s ity b e ca u se t h e s e n s i t i v e s u b s ta n c e , o r
s o u l, w hich inform s t h a t s u b sta n c e i s c o m p le te ly " a tta c h e d " o r d e t e r ­
mined d u rin g th e c o u rse o f developm ent.
Hence, a l l a c ti o n s perform ed
by an im als would be c o n s id e re d " i n d i f f e r e n t " b ecau se a l l o f t h e i r o r i g ­
i n a l " so u l" i s "used up" o r " a tta c h e d " d u rin g b i o l o g i c a l developm ent.
C o n v erse ly , m oral a c tio n s a r e th o s e a c ti o n s c a r r i e d o u t w ith o u t con­
s t r a i n t in th e se n se t h a t th e y a re n o t programmed by any o rg a n ic con­
fin e m e n t.
I n s te a d , th e y a r e r e g u la te d by " r i g h t re a so n " w hich a c c o rd ­
in g t o C ureau a r i s e s from d iv in e la w , n a t u r a l la w , o r by re a s o n in g
a c c o rd in g t o th e te a c h in g s o f M oral P h ilo so p h y (A rt, p . 2 4 8 ).
p a r t o f th e p h ra s e begs th e
i n e v i t a b l e q u e s tio n :
T h is l a s t
which one o f th e s e
c o n s t i t u t e s th e p rim ary so u rc e o f R ig h t Reason? For C ureau de
La
Chambre, t h e answ er i s r e a l l y i r r e l e v a n t s in c e c o n c re te know ledge o f t h e
e sse n c e o f s o u l i s n o t w ith in th e g ra s p o f human u n d e rs ta n d in g .
From
o u r v a n ta g e p o in t he w ould say th e n o tio n o f a f ig u r e su ch as th e one
he c a l l s "in fo rm in g v i r t u e " i s p a ra d o x ic a l b ecau se i t i s c o n tin u a lly
m o difying i t s e l f , w h ile ou r knowledge o f f i g u r e s
sp ace and tim e and i s b a se d
alw ays h as r e f e r e n c e t o
on o b s e r v a tio n o f e f f e c t s .
And so i n r e ­
f u s in g t o name th e s o u rc e o f R ig h t Reason any more s p e c i f i c a l l y to say
t h a t i t p ro c e ed s from a number o f s o u r c e s , one o f w hich i s d iv in e la w ,
C ureau ex cu ses h im s e lf from d e a lin g d i r e c t l y w ith th e d i f f i c u l t i e s t h a t
w ere t o c o n fro n t D e s c a rte s in h is e f f o r t t o e s t a b l i s h a m e ta p h y sic a l
b a s is f o r c e r t a i n t y in human s c ie n c e .
271
D e sc a rte s and th e r e f u s a l t o pose
t h e o lo g ic a l problem s
L ik e Cureau de La Chambre, D e s c a rte s was n o t . a th e o lo g ia n and on
fre q u e n t o c c a s io n s he disavow ed any i n t e r e s t in a rg u in g t h e s u b t l e t i e s
of re lig io u s d o c trin e .
Howevers in h i s a tte m p t t o found t h e p rem ises
f o r " l a v ra y e P h ilo s o p h ie ," D e sc a rte s was l e d t o reexam ine t h e p o s itio n
o f Thomas A quinas on th e n a tu r e o f t h e i n t e l l e c t , as we n o te d ab o v e, and
in consequence o f t h i s re e x a m in a tio n , t o r e d e f in e b o th human and d iv in e
freedom .
These new d e f i n i t i o n s , a r r i v e d a t a f t e r p ro fo u n d m e d ita tio n ,
t r a v e l , and a p e r io d o f c lo s e a s s o c ia t i o n w ith th e A u g u stin ia n fo u n d e r
o f th e O ra to ry C a rd in a l P i e r r e de B i r u l l e , c o n s t i t u t e t h e m ost im p o rta n t
and p ro b a b ly th e m ost o r i g i n a l a s p e c ts o f th e C a r te s ia n sy stem .
In k eep in g w ith th e s t r i c t e s t t e n e t s o f Church dogma, D e s c a rte s
u n d e rs ta n d s God a s th e c r e a t o r o f a l l th i n g s o u ts id e o f w hich n o th in g
e x is ts .
Hence, a l l e s s e n c e s , in c lu d in g t h e e t e r n a l t r u t h s o r law s w hich
'
-
govern th e movements and c y c le s o f t h i n g s , depend on God’s a c ti v e sup­
p o r t f o r t h e i r e x is te n c e and a r e in c a p a b le o f d e te rm in in g him in any way.
Our f a i l u r e t o f u l l y comprehend t h i s s i t u a t i o n in any te rm s o th e r th a n
a s a n e c e s s a ry r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t i n g w ith in th e c r e a t o r i s ( in D e s c a r te s '
o p in io n ) th e r e s u l t o f ou r i n a b i l i t y t o view th e problem in t h e p ro p e r
p e r s p e c tiv e :
f o r what a p p e a rs n e c e s s a ry from o u r v a n ta g e p o in t i s
r e a l l y c o n tin g e n t w ith r e s p e c t t o God, f o r he a lo n e h a s t h e power t o
s u s ta in w hat e x i s t s .
N e v e rth e le s s , D e s c a rte s a s s u re s u s t h a t l i k e a l l
o th e r e s s e n c e s , th e t r u t h s e s ta b lis h e d by God a r e e t e r n a l b e ca u se i f
n o th in g can e x i s t o u ts id e God, th e n t h e r e i s n o th in g t o " in c l i n e " h i s
272
w i l l o r t o cause him t o ch an g e; . t h e r e f o r e , God i s im m utable b ecau se he
i s p e r f e c t , i . e . , n o t e v o lv in g .
T here a re a number o f im p o rta n t consequences w hich d e riv e from
t h i s prem ise th e f i r s t o f w hich s t r i k e s a t th e v e ry h e a r t o f th e Scho­
l a s t i c j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a s c ie n c e b a se d on an alo g y .
W hile u p h o ld in g
th e im m u ta b ility and unknowable c h a r a c te r o f t h e d iv in e on th e one h an d ,
A quinas and h is fo llo w e rs assume t h a t th e r e i s some s o r t o f r e l a t i o n s h i p
betw een th e c r e a te d and th e c r e a to r t h a t p e rm its th e seco n d t o be u n d e r­
s to o d th ro u g h stu d y o f th e f i r s t .
In o th e r w o rd s, by s tu d y in g th e ap­
p e a r a n c e s , man i s c a p a b le o f fo rm u la tin g an im p e rfe c t b u t approxim ate
id e a o f God’s n a tu r e .
T h is o rd e r o f t r u t h - l i k e n e s s i s p r e c i s e l y th e
k in d o f p r o b a b i l i s t i c s c ie n c e w hich th e opponents o f C a r te s ia n c e r t i t u d e
o f f e r a s th e b e s t a l t e r n a t i v e .
For D e s c a r te s , how ever, th e f a c t t h a t
th e r e a r e two o r d e r s —th e d i v i n e , w hich i s p e r f e c t , and th e c r e a te d ,
f i n i t e o r d e r , w hich i s im p e rfe c t— i s a param ount c o n s id e r a tio n in th e
a tte m p t t o c o n s tr u c t a s u i t a b l e p h ilo s o p h y o f s c ie n c e .
We can n o t know
God; t h e r e f o r e , in D e s c a r te s 1 e s ti m a ti o n , i t i s n o t o n ly u s e le s s b u t
c o m p le tely f a l s e t o pose th e o lo g ic a l q u e s tio n s co n ce rn in g h i s n a t u r e ,
b ecau se in doing so we have c r e a te d a c o n c e p t— a "superm an" o f s o r t s —
w hich has no c o rre sp o n d in g r e a l i t y .
I f God i s o n e , he can have no
s e p a ra te " u n d e rsta n d in g " o r w o rld o f id e a s w hich i s n o t s im u lta n e o u s ly
b e in g w ille d by him .
T hus, what e x i s t s i s r e a l ; t h e r e i s no sequence
from p o t e n t i a l t o a c t as in th e A r i s t o t e l i a n and S c h o la s tic sy ste m s.
In man, how ever, th e a c tio n o f th e w i l l must be p re c e d e d by
judgm ent o r th e fo rm u la tio n o f a p r o p o s itio n in th e u n d e rs ta n d in g .
If,
273
a s th e S c h o la s tic d o c tr in e im p lie s , human u n d e rs ta n d in g " i n c l i n e s " th e
w i l l in a manner analogous t o th e way in w hich th e im a g in a tio n i s b e ­
li e v e d t o in fo rm th e s e n s i t i v e a p p e t i t e , th e n in D e s c a r te s ' o p in io n ,
th e r e can be no such th in g as human freedom .
But i f , on t h e o th e r h an d ,
we adm it t h a t w i l l i s an i n d i v i s i b l e f o r c e — a p u re power w ith no i n t e l ­
l e c t u a l c o n te n t—th e n i t becomes o b v io u s t h a t th e r e can be no g ra d a tio n s
in i t s a b i l i t y to a c t o r e s s e n c e .
Hence, human w i l l i s e v e ry b i t a s
" i n f i n i t e " as d iv in e w i l l b e ca u se th e y a r e one in t h e same pow er.
As
G ilso n has shown, i t i s t h i s d o c tr in e o f f r e e w i l l w hich e n a b le s Des­
c a r t e s t o view th e p h ilo s o p h ic a l problem o f e r r o r in t h e same te rm s a s
Thomas A quinas view ed t h e th e o lo g ic a l problem o f s i n :
Selon l a th e o lo g ie c a th o l iq u e , I'homme se tro u v e p a r
r a p p o rt au peche exactem ent dans l a s i t u a t i o n ou Des­
c a r te s V eut q u ' i l s o i t p a r r a p p o r t a 1 ' e r r e u r .
L'homme e s t f a i l l i b l e en ce sen s q u ' i l p e u t p e c h e r ,
m ais i l n 'y a p as une s e u le f a u te q u ' i l s o i t , p a r
n a tu r e , o b lig e de com m ettre. De meme que se lo n Des­
c a r te s un homme p e u t, en d r o i t , p e n s e r t o u t e s a v ie
san s commettre une s e u le e r r e u r , i l p e u t , s e lo n l a
th S o lo g ie c a th o liq u e , a g i r to u te s a v ie san s com­
m e ttre un s e u l p e c h e . Sans d oute une t e l l e v ie sup­
pose une s e r i e de sec o u rs e x t r a o r d i n a i r e s de l a p a r t
de D ie u , m ais e n f in e l l e e s t p o s s i b l e , e t i l f a u t
b ie n q u 'e l l e l e s o i t , p a rc e que s ‘i l e x i s t a i t une
s e u le f a u te v ra im e n t in e v i t a b l e p o u r un homme, q u e ls
que p u is s e n t e t r e l e s e f f o r t s de s a v o lo n te , D ieu
lui-meme se t r o u v e r a i t re s p o n s a b le du peche commis
p a r c e t homme. En r e a l i t e , l e s ch o ses ne se p a s s e n t
p as a i n s i e t s a i n t Thomas 1 ' e t a b l i t p a r s a d o c trin e
de 1 ' e le c tio *
E n tre l e s fau x ju g em en ts que
p ro p o se
un entendem ent tr o u b l e p a r l a c o n cu p iscen ce
e tle s
p a s s io n s , e t l e s a c te s que nous a c c o m p lisso n s, s 1i n t e r ­
pose l a v o lo n te l i b r e . I I e s t to u jo u r s en n o tre
p o u v o ir d 'a c c e p te r ou de r e f u s e r l e s p r o p o s itio n s de
n o tr e e n te n dem ent, e t , p a r c e t t e l i b r e a c c e p ta tio n
de se s a c t e s , I'homme d e v ie n t s e u l re s p o n sa b le de s e s
f a u t e s . V o ila
p re c ise m e n t de quoi re s o u d re
le
problem e que D e sc a rte s s 'e s t p o s e . I I l u i . s u f f i r a
274
de r e c u l e r l e jugem ent ju s q u 'a u moment ou i l e s t a c c e p t!
p a r l a v o lo n te $ c *e s t - a - d i r e de nommer jugem ent ee que
s a i n t Thomas nommait e l e c t i o n . P a r l a s 1e x p liq u e n t a
l a f o i s e t l a d if f e r e n c e de te rm in o lo g ie q u i sS p are l e
th e o lo g ia n du p h ilo s o p h e e t l e s i n g u l i e r p a r a llS lis m e
e n tr e l e co ntenu de l e u r s d o c t r i n e s . . . .^0
T hus, f o r D e s c a r te s , man i s c a p a b le o f a v o id in g e r r o r i n h is
judgm ents i n th e same way t h a t he i s c a p a b le o f a v o id in g s i n —th ro u g h
e x e r c is e o f f r e e w i l l .
I f God does n o t a s s u re him t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y ,
th e n he i s n e i t h e r a ll- p o w e r f u l n o r good.
Given t h i s fram e o f r e f e r ­
e n c e , th e r e i s no o th e r s c ie n c e p o s s ib le f o r man th a n t r u e s c ie n c e ,
i . e . , th e o rd e r o f knowledge c o n s tr u c te d and m a in ta in e d by God th ro u g h
h is e te r n a l t r u t h s .
As G ilso n has n o te d , t h i s p u ts D e s c a rte s in an en ­
t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t p o s i t i o n from th e S c h o la s tic s who a c c e p t e r r o r as a
consequence o f a d e f i c i e n t n a tu re such as m an's and who re g a r d s c ie n c e
as " p ro b a b le " and " t r u t h - l i k e .
In r e l a t i o n t o s c i e n c e , th e n , human freedom c o n s i s t s i n th e a c t
o f judgm ent o r th e a s s e n t o f o u r f r e e w i l l t o th e p r o p o s itio n s o u r un­
d e rs ta n d in g p r e s e n ts t o u s .
J u s t as we a re " f r e e " t o a v o id s in n in g , we
a re " f r e e " t o w ith h o ld v o lu n ta ry c o n firm a tio n from th o s e p r o p o s itio n s
w hich a re e i t h e r f a l s e o r w hich seem d u b io u s o r vague t o u s .
In s h o r t ,
we e x e r c is e o u r f r e e w i l l by r e f u s in g t o a s s e n t t o any id e a w hich i s n o t
c l e a r and d i s t i n c t ; by a v o id in g h a s ty c o n f ir m a tio n s , we w i l l f u l l y con­
t r o l th e p r o p e n s ity o f ou r u n d e rs ta n d in g t o le a d us t o e rro n e o u s incom­
p l e t e c o n c lu s io n s .
In t h i s s e n s e , God i s n o t r e s p o n s ib le f o r o u r e r r o r s
■ ^ G ilso n , La L i b e r t t ohez Dee c a r te s e t t a Th&olog'te, p p . 2 7 3 -7 4 .
11
I b i d . ; a ls o se e p p . 271-72 and p p . 275-85*
275
u n le s s he i s t o t a l l y r e s p o n s ib le f o r them , in which c a se he w ould be a
"m alin g e n ie ," im p e rfe c t and p r im o r d ia lly opposed, t o man.
I t i s a t t h i s p o in t t h a t D e s c a r te s ’ th e o ry o f human freedom r e ­
j o in s th e t h e o lo g ic a l d e b ate o v e r . g ra c e t r i g g e r e d by th e M o lin is t doc­
t r i n e o f in d if f e r e n c e and le n d s su p p o rt t o th e A u g u stin ia n p o s it io n
assumed by H e o p la to n is t O ra to ria n s a g a in s t th e J e s u i t s , and by e x te n s io n ,
a g a in s t th e Schoolmen.
For D e s c a r te s , an a c t o f w i l l i s an a c t o f lo v e ;
e le c t i o n i s th e movement o f th e in d iv id u a l mind to w ard s th e good which
can have b u t one so u rc e —God.
T hus, in th e F o u rth M e d ita tio n , D e sc a rte s
to o k i t upon h im s e lf t o c o n s id e r th e p roblem o f human freedom from th e .
v ie w p o in t o f d iv in e g r a c e , and in d o in g s o , allo w ed h im s e lf t o be drawn
i n t o th e c o n tro v e rs y w hich began i n 1630 w ith th e p u b li c a tio n o f De
l i b e r t a t e Dei- e t a r e a ttw i by th e Or a t o r i an p o le m ic is t . F a th e r G ib ie u f«
Towards a new d o c tr in e o f human
f r e e w i l l : th e O ra to ry from
G ib ie u f t o M alebranehe
Founded in l 6 l l by th e f u tu r e C a rd in a l de B e r u l l e , th e Congre­
g a tio n o f th e O ra to ry q u ic k ly became th e m ajo r fo y e r o f i n t e l l e c t u a l
d e b a te t o r i v a l th e p r e s t i g e o f th e J e s u i t s in m a tte rs o f Church doc­
trin e .
Under th e t u t e l a g e o f De B e r u lle , i t s members s t r e s s e d th e im­
p o rta n c e o f g ra c e in th e r e l a t i o n betw een man and God, a f f ir m in g alo n g
th e l i n e s e s ta b lis h e d by A ugustine t h a t th e e sse n c e o f freedom c o n s is ts
in t o t a l subm ission t o d iv in e w i l l .
Not a p o le m ic is t h im s e lf , De
B l r u l l e d ie d w ith o u t e v e r ta k in g a s ta n d a g a in s t th e M o lin is t d o c t r i n e .
A fte r h i s d e a th , how ever,, h i s c lo s e f r i e n d G ib ie u f, fo rm e rly a p a r t i ­
san o f " l a s c ie n c e moyenne" and a l l th e more a r d e n tly s e t on c r i p p l i n g x
276
i t s p re s tig e ,
12
b ro u g h t t h e O ra to ry i n t o d i r e c t c o n f r o n ta tio n w ith th e
Company o f J e s u s when he p u b lis h e d h i s De t i b e v t a t e in 1630 and claim ed
A u gustine as h is d o c t r i n a l p a tr o n .
For h i s e f f o r t s he was h e a r t i l y en­
d o rse d by two key f ig u r e s in what was e v e n tu a lly t o become t h e J a n s e n i s t movement:
C. J a n s e n iu s and Jea n du V erg er de H au ran n e, abbe de
S a in t C yran. 13
A ccording t o G ib ie u f , in d if f e r e n c e o f th e w i l l i s a p e r f e c t io n
in God, b u t in th e im p e rfe c t c r e a tu r e t h a t i s man, i t c o n s t i t u t e s a r e ­
f u s a l t o subm it t o th e d iv in e o rd e r and i s t h e r e f o r e th e damnable mark
o f t o t a l d e p r a v ity .
True freedom on th e human l e v e l c o n s i s t s in a m p ti-
tu d e o r becoming one w ith th e d iv in e w i l l w hich i s th e s o u rc e o f o ur
s o v e re ig n and o n ly good.
Through su b m issio n we become ” i n v i n c i b l e ” ;
t h u s , th e more g ra c e we have re c e iv e d from God t o t u r n o u rs e lv e s in
t h i s d i r e c t i o n , th e g r e a t e r o u r .freedom becom es.
The consequences o f t h i s d o c tr in e o f human freedom a re r i g o r o u s ,
as G ilso n e x p la in s %
S i D ieu p r e v o it en e f f e t nos a c te s l i b r e s , c 'e s t que l a
c o n n a issa n c e d iv in e e s t subordonnee a l a d e c is io n i n d i f fS re n te de n o tr e v o lo n tS ; D ieu c o n s ta te nos a c t i o n s , i l
ne l e s d e te rm in e p a s . S i D ieu p r e v o it au c o n tr a ir e nos
a c te s p a rc e q u ' i l l e s a d e c r e te s , c 'e s t que nos a c te s ne
dependent de nous n i dans l e ch o ix que nous en f a i s o n s ,
n i dans l e u r a cco m p lissem en t. E t l a l i b e r t e que 1 'o n
v e u t b ie n e n co re nous a c c o rd e r n 1e s t p lu s a lo r s c e t t e
i n d if f e r e n c e que l a p u is s a n c e d iv in e elle-m em e r e s p e c t a i t ;
e l l e a * e s t que l a re c o n n a is s a n c e de l a dom ination a b so lu e
de D ieu s u r sa c r e a tu r e . Nous a l i e n s ou i l p l a i t a D ieu
12I b id . s p . 299.
13I b id .s pp. 301-02.
277
de nous c o n d u ire , nous l e su iv o n s lib re m e n t ou son i r ­
r e s i s t i b l e v o lo n te a d e c r e te .d e nous e n t r a i n e r . . .
D e sc a rte s re a d th e t e x t o f D@ t i b e v t d t e p r e c i s e l y a t t h e moment
when he was in v o lv e d in e la b o r a tin g h i s own th e o ry o f freedom in th e
F o u rth M e d ita tio n and was v e ry p le a s e d t o f in d h i s d o c tr in e co n firm ed by
a mam he h e ld in h ig h e ste e m .
But D e s c a r te s , l i k e De B e r u l l e , was n o t a
p o le m ic is t by n a t u r e , p a r t i c u l a r l y when i t came t o th e o lo g y .
However,
th e J e s u i t s w ere n o t about t o l e t De l i b e v t a t e go u n n o tic e d .
T h e ir own
c r e d i b i l i t y was a lr e a d y a t s ta k e in Rome w here M olinism had f a i l e d t o
o b ta in th e a p p ro v a l o f th e V a tic a n , and th e o p p o rtu n ity t o p r e s e n t t h e i r
case in a c o n te x t t h a t w ould p o in t o u t th e i m p l i c i t d a n g ers o f a r a d i c a l
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f th e T h o m istic d o c tr in e was to o good t o p a s s up.
The c o n tro v e rs y began on a r a t h e r l i g h t n o te w ith T h eo p h ile
R aynaud’s pam phlet C a lv in im u s b e s tia r im r e l i g i o , e t appeV Latio pro
Dominioo Bonne CalvinisnrL damnato . . . p u b lis h e d u n d er th e pseudonym o f
one o f h i s s t u d e n t s .
15
I n 1632, how ever, e v e n ts to o k a s e r io u s tu r n
w ith th e ap p earan ce o f an anonymous t r a c t e n t i t l e d E x e r o ita tio s o h o ta s ti-oa . . . c o n tra novum ration em tu e n d i phys-icas p va em o n itio n es
li-berorum agentwn3 eoriMque lib e r ta te m exponendis b e h in d w hich s to o d th e
most re d o u t a b le p o le m ic is t o f th e Company, Le P e re A im at.
come f o r D e s c a rte s t o b e g in r e - e v a l u a tin g h i s p r i o r i t i e s !
l k I b i d . 3 p p . 308-09.
^ I b i d ' f p . 339.
The tim e h ad
278
What m a tte re d most t o th e a u th o r o f V isaoups de la MSthode, as
h i s c o rresp o n d en ce c l e a r l y d e m o n s t r a t e s w a s th e s u r v iv a l o f " l a v ra y e
P h ilo s o p h ie ," which he hoped w ould g a in o f f i c i a l a p p ro v a l o f th e S o rbonne and from h e re would f in d i t s way i n t o th e c u rric u lu m o f th e power­
f u l J e s u i t s c h o o ls .
As G ilso n h as o b s e rv e d , D e sc a rte s soon r e a l i z e d th e
dangerous resem blance betw een h is th e o r y o f freedom and t h e one o f
L*Augustinus w hich ap p ea re d in l6H o, and made an e f f o r t t o e lim in a te any
c r i t i c i s m o f " in d i f f e r e n e e " from h i s w o rk s.
In t h e P r in c ip ia p h ilo s o -
p h ia e o f 1644, D e s c a rte s a llu d e s o n ly once t o " i n d i f f e r e n c e a n d th e
c o n te x t i s c a r e f u l l y made t o lo o k as i f he re g a rd s i t as a synonym o f
lib e r t& —qx>Ate a change in to n e from th e M e d ita tio n s p u b lis h e d o n ly f o u r
y e a rs e a r l i e r !
But i t was n o t o n ly D e s c a rte s who was s o r r y f o r h a v in g g o tte n
in v o lv e d i n th e c o n tro v e rs y w hich r u in e d th e chances f o r h i s p h ilo s o ­
p h y 's a cc e p tan c e by th e S orbonne;
a s s o c ia t i o n w ith th e J a n s e n i s t s c o u ld "
o n ly underm ine th e i n t e g r i t y o f t h e hew .C o n g reg atio n o f th e O ra to ry in
Rome.
As G ilso n has o b serv ed com paring th e a t t i t u d e o f t h i s o rd e r t o
th e J a n s e n is t movements
"Ce qu i s e p a re to u jo u r s du Jan sen ism e l e s P e re s
de I 'O r a t o i r e , ce f u t l e u r in e b r a n la b le v o lo n te de se so u m e ttre eL t o u t e s
l e s d e c is io n s de l a papaufce."
17
The new champion o f th e O ra to ria n d o c tr in e o f g ra c e was M aleb ran ch e i n t o whose hands f e l l th e ta s k o f draw ing a l l th e i m p lic it
■^See D e s c a r te s ' l e t t e r t o G ib ie u f (A un P l r e de 1 *O r a to ir e ) ,
d a te d 1642, f o r exam ple.
" ^ G ils o n , La L ib e r ty chez D e sc a rte s e t la T h eo lo g ie, p . 255.
279
consequences o f " i n f i n i t e l i b e r t y " w ith o u t em bracing e i t h e r P e la g ia n ism
o r Jan se n ism .
l8
F or th e a u th o r o f th e T ra itls e u r la N ature de la G&iaej
th e u n d e rs ta n d in g i s re d u c ed t o an even l e s s e r d e g re e o f f i n i t u d e th a n
D e sc a rte s a s c r ib e d t o i t a s a r e s u l t o f th e in n a te in c a p a c ity o f t h i s
f a c u l t y t o g ra s p s im u lta n e o u s ly a l l a s p e c ts o f an id e a in c l e a r and
d i s t i n c t te r m s .
The w i l l , on th e o th e r h an d , i s g iv en t h e power t o go
beyond th e l i m i t o f id e a s t o a f f ir m w hat i s no lo n g e r an i d e a , b u t God.
The danger in th e i n t e r p l a y betw een th e s e two p a r t s o f man th u s becomes
t h e f a u l t o f th e u n d e rs ta n d in g ;
th ro u g h i t s d iv in e i n f i n i t u d e , th e w i l l
a ffir m s what re a so n p r e s e n ts t o i t as th e w h o le , b u t w hich i s in r e a l i t y
a p a r t o f th e w h o le.
H ence, man’ s view i s d i s t o r t e d and h i s p ro p e n s ity
t o e r r o r i s h e ig h te n e d .
a p p a r e n t, how ever.
A ccording t o M aleb ran eh e, t h i s d an g er i s o n ly
The i n i t i a l G od-given im p u lsio n o f o u r w i l l tow ard
good must be s u s ta in e d by an i n t e r n a l d e c i s i o n , o r c o n s e n t, which
p ro c e e d s from p e r s p ic a c io u s judgm en t.
H ence, th e e sse n c e of.hum an
freedom l i e s in man’s c a p a c ity t o su sp en d judgm ent in t h e fa c e o f f a l s e
goods—t o rem ain d i s s a t i s f i e d w ith a n y th in g l e s s th a n " l e v r a i M e n ," .
w hich c o n s is ts in a oneness w ith d iv in e o r d e r .
T h is complex view o f
d iv in e d i r e c t i o n "en nous sans n o u s ," i s w hat makes human freedom i n ­
v in c ib le .
I f we ta k e M aleb ran eh e1s th e o ry o f human freedom and a p p ly i t
.
t o th e b i o l o g i c a l l e v e l , we come up w ith som ething v e ry c lo s e t o C ureau
On M alebranehe, see G. D re y fu s , La V olonte ch ez Malebranehe
( P a r i s , 1958).
de La Chambre' s id e a o f th e in fo rm in g v i r t u e .
The s o u l when view ed from
th e v a n tag e p o in t o f s u b s t a n t i a l form o r an o rg a n iz in g p r i n c i p l e w hich
i s c o n tin u a lly e v o lv in g as i t im p e ls th e in d i v id u a l to w a rd s th e p e r f e c ­
t i o n o f h i s b e in g i s re m in is c e n t o f th e id e a o f i n f i n i t e freedom .
T h is
im p ulse p re c e d e s " i n s t i n c t " a s we know i t ; i t s movements a r e th e a u th o rs
o f th o s e f ig u r e s w hich a re produced d u rin g developm ent f o r th e p u rp o se
o f g u id in g and d i r e c t i n g th e o rg a n ic s u b s ta n c e .
But more th a n t h i s ^ i n
man th e r e i s an enormous amount o f " f r e e " s o u l meant t o be u sed in th e
b u ild in g o f mind o r th e s u b j e c t 's memory b a n k ,
A pplying La Chambre' s d e f i n i t i o n o f th e mind t o M a le b ra n c h e 's
id e a o f a c o n se n tin g w i l l , we f i n d a p o s s ib le r a t i o n a l e f o r th e d i s t i n c ­
t i o n th e O ra to ria n was a tte m p tin g t o draw betw een th e i n s t i n c t u a l and
b l i n d lo v e o r g ra c e w hich i s w ith o u t m e rit and a s u p e r io r o rd e r o f
" g r a c e ," w hich i s th e one p r a c t i c e d by th e good C h r is tia n p h ilo s o p h e r
c o n s c io u s ly d i r e c t i n g h is mind to w ard s su b m issio n and a b s o r b tio n in th e
d iv in e .
C onsentm ent, o r i n f i n i t e freed o m , c o n s is ts in th e i n d i v i d u a l 's
c a p a c ity t o fo rm u la te new id e a s and new p e r s p e c tiv e s w hich b r in g him
c l o s e r t o God by d i n t o f h i s own c o n sc io u s e f f o r t — a f a r more n o b le
a c tio n th a n th e b l i n d lo v e o f th e " b ie n h e u re u x ." . In t h i s s e n s e , man i s
n e v e r " a t one" w ith God; he i s alw ays s t r i v i n g t o become c lo s e r as he
d i r e c t s h i s mind to w ard s God.
W ithout p o sin g th e problem o f d i r e c t in flu e n c e h e r e , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o f i n d t h a t M alebranche owned a copy o f Les Chapaat&ves dee
P a ssio n sj and many o f h i s id e a s on im a g in a tio n , v i c e , and v i r t u e c lo s e ly
281
p a r a l l e l th o s e advanced by th e p h y s ic ia n in t h i s work.
19
What i s im por­
t a n t , how ever, i s t o n o te th e s i m i l a r i t i e s "between th e id e a s o f th e s e
two p h ilo s o p h e rs e x p re ss e d in two d i f f e r e n t fram es o f r e f e r e n c e , 'hut
b o th o f w hich may be p la c e d in th e l a r g e r c o n te x t o f th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu r y ’s e f f o r t t o fo rm u la te a new th e o r y o f man.
The c o m p le x itie s and
a m b ig u itie s in M alebranche rem ind us o f C u reau ’s c o n fu s in g a tte m p t t o
d is c u s s th e s t r u c t u r e o f th e human i n t e l l e c t w ith o u t r e f e r e n c e t o space
and tim e (s e e c h a p te r 6 ) .
The s i m i l a r i t i e s we f in d in t h e i r e f f o r t s t o
r e s e r v e f o r man a v e s tig e o f "freedom ” t h a t i s u n d eterm in ed i s n o t s u r ­
p r i s i n g ; b o th men were a v id c o l l e c t o r s o f id e a s from contem porary
s o u rc e s , and in t h e i r r e s p e c tiv e a tte m p ts t o r e c o n c ile and acco u n t f o r
a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s f r e q u e n tly te n d e d to w ard s e c le c tic is m .
However, i t
i s a ls o t r u e t h a t t h e i r c o n c lu s io n s a r e th e p ro d u c ts o f an in d iv id u a l
and s in c e r e q u e s t t o a c c o rd th e many c o n f l i c t i n g consequences o f t r a d i ­
t i o n a l p h ilo so p h y w ith t h e i r own e x p e r i e n t i a l knowledge o f human weak­
n e ss caused by p r o p e n s ity t o p a s s io n and im a g in a tio n .
T h u s, th ro u g h
th e com bination o f self-k n o w le d g e and e r u d i t i o n , b o th M alebranche and
Curean found th e m selv e s up a g a in s t th e problem o f f in d in g an o rd e r o f
t r u t h —o r m oral p h ilo s o p h y —w hich c o u ld e x p la in o u r v o lu n ta r y o r ie n ta ­
ti o n s to w ard s a "good" t h a t i s a t once g r a t i f y i n g t o th e in d iv id u a l and
c o n s is te n t w ith th e c r e a t o r ’s d e sig n b u t n o t i m p l i c i t l y s u p p o rtiv e o f
19
282
th e d o c tr in e o f d iv in e foreknow ledge as was th e J a n s e n i s t p o s i t i o n '
on m o r a lity and g ra c e .
. . . .
Jan se n ism and th e a b s o rp tio n
o f human f r e e w i l l in d iv in e
grace
A side from th e M o lin is t s o lu tio n and th e two a l t e r n a t i v e s p ro ­
p o sed by D e sc a rte s and M alebranche t o th e problem o f human freedom , o n ly
one o p tio n rem ained—-Ja n se n ism , o r t o t a l commitment t o d is c o v e rin g and
c a r ry in g o u t th e w i l l o f God.
P r a c t i c a l l y s p e a k in g ,' th e J a n s e n is t p o s i ­
tio n l e f t no doubt as t o what th e p u rp o se o f human know ledge sh o u ld b e ;
how everj as r e l i g i o u s re fo rm e rs a t a tim e when a th e ism and s k e p tic is m
were common in i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e s , th e y re s o lv e d t o meet th e "enemy" .
on h i s own ground and t o c o u n te r th e J e s u i t d o c tr in e s w ith b o ld r h e t o r ­
i c a l argum ents fram ed in p h ilo s o p h y .
F o r exam ple, th e d o c tr in e o f
e f f ic a c io u s g ra c e expounded by J a n s e n iu s in L ’A ugustin us and b r i l l i a n t l y
defen d ed in 1656 by B la is e P a s c a l in Les P r o v v n ic ia le s was fo rm u la te d
a lo n g th e same l i n e s as G ib ie u f 's th e o r y o f human freedom .
However,
w hereas De l i b e r t a t e te n d e d t o wax m y s tic a l w ith e n th u sia sm f o r a f r e e ­
dom o f a m p litu d e s J a n s e n iu s s y s te m a tic a lly drew a l l o f th e a b su rd con­
sequences o f th e d o c tr in e o f an i n d i f f e r e n t w i l l in man and went d i ­
r e c t l y t o th e c o re o f th e m a tte r—th e e sse n c e o f freedom i t s e l f .
If
t r u e freedom i s e x e m p lifie d in God, who i s im m utable by d in t o f h i s
p e r f e c t i o n , th e n th e s o - c a lle d "freedom " of.hum an w i l l t o change o r t o
r e v e r s e o n e 's d i r e c t i o n i s r e a l l y a mark o f ig n o ran ce and in c o n s ta n c e
a r i s i n g o ut o f w eakness and n o t o u t o f s t r e n g t h .
In o th e r w o rd s, f r e e -
*dom t o change o n e 's mind d e m o n stra te s th e in s u f f ic ie n c y man e x p e rie n c e s
in h i s re a s o n w ith o u t th e a id o f g r a c e .
C o n tin u a lly jum ping from one
283
"answ er" t o a n o th e r and h anging on t o one view o n ly as lo n g as no new i n ­
fo rm a tio n c o n v in ces him t o change h is c o u r s e , man i s t h e v ic tim o f what
P a s c a l c a l l s " le d iv e r tis s e m e n t" —-the h e d o n is t t r a p o f h a v in g t o seek
new er and b e t t e r p le a s u r e s w hich, i f m o d ifie d , becomes th e E p ic u re a n
t r a p o f a v o id in g p a in a t a l l c o s t s .
F or th e t r u e b e l i e v e r , l i f e i s a v a l l e y o f t e a r s b ecau se i t m arks
th e s e p a r a tio n betw een man and God.
S c ie n c e l i k e a l l h u m a n is tic endeav­
o rs i s u s e f u l o n ly in s o f a r a s i t can s e rv e t o b r in g man c l o s e r to d iv in e
w i l l ; f o r exam ple, th ro u g h th e c u l t i v a t i o n o f la n g u a g e , th e system o f
s ig n s by w hich man s o l i d i f i e s h i s oneness w ith th e Word and communicates
th e prophecy t o o t h e r s .
20
I f p la c e d i n any c o n te x t o th e r th a n t h i s , s c i ­
ence i s n o t o n ly a w a ste o f tim e , i t i s a ls o d a n g ero u s, f o r i t r e i n f o r c e s
th e i l l u s i o n t h a t man can manage h i s a f f a i r s w ith o u t d iv in e gu id an ce
th ro u g h w hat he re g a rd s as h i s "know ledge" o f th e w o rld .
T h is view n u r ­
t u r e s a f a l s e dream o f h a p p in e ss made p o s s ib le th ro u g h s c ie n c e w hich d i s ­
t r a c t s th e i n d iv id u a l from th e o n ly r e a l p a th t o p e r s o n a l co n ten tm en t and
f u l f i l l m e n t ; th e r e c o g n itio n o f th e t r u e p u rp o se o f human e x is te n c e and
th e su b seq u en t s t r i v i n g t o become a s ig n o f d iv in e p re s e n c e in th e w o rld .
Only in e x p e rie n c in g th e jo y t h a t comes from th e in n e r knowledge o f God’s
lo v e e x p re ss e d in g ra c e does th e tr u e b e l i e v e r u n d e rs ta n d t h i s p u rp o s e ;
b u t n o t e v e ry man e x p e rie n c e s i t .
P a r a d o x ic a lly , th e r i g h t i s re s e rv e d
f o r a chosen few who a re g iv e n g ra c e t o b e g in w ith .
F o r th e r e s t o f
R egarding th e m e ta p h y sic a l im p lic a tio n s o f r h e t o r i c i n P a s c a l,
s e e E. M o ro t-S ir, La M&taphysique de P a sc a l ( P a r i s , 1 9 7 3 ).
284
m ankind, th e o n ly hope f o r s a lv a tio n i s t o ta k e th e ch an ce—th e P a s c a lia n " p a r i" —t h a t he may he one o f th o s e e le c te d t o s e rv e God e x c lu s iv e ly .
As we have seen in th e f o r e g o in g , th e th e o l o g i c a l d e b a te o v er
g ra c e and human freedom in th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu ry r e f l e c t s th e o v e r­
r i d i n g concern o f th e p e r io d t o accommodate o r ( in t h e c a s e o f Jan se n ism )
t o r e j e c t th e g o a ls o f th e new s c ie n c e .
I f man i s " f r e e , " th e n what
r o l e can God p la y in th e sh ap in g o f human d e s tin y b e s id e s e s t a b l i s h i n g
and m a in ta in in g an o rd e r?
I f one ad m its t h a t t h i s i s in f a c t th e d iv in e
p la n , th e n th e q u e s tio n a r i s e s as t o how man m ight go a b o u t t r y i n g t o
u n d e rs ta n d t h a t o r d e r , and more s p e c i f i c a l l y , i f w h atev er u n d e rs ta n d in g
he has o f t h a t o rd e r can be c e r t a i n .
The p o s it io n o f D e s c a rte s r e p r e ­
s e n ts one p o s s ib le s o lu tio n t o t h i s dilem m a:
i f God i s p e r f e c t i o n ,
i . e . , p u re s y n th e s is o f th e t r u e , b e a u t i f u l , and-good w hich h as no
p a r a l l e l in t h i s w o rld , th e n th e o p p o s ite o f God has to b e n o th in g n e s s ,
and by e x te n s io n , e v i l .
T h is i s why i t was im p o rta n t t o D e sc a rte s , t h a t
e r r o r be re g a rd e d a s " s i n f u l " o r e v il, b e ca u se b o th e r r o r and s in r e ­
q u ir e d e lib e r a t io n on th e p a r t o f th e mind w h ich , when co n firm ed by t h e
w i l l , a llo w s th e in d iv id u a l t o fo rm u la te and a c t on t h e b a s i s o f con­
c e p tu a l s t r u c t u r e w hich may in f a c t c o rre sp o n d t o n o th in g " r e a l . "
As
G ilso n has o b s e rv e d , i t was p r e c i s e l y in t h i s p e r s p e c tiv e t h a t D e sc a rte s
c r i t i c i z e d th e S c h o la s tic m ethodology o f an alo g y .
In h i s o p in io n , by
re a s o n in g from e x is te n c e t o e s s e n c e , p h ilo s o p h y had c o n s tr u c te d an id e a
o f God w hich was i n f a c t n o th in g more th a n a c o lla g e o f t h e v a rio u s
a s p e c ts o f human n a tu r e in an im agined s t a t e o f p e r f e c t i o n .
21
21
G ils o n , La L ib e v te chez D e sc a rte s e t ta T h eo lo g ies P* 93.
285
Thus * as he announces in h i s D isoou rs de la Methodss t h e r e i s no a p r i o r i
h ie r a r c h y among men; th e r e a re th o s e who u se t h e i r freedom w is e ly and
th o s e who a re im petuous and s h o r t- s ig h te d in making ju d g m e n ts.
A lthough M aiehranche fo llo w e d th e b a s ic l i n e s o f th e C a r te s ia n
th e o r y o f freedom , we Saw t h a t h is c o n c e p tio n o f th e p roblem was f a r
more com plex.
men:
F or th e O ra to ria n p r i e s t , th e r e were two o rd e rs among
th o s e chosen t o b l i n d ly s e rv e t h e i r c r e a t o r and th o s e who con­
s c io u s ly c o n se n t to subm it t o th e g ra c e w ith in them .
Of t h e tw o , th e
second i s m e rito r io u s w h ile th e f i r s t i s m erely i n s t i n c t u a l and " i n d i f ­
f e r e n t ” w ith re g a rd t o m o r a l i t y .
A ccording t o t h i s th e o r y , man s t i l l
p la y s an a c tiv e p a r t i n f ix i n g h is a t t e n t i o n on God in s p i t e o f th e
c o n s ta n t te m p ta tio n o f " d iv e r tis s e m e n t” o r s e l e c t i o n o f a l e s s e r b u t
more im m ediate "good" f o r th e sake o f p l e a s u r e .
W ith in t h i s c o n te x t,
s c ie n c e rem ains a w orthy o c cu p a tio n f o r th e C h r is tia n p h ilo s o p h e r f o r
as human knowledge s t r i v e s t o in tr o d u c e o r d e r , p e r s p i c a c i t y , and
p r e c is io n i n t o i t s l i f e s c ie n c e s , i t c o p ie s th e model p ro v id e d by
th e e t e r n a l t r u t h s and h e lp s t o draw th e e n t i r e community o f b e li e v e r s
c lo s e r t o harmony w ith th e d iv in e o r d e r .
In a s e n s e , t h e n , th e p h ilo s o ­
phy o f s c ie n c e i m p l i c i t i n M aleb ran ch e’s th e o ry o f man i s t h e only
p o s i t i o n t h a t g u a ra n te e s — o r a tte m p ts t o g u a ra n te e —-both c e r t i t u d e
and th e G o d -re la te d p urpose o f s c ie n c e .
E m p ir ic is ts c o u ld a s s u re
n e i t h e r o f th e above w h ile C a rte s ia n s w ould co nfirm o n ly th e fo rm er. .
Ja n se n ism , on th e o th e r h a n d , a ls o g u a ra n te e s c e r t i t u d e and th e r e l a t i o n
betw een human and d iv in e knowledge b u t u n lik e M aleb ran ch e' s f a i t h i n th e
p ro g re s s o f an o rd e r o f r e a s o n , th e J a n s e n i s t s u p h e ld o n ly one o r d e r —
th e o rd e r o f th e h e a r t .
H ence, w h ile J a n s e n i s t s re c o g n iz e two b a s ic
286
ty p e s in mankind—th o s e w ith g ra c e and th o s e w ith o u t i t —th e y o f f e r no
o p p o rtu n ity f o r man t o c o n tr ib u te in any way t o th e o r i g i n a l d e sig n f o r
h im s e lf.
A ll knowledge i s s e lf - d is c o v e r y ; th e chosen can n o t be en­
n o b le d by good works b e ca u se th e r e a re ho d e g re e s o f p ro x im ity t o God,
o n ly com plete subm ission o r com plete e x c lu s io n .
T h u s, th e o n ly s c ie n c e
w o rth c u l t i v a t i n g i s (a s E. M o ro t-S ir h as p o in te d o u t in La Metapkys'ique
de ’P a sc a l) th e language o f G o sp e l, b ecau se "la v & rite ne p e u t e'tre donnee d I 'homme que pax* e t dans le langage de L ieu ; l a s e u le c o n n a issa h c e
p o s s ib le e s t la v& flex io n de ce langage de L ieu en I ’honme.
22
The R ole o f R en a issa n c e N a tu ra lism
in th e Shaping o f Three C o n f lic t­
in g M eth o d o lo g ica l T h e o rie s
O u tsid e th e th e o lo g ic a l c i r c l e s , th e s e a rc h f o r o rd e r in th e
s c ie n c e s was e x p re sse d in term s o f d i f f e r e n t m e th o d o lo g ic a l t h e o r i e s ,
each p ro p o s in g a frame o f r e f e r e n c e a g a in s t w hich p ro g re s s in le a r n in g
co u ld be m easured.
A ll o f th e t h e o r i e s advanced a re in some way a r e ­
a c tio n t o n a t u r a l p h ilo so p h y w hich, in i t s e c l e c t i c a p p ro a c h , o f f e r e d no
c le a r c u t g u id e lin e s f o r th e o rg a n iz a tio n o f s c i e n t i f i c in q u ir y .
A ccord­
in g t o i t s most r e c e n t e x p re s s io n in R o s ic r u c ia n - s ty le t r e a t i s e s l i k e
John D e e 's Monas h ie r o g ly p h ie a s th e model s c i e n t i s t was a s much a con­
j u r o r o f a n g e ls as he was a d e s ig n e r o f f o u n ta in s — o r so i t must have
seemed t o th o s e whose knowledge o f th e R. C. B r o th e r s ' p la n f o r re fo rm
in th e s c ie n c e s was s t r i c t l y e x t e r n a l .
I t was p u re th e o r y , n o t p r a c t i ­
c a l g o a ls , t h a t h e ld th e R en a issa n c e p i c t u r e t o g e t h e r :
a fte r a l l , i t
was u n d e rsto o d t h a t a r t i s a n s d id th e t e c h n i c a l work w h ile p h ilo s o p h e rs
22
M o ro t-S ir, La M itaphysique de P a s c a l3 p . 1*7.
287
and m ath e m aticia n s produced th e d e s ig n s i s i m i l a r l y , th e d o c to rs were th e
ones t o d iag n o se m e d ic al problem s and p r e s c r i b e tre a tm e n t w h ile th e
b a rb e r-s u rg e o n s o p e ra te d on th e p a t i e n t .
The s i t u a t i o n was changing o f c o u rse b u t n o t q u ic k ly enough t o
s u i t some th i n k e r s .
As D e s c a rte s rem arks in h i s T r a it$ de la lwni%re3
m agn ify in g le n s e s a re u s e f u l in o b s e rv in g phenomena b u t t h e i r r e l i a b i l i t y
i s q u e s tio n a b le g iv en th e f a c t t h a t th e y had n o t y e t a r r iv e d a t t h e i r
" d e r n ie r d eg re de p e r f e c t i o n ."
.The o n ly in s tru m e n t t h a t ap p eared t o
th e p h ilo s o p h e r t o be c o m p le tely i n f a l l i b l e was th e one most n a t u r a l l y
s u ite d t o h is a b s t r a c t mode o f th in k in g —m a th e m a tic s.
N e v e r th e le s s ,
th e q u e s tio n rem ained as t o w h eth er t h i s in s tru m e n t in i t s e l f was s u f f i ­
c ie n t t o e s t a b l i s h th e p r i n c i p l e s on th e b a s i s o f w hich b o th l i v i n g and
n o n - liv in g system s co u ld be exam ined.
F o r th o s e l i k e D e s c a rte s who saw
f i t t o re d u c e a l l f i n a l i t y in n a tu r e t o e f f i c i e n t c au se s $ th e answ er was
a f f i r m a t i v e ; f o r th o s e who f o r one re a so n o r a n o th e r c lu n g t o th e no­
t i o n o f s u b s t a n t i a l form s, th e r e was a d e c id e d h e s i t a t i o n on t h i s p o i n t .
A s tro lo g y , c a b b a la and magic in
th e p h ilo so p h y o f R obert F lu d d :
a s e v e n te e n th -c e n tu ry a tte m p t
t o o rg a n iz e s c ie n c e around
H erm etic r e v e la ti o n
„ . ........
The E n g lish P a r a c e ls ia n p h y s ic ia n , R obert F lu d d , became a w e llknown f ig u r e in F rench i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e s o f th e f i r s t h a l f o f th e
se v e n te e n th , c e n tu ry l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t o f th e a tt a c k s M ersenne
23
"La D i o p t r i q u e i n O E w res p k ilo s o p h iq u e s de D e s c a r t e s I
( P a r i s , 1 9 6 3 ), p . 653.
288
d e liv e r e d a g a in s t R p sic ru c ia n is m .
B eg in n in g in 1623 w ith Quaest'iones in
Genesim and c o n tin u in g i n t o th e l 6 W s , th e c o n tro v e rs y betw een M ersenne
and F ludd h e ld th e a t t e n t i o n o f a l l Europe f o r a q u a r te r o f a c e n tu ry
and a t t r a c t e d o t h e r s , l i k e G a sse n d i, t o g e t in v o lv e d as w e ll.
F ludd*s
m ajor work. H isto ry o f th e Maeroeosm and th e Microcosm^, i s a m u ltito m ed
compendium o f R en a issa n c e H erm etic and c a b b a l i s t i c d o c tr in e s p re s e n te d
in view o f re fo rm in g s c ie n c e a lo n g th e l i n e s p r e s c r ib e d in th e R o sic ru ­
c ia n m a n ife s to s .
In h i s re v ie w o f th e p r e s e n t s t a t e o f human know ledge,
F ludd o b serv es t h a t a l l th e a r t s and sc ie n c e s '—even th e m a th e m a tic a l
s c ie n c e s —d e se rv e r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n .
2k
U n lik e B acon, ho w ev er, whose
Advancement o f Learning had u rg e d th e a d o p tio n o f new and more p r o g r e s ­
s iv e a t t i t u d e s to w ard th e e x p an sio n o f human s c ie n c e as p a r t o f th e gen­
e r a l re fo rm , Fludd em phasized th e f a c t t h a t th e t o o l s need ed f o r t h i s
e n t e r p r i s e were a lre a d y a t hand-—c a b b a la and alchem y.
F o llo w in g in th e
t r a d i t i o n o f Englishm an John Dee, a u th o r o f th e c a b b a lis tic - H e r m e tic
work e n t i t l e d Monas h ie ro g ly p h ia a and p u b lis h e d in 1564, F lu d d r e l a t e d
th e stu d y o f number n o t o n ly t o te c h n o lo g y and a p p lie d s c ie n c e b u t a ls o
t o th e c e l e s t i a l sp h e re s w here i t in v o lv e d a s tr o lo g y and alchem y, and
even t o th e s u p e r c e l e s t i a l s p h e r e s , where n u m e ric a l co m p u tatio n s se rv e d
t o c o n ju re a n g e ls .
25
In s h o r t , m ath em atics to g e th e r w ith alchemy were
th e two p rim ary b o d ie s o f knowledge a v a i l a b le t o man as t o o l s f o r th e
2k
.
.
.
Y a te s , The R o sic m a ia n Enlightenment^ -g. 76.
2 5J M
- . aj .,, x i x .
'•
289
p u rp o se o f re a c h in g and c o n t r o l l i n g th ro u g h m a n ip u la tio n e v e n ts in t h e
h ig h e s t as w e ll as in th e lo w e st s p h e r e s .
I t was t h e r e f o r e in th e i n ­
t e r e s t s of. human s c ie n c e t h a t in d iv id u a ls a d d re ss th e m se lv e s t o th e t a s k
o f le a r n in g magic and c a b b a la , f o r h e r e in l a y th e key n o t o n ly t o p r a c t i ­
c a l advances in th e s c ie n c e s b u t a ls o t o b r in g in g h e a l t h and w e lfa re t o
b o th in d iv id u a ls and t o s o c ie ty a s a w hole.
N a tu ra l p h ilo so p h y and th e m ethods o f
A r i s t o t l e : Cureau de La Chambre*s
q u e st f o r a c o n c re te u n d e rs ta n d in g
o f human c h a r a c te r w ith in th e
framework o f a s t r o l o g i c a l l y b a se d s c ie n c e s
L ike F lu d d , C ureau de La Chambre was a p h y s ic ia n whose works
f a l l under th e g e n e r a l h ead in g o f " n a t u r a l p h ilo s o p h y ."
However, t h e
g ra n d io s e s c a le o f Fludd*s h u m a n is tic d e sig n f o r s c ie n c e w ith i t s
em phasis on c a b b a la and alchemy f a r exceeds a n y th in g t h a t th e F rench
p h y s ic ia n e v e r su g g e ste d even thoug h b e h in d t h e b a s ic assu m p tio n s he
makes about n a t u r e 's a n im is tic p r o p e r t i e s lu r k s th e s p e c tr e o f F lu d d ia n
panpsychism .
As we saw in c h a p te r U, C ureau recommended a r e t u r n t o t h e k in d
o f s c ie n c e p r a c tic e d by A r i s t o t l e and H ip p o c ra te s , i . e . , in d u c tio n o f
p r i n c i p l e s from d i r e c t o b s e r v a tio n .
But u n lik e th e p u re e m p ir ic is t f o r
whom th e b u ild in g o f s c i e n t i f i c c o n ce p ts was t o a v o id im posing any deduc­
t i v e model on i t s d a t a , Cureau b e lie v e d t h a t e x p e rim e n ta tio n sh o u ld be
co nducted in view o f t e s t i n g th e p r i n c i p l e s g o v ern in g a p p lie d " s c ie n c e s "
o r " a r t s " t h a t a n c ie n t c i v i l i z a t i o n s had p r a c ti c e d w ith obvious s u c c e s s .
C o n seq u en tly , th e a s t r o lo g ic a lly - b a s e d system s l i k e physiognom y.
290
ch irom ancy, and m etoposcopy w ere t o c o n s t i t u t e a p rim a ry p o in t o f r e f e r ­
en ce f o r th e s tu d y o f n a tu r e ; and th e s tu d y o f n a tu r e was b a se d on th e
prem ise t h a t e f f e c t s o r c h a r a c te r s a r e th e outw ard s ig n s o f inw ard
movements.
For G ureau, th e n , th e s c i e n t i s t e s ta b l is h e s th e r a t i o n a l li n k s
betw een th e v i s i b l e e f f e c t and i t s im m ediate cau se s e t t i n g up a sequence
which e v e n tu a lly le a d s back t o th e f i r s t c a u se w hich in l i v i n g th in g s
i s th e s o u l.
And w h ile th e s o u l i s in th e o r y r e d u c ib le t o th e in fo rm ­
in g v i r t u e whose d i r e c t i v e s r e l a t e t o t h e i n t e r n a l o r g a n iz a tio n and
s t r u c t u r e o f th e o f f s p r i n g ’s p a r e n t s , i t s e sse n c e i s unknow able in any
im m ediate se n se b e ca u se i t i s an im m a te r ia l, c o n tin u a lly e v o lv in g and
s e lf - tr a n s f o r m in g p r i n c i p l e .
S in c e a l l o f th e "c a u se s" and " e f f e c t s " known t o man a re con­
tin g e n t and n o t a b s o lu t e , Gureau c o u ld n o t s u b s c rib e t o any m ech an ist
th e o ry t h a t i n s i s t e d on e lim in a tin g th e id e a o f som ething a k in t o sub­
s t a n t i a l form from i t s e p is te m o lo g ic a l and m e ta p h y sic a l u n d e rs ta n d in g .
He s h a re d th e b i o l o g i c a l v ie w p o in t o f A r i s t o t l e whose m a jo r concern was
t o p ro v id e an e x p la n a tio n o f phenomena t h a t would a cc o u n t f o r th e grow th
and developm ent o f organism s a s w e ll as f o r l o c a l movement.
For t h i s
r e a s o n , G ureau’s p e r s p e c tiv e on th e s tu d y o f n a tu r e n e v e r f u l l y com plied
w ith any m ethodology p r e s c r ib e d by th e ex p o n en ts o f m e c h a n ist t h e o r i e s
in th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu ry even tho u g h he sh a re d t h e i r p o s i t i v e ap p ro ach
t o s c ie n c e .
291
R en a issa n c e " te c h n o lo g y 11 and th e
r i s e o f m echanist t h e o r i e s o f
n a tu r e : th r e e v ie w p o in ts
Mersenne th e c a u tio u s s k e p t i c .
As R. Lenoble i n d i c a t e s in th e
t i t l e o f h i s com prehensive s tu d y o f M ersenne and th e b i r t h o f m echanism,
th e s e c r e ta r y o f s c i e n t i f i c Europe d e se rv e s t o be co u n ted among th e r e a l
fo u n d e rs o f m ech an ist th e o r y .
A d e d ic a te d a d v e rsa ry o f a n im is tic doc­
t r i n e s t y p i c a l o f R en a issa n c e H erm eticism and p an p sy ch ism , th e Minime
p r i e s t 's e n t i r e i n t e l l e c t u a l c a r e e r was d ev o ted t o th e e x p u rg a tio n o f
” o c c u lt v i r t u e s " and " u n iv e r s a ls " from th e le x ic o n o f s c i e n t i f i c th o u g h t.
The p rim ary o b je c tiv e o f s c ie n c e was t o expand i n a h o r i z o n t a l d i r e c t i o n
by e s t a b l i s h i n g th e manner o f r e l a t i o n s betw een phenomena and su b se ­
q u e n tly v e r if y in g th e s e o b s e r v a tio n s th ro u g h a p p lic a tio n o f g e o m etric
and m a th e m a tic a l p r i n c i p l e s .
The " tr u e p h y s ic s ," o r p r im o r d ia l law s
g o v ern in g th e e s s e n t i a l p r o p e r t i e s o f n a t u r e , i s o f an o rd e r t h a t l i e s
beyond human u n d e rs ta n d in g and th e r e f o r e ought t o be abandoned as a
s c ie n tific p u rs u it.
Hence, f o r M ersenne, problem s such as th e e x p la n a ­
t i o n o f c o rp o re a l an im a tio n on th e b a s i s o f ill - c o n c e i v e d n o tio n s l i k e
s u b s t a n t i a l form and f i n a l cause sh o u ld be p u t a s id e in fa v o r o f more
im m ed iately a c c e s s ib le p ro b le m s.
D e sp ite th e o p tim is tic o u tlo o k o f Lee V e r ite s d e s S c ie n c e s
( 1625) w ith re g a rd t o th e f u tu r e o f m e c h a n is tic s c ie n c e , M ersenne was
n e v e r i n t e r e s t e d in c o n s tr u c tin g a p h ilo s o p h y b a se d on m a th e m a tic a l
p r i n c i p l e s even though he to o k p r id e i n D e s c a r te s ' e f f o r t t o do s o .
As
Lenoble h as p o in te d .o u t, M ersenne' s s c i e n t i f i c s t y l e was e c l e c t i c , u n r e v o lu tio n a r y , and p e rh a p s u n in s p ir in g i f p la c e d .n e x t t o t h e C a rte s ia n
292
e n te rp ris e :
Son a p o lo g e tiq u e s c i e n t i f i q u e n ' a p a s du c o n v e r tir
g ran d monde; e l l e ne I ' a meme p as s a t i s f a i t lui-m em e,
e t sa th e o d ic e e , f a i t e de p ie c e s e t de m orceaux, ne
l fa p as d is p e n s e de q u e te r. p re s du s o c in ie n F lo r ia n
C ru siu s m e bonne preuve de I 1e x is te n c e de D ieu . Les.
re d o u ta b le s consequences de c e t e c le c tis m e a p p a r a is s e n t s u r to u t dans s a m o ra le : absolum ent denuee d 'e l a n
m y s tiq u e , e l l e r e s t e desesperS m ent s o c io lo g iq u e ; a l a
f i n , e l l e se d e s in t e r e s s e des d is c u s s io n s d o g m atiq u es5
e l l e s 'o u v r e aux compromis l e s moins re c e v a b le s t s n t
p o u r l e s th e o lo g ie n s s in c e r e s que p o u r l e s r a t i o n a l i s t e s .
• a d o g m atiq u es, e t s a p iS te meme se t e i n t e d 'm s c ie n tis m e
a u s s i p ro d ig ie u x q u ’in c o n s c i e n t . D eja meme p a r a r t 1 ' id e e
que l a m o r a lis a tio n de 1 *homme p e u t "etre obtenue p a r l e s
moyens d 'u n e m ecanique a l a f o i s s c i e n t i f i q u e e t s o c i a l e :
p a r une musique savamment m aniee p a r des in g e n ie u rs de
bonne v o lo n te , h e r i t i e r s m odem es du m edecin m ira c u le u x
de P a r a c e ls e , p a r une o r g a n is a tio n des c o n sc ie n c e s o il,
dans I ’ i n t e r e t de l a p a ix s o c i a l e , on f e r a t a i r e l e s
q u e r e lle s s u r l a g ra c e e t l a p re s e n c e r e e l l e . I I a dans
l a s c ie n c e m e c a n iste m e c o n fia n c e s i a v e u g le , i l l u i
voue m e a d m ira tio n s i d e c id e e , q u ’i l ne v o it p as q u ’a
p e in e n e e , e l l e c o n s titu e p o u r l a " s u b s ta n c e p e n s a n te "
un danger au trem en t r e d o u ta b le , p a rc e q u 'e l l e e s t m ieux
arm ee, que l e s v ie u x d e term in ism es m agiques q u ' i l a v a i t
com battus.26
v
F o r M ersenne, more th a n f o r p e rh a p s any o th e r p a r t i s a n o f " l a
P h ilo s o p h ie n o u v e lle " c o n ta in e d i n th e
m e c h a n is tic ap p ro ach t o n a t u r e ,
" s c ie n c e " and " r e l i g i o n " were s e p a ra b le f i e l d s , as lo n g as one rem ained
s k e p t i c a l about th e fo rm er and unque s t i on in g w ith r e g a r d t o th e l a t t e r .
Whereas D e s c a r te s , and t o some e x te n t G a sse n d i, a tte m p te d t o re p la c e
A r i s t o t e l i a n m e ta p h y sic s w ith a new id e o lo g ic a l s u p e r s t r u c t u r e ,' M ersenne
was c o n te n t t o g a th e r in fo rm a tio n and p ro c e s s d a ta .
The q u e s tio n o f
s c i e n t i f i c c e r t i t u d e d id n o t preoccu p y him i n any u ltim a te s e n s e ; u n lik e
L e n o b le , Mersenne] ou la n a issa n e e du m$canismes p p . 609-10.
293
D e s c a r te s , G a ss e n d i, and f o r t h a t m a tte r C ureau de La Chambre, he c o u ld
compose a t r e a t i s e l i k e O ptique e t C a to p triq u e ( 16UU) in w hich a l l th e
m ajor t h e o r i e s o f l i g h t o f th e tim e a r e p a ss e d in re v ie w , a d m itte d t o
o f f e r p l a u s i b le e x p la n a tio n s , and th e n r e j e c t e d on th e b a s i s o f in c o n e lu s iv e d a ta t o s u p p o rt th e p re m ises assum ed.
27
In t h i s r e g a r d ,
M ersenne rem ained c a u tio u s and s k e p t i c a l a b o u t t h e im in e n t n e ed o th e r s
f e l t f o r p ro v id in g e p is te m o lo g ic a l fram es o f r e f e r e n c e f o r human knowl­
e d g e, and l e f t t o th o s e who c o u ld n o t o v e rlo o k th e p h ilo s o p h ic a l is s u e s
th e ta s k o f fo rm u la tin g and d e fe n d in g w h atev er id e o lo g y s u i t e d t h e i r
p a r t i c u l a r o u tlo o k .
D e sc a rte s th e p ro p h e t o f c e r t i t u d e .
U n lik e h i s c lo s e f r ie n d and
f r e q u e n t l i n k t o th e P a r is ia n i n t e l l e c t u a l community,. D e s c a rte s was n o t
c o n te n t t o c o l l e c t d a ta and t o poke an o c c a s io n a l h o le in t h e q u a l i t a ­
t i v e p h y s ic s o f A r i s t o t l e w ith h i s m a th e m a tic a l d e m o n s tra tio n s .
The
"new" p h ilo so p h y had t o be " l a v ra y e P h ilo s o p h ic " f o r i f A r i s t o t l e was
t o be d e th ro n e d once and f o r a l l w ith o u t re c o u rs e t o th e H erm eticism
and c a b b a la o f l a t e R en a issa n c e a n t i - A r i s t o t e l i a n s l i k e G iordano Bruno
and Tomnaso C am panella, he had t o b e a tta c k e d a t th e v e ry c o re Of h is
m e ta p h y sic s.
-
As we saw in exam ining D e s c a r te s ' involvem ent in th e c o n tro ­
v e rs y o v e r g r a c e , d iv in e w i l l and im m utable p e r f e c t io n a r e th e p re m ise s
t h a t g u a ra n te e our e x is te n c e .
Through r a d i c a l doubt a s p r e s c r ib e d by
th e C ogito3 man has a know ledge o f h i s e x is te n c e t h a t i s c l e a r e r and
21 I b i d , 3 p p . 1*15-16.
29k
'
more d i s t i n c t th a n any in fo rm a tio n com m unicated.by th e s e n s e s f o r t h i s
l a t t e r ty p e o f c o g n itio n i s n o th in g more th a n an a r b i t r a r y sy stem o f
s ig n a ls r e l a t i n g th e o b j e c t , o r th i n g s i g n i f i e d , t o th e s u b j e c t , o r
s ig n ifie r.
T h is p u re method f o r a f fir m in g o n e 's e x is t e n c e , accom plished
w ith o u t any r e f e r e n c e t o th e o u ts id e w o rld , le a d s D e s c a rte s t o co n clu d e
t h a t a l l t r u e u n d e rs ta n d in g we have o f th e o b je c ts o u ts id e o u rs e lv e s i s
a r r iv e d a t i n t u i t i v e l y .
In o th e r w ords, i t does n o t come th ro u g h o u r
s e n se s b u t r a t h e r th ro u g h th e s u b je c tiv e r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t th e o b je c t
o b serv ed c o rre sp o n d s t o th e p r e e x is ti n g id e a in our m inds.
Assuming
t h i s i d e a l i s t s ta n d , D e s c a rte s i s th e n a b le t o e x p la in t h a t th e so u rc e
o f i n t e l l e c t u a l e r r o r r e s u l t i n g from an in a d e q u a te view o f som ething
may be c o r r e c te d by s e a rc h in g th e mind f o r a more p e r f e c t o r com plete
id e a , as one does in geom etry.
E x p la in in g t h i s method t o G ib ie u f in a
l e t t e r d a te d 1642, b u t composed in l 6 4 l , th e y e a r in w hich th e M edita­
tio n s were f i r s t p u b lis h e d , D e s c a rte s w r i t e s :
Pour ce q ui e s t du p r in e ip e p a r le q u e l i l me sem ble
c o n n o itre que I 'i d e e que j ' a i d 'u n e c h o se , non r e d d itu r
a me inadoeqnata p e r a b stra e tio n e m in te tle o tn s ^ j e n e l e
t i r e que de ma p ro p re p e n se e ; c a r e ta n t a s s u re que j e ne
1 p u is a v o ir aucune co n n o issa n ce de ce q u i e s t h o rs de moi
que p a r I 'e n tr e m is e des id e e s que j ' a i en m oi, j e me
g a rd e b ie n de r a p p o r te r mes jug em en ts im m ediatem ent aux
c h o s e s , e t de l e u r r i e n a t t r i b u e r de p o s i t i f que j e ne
1 'a p e rg o iv e a u p a ra v a n t en le u r s i d e e s ; a i n s i p o u r s a v o ir
s i mon id e e n 'e s t p o in t rendue non co m p le te, ou inadoequ atas
p a r q u elq u e a b s tr a c tio n de mon e s p r i t , j'e x a m in e s e ttle ­
ment s i j e ne I ' a i p o in t t i r e e , non de q u elque s u j e t p lu s
c o m p le t, m ais de q uelque a u tr e id e e p lu s com plete e t p lu s
p a r f a i t e que j ' a i e en m oi, e t s i j e ne I 'e n a i p o i n t t i r e e
p e r a b stra e tio n e m i n t e t t e e t v j s 3 c 1e s t - a - d i r e en d e to u rn a n t
ma p en see d 'u n e p a r t i e de ce qu i e s t com pris en c e t t e
Id e e co m p le te, pour I 'a p p l i q u e r d 'a u t a n t m ieux, e t me
295
re n d re d ’ a u ta n t p lu s a t t e n t i f a 1 1a u tr e p a r t i e , comme
lo rs q u e Je c o n s id e re une f ig u r e san s p e n s e r a l a s u b sta n c e
n i a l a q u a n tity dont e l l e e s t f i g u r e , j e f a i s une a b s tr a c ­
t i o n d 'e s p r i t que j e p u is aisS m ent r e c o n n o itr e p a r a p r e s 5
en exam inant s i j e n ’ a i p o in t t i r e c e t t e id e e que j ’a i de
l a f ig u r e de q uelque a u tr e que j ' a i eue a u p a ra v a n t s e t a
q ui e l l e e s t te lle m e n t j o i n t e , q u e , b ie n q u ’on p u is s e p e n s e r
a 1 !une sans a v o ir aucune a t t e n t i o n a 1*a u t r e , on ne p u is s e
t o u t e f o i s l a n i e r de c e t t e a u tr e l o r s q u ’ on pense a to u te s
l e s deux; c a r j e v o is c la ire m e n t que I ’id e e de l a f ig u r e
e s t a i n s i j o in te S. 1 ! id e e de 1* e x te n s io n de l a s u b s ta n c e ,
vu q u ' i l e s t im p o s sib le que j e convolve une f ig u r e en
n ia n t qu’ e l l e a i t aucune e x te n s io n , e t en n ia n t q u ’ e l l e s o i t
e x te n s io n d 'u n e s u b s ta n c e ; m ais 1 ' id S e d ’une s u b sta n c e
6tendue e t fig u rS e e s t c o m p le te , a cau se que j e l a p u is
c o n c e v o ir to u te s e u le , e t n i e r d * e lle to u t e s l e s a u tr e s
choses dont j 1s i des id e e s
B a rrin g th e p o s s i b i l i t y o f th e "m a lin g S n ie ," th e n , man1i s a s ­
su re d o f a t t a i n i n g c e r t i t u d e in s c ie n c e th ro u g h th e e x e r c is e o f pure
re a s o n .
T here i s o n ly one o rd e r o f know ledge in th e u n iv e r s e as f a r as
D e sc a rte s i s c o n c e rn e d , and t h a t o rd e r i s a c c e s s ib le t o a l l who p r a c t i c e
th e m e th o d ic a l doubt on any id e a t h a t does n o t p r e s e n t i t s e l f in a c l e a r
and
d i s t i n c t manner in th e i n t e l l e c t ,
In b r i e f , s c ie n c e as co n ceiv ed
by D e sc a rte s c o n s is ts in th e co n sc io u s d is c o v e ry
o f o n e 's in n e r w o rld
o f id e a s in r e l a t i o n w ith o b je c ts in th e o u ts id e w o rld , f o r as D e sc a rte s
summarizes t h e . r u l e f o r th e d i r e c t i o n o f th e mind f u r t h e r a lo n g in t h e
same l e t t e r t o G ib ie u f:
. . .nous ne pouvons a v o ir aucune c o n n o issa n ce des
choses que p a r l e s id S e s que nous en eo n eev o n s, e t que
p a r con seq u en t nous n 1en devons ju g e r que s u iv a n t ces
id S e s , e t meme p e n s e r que t o u t ce q u i rSpugne a ces
id § e s .e s t absolum ent im p o s sib le e t im p liq u e c o n tr a d ic ­
t i o n . 29
D e sc a rte s to G ib ie u f, 1642, in OEuvres de D e s c a r te s s e d . by
V. C o u sin , V III ( P a r i s , 1 8 2 4 ), p p . 5 7 0 -7 1 .
^ I b id .s p . 572.
296
G assendi th e r e s o l u t e ' e m p i r i c ! s t ;
Of th e t h r e e p h ilo s o p h e rs
who fa v o re d a m e c h a n is tic approach t o s c i e n t i f i c p ro b le m s, P ie r r e
G assendi i s th e most d i f f i c u l t t o s i t u a t e , w ith re g a rd to .m e ta p h y s ic s
and e p iste m o lo g y .
In a r e c e n t stu d y d e v o ted t o i d e n t i f y i n g what m ight
b e s t be d e s c rib e d as G a s s e n d i's " sy s te m ," O liv ie r-R e n e B loch co n clu d es
t h a t in p la c e o f one c o h e re n t p h ilo so p h y t h e r e a re c e r t a i n " c o n s ta n ts " .
in h is i n t e l l e c t u a l o u tlo o k w hich a r e a t t r i b u t a b l e t o th e t h r e e s u c c e s ­
s iv e o r i e n t a t i o n s he a d o p ts w ith re g a rd t o s c ie n c e :
t e r i a l i s m , and m e ta p h y sic s.
30
n o m in alism , ma-
These c o n s ta n ts in c lu d e th e th e o ry o f
v is io n fo rm u la te d in acco rd an ce w ith th e c o rp u s c u la r th e o r y o f l i g h t ,
l i b e r t a s ph-ilosophandi—th e E p icu rean i d e a l w hich le a d s him t o re g a rd
s c ie n c e a s t h e l e i s u r e l y and p a t i e n t a ccu m u latio n o f o b s e r v a tio n s —
a g n o s tic is m and th e p r e fe re n c e f o r p r o b a b i l i s t i c s c ie n c e , and nom inal­
ism , o r th e r e f u s a l t o p ro v id e any a p r i o r i s t i c system by w hich one m ight
l i n k e sse n c e and e x i s t e n c e , s u b j e c t , and o b je c t such as t h e one Des­
c a r t e s p ro p o se s in h is th e o ry o f in n a te id e a s .
In a n a ly z in g th e th r e e d i r e c t i o n s in w hich G assendi t r i e d t o
o r i e n t h i s th in k in g a t v a rio u s s ta g e s in h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l c a r e e r , B loch
o b serv es t h a t i t was o n ly d u rin g th e l a s t p h a se —th e e la b o r a ti o n o f a
m e ta p h y sic s—t h a t th e a u th o r made a s in c e r e a tte m p t t o r e c o n c i le h is
s c i e n t i f i c o u tlo o k w ith th e o lo g y by p la c in g b o th w ith in th e framework
o f an E p icu rean id e o lo g y .
T o ta lly u n lik e Mersenne in t h i s r e s p e c t ,
G assendi re a c h e d a p o in t where he c o u ld no lo n g e r a v o id t h e c r u c i a l
30
.
■
0. R. B lo ch , La Ph-ilosophie de G assendis ch ap . 1.
297
is s u e t h a t th e form er had so c o n v e n ie n tly p la c e d u nder th e r u b r ic o f th e
" tr u e " p h y s ic s and r e f u s e d t o d e a l w ith :
th e p r i n c i p l e o f an im a tio n and
th e p o s s i b i l i t y o f co sm o lo g ica l f in a lis m as th e b a s is f o r i t s . e x p l a n a ­
tio n .
For G assendi 9 f in a lis m does n o t p r e s e n t i t s e l f a s a b e l i e f im­
p o sed by r e l i g i o n n o r as a p r i n c i p l e e n c o u n te re d o n ly a t th e a b s t r a c t
l e v e l o f re a s o n .
As B loch h as o b s e rv e d , G a s s e n d i's a c c e p ta n c e o f f i n a l ­
i t y in n a tu r e stem s from h is e a r ly i n t e r e s t in th e e p is te m o lo g ic a l model
o f v is io n w hich in c l i n e d him tow ards r e c o g n itio n o f
. . ’l a Voie
R o y a le ' de l a d e m o n stra tio n d e l 'e x i s t e n c e de D ieu p a r l a c o n te m p la tio n
de 1 'o r d r e de I 1u n iv e r s , e t l a p o s s i b i l i t e , v o ir e l a n e c e s s i t e p o u r
1 ' e s p r i t p h y s ic ie n de s ' a t t a c h e r non settlem ent aux c au se s e f f i c i e n t e s ,
m ais e n co re aux cau ses f i n a l e s . "
two a s p e c ts t o f i n a l i t y :
31
In o th e r w o rd s, G assendi acco rd ed
th e aposte'P'iovi a s p e c t, o r f i n a l i t y e x tr a p ­
o la te d by th e o b s e rv e r from h i s c o n te m p la tio n o f o rg a n ic system s in
th e e x e c u tio n o f what a p p ea r t o be m e c h a n is tic a lly c o n tr o l le d .o p e r a ­
t i o n s , and sec o n d , a r e q u i s i t e a s p e c t, o r a p r io r i p r i n c i p l e fo rm u la te d
i n th e name o f c o g n itiv e e x ig e n c e s w hich must p re c ed e th e m e c h a n is tic
o p e r a tio n s .
S ince G a sse n d i’ s p rim ary concern was t o make b o th a s p e c ts
t h e o b je c t o f e m p iric a l s c ie n c e , h is c o n s id e r a tio n o f f i n a l i t y in n a tu r e
i s s i t u a t e d a t th e b i o l o g i c a l l e v e l and co n ceiv ed in view o f u n d e rs ta n d ­
in g th e "m echanism ," o r w hat Cureau was l a t e r t o c a l l th e " sy s te m ," o f
th e s o u l as o rg a n iz e r and c o o rd in a to r o f p s y c h o p h y s io lo g ie a l o p e r a tio n s .
31I b i d . 3 p / 434.
298.
A ccording t o B lo ch , th e fo rm u la tio n o f G a sse n d i’s e m p ir i c a lly b a se d f i n a l i s t th e o ry to o k p la c e sometime betw een 1641 and 1 6 4 4 ,.th e
p e r io d d u rin g w hich he s y n th e s iz e d c o n c lu s io n s re a c h e d in tw o . a re a s o f
e a r l i e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n — c r y s ta llo g r a p h y and ” c h e m istry ” o r chym ie.
32
Taking th e E p icu rean th e o r y o f th e m o lecu le o r semina c o n s id e re d t o be
an ag g lo m erate o f atoms and su p erim p o sin g upon i t a c r e a t i o n i s t p re m is e ,
he a r r iv e d a t th e n o tio n o f semina animatiion^ o r th e e x is t e n c e o f
m o lecu les p e n e tr a te d w ith s c ie n c e and p r e s c r ib e d w ith d iv in e i n s t r u c ­
t i o n s o f a somewhat p s y c h o lo g ic a l o r d e r .
As Bloch h as n o te d , t h i s gen­
e r a l i z a t i o n o f th e a n t i - c r e a t i o n i s t E p icu re a n cosmogony t o . t h e C h r is tia n
r e v e l a t i o n o f G enesis w hich p o s i t s God as t h e a u th o r o f b o th movement
and i n t e l l i g e n c e i s w ith o u t a doubt t h e most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c t r a i t o f
G a ss e n d i’s " m e t a p h y s i c s a l t h o u g h i t p ro b a b ly does n o t c o n s t i t u t e th e
most p ro fo u n d a s p e c t o f i t .
33
W ith th e s e c o n s id e r a tio n s in m ind, i f we lo o k now a t th e s c h o o l
o f th o u g h t t h a t was founded in G a ss e n d i’ s name, i t i s c l e a r t h a t th e
m e th o d o lo g ic a l concern he m a n ife s te d i n a l l o f h i s works f o r re g a rd in g
n a tu r e as a s p e c ta c le from w hich th e s c i e n t i s t i n f e r s p ro b a b le e x p la n a ­
t i o n s f o r th e mechanisms a p p e a rin g t o govern th e movements and c y c le s
o f a l l i t s phenomena, i s what r a l l i e d a number o f h i s c o n te m p o ra rie s t o
32I b id , s pp. 450-51.
33I b i d , , pp. 456- 57.
299
champion th e cause o f an e m p ir ic a lly - b a s e d p r o b a b i l i s t i c s c ie n c e a g a in s t
th e p ro p o n e n ts o f C a r te s ia n r a tio n a lis m and id e a lis m .
Cureau de La Chambre and th e P o la r i z a ti o n
o f P h ilo s o p h ic a l A ttitu d e s
Between 16^0 and l 660
With th e p r e s e n ta tio n o f h is M e d ita tio n s t o th e Sorbonne in
March o f 16U l, D e s c a rte s u n w ittin g ly la u n ch e d a s e r i e s o f p o lem ics t h a t
was t o b r in g " l a v ra y e P h ilo s o p h ic " i n t o d i r e c t c o n f r o n ta tio n w ith th e
t r a d i t i o n a l s c i e n t i f i c m ethodology b e s t e x e m p lifie d in t h e w r iti n g s o f
G assen d i.
In D is q u is itio M etaphysioa seu D u b ita tio n e s e t I n s ta n tia e
a d versu s R en a ti C a r te s ii Metaphysioam^ e t Responsa (Amsterdam, 1 6 4 4 ),
th e p r o f e s s o r from Aix d e liv e r e d th e most com prehensive and p ro fo u n d
c r i t i c i s m o f th e C ogito t o d a te , f l a t l y r e j e c t i n g t h e fu n d am en tal Car­
t e s i a n th e o ry o f a d i r e c t l i n k betw een th e s u b j e c t 's in n e r w o rld and
t h e e s s e n t i a l n a tu r e o f th in g s o u ts id e him .
W hile th e c o n f r o n ta tio n
betw een th e s e two men was o f d e t a i l e d i n t e r e s t o n ly t o t h e e r u d it e com­
m unity o f th e m id -se v e n te e n th c e n tu r y , th e p o l a r i z a t i o n in a t t i t u d e s
to w ard s c ie n c e w hich t r a n s p i r e d from t h i s c o n tro v e rs y was v e ry im por­
t a n t in d iv id in g i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t o p a r t i s a n g ro u p in g s aro u n d th e two
p ro p o n e n ts o f m e th o d o lo g ic a l th e o r y and in g e n e r a tin g a g r e a t d e a l o f
s c i e n t i f i c i n t e r e s t among t h e f r e q u e n te r s o f two im p o rta n t p h ilo s o p h ic
s a lo n s :
Mme de S a b le 's and Mme de La S a b l i e r e 's .
As we saw in c h a p te r 2 , C ureau de La Chambre was in v o lv e d in
b o th th e e r u d i t e and p o p u la r c i r c l e s b e tw ee n ' 16140 and 1669 as b o th a
t h e o r i s t and m e th o d o lo g is t o f th e a r t o f knowing men.
H ence, he had in
r e t r o s p e c t what seems t o have .b e e n .th e do u b le ad v an tag e o f b e in g
•
300
know ledgeable about th e i n t r i c a c i e s , o f th e is s u e s u n d er d is c u s s io n in
th e s c i e n t i f i c fo y e rs w h ile re m a in in g c l o s e l y in to u c h w ith th e g e n e r a l
r e a c tio n t o th e s e id e a s in th e l e s s e r u d i t e m ilieux*
I t is lik e ly th a t
th ro u g h h i s involvem ent in th e s a l o n s , he was a b le t o o b ta in an o v e r­
view o f th e b a s ic problem s a t s t a k e $ and in t h i s r e g a r d , m a in ta in e d a
b e t t e r g e n e r a l u n d e rs ta n d in g o f th e e n t i r e movement o f id e a s in th e cen ­
tu ry .
In any e v e n t, h i s l a s t m ajor w ork, Le System s de I
when
p la c e d in th e c o n te x t o f th e s c i e n t i f i c d e b a te o f h i s ti m e , a p p ears t o
have been co n ceiv ed by th e a u th o r n o t o n ly in view o f co m p le tin g h i s
p e r s o n a l p r o j e c t —th e fo rm u la tio n .of an a r t o f
knowing men—b u t a ls o
in view o f d e fe n d in g th e A r i s t o t e l i a n d o c tr in e o f s u b s t a n t i a l form s i n
a cco rd an ce w ith th e o rg a n ic th e o r y o f n a tu r e .
Mechanism and th e c a se a g a in s t
f i n a l c au ses
At th e o u ts e t a t l e a s t , . th e m e ch a n ist th e o ry o f n a tu r e ap p eared
t o s ta n d i n d i r e c t c o n tr a d ic tio n t o th e A r i s t o t e l i a n ap p ro ach w hich
e v e n tu a lly le a d s t o anim ism , o r a t b e s t , t o v i t a l i s m .
Doing away w ith
th e n o tio n o f f i n a l cause th u s became a r a l l y i n g p o in t aro u n d w hich men
i n t e r e s t e d i n th e p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r p o s i t i v e s c ie n c e c o u ld assem ble and
from w hich th e y c o u ld b e g in t o d e a l w ith th e ta s k o f r e p la c in g th e
p re m ise s o f t r a d i t i o n a l q u a l i t a t i v e p h y s ic s w ith e x p erim en t a l l y a n d /o r
m a th e m a tic a lly v a l i d a t e d la w s.
One d i f f i c u l t y re m a in e d , howevers
to -
w hat e x te n t was th e method deemed most e f f i c i e n t f o r a r r i v i n g a t th e
fo rm u la tio n o f such law s—m ath em atics— a c c e p ta b le as the" p rim a ry b a s i s
f o r in q u ir y ?
I t was p r e c i s e l y th e answ er t o t h i s q u e s tio n t h a t s e t th e
C a r te s ia n s a p a r t from th e r e s t o f th e s c i e n t i f i c com munity.
301
C a rte s ia n p o s itiv is m ; d is c o v e ry o f
n a t u r a l law th ro u g h a p p lic a tio n
Of th e m a th e m atica l m ethod o f
p u re re a so n
F or th e fo llo w e rs o f D e s c a r te s , th e c l e a r and d i s t i n c t id e a s o f
m athem atics c o n s ti tu te d th e fo u n d a tio n on w hich s c i e n t i f i c u n d e rs ta n d in g
o f th e p h y s ic a l w orld c o u ld he b u i l t .
E x p e rim e n ta tio n was n o t so much
a' p a r t o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n as i t was a means o f c o n firm in g a th e o r y t h a t
h ad a lre a d y been w orked o ut on p a p e r th ro u g h co m p u tatio n and a p p lic a tio n
o f g eo m etric p r i n c i p l e s .
In s h o r t , th e " e m p iric a l" s c ie n c e o f th e C ar­
t e s i a n was n o th in g more th a n th e c a r r y in g o u t o f a p re v io u s m e n ta l ex­
p e rim e n t , th e r e s u l t s o f w hich a re e x p e c te d t o c o rre sp o n d more o r l e s s
t o th e c o n c lu s io n s o b ta in e d in th e " p e r f e c t" u n iv e rs e of. m ath em atics.
T hus, i f e r r o r was t o be p la c e d somewhere in th e v e r i f i c a t i o n p r o c e s s ,
i t was in th e o b s e rv a tio n and n o t in th e e x p e rim e n ta l d e s ig n .
The G a ss e n d ists and in d u c tiv e m ethod;
construction of a body o f s c ie n t i f ic
c o n cep ts in d ep en d en t o f a p r i o r i
p rin c ip le s
’
In c o n tr a s t t o th e p o s i t i v i s t i c fram ework o f s c ie n c e g u a ra n te e d
t o t h e C a r te s ia n e x p e rim e n te r by h is m a th e m a tic a l d e d u c tio n s , Gassen­
d i s t s fo rm u la te d h y p o th e se s on th e b a s i s o f p re v io u s r e s u l t s and "common
sen se " p r i n c i p l e s o f n a t u r e , e . g . , n a tu r e alw ays fo llo w s t h e s h o r t e s t
p a th , and t e s t e d th e s e h y p o th e se s un d er a s e r i e s o f m o d ifie d c o n d itio n s .
For exam ple, G a s s e n d i's i n t e r e s t in th e mechanism o f v is io n l e d him and
h i s c o -e x p e rim e n te r P e i r e s c , t o d i s s e c t a number o f d i f f e r e n t anim al
302
s p e c ie s f o r p u rp o se s o f com paring th e v a r i a t i o n in components in v o lv e d
in s i g h t .
U n lik e th e C a r te s ia n m ethod, th e e m p iric a l s c ie n c e o f Gas­
sen d i and h i s fo llo w e rs had no g u a ra n te e , o f c e r t a i n t y a tta c h e d t o i t ;
w h atev er c o n c lu s io n s were re a c h e d on th e. b a s is o f one ex p erim en t o r
s e r i e s o f e x p erim en ts w ere n o t e x p e c te d t o be d e f i n i t i v e — a t l e a s t n o t
a s lo n g as th e r e rem ained obvious p a ra m e te rs t h a t had y e t t o . b e ex­
amined.
P r a c t i c a l l y s p e a k in g , G a s s e n d is ts a d m itte d t h a t i t was l i k e l y
such a com plete u n d e rs ta n d in g as one m ight hope t o have o f a problem
m ight n e v e r be h a d , and so s c i e n t i s t s sh o u ld c o n te n t th e m se lv e s w ith
p r o v is io n a l c o n c e p ts , o r h y p o th e s e s , w hich c o u ld be t r e a t e d as v a l i d
assu m p tio n s u n t i l th e y were proven f a l s e .
In th e c o n te x t o f a m ethodology such as th e one j u s t d e s c r ib e d ,
th e e x is te n c e o f f i n a l c au se s d id n o t pose a t h r e a t t o th e e n t i r e e d i­
f i c e o f s c ie n c e , s in c e man d id n o t assume h im s e lf im m e d iately eq u ip p ed
t o answ er a l l o f th e q u e s tio n s .
W hatever e f f i c i e n t c a u s e s .h e c o u ld
i d e n t i f y in th e e v e n ts o f a p ro c e s s le a d in g from one p h y s ic a l s t a t e t o
a n o th e r had t o be i n f e r r e d from e f f e c t s , and th e n r e c o n s t i t u t e d in
r a t i o n a l te rm s t o g iv e a p o s s ib le s and n o t a n e c e s s a ry } a cco u n t f o r what
had o c c u rre d .
O rganic th e o ry and th e r e c o g n itio n o f a
l i f e p r i n c i p l e o r s o u l; Cureau de La
Cham bre's r e a f f ir m a tio n o f A r i s t o t e l i a n
s u b s t a n t i a l forms in th e i n t e r e s t s
o f e la b o r a tin g a th e o ry o f e v o lv in g
b io lo g ic a l s tru c tu re
Because h is a t t e n t i o n had alw ays been fo cu sed on th e stu d y o f
l i v i n g t h i n g s , Cureau de La Chambre n e v e r abandoned th e n o tio n o f f ih a lis m
303
in nature even though,he shared-the mechanist's suspicion of terms
like "occult virtue" which had no observable.counterpart in the sensible
world.
However, in his initial clash with the Cartesian Chanet over
animal intelligence and throughout the controversy which provoked the
publication of the Traitt de ta connoissanoe des Animaux in 1647, Cureau
was forced to discuss his theory of animation in very concrete terms in
order to show exactly why his conclusions differed from those of Des­
cartes.
In previous works like Nouvelles Conjectures sur la Digestion
and Les Charact&res des Passions, the existence of a soul, or life
principle, was always implicit; by 1660, however, Cureau obviously felt
that it had to be demonstrated or else the art of knowing men through
the interpretation of external signs of both physical and moral inclina­
tions had no real basis for justification.
Like Gassendi, Cureau encountered the need for final causes at
the biological level.
Without some directing principle— animistic or
vital, if indeed such a distinction could be made— how could there have
come to be such a variety of complex beings ostensibly capable of pro­
cessing all the information prerequisite to performing even the simplest
of local movements?
Despite the obvious absurdity of a theory that
placed animals in the same category as man-made machines, demonstrating
the existence of a soul on the basis of seventeenth-century physiology
and "chemistry" inevitably led back to the central problem of occult
virtues:
how could one discuss the properties of a substance that could
neither be seen nor conceived in any clear and distinct manner?
30U
From the vantage point of Cureau de La Chambres the theory of
an image whose subject consists in a spiritual substance similar to
invisible light was not the final answer; however, he considered it
worth adopting as a provisional way of explaining certain phenomena
which, in his opinion, could not be properly accounted for using the
principles of mathematics and the tools available for direct observation
alone.
Among these inexplicable phenomena he included such things as
learning, memory, and voluntary movements as we saw in chapter 6.
In many respects, Cureau*s system of the soul with its emphasis
on evolving biological structure and sense cognition as the prerequi­
sites for explaining the intellectual dimension of human behavior ap­
pears to be a reworking and further elaboration of the.themes one finds
in the parts of Gassendi *s work devoted to the consideration of similar
problems. For example, the neo-Epicurean theory of semina animali&um
and the ’’phantasmal images” which mediate contact between subject and
object are conceived along the same lines as the corresponding theories
of connatural or instinctual images and phantoms we found to be at the
base of La Chambre’s teachings on instinct and sense cognition.
How­
ever, to go as far as H. Bus son and call Le Systhne de I ’ame a defense
of Gassendi’s atomism is a gross exaggeration.^
There are important
nuances in Cureau’s thinking which reveal his own first-hand contact
with, and continual reference to, the ancient sources. As an illustra­
tion, we might take the doubt that lingered in Cureau*s mind as to
Bus son. La Religion des Classiques (Paris* 19^8), note 1,
p. 180.
305
whether the images are really corpuscular in nature.
When speaking
about their actual substance, Cureau tends to view them more in terms
of the alterations they effect in the actual matter of the organs which
utilize them, rather than in terms of their entitative existence.
Hence, if Gassendi did help directly or indirectly to orient La Chambre's thinking in conceptualizing the images, it might also be argued
that Descartes' theory of extended matter informed by movement must also
be acknowledged and reckoned with as a possible source of inspiration.
Philosophy of Science and the Theory of Man;
Focal Points of the Epistemological
Debate in the Seventeenth Century
In spite of Descartes' effort to do away with final causes and
substantial forms in the explanation of living systems, the problem of
defining the nature of "soul” within the context of M s new methodology
did not go away; instead, it became one of the issues around which the
epistemological debate centered during the last half of the seventeenth
century.
The controversy assumed at least three important forms, each
of which was to become a cause e&V&bTe in the philosophical salons of
Mme de Sable and Mme de La Sabli&re:
the animal-machine, theory of the.
passions, and the constitution of a moral philosophy in keeping with the
positive outlook of science.
Because of the previous studies he had
made in each of these areas, Cureau de La Chambre was frequently as­
sociated with, if not always directly involved in, these popular intel­
lectual controversies.
Moreover, it was undoubtedly out of recognition
of a common source of di ffi culty— understanding the nature of the
soul— that he decided in the early l66o's to attempt a synthesis of his
■
306
doctrine in Le Syst'&me de I 'ame in order to shed further light on the
controversial issues.
By assessing his position with regard to these
particular problems, we should be able to draw closer to a more accurate
understanding of his role in the formulation of moral philosophy and the
esthetic consequences of this philosophy which we find in the works of
literary writers between 1660 and 1680.
The animal-machine; discontinuity
between the sensible and rational
orders
The traditional idea that animals are endowed with intelligence
similar to, though less universal than, the intelligence of men was
probably introduced into the salons by readers of Montaigne who had
discussed the subject in his Essais.
Taken in itself, the idea must
have seemed quite acceptable to most people conditioned to viewing na­
ture as a hierarchy of being arranged according to various gradations, in
’’soul."
For Descartes, however, there was only one sensible creature
who possessed a "soul" in addition to a body, because in his view, the
purpose of this component in a living system was to associate the sen­
tient half of the being to his rational half; in animals, this link
seemed unnecessary since as it was generally understood, they had no
rational faculty, only corporeal organs.
Like Gassendi, Cureau de La Chambre espoused the traditional
idea that all living creatures are governed by some sort of life princi­
ple that cannot be explained Solely on the basis of mechanical laws of
force and resistance.
The idea of calling this principle a soul seemed
perfectly logical and did not seem to detract from man because there
(
307
vere, as both Aristotle and Plato recognized, three levels at which one
could properly use the term.
Thus, while animals were credited with
vegetative and animal soul, only man was endowed with an intellectual
dimension.
Historically speaking, Cureau was one of the most persistent
defenders of the theory of animal intelligence.
Prompted by the appear­
ance in 16U3 of the physician Pierre Chanet1s Consid&Pations stir la
eagesse de Chaprcn where.the theory of the animal-machine is opposed to
Montaignefs view of animal behavior, Cureau inserted a chapter in the
second volume of Lee Charaat^res des Passions (1645) indicating his sup­
port for Montaigne’s idea but without naming his adversary.
In 1646,
Chanet openly challenged La Chambre's position in a pamphlet entitled
’’De 1'instinct et de la connoissance des animaux avec 1'examen que
M. de La Chambre a eserit star cette m a t i e r e a n d this marked the beginning of a lively polemic involving numerous exchanges. 35
In the
course of this debate, La Chambre’s attitude became more and more nega­
tive and sarcastic with regard to his opponent’s objections.
Finally,
in 1647, he decided to put an end to the entire matter with the Traiti
de la connoissance des Animauss^ ou tout ce qui a est$ diet powr, et
contre. le vaisonnement des bestess est exaraine*
Although this tract was
35
On the controversy over animal intelligence between La Chambre
and Chanet, see J. B. Piobetta, ”Au temps de Descartes. Une polemique
ignoree sur la connaissance des animaux (Pierre Chanet et Marin Cureau
de La Chambre)” in Travaws ,du IXe Congr&s international de philosophics
lie partie (Paris, 1937), pp. 60-66. For general information regarding
this controversy, see L. Rosenfield, From Beast-Machine to Man-Machine
(Hew York, 1968).
308
the last word La Chambre officially wrote concerning the controversy
over the animal-machine 9 the arguments formulated and elaborated in the
course of the debate served him in Le Systlime de 1 !amei and again in
Be t ’amitiH et de la haine qui se trouvent entre les Animavxs as a
springboard for outlining a more general theory of the soul’s opera­
tions .
Although Cureau is usually associated with the anti-Cartesian
view held by Gassendi, it would be unfair to both men to call one the
disciple of the other.
For Cureau, the existence of animal soul did not
necessarily imply a continuation between the sensible and rational
orders because, as we noted earlier, Cureau was not exactly what we can
call an atomist.
If we consider again the nature of the understanding
faculty in La Chambre ’s system with its special operation— intelligence—
and compare it to the animal faculties, we find that whatever "informing
virtue" functions in animals to guide and direct their organic develop­
ment is "used up” or confined to the specific organs of imagination.
Men, on the other hand, have a supernumerary supply of "soul" which
remains "unattached" and free to become ideas which the mind can then use
as new bases for action.
And even though it is the organ of imagination
which makes it possible for the human mind to construct thought se­
quences, the intellectual capacity of man is virtually unlimited while
animals learn only as much as their organs will permit.
Hence, for La Chambre, the capacity to "reason," i.e., to for­
mulate propositions through association of images to form a judgmental
discourse prior to accomplishing any action, is quite inferior to the
309
capacity to “reason universally” since the latter implies what is for
all practical purposes an unlimited field for producing new ideas from
sensible experience.
Moreover, the difference between human and animal
intelligence is directly related to the theory of the passions because,
as we shall see next, it is the vast opportunity men have to learn
thaj) enables them to acquire the sort of wisdom that comes from
self-knowledge.
Thus, while men share with animals the innate disposi- .
tions of instinct in their organic parts, they differ markedly from other
sensible creatures in their ability to modify their original nature
through acquisition, synthesis, and storage of vast amounts of new in­
formation.
In doing this, they become conscious agents in the direction
and control of their own destinies whereas animals learn and “reason” on
a much more limited basis.
'
.-
Theory of the passions and
possibilities for human
excellence
According to Cureau de La Chambre1s theory of the passions,
man's essence lies in the primordial inclinations of his mind which to­
gether constitute the psychophysical and moral paradigms for his actions.
As we saw in chapter 6, organisms differ from non-living substances in
that they are cognitive systems equipped not only to respond to the en­
vironment but also to select from it those things which foster survival
and perfection.
In modern terms, we might describe the conception of
life to which Cureau is alluding in terms of the second law of thermo­
dynamics:
living things manifest themselves as ordering processes
which increase the general entropy of the environment as they ingest and
310
synthesize new material to decrease, or keep constant, their own inner
tendency towards entropy.
Beginning with the premise of Galen and the Renaissance magi­
cians who regarded human temperament in terms of dynamic equilibrium,
Cureau de La Chambre affixes to the notion of dynamism the dimension of
"history" or a being existing over time whose optimum metabolic balance
changes in accordance with the new "qualities" experience permits him
to formulate through synthesis of the constant influx of information.
W. Riese, author of La th&orie des passions a la lumi&re de la pensSe
midicale du XVIIe siecle* has underlined the important contribution
made by La Chambre in this particular regard through analysis of the
letter's conception of love— "le mouvement de 11appetit vers le bien."^
As he observes, quoting the key texts from Les Charaot^res des Passions3
all of the passions in effect
. . ne sont que de divers mouvements
que 1'amour se donne, et de differentes figures qu'elle prend"; and
"l'amour n'est pas seulement la source de toutes les passions, elle
I'est encore de tous les biens et de tous maux qui arrivent aux
hommes" (C.P., p. 1*7).
Viewed in this perspective, "passions’* are
really actions— a point which the author of Les Chapacteves des Passions
stresses repeatedly in his works beginning in l63h with L ’Amowt* d 1in­
clination and ending with Le Systems de lrdime.
And since the passions
are involved in every selective response we make to our surroundings,
W. Riese, La theorde des passions d la tumiere de la penste
m&dicale du XVIIe sidcle (New York: Basel, 1965). See pp. 19-50 and
passim.
using them properly provides us with the matter and instrument for at­
taining virtue.
As Riese remarks9 for Cureau de La Chambre, the idea
of using the passions to one's advantage is framed in the language of
his time, "langage de guerre,” where often ”il est question de combat,
37
d'ennemi, de force d'attaque, de defense et de fuite.”
It is with
regard to this theory that the author of Les Charaeteves d.es Passions
emphasizes the distinction between the two orders of passions;
those
which mark withdrawal from the object or situation (hate, aversion,
pain, fear, despair) and are called "passions timides,".and those which
mark aggression (hardiness or audacity, anger, constance) and are called
"passions courageuses."
This last aspect of his theory of the passions, when placed in
the context of his idea of love, lends a possible basis for moral phi­
losophy by projecting before us an ideal psychomoral type very close to
the model Cureau set for himself as we saw in chapter 3.
The man who
uses his passions to proper advantage will not succumb to self-love as
long as he recognizes and strives to conform to traditional religious
guidelines for behavior.
In Cureau's opinion, the opportunity for
modification of one’s "inclination naturelie" lies in making the most of
one's experience and aiming continuously for self-improvement and
"spiritualization" of the instinctual patterns which are the ‘initios or
primal dispositions toward vice and virtue.
312
Moral doctrine and its esthetic consequences;
Cureau de La Chambre's theory of man in
relation to the cultivation of art
forms in the seventeenth century
Although Cureau did not expound the esthetic consequences of
the morality implicit in his theory of the passions, Riese has justly
underlined the "baroque" aspects of the physician's conception of human
nature.
38
In viewing love as the psychophysical and moral force which
impels men towards the perfection of their being, the physician affirms
the organic definition of soul whose very essence is movement. The
classical ideal of mediocrity to which he subscribes is not static
equilibrium.
For La Chambre, on the contrary, soul is the principle of
evolving biological structure which may more accurately be described as
an organizing force than
as a final cause.
If human destiny isepit­
omized in llle repos," then its perfection lies
beyond a person *sex­
istence as an animate being for as he writes in Lee Chapaat&res des
Passions:
II faut . . . cherchef ailleurs que dans la mediocrite,
la constitution qui luy [to the soul] est plus convenable..
Serait ce point dans le repos? Car c'est la fin ou tendent
toutes les choses qui se meuvent, c 1est 1’etat qui exclud
toute violence & qui par consequent est le plus nature!.
Maxs I'ame n 1est pas de cet ordre-la, elle se meut sans
pretendre a se reposer, ou pour mieux dire, elle trouve
son repos dans le mouvement; car comme les corps celestes,
le feu & les esprits memes se meuvent toujours,. il faut
qu’elle, qui les surpasse en noblesse, les surpasse
aussi en activite, et qu'elle ne cesse jamais de se
• mouvoir non plus qu’eux pour estre dans la perfection
qui luy est la plus convenable. . .
(C.P*3 pp. 438-39)•
Hence, for Cureau, ceaseless movement is the nature of soul and for this
op
Ibid.3 pp. 47-50.
.
reason must be considered as its ultimate perfection.
313
Reality„ then, is
characterized as instability, mobility, metamorphosis, and the fusion of
being with appearance.
If La Chambre frequently resorts to metaphorical
language in his physiological descriptions, it is because “reality” is
metaphor:
the movements and cycles of nature are uniform, and the
language used to describe any of its basic processes should essentially
-be valid for all of them.
Of course, one expects variation in the de­
tails but failure to recognize the constants inevitably leads to a dis­
torted view of the whole.
In a sense, one can say that for La Chambre, multiplication of
perspectives, ornate language, and instability— the general character­
istics of the baroque esthetic, in short— were ways of expanding crea­
tion and glorifying the creator.
Unlike Pascal, who strove for uni-
. vocity in language as the supreme expression of man's “spiritual” or
“figurative” nature,^
Cureau viewed man's verbal means of expression as
an organism which (as he states in the preface to Nouvetles Conjectures
sup la Digestion) is continually.adapting itself to change and discovery
brought about through scientific inquiry.
In brief, for Cureau, language originates with God and for this
reason is the link which binds man to his creator in a very special re- '
lationship.
However, his perspective is essentially humanistic as far
as the purpose of this language in man's day-to-day life is concerned;
^Morot-Sir, La Mitaphysique de Pascal for analysis of Pascal's
theory of man as “'etre de figure."
.
3lU
"truth” is not a refuge from the world except on the very personal
level of one who knows, as Madame de Sable expresses it, how to "Men
decouvrir 1'interieur d'autruy, et cacher le sien."
His ideal is dis­
played in the honnete hormes not in le penitent— especially insofar as
the honnete horme tries to transform himself into le g&n&reuXs or man
whose virtuous example serves as an inspiration to those whose sights
remain fixed on this world rather than on the next one.
Despite all the implications La Chambre's theory of "man in
motion" might have for the cultivation of literary and art forms, it is
important to keep in mind that these applications are not pointed out by
the author of Les Charaat^ree des Passions,
First and foremost, La
Chambre was a physician, and his primary purpose in analyzing the moral
sense of the passions was not to search out the fundamental paradox of
vice and virtue in the way that moralist writers like La Rochefoucauld
and Jacques Esprit were wont to do.
In Cureau’s opinion, moral actions
constitute the category of human actions that may be described as "free"
as opposed to "indifferent" or "instinctual" actions which are not de­
serving of praise, blame, recompense, or punishment.
In the final anal­
ysis, morality is defined by Religion whose tradition teaches man the
direction in which he should apply his reason in order to make it "right
reason."
Since Cureau believed so profoundly in the ability of men to
use their personal experience as a springboard for moving towards virtue,
the only "natural" origin of morality he could have been persuaded to
concede is one of direction.
Here we find the junction of his esthetic
doctrine with morality since the knowledge of a universal beauty or good
315
is implicit in the informing virtue, or entendemeirb^ which guides, and
directs the intellectual as well as the' physiological aspects:of the
perfectation of one's being.
In the most profound and total sense of
the organizing, ordering phase of existence, Cureau de La Chambre has
formulated a theory of man that accepts movement and change as realities
not to be despised but rather to be cherished as the means for selfimprovement and ennoblement of character.
CHAPTER 8
REFLECTIONS OF SCIENTIFIC THEORIES
OF MAN H MORALIST WRITERS
OF THE CLASSICAL PERIOD;
THREE EXAMPLES
Progress in the Sciences and Moral Philosophy;
Background of the Formulation of New
Intellectual Attitudes Towards
the Study of Man by Man
Within the span of less than fifty years, scientific progress
had gone from being the dream of an erudite few to becoming the profound
expectation of the majority of French intellectuals.
The Rosicrucian
vision of a society committed to the advancement of human learning was
no longer mere fantasy; throughout the centurys men of great genius con­
tinued to make discoveries in mathematics, physics, and astronomy that
reaffirmed the notion of man's perfectibility.
least, there was no turning back.
In these disciplines, at
But as the years of political up­
heaval and civil war subsided, giving way to an era of calm and relative
stability under Louis XIV, the gap between man's knowledge of the world
and his knowledge of himself became increasingly apparent.
What good
was all of the progress in the physical sciences when such ignorance
reigned in the domains that affected man most acutely in his day-to-day
life— medicine and morality?
The leaders of the initial wave of scientific "revolution" were
the first to recognize and attempt to rectify the priorities.
316
Descartes,
-
317
for example, wrote in the last part of his. Disoouvs de la Methods in
connection with his hopes for "la vraye Philosophic”s.
Mais sifot que j'ai eti acquis quelques notions generales
touchant la physique, et que, commengant a les eprouver
en diverses difficultes particulieres, j'ai remarque
jusques du elles peuvent conduire et combien elles
different des principes dont on s'est servi jusqu’a
present, j'ai cru que je ne pouvais les tenir cachees
sans pecher grandement centre la loi qui nous oblige
a procurer autant qu'il est en nous le M e n general de
tons les homines: car elles m'ont fait voir qu'il est
possible de parvenir a des connaissances qui soient fort
utiles a la vie; et qu'au lieu de cette philosophic
speculative qu'on enseigne dans les ecoles, on en peut
trouver une pratique, par laquelle connaissant la force
et les actions du feu, de 1 'eau, de I'air, des astres,
des cieux et de tous les autres corps qui nous environ™
nent, aussi distinctement que nous connaissons les divers
metiers de nos artisans, nous les pourrions employer en
meme fagon & tous les usages auxquels ils sont propres,
et ainsi nous rendre comme ma'itres et possesseurs de la
nature. Ce qui n'est pas seulement & desirer pour 1 'in­
vention d'une infinite d'artifices qui feraient qu'on
jouirait sans aucune peine des fruits de.la terre et de
toutes les commodites qui s'y trouvent, mais principalement aussi pour la conservation de la sante, laquelle
est sans doute le premier bien et le fondement de tous
les autres Mens, de cette vie; car meme 1*esprit depend,
si fort du temperament et de la disposition des organes
du corps, que, s'il est possible de trouver quelque moyen
qui rende communement les hommes plus sages et plus
habiles qu'ils n'ont etS jusqu'ici, je crois que c!est
dans la mSdecine qu'on doit le chercher. II est vrai que
celle qui est maintenant en usage contient peu de choses
dont 1 'utilite soit si remarquable; mais, sans que j'aie
aucun dessein de la mepriser, je m'assure qu'il n'y a per­
sonae, mane de ceux qui en font profession, qui.n 'avoue
que tout ce qu'on y salt n'est presque rien a comparaison
de ce qui reste a y savoir; et qu'on se pourrait exempter
d'une infinite de maladies tant du corps que de 1 *esprit,
et meme aussi peut-etre de I'affaiblissement de la
vieillesse, si on avait assez de connaissance de leurs
^
causes et de tous les remedes dont la nature nous a pourvus.
Descartes, Discours de la M$thode3 ed. by L. Liard (Paris, i960),
pp. 102-03.
318
So convinced of the importance of medical science in the overall plan
for human progress was Descartes, that he claims in the very last lines
of the discourse;
"je dirai settlement que j'ai resolu de n ’employer le
temps qui me reste a, vivre a autre chose qu’jt tacher d’acquSrir quelque
connaissance de la nature, qui soit telle qu’on en puisse tirer des
regies pour la medeeine, plus assurees que celles qu’on a eues jusques
& present."^
Other thinkers like Gassendi and La Chambre, who had begun their
respective intellectual careers by considering a broad range of prob­
lems, did not state their philosophical aims quite as explicitly as
Descartes did at the outset.
However, each of these men in his later
years tended to move towards a synthesis of ideas from which guidelines
for morality and epistemology are deducible.
In the case of Gassendi,
Bloch has observed that it was out of a desire to reconcile his atomism
with Christianity that the author of Syntagma Phitosopkiaum reworked the
thoughts he had entertained between 1636 and 1637 in De Vita et Dootvini
Epiawri into the theory of semina3 .or molecules forming Mune substance
active, qui n'est pas ignorante de son ouvrage, tel^e que seule petit
D
I ’Stre un esprit."
Similarly, Cureau de La Chambre attempted in Le
2Ibid., p. 119.
^Bloch, La Philosophic de Gassendi, p. bkl. The Latin text
from Syntagma philosophieum, IlUb, reads as follows; "Nimirum seminal!s
vis in quadam actuosa, operisque sui non ignara substantia est,
cuiusmodi esse solus spiritus potest.11 .
319
Syethne de I ,ame to bring the clinical study of the passions originally
begun in Les Charaet&res dee Passionss and the practical guide for
knowing men outlined in L 'Art de aormoistre les Hermesj
,into the frame­
work of a total science of man grounded in the structural understanding
of the soul as author and coordinator of all psychophysiological activ­
ities and moral behavior.
One of the most noteworthy characteristics of the theories of
man outlined by scientific thinkers of the seventeenth century is the
fundamentally optimistic outlook they maintain with regard to the
capacity of human knowledge to understand nature in view of eventually
exerting some control over its processes.
The kind of moral philosophy
which derives from such attitudes is obviously positivistic and oriented
towards the attainment of pragmatic ends:
for Descartes it consisted in
a morality whose ideal he eventually expresses in terms of g§n£rosit§:
for Gassendis the goal was expressed in the term libertas philosophandi
summarized in the preface to Exereitationes Paradoxieae as ”ratio phi­
losophandi , quae apud ipsos viget$ improbatur: et ob dejectam ah eisdem
philosophandi Libertatem expostulatur magnopere" (Op. 3S p. 102); and
for Cureau de La Chambre, it was the practical guide to wisdom through
understanding of the various passions put forth in L'Art de connoistre
les Hermes.
Whatever profound differences might have existed between
the methodological theories underlying each of these three viewpoints on
moral philosophy, it is clear that these men would have agreed on the
premise that man, though imperfect and thoroughly corruptible in his
behavior, is capable of dignity and a certain nobility if he learns to
320. .
exercise some sort of intellectual or pragmatic discipline to correct and
modify the errors of his senses.
Outside the immediate circle of scientific authors, such op­
timism was not so prevalent as we saw in chapter 7°
The reassertion of
voluntarism and Augustinian theories of love and divine will during the
first half of the century, arrived at through reinterpretation of the
Thomistic theory on the structure of the human intellect, fostered the
notion that the only freedom possible for man lay in grace— a state in­
capable of being reached through human effort alone.
The followers of
Jansenius who espoused this doctrine as a basis for reforming the Jesuitdominated educational system in France were particularly successful in
presenting and arguing the finer points of this theory, for unlike the
quasi-mystical Oratorians inspired by De Berulle, they presented their
case in rigorously logical terms, appealing to the heart via the intel­
lect, and using a rhetorical style that was unsurpassed by their adver­
saries.
Far from being optimists about man’s ability to manage his af­
fairs, the Jansenists saw all the pomp and circumstance of this world
as pure ”divertissement,” or distraction from the primary obligation of
the faithful— penitence and devotion to God.
As Jansenism began to attract a sizeable following among the
intellectual groups of Paris, serious discussion and moral reflection
replaced the frivolity of ”la Carte du Tendre.”
Although they were
sometimes outnumbered at social gatherings, the Jansenists were instru­
mental in setting the tone for introspective soul-searching sessions so
common in the salons of the second half of the seventeenth century.
Particularly in those groups where new converts to the faith
321
predominated— at Mae de Sable'ss for example — the primary concern was to
coin maxims that would serve as mnemonic devices for the faithful— -a
sort of sophisticated verbal counterpart to the medieval Book of Hours
or to the Hermetic emblems of Renaissance Heoplatonists like Maurice
Sceve. As advocates for the method of positive science, the Jansenists played a central role in the effort to purify the language.
However, what they intended to accomplish through intense study of
rhetoric and semantics was framed in a context quite different from
the one in which the academicians conducted their various projects
for language reform.
As Morot-Sir has shown in connection with Pascal,
language originates as the Word of God; it is a system of verbal signs
which relates man to divine Truth through grace.
Hence, for the author
of Les PvowncidleS; rhetoric, or the art of spoken and written language,
gives access to a much more general theory of language which recog­
nizes the synonymity of rhetoric and semantics.
In Morot-Sir’s words,
this generalized theory of language implies hypothesis on man:
”l'etre de I’homme est de meme nature que 1 ’§tre du signe; I ’homme n'est
pas une substance qui produit des signes, mais un signe qui produit des
signes et parmi eux, le signe ’substance.’ Ce qui entraine un nouvel
Slargissement du sens du nom ’rhetorique':
il devient synonyme de
m S t a p h y s i q u e T h u s , for Pascal in particular, and for the Jahsenists
in general, there remained the underlying conviction that language, by
^Morot-Sir,.La M&taphysique de Pascal* p. 13.
322
dint of its unique manifestation in man, is the sign and therefore the
guarantee that God exists.*’
As we saw in chapter 7, the controversy over grace and free will
that had begun in the theological circles during the first half of the
seventeenth century, did produce a very important hypothesis about man among
Jansenist thinkers.
It was this theory that was to undermine the doctrinal
foundation for a positivistic philosophy of science propounded by Jesuits
sympathetic with the idea of building a better world for man.
Through the
confrontation of two different systems of human values, the gap between
fundamentally opposed but equally positive conceptions of scientific in­
quiry— Cartesian!sm or true science guaranteed by God, and Gassendism, or
science based on probability— was brought sharply into focus. Hence, by
the Classical period we find at least three different theories on man:
Cartesian, Gassendist (primarily Jesuit in its inspiration), and Jansenist.
It was precisely out of the conflicts generated by the clash between these
three theories' that certain structuring principles for the constitution of
new moral philosophies emerged.
Resumd" of the Basic Goals of Moral Philosophy in
the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century
The moral philosopher of the classical period lived at a time
when there was considerable interest in the study of human anatomy and
physiology.
And so, in an effort to discover the hidden dispositions that
cause men to seem virtuous or vicious in the outward behavior, .
p. 151.
323
formulators of maxims and guides to the art of living consciously tried
to situate their analysis of human nature within the framework of con­
temporary medical knowledge.
A good example of such concern for con­
creteness can he found in the following passage taken from La Roche­
foucauld’s self-portrait, in which the author underlines the distinction
between the sort of melancholy that stems from his temperament and the
mental disposition called "melancholic” which derives from external
'sources s
. . . pour parler de mon humeur, je suis melancolique,
et je le suis a un point que, depuis trois ou quatre
ans, a peine m'a-t-on vu rire trois ou quatre fois.
J'aurais pourtant, ee me semble, une melancolie assez
supportable et assez douce, si je n ’en avals point
d 1autre que celle qui vient de mon temperament; mais
il m ’en vient tant d'ailleurs, et ee qui m'en vient
me remplit de telle sorte 1 ’imagination, et m ’occupe
si fort 1 !esprit, que la plupart du temps ou je reve
sans dire mot ou je n ’ai presque point d1attache &
ce que je dis.6
A second characteristic of moral philosophy of particular im­
portance to Classical writers involved the establishment of typological
norms and standards of perfection towards which the individual could
strive.
Although the traditional theory of temperaments based on four
primary humoral qualities provided a frame of reference for the psychophysiological and moral analysis of man, literary writers did not
generally possess the sort of detailed knowledge of humors and disease
La Rochefoucauld, Maxvnes? suiwies des Reflexions diverasess
du Portrait de La Rochefoucauld par lui~meme et des Remarques de
Christine de Su&de sur les Maximess ed. J. Truchet (Paris, 1967),
p. 25U.
one encounters in the works of physicians like Cureau de La Chambre.
For this reason, the typological categories for human virtue turned out
in the drawing-room atmosphere of literary gatherings did not neces­
sarily connect psychology with physiology although the relationship was
assumed.
In reality, the typologies of literary artists like La Roche­
foucauld and La Fontaine evolved from the portrait which seventeenthcentury readers of Montaigne like Honor# d'Urfe popularized in pastoral
novels like L'Astrie*
It was only as the art of maxim writing, or
prescriptive phase in the the constitution of a moral philosophy,
merged with the illustrative and descriptive vogue of verbal portraiture
and culminated in Les CavaeteTes of La Bruyere, that we find the syn­
thetic and essentially literary expression of a new psychology of human
character and behavior.
The idea of social reform, so apparent in La Bruyere1s incisive
sketches of the various types of individuals that peopled the literary
salons of his time, was only implicit in the works of maxim writers.
At the. salon of Madame de Sable, for example, we find the desire for
social reform intimately tied to the Jansenist movement whose converts
sought to lead the Church back to God.
Nevertheless, it is significant
to note that all of the major contributors to the Marquise's volume of
guidelines for living were not Jansenists.
In fact, the person uni­
versally acclaimed as the true genius in the art of maxims— La Roche­
foucauld— -seems to have remained relatively independent of any religious
ties despite the fact that he surrounded himself with followers of the
Port-Royal doctrine.
In order to determine to what extent social reform
-
325
shaped the activities of small, private gatherings at which Cureau was
often in attendance, we will devote the remainder of this chapter to
comparing the ideas of exponents of moral philosophy at the salon of
Madame de Sables
the Marquise herself, Jacques Esprit, and La Roche­
foucauld.
Rationale for Selection of Authors
In choosing the writers whose ideas might be considered in
relation to the science of man in the seventeenth century, our design
was threefold.
First, since we are interested in the role of Cureau
de La Chambre in the cultural evolution of his time, it was essential
to restrict the examination to writers who would have been familiar
with the general thrust of his philosophy, whether directly as in the
cases of Madame de SablS and Esprit, or indirectly, as in La Roche­
foucauld’s case.
Second, the character of the Port-Royal salon suggests
that it was one of the major foyers for contact between scientific,
religious, and philosophical doctrines in the last half of the century.
A recent convert to Jansenism, Madame de Sabi# brought together men and
women whose knowledge and insight into human nature would serve in the
constitution of an apology for Christianity capable of touching the
hearts of a generation of individuals whose confidence in the future
resided more directly in human science than in divine grace. As corre­
spondence around the period between 1660 and 1665 shows, the original
plan for the maxims was to publish them (or at least circulate them
among friends and associates of Port-Royal) in the form of a collab­
orative work which the Marquise calls "notre volume."
326
The likelihood that there was a very pragmatic and serious pur­
pose "behind the parlor game of maxim-coining that precluded a plan for
social reform of a limited scope brings us to the third and last reason
for our selection of authors:
the important roles that each of the
three major contributors to the volume appears to have been slated to
play in the overall design.
The philosopher and theologian of the group
was Jacques Esprit, whose erudition was valuable in providing support
for Jansenist-Christian doctrines through the drawing of historical
parallels and through the refutation of Stoic and Aristotelian theories
of human virtue.
The only non-Jansenist of the trio— La Rochefoucauld-
offered the sort of special genius for writing maxims which, together
with his penetrating insight into human nature, constituted an impor­
tant asset to the collective project.
Finally, Madame de Sable, as
hostess and coordinator of the effort, enjoyed rendering her own ideas
on virtue and friendship into maxims and reflections that were a bit
more gentle and optimistic about man than either of her co-authors'
views.
Together, these three moralists, each for his own reasons, com­
mented, corrected, and admired each other’s work as a contribution to
their joint enterprise.
What is perhaps most significant about the Port-Royal group of
moral philosophers and their plan for a collective edition of maxims and
reflections is that it failed.
In examining the separate publications
of each of the three collaborators which appeared after 1665, we can see
why this failure was in a sense completely predictable:
Esprit was a
327
radical Jansenist, La Rochefoucauld an irresolute fatalist, and Madame
de Sable a true believer in the possible improvement of man’s earthly
lot through the practice of virtue.
For obvious reasons, these conclu­
sions are ultimately incompatible;
the first offers man no hope outside
of God, the second offers him no hope beyond what fortune together with
one’s psychophysical constitution happens to bring him, and the third
assumes that all men are capable of "right reason” in the same way that
Descartes thought them capable of methodical doubt.
The irony of the situation is that all three of these conclu­
sions are possible deductions from the theory of nature outlined by
Cureau de La Chambre in his various works.
On the one hand, there is
implicit in his organic conception of things the idea that an unknowable
psychomoral principle called the informing virtue-— a concept not so
different from Esprit's immanent and efficacious grace— is what guides
and directs the organism towards his perfection and oneness with the .
Creator.
On the other hand, there are the stars and planets which emit
spirits and thereby influence all sublunar creatures by affecting their
substance.
Finally, there is the idea that virtue is an end-product of
one's knowledge that can be consciously implemented by the individual
as a means of securing health and psychological well-being for himself.
The difference between Cureau's theory of man and those suggested by the
works of moral philosophers we have selected for discussion here is one
of outlook.
For Cureau, the universe is governed by an open-ended,
organistic and expanding principle which is intensified and confirmed
by human knowledge.
What literary writers failed to grasp or else
328
refused to accept about this cosmology was the fact that man was neither
the victim nor the prisoner of blind forces; he was meant to be the
instrument by which God’s.infinite creative power is upheld and en­
hanced.
Madame de Sables Wisdom as the
Key to Social Acceptance and
Personal Satisfaction
Even though she adopted Jansenism in her later years, Madeleine
de Souvre, Marquise de Sable never found her social and religious pur­
suits to.be anything but complementary.
In fact, as she notes in the
following maxim taken from her private collection, the role of the pre­
ceptor in the teaching of Christian values should be recognized as an
important factor in the shaping of our moral attitudes:
Les maximes de la vie chretienne, qui se doivent settle­
ment puiser dans les veritez de I ’Evangile, nous sont
toujours quasi enseignees selon 1 ’esprit et I ’humeur
naturelle de ceux qui nous les enseignent. Les uns,
par la douceur de leur nature!, les autres par I'asprete
de leur temperament, toument et employent selon leur
sens la justice et la misericorde de Dieu.7
As the above text suggests, the purpose of maxims as understood by
Madame de Sable is to help to mediate contact between the Gospel and the
individual by presenting morality in a manner that is gentle but per­
suasive, natural and empathetic, but firm and instructive.
The “morality” prescribed in the Marquise’s private collection
of maxims is really more of an art of living than a coherent theory on'
Maximes de Madame de Sabl$3 ed. by D. Jouaust (Paris, l8%0),
Maxim 57, p. 36.
329
man, such as the ones we will find in the writings of both Jacques
Esprit and La Rochefoucauld.
Despite the ultimate preference for Jan-
senism demonstrated in the first maxim,
8 she remains an advocate of
”virtue," which she regards as "le vrai mSrite," attainable only through
the exercise of "le bon sens, le sgavoir et la sagesse."
in maxim 30;
As she remarks
"Les liens de la vertu doivent estre plus estroits que
ceux du sang, I'homme de bien estant plus proche de 1 *hosme de bien par
la ressemblance des moeurs que le fils ne 1 'est de son pere par la
9
ressemblance du visage."
•
In Madame de SablS's estimation, the key to wisdom and content­
ment is knowledge in the most all-inclusive sense of the term.
Although
intellectual pursuits are recommended, she does not regard them as suf­
ficient means for attaining a maximum of satisfaction in life, for as
she explains in maxim 21;
II n ’y a personne qui ne puisse recevoir de
grands secours et de grands avantages des sciences;
mais il y a aussi peu de personnes qui ne regoivent
un grand prejudice des lumieres et des connoissances
qu’ils ont acquises par les sciences, s'ils ne
s’en servant comme si elles leur Stoient propres
et naturelles.10
8
"Comme rien n ’est plus foible et moins raiscamable que de
soumettre son jugemement & celuy d'autruy, sans nulle application du
sien, rien n ’est plus grand et plus sense que de le soumettre aveuglSment i, Dieu, en croyant sur sa parole tout ce qu’il dit." Mcusimes de
Madame de Sdbl^;, p, 13.
9Ibid.3 p. 25.
10Ibid., pp. 21-22.
330
Equally important in Madame de Sable's program for happiness in this
world is individual health, well-being and comfort.
As we saw in chap­
ter 2, the Marquise was a great believer in special potions intended to
aid in maintaining a youthful appearance, and she took a great interest
in the preparation of foods selected for their nutritive value as well
as for their delicate flavors and aromas.
In short, she considered
physical fitness and moral integrity to be intimately related in man,
and would have agreed with La Rochefoucauld when he quipped;
moderation est comme la sobriSte;
on eraint de se faire mal."
"La
on voudrait manger davantage, mais
11
It is significant to note that out of a total of 8l maxims, only
seven are addressed to the problem which predominates both La Roche­
foucauld and Jacques Esprit’s works— Z 'amoMP-prcrpre.
Like her collab­
orators, Madame de Sables defines self-love as "le prineipe de tous les
vices que nous reprochons aux autres," and even goes so far as to admit
that "II se cache toujours assez d*amour propre sous la plus grande
12
dSvotion pour mettre des homes 5. la charitS.”
As for maxim 73, which
reads, "L'amour propre fait que nous nous trompons en presque toutes
choses, que nous entendons blasmer et que nous blasmons les mesmes
dSfauts dont nous ne nous corrigeons point, ou parce que nous ne
—
—
.
La Rochefoucauld, MaximeSj ed. by J. Truehet, in section
entitled "Maximes supprimSes," Maxim 4, p. 136.
12
Maximes de Madame de Sdbl$3 Maxim 13$ p. 18, and Maxim 6U,
p. 39.
331
connoissons pas le mal qui est en nous, ou parce qua nous I'envisageons
13
touj ours sous I’apparence da quelque M e n g1’ . the thought is deserving
of a radical Jansenist like Esprit, or a clinical observer like La
Rochefoucauld, even though the expression is a bit awkward.
But for
Madame de Sable $ it is important to realize that self-love does:not ap­
pear to exclude the possibility for self-improvement and perfection;
much closer to Descartes than to either of her co-authofs in assuming an
absolute distinction between body and mind, Madame de Sablecredits man
with an independence of mind anda capability for recognizing
truth and
withholding judgment in the face of false good;
Dans la connoissance deschoses humaines, notre
esprit ne doit jamais se rendre esclave, en
s'assujetissant aux fantaisies d'autruy. II faut
Stendre la liberte de son jugement, et ne rien
mettre dans sa teste par aucune autorite purement
humaine. Quand on nous propose la diversite des
opinions, il faut choisir, s'il y a lieu; sinon,
il faut demeurer dans le doute.-^
As for selecting proper models by which to gauge our selfimprovement , Madame de Sable claims that we need not look too. far.
Com­
pletely in agreement with Cureau de La Chambre1s rationale for using
other men as a mirror to see ourselves more clearly, she observes in
maxim 51:
"On s’instruit aussi bien par le defaut des autres que par
leur instruction.
L ’exemple de 1 ’imperfection sert-quasi autant & se
13Ibid.s p. 1*3.
^Ibid., Maxim 58, pp. 36-37-
332
rendre parfait que celuy de 1 ‘habilete et. de la perfection!'^
But rec­
ognition of others’ shortcomings does not mean publicizing their weak­
nesses to make oneself appear stronger and superior.
In the Marquise's
estimation, "85avoir bien dScouvrir I'interieur d'autry, et cacher le
sien, est une grande marque de superiorite d*esprit.”^
What is more,
in the end we may find that in our eagerness to point out the faults of
men— particularly the faults of those who have power over us— we lose
more than we have gained, for as she remarks;
Quand les Grands esperent de faire croire qu'ils
ont quelque qualite qu'ils n'ont pas, il est dangereux de montrer qu'on en doute; car en leur ostant
I'esperance de pouvoir tromper les yeux du monde, on
leur oste aussi le desir de faire de bonnes actions qui
sont conformes a ce qu'ils affectent.l?
The above text incorporates what is probably the most profound and most .
original thought of Madame de SablS with regard to moral philosophy.
Here we recognize a woman of the seventeenth century who is extremely
skilled in winning friends and influencing people through what can only
be called an art of flattery.
But unlike La Rochefoucauld and Jacques
Esprit, who denounce the tendency among politicians to pretend to
greater virtue than they actually possess, the Marquise suggests en­
couraging them to live up to the high opinion they have of themselves
by being supportive of them.
Very cleverly, she hints that the gap be­
tween poraC'tre and etre can for all practical purposes be closed through
15Ibid.i p. 33.
^Ibid.3 Maxim 35, pp. 27-28.
^Ibid. s Maxim 75, p. Ub.
333
implementation of proper social conditioning!
In a sense, what she is
saying is that it matters very little what a man really is, as long as
he acts according to what he would like to.he, for it is action and not
potential that keeps society stable..
This outlook on man's social behavior sketched by Madame de
Sabi# in the text cited above brings us to the most important goal im­
plied by her art of living— the cultivation of friendship.
In her eyes,
it is this relationship between men which acts as the instrument of
promoting virtue among men, and closing the gap between pa&cn?bve and
With La Rochefoucauld and Jacques Esprit, she recognized the
tyranny of self-love in human relationships and noted that Mil n'y a
point de malice que 1 'amour propre ne presente a 1 'esprit pour s'en
servir aux occasions, et il y a peu de gens assez vertueux pour n'estre
18
pas tentez." . However, she did not see how this emotion excludes all
possibility for true friendship which in her opinion consists in " m e
espece de vertu qui ne peut estre fondSe que sur I'estime des personnes
que I'on ayme, c'est a dire sur les qualitez de I'ame, comme sur la
fidelite, la generosite et la discretion, et sur les bonnes qualitez
de 1'e s p r i t . H e n c e , friendship established on self-interest or plea20
sure rather than on virtue "ne meritent point le nom d'amiti#," . for as
she explains: "ce n'est pas que les M e n fait s et les plaisirs qu'on
Maxim 13, p. 18.
19Ibid.3 p. 57.
20Ibid., p. 59.
33k
regoit reciproquement des amis ne soient des suittes et des.effets de
2.3
I'amitie, mais ils n ’en doivent jamais estre la cause.” " In other
words, friendship as understood by the Marquise is an entirely different
relationship from love, or the attraction caused by one's natural bent.
As she reasons; "Lion ne doit pas aussi donner le nom d'amitie aux in­
clinations naturelles, parce qu'elles ne dependent point de notre volant#
ni de notre choix, et, quoy qu'elles rendent nos amities plus agreables,
22
elles n 1en doivent pas estre le fondement.
To summarize,.Madame de
Sabi# rejects the usual definition of friendship as an association
founded on similarity and resemblance of character. Unlike true friend­
ship, which is based on virtue and mutual respect, this latter relation­
ship proceeds from "un certain amour propre, qui fait que nous aymons
tout ce qui nous est semblable, encore que nous soyons tres imparOO
faits."
For the Marquise, the only noble motivation for human com­
merce is virtue guided by reason, because in the end, "celuy qui ayme
plus son amy que la raison et la justice aymera plus en quelque autre
pij.
occasion son profit ou son plaisir que son amy." .
Although Madame de Sabi# does not elaborate any typological
criteria in her maxims and reflections, we find that the ideal she pro­
jects for human perfection closely resembles Descartes 6 "genereux.”
Z1Ibid.s p. 58.
op
Ibid.y p. 59.
23Ibid.s p. 59.
Ibid.3 p. 60.
• .
335
Generosity as understood by both the Marquise and the philosopher is
grounded in the sort of virtue that can only be assured to individuals
who are confident in their ability to apprehend and comprehend truth.
Like the True Philosophy of Descartes, Madame de Sable’s art of living
precludes the existence of a principle of certainty for right reason—
whether grace or infinite and invincible will— which serves to guide
the individual in the perfection of his being.
Despite the fact that
she was a Jansenist, Madame de SablS’s idea of personal wisdom is not
reducible to efficacious grace— a thesis which we will see next is fun­
damental to the moral philosophy of Jacques Esprit.
However, we might
take into account the fact that her maxims were not published with her
consent; they appeared posthumously in a volume which also included
the thoughts of her friend D'Mlly.
25
As far as the Marquise was con­
cerned, her maxims, like her recipes, were only intended for the perusal
of her dearest friends.
Jacques Esprit mid the Falseness
of Human Virtue: A Literary
Expression of Radical
Jansenism
Close associate of both La Rochefoucauld and Madame de
SablS and member of the French Academy, Jacques Esprit is the most
enigmatic and in some ways the most interesting of the three collabora­
tors of the volume of maxims and moral reflections begun at the Mar­
quise's salon. For four years as a member of the Oratory Congregation,
^Ibi-de 3 x.
336
and later on as a Jansenist, Esprit took a much more philosophical and
historical approach to the problem of human virtue than either the duke
or the hostess; unlike the latters whose maxims suggest a universal
capacity in man to temper his actions through the exercise of "right
reason," Esprit systematically examines and ultimately rejects all human
virtue as a false charade stemming from self-love.
To a large extent,
his attack is directed against the sect with which Madame de Sable’s
ideas are most intimately associated— Seneca and the Stoic philosophers.
In fact La Fausseti des vertus humaines begins with an analysis of the.
virtue called "prudence," which for Seneca marked the essence of human
perfection, just as it seems to have done for the Marquise.
Esprit pro­
ceeds to show that the prudent action recommended by the Stoics pre­
cludes confirmation of the pagan world-view, which regards Fate and
Fortune, not divine Providence, as the arbiters of human destiny.
he writes:
As God’s Providence is only the extent of his infinite
Wisdom, which keeps the World in order, and rules all
humane Events; Man doth not only offend this Providence,
when by his ignorance or vanity, he ascribes to his Pru­
dence the happy success of his Designs; but also when to
excuse himself for the miscarriage of his Projects, he
lays the blame of it upon Fate, or the caprice of Fortune.
These are two of the chiefest Errors, that obtain'd among
the Heathens, and are still rooted in our Minds. The first,
that the World is Govern'd by a blind Fate, and that all is
transacted in it by the inevitable force of its Decrees:
The other. That Fortune hath a powbr to depress and raise
Men according to her wild Fancy. Pride cherishes this last
Error, because, as we have said, it spares a Man the shame
of his blunders, and he cunningly makes use of it to hide
his faults, by deriving them from a foreign Cause. Hence it
is, that those that have been a long time at Court without
preferment, talk so often of Fortune, and are careful to
make others take notice that she is cross and froward to
As
337
them; nay, some glory in their ill Luck, and adorn
themselves with their Misfortunes. This way of
speaking, and these heathenish Opinions that occasion
it, shou’d never "be in the Months [sia] and Minds of
Christians, because they do not agree with the be­
lief of a Providence, which engages us to think that
we are wholly at her disposal, and that without her
order not one hair of our Heads shall fall.2°
The other principal victim in Esprit8s denouncement of the mo­
tivations of human actions is Aristotle, whose idea of virtueconsists
27
in the proper management of passions, "the arms of virtue," . by reason.
As Esprit explains in the passage below, "reason" cannot be isolated from
and exercised independently of humoral movements, since both are aspects
of the same life principle, or Soul:
\
If we have a mind to see what lead[s] Av%stotfle into
this grand mistake, we need by consider what he says:
"That we must look upon the Passions as ’the Arms of
Virtue.8" And again; "That we must make use of Anger as
of a Soldier, and 'never suffer it to command in us, and
do the duty of a Captain.'" For it is plain, that this
great Philosopher thought that we cou'd handle Anger as
a Sword, which we take up, lay down, thrust, and stop,
and withdraw as we please. Which is a gross Error, since
the most stupid may perceive, that if the Passions are
Arms; "They are Arms," says Senecas "which themselves
fight, and do not wait till they are us'd; and whereof a
Man is so little master, that they wholly govern him."
For what he says, that Reason ought to guide Anger, he
then supposes Reason to be separate from Anger, and that
it quietly and safely considers its Motions, and that
they have each a different seat. Whereas they are both
26
J. Esprit, Disooupses on the Deceitfulness of Humane Virtues,
translated by William Beauvoir (London, 1706), pp. 29-30. This work
appeared in French for the first time in 1678 under the title La
Faussete des vertus humaines» I regret that circumstances prevented me
from consulting the first edition for this section of my work.
^Ibid.3 pp. 113♦
338
in the Soul; and therefore when Anger is inflam’d, it .
transports the Soul, and stifles the light of Reason.
So that all reason can do, is to strive as much as it .
can to prevent its rise; because if it suffers Anger
to be inflam'd, it runs the risque to be.sway’d by
this powerful and domineering P a s s i o n . ^8
like Augustine, and in keeping with the Jansenist position on
grace. Esprit believed that the essence of human freedom lay in the
will, or power that leads man to act in accordance with God’s plan.
However, Esprit's thinking is. not entirely clear with regard to how men
are to achieve this state of grace— through merit or through preordained
endowment. As the text below demonstrates, the "blessed Men," or group
of individuals apparently synonymous with the Biblical elect, are char­
acterized by a phrase that implies that they have reached the state of
grace through meritorious actions.
Hence, it becomes difficult to see
exactly what differences Esprit means to indicate as dividing lines be­
tween Christians and the contemptible "honest men";
To curb easily our Will on all occasions, and find
no repugnancy to anything that shocks our Inclina­
tions , is not only a Virtue, but also a Collection of
many extraordinary and excellent Virtues, and the
heighth and perfection of Christian Piety. And there­
fore none enjoy it, but those blessed Men, who have
labour’d all their lives to subdue their Affections,
to destroy Self-love, and Die to themselves; And it
is of them that it may properly be said, that they
have no Will. But it is a false Virtue in the Chil­
dren of this World, who pretend to Honesty. For
whilst they seem to do nothing for themselves, and
to have no other aim but to comply with others, they
pursue their Point, and only mind to satisfy their
Passions.29
'^~>Tbid',3 pp. 113-1%.
^Ibid^, pp. 130-31.
339
The crux of the issue, for Esprit as for Madame de Sable, thus
"becomes epistemological: in Esprit’s case, one finds that while differ­
ent men exhibit the same external behavior, only the Children of God, or
Christians, can be considered virtuous since they alone act in accor­
dance with a law that transcends their amotcp^propre and corresponds
to a sort of gnosis or intuitioni for Madame de Sable, on the other
hand, we saw that there is a tendency to adopt the behaviorist view and
assume that men may proceed from appearing virtuous to becoming virtu­
ous, and that self-esteem is society's instrument in aiding a person to
go from the first state to the second.
In short, Esprit refers us to a
source of virtue that is unknowable to man in its essential form, since
only God sees into the very heart of hearts of his creatures and knows
the secret motivations behind their actions.
Whereas Madame de Sabi#'s
thoughts imply a continuity between human action and human virtue and
leave open the possibility of inferring the existence of the latter from
the former, Esprit insists on a complete rupture between the two.
In
his eyes, only Christians are truly virtuous, for in honest men, what
passes for virtue is really amoitr-pvoppe in disguise.
Thus, we see that the moral philosopher as understood by Jacques
Esprit, is not a teacher of. methods by which men can learn to become
more virtuous; on the contrary, he contends that only the Biblical rev­
elation accurately tells us what virtue is by contrasting human nature
3U0
before and after the fall, and by explaining Christ's redemptive purpose.
The descendants' of Adam are vicious and.corrupt; their punishment is
alienation from God in this life,, and eternal damnation in the next.
And so, in concluding his essay on the falseness of human virtue. Esprit
lists what he considers to be the eight lessons to be learned from his
work:
l) not to assume the extraordinary and seemingly great actions of
men as a. basis for calling them virtuous; 2) to acknowledge the essen­
tial meanness and weakness of the human heart and to subsequently admit
the impossibility for any freely willed actions; 3) not to depend on our
own strength to deal rationally with our passions; 4) to discount the
supposition that there are noble passions and great or generous souls;
5) to recognize the self-interest which is at the root of even our most
praiseworthy actions; 6) to discount any person's claim to the title of
honesty; 7) to find ourselves no longer disposed to practice virtue as
the men of honor and honesty" of this world practice it since they are
motivated by temporal interests rather than by piety; and 8) to be con­
vinced of the necessity of recurring to God as the only true source of
that virtue which purifies the heart from all passions and destroys
self-love.
30
In brief, the good Christian as characterized by Esprit
is essentially a mystic who experiences a oneness with God's will that
has no distinguishing external sign, only an inner sense of peace and well­
being that grace alone can give.
This theory of man as a "solitaire” of
sorts epitomizes the Fascalian ideal of. a figurative, "being in the dormant
-^Ibid*, pp. 426-32.
state; and although Esprit felt personally compelled to communicate his
ideas to others, the message of La Fausset£ des vertus hvamines is not
so much to incline the individual towards activism but rather to guide
him in the introspective soul-searching which ultimately leads to pi­
etism and withdrawal from worldly life.
La Rochefoucauld and the Demasking
of Human Nature: A Case of
Personal Disenchantment
For the most part, Jacques Esprit’s conception of human virtue
parallels the well-known, pessimistic and ego-centric picture sketched
by La Rochefoucauld in Les Mag'lmes and elaborated in Les Bifle-xions
dvoevses*
However, it is important to consider with J. Truchet in his
excellent edition of La Rochefoucauld’s works
31
that the definitive text
of the maxims which appeared in the same year as Esprit’s Fausset§ des
vevtus himaines is much mellower in tone than the original version of
1665. This latter edition, published under the collective title of
Reflexions ou Sentences movales, begins with a word to the reader
promising a portrait of man’s heart which in the author’s words, "court
fortune de ne plaire pas a tout le monde, parce qu’on trouvera pent-
32
'Stre qu’il ressemble trop, et qu’il ne flatte pas asses.’'
The text
itself begins on a note that goes directly to the bottom of the matter
we saw to be the predominant concern in Esprit’s work;
"L ’amour-propre
31
See infvo.3 note 6 .
32
.
La Rochefoucauld, Maxitnes3 ed. by J. Truchet, p. 267.
•
3k2
est 1 ’amour de soi-meme, et de toutes choses pour soi; 11 rend les
hommes idolatres d'eux-memes9 et les rendrait les tyrans des autres si
*33
la fortune leur en donnait les moyens."
An exchange of letters between La Rochefoucauld and Esprit which
dates to the period l662-l66k indicates that the duke was in the habit
of submitting his thoughts to the Jansenist for approval and emendation.
Hence, it seems safe to infer that at this point in his intellectual
development. La Rochefoucauld’s ideas on human nature were to a large
degree in accord with, if not actually influenced by, Esprit’s Christian
views. Comparing the 1665 version of Les Maximes to the fifth and de­
finitive version of 1678, however, we find that the introductory exposi­
tion on amour-propre has been supplanted by a far more suggestive and
enticing maxim dramatically illustrative of the paradoxical character
of human virtue:
Ce que nous prenons pour des vertus n ’est souvent
qu’un assemblage de diverses actions et de divers
intSrets, que la fortune ou notre Industrie savent
arranger; et ce n'est pas toujours par valeur et par
chastete que les hommes sont vaillants, et que les
femmes sont chastes.^
The three maxims which immediately follow proceed to unveil the real
though carefully hidden theme of the collections— amour-propre--through
a series of three metaphorical characterizations:
l) "L'amour-propre
est le plus grand de tous les flatteurs"; 2) "Quelque decouverte que
33
• Ibid»3 p. 283.
3^3
lfon ait faite dans le pays de 11amour-propre, 11 y reste.encore bien
des terres inconnues1'; and 3) "L1^unour-propre est plus habile que le
plus habile homme du monde.”^
The nusnced effect achieved in the later edition of the Maximes
through rearrangement and deletion of material has caused scholars to
wonder if the changes made by La Rochefoucauld in successive versions of
his work were accomplished under the influence of any particular person.
The likelihood that someone close to him might have played a predominant
role in convincing him to modify his treatment of amour-pvopre is es­
pecially strong, if we consider the first edition of the Maximes in the
light of Jacques Esprit’s formative role with regard to the duke during
the early 1660’s.
The most obvious source of latter-day influence on
La Rochefoucauld and the person normally given credit for causing him to
modify and curb his views is Madame de La Fayette who is said to have
stated concerning their relationship;
”11 m ’a donnS de 1*esprit, mais
qZf
j ’ai reforme son coeur.”
The theory of Madame de La Fayette’s influence on the final
version of Les Maximes gains support from her reaction as it is ex­
pressed in a letter to the Marquise de SablS written at about the time
of the publication of the first edition of the duke’s work.
As she
writes;
35Ibid., p. 7.
36
. .
.
See Segvaisiana, and La Rochefoucauld, Maximes, ed. by
J . Truchet, p. xxvii, note 1.
Nous [tone de La Fayette and Mine du Plessis] y [at
Fresnes] avons leu les Maximes de M. de La Rochefoucauld.
Ha Madame! Quelle corruption il faut avoir dans le
coeur pour estre capable d'imaginer tout eela! J ’en suis
si espouvantee que je vous asseure que si les plaisanteries estoient des choses serieuses de telles maximes
gasteroient plus ses affaires que touts les potages qu'il
mangea I 1autre jour chez vous.37
What is more, since the close association between Madame de La Fayette
and La Rochefoucauld appears to coincide with the lack of further cor­
respondence between Esprit and the duke after 1665, it would be conve­
nient to think that the author of Les Maximes traded one mentor for
another.
While it is quite likely that Madame de La Fayette did exert
some moderating influence on La Rochefoucauld's pessimism, her role in
this regard does not seem to have arisen so much out of a desire to
moralize as out of a recognition on the part of both writers of their
common interests.
After all, as Truchet has observed, Madame de La
38
Fayette's own works cannot exactly be called optimistic, and besides,
it is just as reasonable to assume that the duke influenced her outlook
just as much as she might have influenced his.
But even more signifi­
cant is the fact that the major attenuations in the pessimistic tone of
Les Maximes occur between the first and second editions, which are sep­
arated by only one year.
As Truchet has pointed out, these changes
“
7*7
Cited by H. Ashton in Madame de La Fayette:
OEuvres (Cambridge, 1922), p. 97.
Sa Vie et Ses
38
'
‘
La Rochefoucauld, Maximes, ed. by J. Truchet, p. xxvii,
note 2.
1
probably reflect an effort on the author’s part to accommodate the sharp
criticism of those who, like the Duchesse de Malnoue, accoused him of
denying the possibility of any human virtue and of providing encouragement for libertine behavior.
39
Of the maxims added to the third and
fourth editions, a number can be judged "pessimistic" in their sarcastic
portrayal of feminine psychology,
40
and to a certain degree, lend the
work a different, though equally incisive character.
If Madame de La
Fayette did indeed reform the heart of La Rochefoucauld, it was because
she was able to befriend him and gain his trust— a major feat in the
case of this disillusioned aristocrat and ladies' man who had known a
life filled with passion and intrigue.
What they offered to each other
was friendship based perhaps on "interest" of the kind that comes out of
a need for compassion and companionship, but nonetheless a relationship
in which passion was probably not the dominant factor.
Whatever the source or sources of La Rochefoucauld's theory on
human nature might be,
follows:
Li
its basic guidelines may be summarized as
the hearts of all men exhibit evidence of what the author
calls "une generation perpetuelle de passions, en sorte que la ruine
^Ibid's p. xxii.
^See for example maxims 204, 205 $ 471 and 474 of the definitive
text of the 1678 edition.. '
^Truchet is of the opinion that a complete reconsideration of
the sources of La Rochefoucauld's ideas on human nature is essential to a
proper understanding of his work. Among the thinkers he recommends as
possible neglected sources of inspiration, he cites Cureau de La Chambre
as a precursor to psychophysiology. See pp. xlii-xliii.
346
}±2
de I’une est presque toujours 1 ’etablissement d'une autre”;, what is
more, he exclaims in another maxim, “Quelque soin que 1* on prenne.de
couvrir ses passions par des apparences de piete et d'honneur, elles
paraissent touj ours au travers de ces voiles"
m d as for will, he
quips, "Nous avons plus de force que de volonte; et e*est souvent pour
nous excuser a nous memes que nous imaginons que les choses sont im­
possibles.”^^ Nonwithstanding the existence of any supreme being, the
realities of the human condition as far as La Rochefoucauld is concerned
are fortune and humor which he characterizes as the forces ”qui gouvernent le monde."
45
Hence, man’s control over his fate is merely an il­
lusion, for as the^duke observes: "L'homme croit souvent se conduire
lorsqu’il est conduit; et pendant que par son esprit il tend H un but,
son coeur I'entrsSTne insensiblement & un a u t r e . W h a t appear to be
examples of strength and weakness in a person’s spirit ”ne sont en effet
1|,7
que la bonne ou la mauvaise disposition des organes du corps,” . since
it is our humor or nature which places "le prix it tout ee qui nous vient
Ibid.s
Maxim
10,p. 9«
^Ibid.,
Maxim
12,p. 10.
^Ibid.s
Maxim
30,p. 13.
^Ibid., Maxim 435, p. 100.
^Ibid.,
Maxim
43,p. 16.
^Ibid.s
Maxim
44,p. 16.
•
,
3U7
de la f o r t u n e . F o r t u n e , in turn, consists in "des Stoiles heureuses
ou malheureuses & qui elles [our actions] doivent une grande partie de
la louange et du blame qu'on leur donne
Despite the dim outlook for man implied in these general ob­
servations 3 La Rochefoucauld does not feel that all men are "condemned”
to equal viciousness. As he explains in Reflection 14, entitled "De la
difference des esprits," there are several different kinds of human
genius, some of which are more desirable, i.e., more likely to lead
toward happiness and personal success,than others. And so, in prefer­
ence to Esprit *s division of humanity into Jansenist categories of
Christian and pagan. La Rochefoucauld remarks:
Bien que toutes les qualitSs de 1*esprit se puissent
rencontrer dans un grand esprit, il y en a neanmoins qui
lui sont propres et particulieres: ses lumieres n ’ont
point de hom e s , il agit toujours egalement et avec la mSme
activite, il disceme les objets eloignes comma s!ils
etaient presents, il eomprend, il imagine les plus grandes
choses, il voit et connait les plus petites; ses pensSes
sont relevSes, etendues, justes et intelligibles; rien
n 1echappe it sa penetration, et elle lui fait toujours la
verite au travers des obscuritSs qui la cachent aux autres.
Mais toutes ces grandes qualites ne peuvent souvent erapecher que 11esprit ne paraisse petit et faible, quand
11humeur s’en est rendue la maltresse.50
As we can see by the last sentence in the above text, for La Roche­
foucauld all men, including those who are the most perspicacious, are
^Ibid
* 3
Maxim 1*7, p. 17•
^Ibid* s Maxim 58, p. 19.
^Ibid
* 3
p. 218.
3k8
subject to the persuasion of their "humeur" or psychophysiological dis­
position.
La Rochefoucauld then goes on to list and juxtapose the various
kinds of genius that may predominate in human character according to the
humoral constitution of the individual.
First of all, there is the
bet esprit, "qui pense toujours noblement”;. then the esprit adroit or
facile and insinuant, who in La Rochefoucauld’s words, "salt eviter et
surmonter les difficultes.” .Next, there is the bon esprit, who sees all
things "comae elles doivent etre vues," who knows how to turn things to
his advantage, and who is firmly attached to his thoughts "paree qu'il
51
en connart toute la force et toute la raison.” .
Having established the basic categories of human genius, La
Rochefoucauld proceeds to delineate some of the more subtle differences
between popular typological nouns.
For example, he remarks that the
esprit utile and the esprit d'affaires are not one in the same type,
since "on peut entendre [etre competent en matiere de] les affaires sans
s ’appliquer a son interet particulier.”^
Then, alluding to the famous
Pascalian esprit de finesse, which the author of Les Pens&es opposed to
the esprit de giomitrie, the duke points out an interesting distinction
when he writes;
ferent s .
"Un esprit fin et un esprit de finesse sont tres dif­
Le premier pla'i't toujours; il est delie, il pense des chases
dedicates et voit les plus imperceptibles.
^Ibid., p. 218.
^Ibid.., p. 219.
Un esprit de finesse ne va
3b9
jamais droit, il cherche des biais et des dStours pour faire rSussir
ses desseins; cette conduite est bien moins decouverte, elle se fait
toujours craindre et ne m§ne presque jamais auz grandes choses.'1^^
By a similar token, notes La Rochefoucauld, there is an important dif­
ference to be noted between the esprit de feu and the esprit briliant:
"un esprit de feu va plus loin et avec plus de rapiditS; un esprit
briliant a de la vivacitS, de l fagrSment et de la justesse."^^ And
finally, the duke establishes an interesting category for what he calls
the esprit de detail.
In his estimation, this type "s'applique avec
de 1 1ordre et de la rlgle it toutes les particularitSs des sujets qu’on
lui prisente.”^^
Far from being incompatible with the earlier defini­
tion given to the bet esprits or one who takes a comprehensive view ofthings. La Rochefoucauld observes that although the usual application
of the esprit de d&tail is to small things, this application "n *est pas
neanmoins toujours incompatible avec de grandes vues, et quand ees deux
qualitSs se trouvent ensemble dans un mSme esprit, elles 1 1elSvent infiniment au-dessus des autres."^
With La Rochefoucauld8s rather detailed attention to the prob­
lem of human typology, we encounter one of the most striking pieces
53Ibid., W .
219-20o
5^IbicLs p. 220.
^Ibid.s p. 220.
p. 220.
of evidence of the parallel concerns in scientific and literary circles
with regard to formulating a new. theory of man: the search for a more
concrete basis for organizing society in view of promoting the health,
happiness, and welfare of individuals.
As we saw in studying Cureau de
La Chambre's art for knowing men, the reasons for expanding human knowl­
edge of the world are inspired and justified by the teachings of both
religion and our practical experience. Establishing typological norms •
figures as a very important aspect of the general scheme, since these
norms provide the sort of structuring framework within which both in­
dividuals and governments can select courses of actions that most ef­
fectively promote well-being through the practical application of the
most up-to-date ideas.
While it is not entirely clear that La Roche­
foucauld’s Maximes et Reflexions divevses harbored any profound design
for social reform, it is significant that the duke bothered to re­
examine the typological categories currently being used to classify men,
and to point out a number of interesting nuances.
Moreover, as a mem­
ber of the old aristocracy of France, La Rochefoucauld was deeply dis­
turbed by the events leading up to the formation of Louis XIV’s absolute
monarchy.
Hence, the disenchantment with human nature in general which
permeates so many of the maxims, and the subsequent desire to arrive at
a new set of typological standards towards which individuals ought to
strive, seems to a large degree to have been generated by a more funda­
mental disappointment vis-a-vis the political course his beloved France
had chosen, to follow.
As he remarks in the closing paragraph of the most
lengthy and historically oriented reflection, entitled "Des evSnements
351
de ce siecle":
Si le sie;cle present n'a pas moins produit d ’evSnements extraordinaires que les sieeles passes 5 on eonviendra sans doute qu'il a le malheureux avantage de
les surpasser dans I’exces des crimes. La France
ffieme, qui les a toujours detestes, qui y est opposee
par 1'humeur de la nation, par la religion, et qui
est soutenue par les examples du prince qui regne,
se trouve neanmoins aujourd'hui le theatre ou I'on
voit paraftre tout ce que I ’histoire et la fable nous
ont dit des crimes de I1antiquite. Les vices sont de
tons les temps, les hommes sont nes avec de 1 1interet,
de la cruaute et de la debauche| mais si des personnes
que tout le monde connait avaient paru dans les premiers
sieeles, parlerait-on prSsentement des prostitutions
d ’Heliogabale, de la foi [bonne ou mauvaise foi] des
Grecs et des poisons et des parricides [crimes
Spouvantables] de MSd€e?57
This remarkable text, so eminently "classical" in its attempt to
draw universal conclusions about human nature through comparison of the
ancient and modem worlds, stands as one of the best examples of La
Rochefoucauld’s aristocratically inspired concern for his country.
Com­
plete with its typological allusion to the existence of a national char­
acter based on humor, religious and political tradition, this passage
evokes the memory of Cureau de La Chambre's preface to NoKoetZes Congeotures sux1 Za Digestion^ where the court physician and newly elected acad­
emician heralds the coming of another classical civilization modeled af- .
ter the Greece of Pericles, but capable of surpassing the achievements of
the latter through its expanding scientific knowledge of things.
In con­
trast to the optimism and hope of the 1636 address. La Rochefoucauld’s
essay reflects disappointment and sadness in the face of a beautiful
^Ibid., pp. 238-39.
352
vision gone awry because of man's ego-centric, self-loving and interestoriented nature„ It is almost as if the duke were unconsciously
prompted to respond to those who like La Chambre had outlined in the
early part of the century a magnificent plan for France's growth and
development based on an overriding faith in human nature. Unlike La
Chambre's preface which is depersonalized, practically devoid of allu­
sion to specific contemporary events and personalities,and inspired by
romantic and almost mystical trust in the virtues of the French tempera­
ment , La Rochefoucauld's reflection is based on the acute remembrance of
a turbulent era from which the long-standing French nobility had emerged
weakened and compromised.
Whereas the tone of the first is oratorical,
the second communicates a feeling of nostalgia— the sort of nostalgia,
and melancholy that can only come from the depths of a heart that once
believed in a lofty ideal or else had been conditioned by family tradi­
tion to at least think he believed in it!
Cureau de La Chambre and the Hew Psychology
of Human Mature in French Literature;
Astrology, Grace, and Humors
Versus Organicity
Despite the visionary quality of the prefaces and dedicatory
letters that introduce all of his works, Cureau de La Chambre's concep­
tion of France as a political power was generated by the same pragmatic,
forward-looking concerns that characterize his organically-based theory
of man.
For La Rochefoucauld, Jacques Esprit, and to some extent for
the Marquise de Sable, whatever organically inspired ideas they might
have harbored about the psychophysiological roots of amouv-ppoppe as
demonstrated in the propensity of individuals to act out of habit and
inclination rather than according to reason, it is important to note
that none of them.really regarded this blind force as the true source of
human virtue like Cureau did (see chapter 7).
For Esprit, virtue was
entirely grace-dependent and incapable of being divined from any exter­
nal sign.
In Madame de Sable1s mind, on the other hand, there remains
a strong undercurrent of Cartesian dualism, which precludes a struggle
between reason and passion in which the individual’s triumph is measured
by the extent to which the former dominates the latter.
As in the ease
of Descartes, we find in Madame de Sable’s maxims the latent theme of
Augustinian grace and voluntarism as bases for assuring man of the pos­
sibility of certitude and "right reason." .La Rochefoucauld comes closer
than either of his contemporaries to understanding the scientific
theory and its implications for human morality in the terms that would
have been acceptable to La Chambre..
Yet, the physician is decidedly
optimistic about the prospects of using human self-love as the principle
for restructuring the social order, while La Rochefoucauld remains es­
sentially pessimistic in this regard.
In comparing the two latter
thinkers precisely on the basis of their attitudes towards cmow?-'pvopves
we can come to a final understanding as to how and why Cureau de La
Chambre’s conception of moral philosophy differed from those of the
moralist writers in a very important way.
In a sense, one might say that La Rochefoucauld1s.notion of the
organism is really conceived along the lines of a mechanism whose design,
though not fully understood, is nevertheless essentially programmed and
■35U
therefore stable.
Hence, the stars— fortune— -snd. the humors— nature — ■
become the arbiters in a universe that is without grace— -or at least
without any sort of transcendent grace that operates independently of
other forces governing the cosmos.
For Jacques Esprit, the transcendent
grace is there, but it is also given an immanent stature in accordance
with the Jansenist-Christian belief in preordained elect.
Because this
inward grace gives no outward sign of its presence, however, and because
honest men can imitate the actions of the intrinsically virtuous elect 5
it is of little value to the scientific engineering of a society whose
goals are to provide opportunity for individual health, happiness, and
fulfillment.
The Cartesian theory of generosity, by contrast, assumes
a continuity between appearance and essence that allows the external
observer to make certain hypotheses about individual character. Never­
theless , the affirmation of one's existence through radical doubt is a
completely inward experience, and all of the "right reason" which
e
allegedly can proceed through application of method from this primary
.
recognition is ultimately certified by intuition, or a kind of inner
knowledge not unlike the grace bestowed on the elect.
And even though
Descartes assures others in the opening pages of his discourse on method
that right reason is the one thing in the world that is the most equally
distributed, Malebranche*s attempt at a reconciliation between the Car­
tesian theory of innate ideas and the invincible will casts a shadow
over the epistemological foundation of "la vraye Philosophic" that has
never really been lifted.
In Cureau de La Chambre1s work, the distinction between
mechanism and organism remains necessary because the incapacity of man
to know how God, or pure spirit, relates to our spatiotemporal existence.
For the physician, all that is evident from our limited vantage point is
that things change according to certain patterns, and these patterns sug­
gest that the process of change is "mechanically," i.e., predictably,
controlled.
However, since Cureau reserves for God alone the right to
expand his creation indefinitely, as we saw in chapter 4, the possibility
that new creatures may appear, remains open.
Moreover, the fact that we
cannot know how or out of what these changes are wrought compels us to
admit the likelihood of a sort of evolving biological structure which,
in its role as an informing virtue, authorizes its own form as the
organism grows and develops. Whether or not this "evolution" constitutes
a "mechanism" thus begs the unanswerable question: do the changes or
mutations that occur in a living system arise from an instinctually
prescribed set of cognitive instructions, or is self-consciousness,
i.e.., the knowledge of a previous change recorded in the memory, the
only real knowledge that exists?
For Cureau, this problem marks the
outside limit of man's knowledge as a body of image- or figure-based
ideas conceived in the spatiotemporal arena of human existence.
CHAPTER 9
CUREAU DE LA CHAMBRE’S THEORY OF MAE IE THE CULTURAL EVO­
LUTION OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY: SOME FINAL REMARKS
Like so many of the terms we use to relate the intellectual out­
look of the past to our present understanding of things, "organic theory"
is a concept invented "by the twentieth-century mind.-1- Yet, there seems to
be no seventeenth-century word or phrase that better conveys the general
thrust of La Chambre's theory of nature vis-a-vis Cartesian mechanism and
peripatetic philosophy than this one, nonwithstanding the ambiguous, over­
used, and often misleading label "Hermetic Neoplatonism."
But lest we run
the risk of merely adding to the already established list of intellectual
categories applicable to the period, like "baroque, "classical," "bur­
lesque," and "prScieux" without providing any serious rationale for doing
so, it is appropriate that we direct our concluding remarks to explaining
why the term "organic theory" might be useful in describing and analyzing
aspects of the seventeenth-century cultural evolution in France.
1
One of the chief formulators of the organic theory of nature
1
in the twentieth century is Alfred N. Whitehead, whose book entitled
Science arid the M o d e m World is frequently referenced in this chapter.
He defines organic theory as follows: "The concrete enduring entities
are organisms, so that the plan of the whole influences the very characters
of the various subordinate organisms which enter into it. In the case of
an animal, the mental states enter into the plan of the total organism and
thus modify the plans of the successive subordinate organisms until the
ultimate smallest organisms,such as electrons, are reached. Thus an elec­
tron within a living body is different from an electron outside it, by
reason of the plan of the body" (p. 79 ).
356
357
Organic Theory as an Implicit
Structure of SeventeenthCentury Thought
What is organic theory?
In his book Science and the Modem World3 Alfred N. Whitehead
has aptly characterized those concepts lying outside the dualistic
scheme of scientific ideas dominating Western thought since the seven­
teenth century (life, organism, function, instantaneous reality, inter2
action, order of nature) its "Achilles heel.”
It is precisely in this
collection of traditionally acknowledged but little understood notions
about the behavior of phenomena that we find the makings for an organic
theory of nature such as the•one outlined by La Chambre in BouveVtes
Pens$es sia* les causes de la lumieve in 1634 and eventually elaborated
under the guise of a treatise on the soul viewed as the author of all
psychophysiological activities.
The fact that the formulation of this
theory springs from the physician's lifelong effort to reconcile the
rationalist cosmology of Plato with Aristotelian methodology and Chris­
tian theology is especially important. The works of both Plato and
Aristotle present the world as a sort of organism whose various component parts operate in the interest of survival and perfection of being
in general.
However, both pagan philosophers are apparently caught up
in the "closed circle” of the Greek cosmos in which the dynamics by
which things relate to one another are deemed predictable because they
2Ibid., pv 57.
358
are conceived:as "eternal" and .not "evolving" structures of the' system.
For this reason, neither Plato nor Aristotle insofar as we understand
them could have come up with a theory that might qualify as "organic" in
the modem sense of the term since'qrganicity precludes the kind of
spati©temporal evolution implicit in the histovioat framework of JudaeoChristian revelation.
What Cureau and the long line of medieval scho­
lastics and Renaissance syncretists before him accomplished in trying
to bring together theology and philosophy from Moses to Hermes
Trismegistus was to substitute for the Greek idea of remorseless fate
the religiously inspired sense of prophetic destiny which requires
time as the medium of its fulfillment.
Twentieth-century literary critics have come to understand the
earliest appearance of what we call organic theory in terms of the
"baroque" esthetic. Far more than just a concept applicable to the
various art forms, "baroque" has come to connote a certain world view
which in its emphasis on movement and multiplication of perspectives
amounts to a concerted attempt by men of a given time in history to
represent things as they really were— in movement.
In the realm of
scientific thought, the baroque mood of the first half of the seven­
teenth century emerges in the form of an observational science, the goal
of which is no longer to classify but rather to hypothesize about "con­
stants" and "variables" involved in the process of change.
The method"
derived from this philosophy of science is to search for and accumulate
"facts" or evidence to be used in predicting the course of such change.
As we saw in chapter 7, the goal of this brand of scientific inquiry
along with its methodological insistence on empirical data was by no
means truth in the sense that Descartes understood it; Mersenne, Gas­
sendi, La Chambre— each of these men regardless of ideological biases-—
accepted the limitations of human knowledge and remained content with
the discovery of probable explanations.
Nevertheless, as physics and astronomy made great strides by
organizing their investigation of phenomena in accordance with the
mechanical model, and as the discovery of the calculating machine en­
abled men to determine the course of probability itself, scientists
tended to adopt the more positive outlook of Cartesian philosophy along
with its method.
In keeping with this view, positivism invaded the '
domain of the life sciences as well, as physiology and anatomy looked
toward mechanics to find explanations for the phenomena they studied.
Hence, the classical period of literature with its cosmos ruled by
force of "fortune" and "humors" finds its analogue in the biological
sciences, first in the concept of the animal-machine, and finally in
the eighteenth-century theory of man with La Mettrie1s L'Homme-Machine*
Despite its capacity for capturing the scientific imagination
of philosophers, the mechanist philosophy of Descartes with its in­
sistence on separating matter from "form" or soul did not satisfactorily
account for the biological evidence many eighteenth-century thinkers
were to bring against it.
One has only to think of Diderot's discussion
of nature's "monsters" to understand why mechanism eventually joined
forces with a materialist theory of nature, as expressed in the
f
360
philosophe’s notion of "la matiere sensible."
Placing this mechanistic
materialism against the backdrop of Judaeo-Christian eschatological
prophecy and emphasis on history, we can already sense the vague outline
of Karl Marx’s dialectical materialism looming ahead in the distance.
But let us come back to the seventeenth century for a moment,
when the organic theory of nature still posed a viable alternative to
the scientific mind, in order to see why it did not succeed in prevent­
ing the triumph of mechanistic materialism.
Caught between the"intense
revival of fundamentalist religion and its corresponding movement in nat­
ural philosophy— -the quest-for a ppiseae theologicae— the seventeenthcentury man was haunted by two notions very basic to the organic
theory of nature: the acceptance of a natural order and the concept of
two infinities.
For example, in the maxims of La Rochefoucauld, the
"blindness" of fortune and hwors is by no means presented as an
sic sort of randomness; on the contrary, he presents these forces as
infinitely powerful and occult principles of order that might just, as
well be considered to be in the process of evolution as to be dubbed
"eternal."
After all, what did man know of them?
By a similar token,
the Jansenist who granted inordinate power to the divine will would never
have been so presumptuous as to deny the possibility of an evolving
order.
ecy.
In fact, such a view was quite reconcilable with Biblical proph­
Even the natural philosopher who accepted the Aristotelian doc­
trine of immanent forms would no doubt have been unwilling to stake his
reputation on the metaphysical notion that the hierarchy of being was
immutable.. For within the mechanism of a world created in one fell
361
swoop "but capable of performing organic functions like.growth and repro­
duction, who is to say that eventual error is impossible, or what is
more, who is to guarantee that the imperfection of various creatures
was not actually part of the creator's original plan as a provision for
adaptation within the framework of ah evolving system?
Just because an
original set of checks and balances worked effectively at the start,
there was no real reason to assume that deviation from the primordial
norm was necessarily reflective of gradual degeneration of being; it
might just as well mark the progression of things towards a more perfect
state.
Given the general climate of potential support for the formula­
tion of an organic theory of nature within the major intellectual groups
of the seventeenth century, it may seem somewhat surprising to realize
that mechanistic materialism triumphed so completely in the eighteenth
century.
However, if we consider with Whitehead the fundamental course
of Western intellectual history in terms of the theory of man it fos­
tered, it becomes difficult to imagine how things could have been other­
wise.
The Cartesian supposition of independently existing subjects or
souls and independently existing extended matter is really no more than
the resurfacing of the Aristotelian "subject-predicate” or what we might
O
call "the doctrine of subjects with private worlds of e x p e r i e n c e N o t
only was this the emphasis philosophic tradition communicated to seven­
teenth-century thinkers as the Greek world view; separation of man from
p. lUo.
362
the rest of nature is a theme consistently reinforced by what Whitehead
calls "the work of Christianity in its pastoral aspect of shepherding
„!*
the company of believers.
In his words:
For century after century it [Christianity] in­
sisted upon the infinite worth of the indivi­
dual human soul. Accordinglys to the instinc­
tive egotism of physical desires 3 it has super­
seded an instinctive feeling of justification
for an egotism of intellectual outlook. Every
human being is the guardian of his own impor­
tance. Without a doubt> this modern direc­
tion of attention emphasises truths of the
highest value. For example» in the field of
practical life, it has abolished slavery, and
has impressed upon the popular imagination
the primary rights of mankind. 5
Thus, we find that in the seventeenth century whatreplaces the
organic notion that man is an integral part of theevolving process
called nature is the overriding concern with constructing a new theory
of man that accounts for his separateness from and superiority to every­
thing else.
One sign of this preoccupation that is particularly in
evidence during the seventeenth century is the interest in human
typology which we have witnessed among both scientists and religion­
ists.
Ultimately, it seems, the purpose of the major seventeenth-
century systems of typological classification is to divide men' into
camps according to what is considered native ability to surmount the
order of nature. Of course the methodology varies according to the
^Ibid*s PP« l4o-bl.
p. 151.
363
ideology:
for the Jansenist, it consists in a program of self-denial
and beseechment of divine grace; for the Cartesian5 it involves learning
to make proper use of methodical doubt; and for La Chambre, it consists
in a striving to fulfill the noble purpose for which God put man on this
earth— to glorify and reinforce through the “production” of his knowl­
edge the order and structure of all created things.
La Chambre1s Seventeenth-Century Version
of Organic Theory: Scope and Limits
Man and nature:
or equal?
separate
Although Cureau comes closer than most of his contemporaries to
formulating what may rightly be called an organic theory of nature
(emphasis on the unity of the whole in which man, like all other crea­
tures, participates'but which he does not ultimately control), we can
see by his interest in the setting up of typological standards con­
ceived in accordance with the epistemological role he believed that man
was to play, that he, too, hesitates at what Whitehead calls "the
halfway house” of classification.^
The qualities of mind essential to
the happiness and well-being of the individual are discussed in relation
to the alleged temperament of individual organs, while a "perfect" in­
dividual possessing an ideal temperament (the androgyne) is projected as
the measure of all men.
6
To this extent, La Chambre shares the
Ibid., p. 28. Whitehead characterizes classification as "a.
halfway house between the immediate concreteness of a thing and.the
incomplete abstraction of mathematical notions." .
mechanistic materialist's view that an individual conscience as it
emerges into self-consciousness separates itself from corporeal concerns
to become the controlling factor of the organism, just as the informing
virtue of the soul begins its cognitive function by responding to plea­
sure and pain only to evolve into the organizer and coordinator of all
local movement. However, in his theory of "man in motion," portrayal of
the soul as a principle of adaptation for the entire being hints at the
underlying supposition on La Chambre1s part that while the ideal balance
can be described, it may not be prescribed; as he notes in Le Systems de .
1 tSme3 ultimately every individual turns out to be a special case,
operating according to his own inner law (see chapter 6).
In other
words, the ideal balance is something we recognize after the fact as an
esthetically pleasing, harmonious relation between a given individual
and his immediate surroundings. And while we may identify those char­
acteristic which generally tend to promote such harmonious relation­
ships between individual and environment and apply them to other men,
the fact remains that we cannot predict with absolute certainty that a
given person will be suited to a given set of circumstances.
At this
level, we can see that La Chambre's observation is quite in line with
the profoundest methodological principle of the organic theory of na­
ture;
that man's knowledge of what has happened gives us clues.as to
what might happen in the future, but it gives us no assurance that what
we have discovered is the "essence" of the'event; for as a totality
evolving in a space-time continuum, that event reserves the right to
change and redefine its relation to the surrounding events in what turns
365
out to be a completely unpredictable way, given what was known prior
to the change.
La Chambre and Seventeenth-Century French
Thought: Summary of his Role in the
Cultural Evolution of France
In placing the theory of man according to Cureau de La Chambre
within the context of the movement of ideas in France during the seven­
teenth century, it has not been our intention to imply that the extent
of this author’s personal importance in the shaping of intellectual
attitudes ought to be considered on par with all of the contemporary
scientific thinkers to whom we have had occasion to compare him.
Des­
cartes, Gassendi, Pascal— these men remain the leading characters in the
unfolding drama which culminates in the birth of a new theory of man,
conscious of his place between the two infinities and acutely aware of
the responsibility involved in choosing between existentialist engage­
ment and mystic penitence and withdrawal from worldly affairs.
But at
the same time, I cannot help but recall the observation of Professor
Palmer quoted by Lovejoy in the introductory lecture of The Great Chain
of Being as having once remarked:
The tendencies of an age appear more distinctly in its
writers of inferior rank than in those of commanding
genius. These latter tell of past and future as well
as of the age in which they live. They are for all
time. But on the sensitive responsive souls, of less
creative power, current ideals record themselves with
clearness.7
7
Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Beings p. 20, as quoted from
Palmer’s Preface to The English Works of George Herbert (1905), xii.
366
Unlike the more outstanding men of his age whose dreams of a re­
formed order were not so deeply rooted in contemporary political de­
signs for the preeminence of France and of the French "race" or tempera­
ment, La Chambre's theory of man is to a great degree inspired by the
plan to build a new and grand civilization the likes of which had yet
to be seen on the European continent.
The development and refinement
of French language and the creation of French culture were to be two of
the important means to achieving this end; in fact, the analogy La
Chambre draws between the cultivation of exotic plants and the projected
development of French language and letters is particularly striking in
this regard.
All things, be they men, nations, arts, or sciences, are governed
by a "soul" or directive-adaptative principle seeking its own survival
and perfection at the expense of other entities.
Life as the creative
force which perpetuates existence necessarily arises from and feeds
upon that which it destroys or on that which expends itself; when the
principle fails to satisfy the organic need for self-conservation,
thereby allowing it to fall victim to external forces, the organism
passes from "form" into "matter," or more accurately, from "informing" .
into "informed," as it becomes the food upon which new and presently
existing life nourishes itself.
Such is the essence of the organic view
of nature— -a view based entirely on human observation and providing
both the point of departure and the frame of reference for all philos­
ophy and for all science..
367
For Western Intellectual and cultural history, Greek
metaphysical notions together with the Judaeo-Christian Biblical reve­
lation constitute what might be called the "informing virtue"; they are,
in other words, the matrix of theoretical assumptions from which we
formulate our hypotheses about the process we identify as "nature" and
in turn deduce the relation of that process to our conception of man.
Given the general intellectual situation in Europe at the beginning of
the seventeenth century, it is not difficult to imagine how mechanistic
materialism quickly became the predominant approach to science in the
eighteenth century:
viewing himself as the master and potential
possessor of nature, man had to believe in his capacity to understand
and to eventually control all aspects of its system; after all, his only
model was the Judaeo-Christian God of scholastic philosophy who created
the world to operate according to certain eternal truths.
This tendency to set man apart from nature and give him status
as a special instrument in the management of natural events is a very
important aspect of French Classicism inasmuch as it involves the plac­
ing of mind over matter, The formation of the classical ideal comes on
the heels of Cartesian positivism and is primarily of scientific in­
spiration : man begins to see himself as the key figure in the active
search for principles necessary for exerting human control over the
"natural" order, which for him means sickness, disease, and continual
threat of destruction.
This stage gradually gives rise to a second one
which, towards the middle of the seventeenth century, manifests itself
most emphatically in art, literature, and the setting up of government
institutions for the promotion of high standards in all areas of
intellectual accomplishment. This era— the one we generally refer to as
the period of French Classicism— is characterized "by human application
of positivistic philosophy to pragmatic ends in the interest of estab­
lishing individual and social guidelines necessary for the survival and
perfection of the civilization.
But there is also a third stage in the
unfolding of the classical, ideal which does not gain momentum until the
late eighteenth century when it crystallizes in the form of what we might
call "enlightenment ideology."
By this time, man and God and/or Nature
have come to be regarded as conflicting forces in the struggle for con­
trol over events.
tions open to man:
In the context of this dialectic, there are two op­
either he succumbs to what he considers the pri­
mordial order of nature by attempting to live in accordance with its
laws, as the Romantics professed to do; or else he takes over and makes
a god out of the welfare of the community at large, as Karl Marx sug­
gested by his doctrine of dialectical materialism.
Juxtaposed to the ideologies which have shaped the political and
cultural conscience of Europe over the last three centuries, however,
there is the universal and subconscious realization on the part of many
practicing scientists that the discovery of "final causes” is neither
possible nor of much consequence to their work.
For these men, "expe­
rience" or science and "religion" or metaphysics are completely separate
orders of understanding.
They.sense the direct line that connects their
work to the work of all pure scientific thinkers and poets who, like
Aristotle, responded esthetically to the order they saw in nature and on
the personal level at least, required no further pragmatic justification
for their endeavors.
369
In the seventeenth century among both the great and the not-sogreat minds, the traditional enthusiasm for knowledge for -its own sake
of things existing for their own sake is certainly in evidence in the
scientific writings themselves.
But by another token we find, for
perhaps the first time in history, that we have a situation in which
many men of intellectual genius are not self-supporting; like the art­
ists and musicians whose works grace the courts of kings and noblemen,
scientific thinkers gradually came into the service of the state.
Al­
though the quality of their work may not have actually been adversely
affected as a result of this situation, the directions in which they
applied their interest as well as the image of their profession which
they transmitted to the general public did not escape distortion.
This is precisely the situation in which we find Marin Cureau
•de La Chambre, whose remarkable career took him from quite humble ori­
gins in Le Mans to the very pinnacle of the Parisian social ladder.
Whatever deepseated and pure love of his work might be reflected in the
pages of his scientific writings, he not only accepted pensions from
his king and lesser lords— -he worked hard to earn them.
As we have seen,
he did a great deal to propagate among intellectuals of his time the
importance of science in the building of France’s national image.: The
fact that his conception of life as evolving biological structure ac­
tually presents man as an integral part of nature and, if examined
closely, goes against, the grain of the mechanistic materialism that was
eventually to become science, is of little consequence to history even
370
though it might be of great interest to historians of science.
When
La Chamhre is remembered for his role in the cultural evolution of the
seventeenth century, it will be for his efforts in promoting science to
its position of unchallenged preeminence in the structure of French
civilization.
Ironically enough, it turns out that the scientific
methodology that was to triumph and predominate the European outlook formore than two centuries after his death is precisely the one he had
tried so hard to discredit through the publication of his own organic
theory of nature!
Only now as our scientists strive to unlock the
secrets of the "soul's” system in their research on brain physiology,
do we find Marin Cureau de La Chambre's ideas and the questions he asked
surprisingly to the point.
APPENDIX
CHRONOLOGY OF LA;CHAMBER'S WORKS
163H
Nouvelles Pens6es sxir les causes de la lumiere, du desbordement
du Nil, et de 1'amour d'inclination.
1636
Nouvelles Conjectures sur la Digestion.
1640
Les Characteres des Passions, I.
Les Observations de Philalethe sur un libelle intitule "Optatus
Gallus."
16^5
Les Characteres des Passions, II (Des passions eourageuses,
De la connoissaace des bestes).
161+7
Traite de la connoissance des Animaux, ou tout ce qui a estS
diet pour, et centre le raisonnement des bestes, est examine.
1650
Nouvelles Observations et Conjectures sur 1'Iris.
1653
Discours sur les Principes de la Chiromance et de la MStoposcopie.
1655
Novae Methodi pro explanandis Hippocrate et Aristotele specimen.
1657
La LumiSre.
1659
L'Art de connoistre les Homes (Premiere partie, ou sont contenus
les discours prSliminaires qui servant d 'introduction a cette
science).
Les Characteres des Passions, III and IV (De la haine et de la
douleur).
1662
Les Characteres des Passions, V (Des larmes, de la crainte,
du. desespoir).
166I+
Le Systeme de I'ame.
Recueil des Epftres, Lettres et Prefaces de M. de La Chambre.
1665
Discours sur les causes du debordement du Nil; Discours de la
nature divine selon la philosophic platonique.
1666
L'Art de connoistre les Homes (Partie Troisieme, qui contient
la defense de 1'extension et des parties de I'ame).
371
372
1667
Discours de I ’amitie et de la haine qui se trouvent entre les
Animaux
Undated
works:
Memoire instructif [sur la charge du medecin du roi]
(signed "Philalethe").
Lettre d'un habitant de Paris a un de ses amis de la
campagne, sur la remonstrance du clerge de France, faite
au P.oy par M, 1 1archeveque de France (signed "Philalethe")*
ABBREVIATIONS
Lirnio
Nouvelles Pen sees sur les causes de la lumiere
Inot.
L'Amour d !inclination
Dig,
Nouvelles Conjectures sur laDigestion
C.P.
Les Characteres des Passions
Lm, (1657)
La Lumiere (1657)
Art
L'Art de connoistre les Hommes
Syst.
Le Systems de I ’ame
Discours de 1*amitie et de la haine qui se trouvent
entre les Animaux
Epitves
Reeueil des Epttres, Lettres et Prefaces de
M. de La Chambre
373
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
I.
LA CHAMBER'S WORKS
La Chambre,- Marin Curean de. Diseoux's de 1 'am'itit et de ta haine qvx se
tvovcDent entve tes Animaux. Paris s C. Barb in, l66j *
'
DisaoKPS sup les TPpincipes de da Chivomanee et de ta
Mitoposaopde^ Paris: P. Rocolet, 1653■
La Lumi^re.
Paris:
P. Rocolet, 1657-
. L'Avt de eonnoistre les Eormes. (Partie Troisilme, gui
contient. la defense de 1 ’extension et des parties litres de
I'ame.) Paris: C. Barbin, 1666. .
_____ ~
Les Charaetlkpes des 'Passions. Paris: P. Rocolet et P. Blaise,
1640. Des passions coupagenses3 De la oonnoissanae des bestes.
Vol. II. Paris: P. Rocolet, 16^5- De la haine et de la douleicp.
Vols. Ill & IV. Paris: P. Rocolet, 1659- 5es lcameSs de la
cpadnte3 du desespoir. Vol. V. Paris: J. d'Allin, 1662.
. Le Syst^me de I ’ame.
.
Paris:
J. d’Allin, 1665.
Nouoelles Conjeotupes stay la Digestion.
1636.
Paris:
P. Rocolet,
. Nouoelles Observations et Conjectures sttr I'Iris.
P. Rocolet, 1650.
_
. Nouoelles Penstes sur les causes de la lwrn.tre3 du
desbordement du Nils et de Vamour d,’inclination.
P. Rocolet, 163U.
Paris: .
Paris:
. Recueil des Epi>tress Lettres et Prifaces de M. de La Chambrei--Edited by L'abbe P. Cureau de La Chambre. Paris: C. Barbin,
1664.
_
. Traits de la connoissance des Animauxs oti tout ce qui a est$ ,
diet pour], et centre le ralsonnement des bestes3 est examin$.
Paris: P. Rocolet, 1647.
374
375
II.
HISTORICAL ASP CRITICAL WORKS
IK WHICH LA. CHAMBRE IS CITED
Books
Adam, Antoine. Histoir-e de la littevature fvancaxse au XVIIe sidele*
5 vols. Paris: Domat, 19^8-1956.
Balzac, Jean-Louis Suez de.
Elseviers, 1656.
Lettres ohoisies* Amsterdam:
Chez les
. Lettres de feu M. de Balzac h M, Conrart. Paris:
1659.
Courbe',
. Lettres famil'i&res de M. de Balzac d M. Chccpelain.
Courbe, 1656.
Paris:
Barthelemy, Edouard de. Les Amis de la Marquise de Sable: Receuil de
lettres des prinoipaux habitues de son salon arec une introduction
sur la societe precieuse au XVIIe sidcle. Paris: E. Dentu, 1865•
Belot, Jean. Apologie de la longue Iodine contre la preface de AF de
La Chambre3 en son Livre des "Nouvelles Conjectures de la
Digestion*" Paris: Francois Targa, 1637.
Bertrand, Joseph-Louis-Fr8J15bis. L 'Academic des Sciences et les
academiciens de 1666 a 1695* Paris: Hetzel, 1869.
Biographic Universelle:
U5 vols. Paris:
1864.
Ancienne et Modeme. Edited by J.-F. Michaud.
Mme C. Desplaces; Leipzig: Brockhaus. Begins
Blondeau, Claude. Les Portraits des hormes illustres de la province du
.Maine. Le Mans: Jacques Ysambard, 1666.
Boileau-Despreaux, Nicolas. OEuvres completes.
4 vols. Paris: P. Dupont, 1825-1826.
Edited by M. Daunou.
Boisrobert, Frangois Le Metel de. Epistres en vers. Edited by
Maurice Cauchie. 2 vols. Paris: Hachette, 1921-1927.•
Bordeu, Theophile de. OEuvres completes. Edited by M. le chevalier
•Richerand. 2 vols. Paris: Caille et Ravier, l8l8.
Bouhours, Le R. P. Dominique. Les Entretiens d ’Ariste et d 'Eugene.
Edited by Ferdinand Brunot. Paris: A. Colin, 1962.
Busson, Henri. La Religion des Classiques (1660-1636).
Universitaires de France, 1948.
Paris: Presses
376
Chanet, Pierre. De I Hnstinet. et de la connoissanae des animaux, avea
1 'examen de ce que Monsieur de La Chambre a escrit sur oette
mati&re. Paris: La Rochelle, chez Toussaincts de Gouy, 16U6.
Chapelains Jean. Lettres* Edited by Philippe Tamizey de Larroque.
2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1880-1883.
Charron, Pierre. OEuvres. Reprint of Paris edition of 1635.
. ' Slatkine Reprints, 1970.
GenBve:
Chatelain, Urbain-Victor. Le Surintendant Nicolas Foucquet: Protecteur
des LettreSj, des Arts et des Sciences* Paris: Perrin, 1995.
Condorcet, Jean-Antoine-Hicolas de Caritat, Marquis de. Eloge des
acadentieiens de 11Academic voyale des Sciences marts depuds I’an
1666 gusqu'en 1669* Paris: Hotel de Thou, 1773.
Conrart, Valentin. Mimoires de Valentin de Cqnrart3 premier secretaire
perpetual de lfAcad<mie Frangaise* Edited by L.-J.-H. MonmerquS.
Paris: Foucault, 1826.
Cousin, Victor. Madame de SabVe: Nouoelles Etudes sur les femnes
illustres et la society du XVIIe si%cle* 5th ed. Paris: Didier,
1882.
Crestois, Paul. L 'Enseignement de la botanique au Jardin Royal des
Flantes de Paris* Cahors: Imprimerie A. Coueslant, 1953.
Damiron, Jean-Philibert. M&noires pour servir h I'histoire de la
philosophic au XVIIIe siZcle. 3 vols. Paris: Ladrange, 1858186 H.
Delaunay, Paul. Chiromancie et Chirognomonie: Etude historique*
Taken from Le ProgrZs Mddical3 No. 28 (Sept. 22, 1928).
~
De la physiognomonie a la phr$nologie: Histoire et Evolution
"des Scales et des doctrines. Taken from Le Progrbs medicals
Nos. 29, 30, 31 (21, 28 July and h August 1928).
______. La Vie m&dicale aux XVIe3 XVIIe et XVIIIe silicles*
Editions Hippocrate, 1935.
. Vieux m$decins sarthois , 1st series.
Descartes, Rene. Les Passions de I'ame*
Lewis. Paris: J.Vrin, 1955.
Paris:
P ar isChampion, 1906.
Edited by Genevieve Rodis-
Dezeimeris, Jean-EugBne, Ollivier d ‘Angers, and Raigne-Delorme.
Dictionnaire historique de la m&decine ancienne ei modeme.
U vols. Paris: BSchet Jeune, 1828-1839.
377
Dictiomaire de Biographie franqcdse. Vol. X. Edited
Roman d'Amat
and R. Limousin-Lamothe. Paris: Letzouzey et Anfe, 1965Doranlo, Robert. La M&decine au XVIIe si'&ele: Marin Cureau de La
Chambres M$deoin et Philosophes 1594-Z669. Paris: Jouve et
Cie, 1939.
Fabre $ L ’abbe Antoine. Charpetain et nos deux premieres Academies.
Paris: Didier-Perrier et Cie, 1890.
Foerster, Use. Marin Cureau de 'Za Chambre (Z594~Z675): Ein Beitrag
zur Geschichte der psyohomoraXisehen Literatur in Frarikreidh*
Breslau: Verlag Priebatschs Buchhandlung,. 1936.
Franck, Adolphe, editor. Diotionnaire des sciences philosophiques.
6 vols. Paris: n.p., I885.
The GeneraZ BiographicaZ Dictionary. Edited by Alexander Chalmers.
32 vols, London: J. Nichols and Son, et aZ., Vol. viii, 1813.
Gory, GedSon. Marinus Curaeus de La Chambre^ Ludovici XIV Medicuss
Quid de Cognitiane et de Affectibus senserit. Lugduni, ex
typis Alexandre- Rey, 1896.
Grente, Cardinal Georges, editor. Diotionnaire des Lettres franqaises.
Le XVIIe si^cZe. Paris: A. Fayard, 195^.
Haur6au, Jean-Barthelemy. Histoire Zitt$raire du Maine. 10 vols.
Paris: Dumoulin, 1870-1877. (See Vol. Ill, 188-219.)
Hazon, Jacques-Albert. Eloge historique de Za FacuZt$ de m$decine
de Paris. Paris: Butard, 1773.
Notice des horrmes Zes pZus cSZdbres de Za Faculty de
m&dedne en Z'Universite de Paris^ depuis ZZZO gusqu’en Z750.
Paris: B. Morin, 1778.
Ivanoff, Nicolas. La Marquise de SabZe et son SaZon.
Presses modernes, 1927.
Jal, Auguste.
Paris:
Paris:
Les
Diotionnaire critique de biographic et d'histoire.
H, Plon, 1867.
Kerviler, Rene Pocard. Le ChanceZier Pierre Segiciev; Secorid protecteur
de i ’Acadimie Franqaise. Paris: Didier, I87U.
. and Edouard de BarthSlemy. VaZentin Conrarts Premier
Secretaire perp&tuel de Z'Acad&mie Franqaise: Sa Vie et sa
Correspondence. Paris: Didier, 1881.
378
La Fontaines Jean de. Discoups <i Madame de La Sdbli&ve sup I’one des
animaux. Edited by H. Bus son and F. Gohin. Geneva,. Lille:
E. Droz, 1950.
La Place, P. A, Pieces intepessantes et peu connues.j, poup servCi'- h
I'kistoire et & la Httiratupe. Vol. IV. Paris; Prault, 1785.
La Rochefoucauld, Frangois due de. Maximess suivies des Reflexions
dtvevses, du Portrait de La Rochefoucauld par iui-meme et des
■ Remarques de Christine de Suede s up les Maximes, Edited by
Jacques Truchet. Paris; Garnier, 1967.
Lavater, Johann Caspar. L tArt de connaitre les hommes par la physiognomie.
10 tomes in 5 vols. Paris; Depelafol, 1820.
Le Vayer de Boutigny.
Tarsis et Ztlie.
Paris;
Thomas Jolly, 1665.
Malebranche, Le R. P. Wic.olas.de, OEutres completes. Edited by
AndrS Robinet. 20 vols. Paris; J . Vrin, 1963-196^.
Maury, Louis-Ferdinand Alfred. Les Academies d ’autrefois; I ’Andenne
Aeadfmie des Sciences. Paris; Didier, 1864.
MSnage, Gilles. Menagiana, ou hons mots3 rencontres agrcables3 pensees
judicieuses3 et observations cvrieuses de M. M&nage. Amsterdam;
Chez Pierre de Coup, 1713-1716.
Mersenne, Le R. P. Marin. Correspondan.ee du P. Marin Mersenne3 religieux
minime. Published by Mme Paul Tannery; edited and annotated by
Cornells de Waard, Rene Pint 3rd, and Bernard Rochot. 10 vols.
Paris: B. Beauchesne, 1932-1970. (Volumes V-XI have imprint
• “Editions du Centre National de la Recherche scientifique.")
Mesnard, Paul. Histoire de VAcademic Franqaise depuis sa fondation
jusqu'en 1830. Paris; Charpentier, 1857.
NicSron, Jean Pierre. M&noire pour servir d I ’Eistoire des Hommes
Illustres dans la Republique des Lettres3 avec un catalogue
raisonn§ de leurs ouorages. 43 vols. Paris: Briasson, 17271.745.
Patin, Guy. Lettres choisis de feu., 4 vols.
Leers, 1725•
Rotterdam:
Reinier
Pellisson-FontanierPaul and Pierre-Joseph :d*Olivet. Histoire de
I ’Acad&nie Franqaise. Edited by Ch.-L. Livet, 2 vols. Paris:
Didier, 1858.
Perouse, Gabriel. "L!Examen des Esprits" du Docteur Juan Huarte de
San' Juan: Sa diffusion et son influence en France aux XVIIe
et XVIIIe sidcles. Paris: "Les Belles L e t t r e s 1970.
379
Petit, Pierre. Lettre de M. Petit} ci Mf de La Chambre sur le livve du
sievr Petit* centre le systhne de I ’ame. Paris; n.p. „ 1666.
Piobetta, Jean B. Pierre Chanetj m e psychologic de I'instinct des
fonetions de I 'esprit au temps de Descartes. Paris; Paul.
Hartmann, 1937.
PriSzac, Saloman de. Lettre a Af. de La Chambre sur la Limiere.
P. Rocolet, 1657.
Paris 1
Riese , Walther. La theorie des passions & la IvrmZre de la pensie
m&dicale du XVIIe si&cle. Bale, New York; S. Karger, 1965.
Rosenfield, Lenora C. From Bedst-Machine to Man-Machine: Animal Soul
in French Letters from Descartes to La Mettrie. New York;
Octagon Books, 1968.
Sabatier, Antoine de Castres. Les trois siecles de Z-t-tt ature
frangaise, ou Tableau de I 'esprit de nos &erivainss depuis
■ Franqois J, jusqu’en 1773. 2nd edition revised and enlarged.
3 vols. Amsterdam; De Hansy, le jeune, 1772™177^«
Sabra, A. I. Theories of Light from Descartes to Newton.
Oldsboume, 1967.
London:
Sainte-Beuve, Charles Augustin. Les petites $colesA Vol. IV of PortRoyal. Edited by R. L. Doyen; and C. Marchesne. .Paris; La
Connaissance, 1927.
•
Shumaker, Wayne. The Occult Sciences in the Renaissance: A Study in
Intellectual Patterns. Berkeley; Los Angeles; London; The Uni­
versity of California Press, 1972.
Sicler, Adrian.
1666.
La Chiromance royale et nowelle.
Lyon;
Daniel Gayet,
Sorbiere, Samuel-Joseph. Sorberiana* ou les pensies critiques de
M. de Sorbi&re. Edited by M. Graverol. 2nd edition revised
and enlarged. Paris; Florentin & Pierre Delaune, 1695*
Sorel, Charles. La Bibliotheque Franqoise; ous le choix et I'examen
des livres franqois qui traitent de I '$loquences de la
philosophic^ de la devotion et de la conduite des moeurs. Paris;
•Compagnie des libraires du Palais, 166U.
.
Tallemant Des Reaux, GSdSon. Historiettes: M&moires pour servir ct
I'histoire du XVIIe si'bcle publics sur le manuscrit autographe
de I’auteur. 10 vols. in 5. Paris; Gamier, 1861.
Taton, Rene. Enseignement et diffusion des sciences en France au XVIIIe
(
Si&cle. Series "Histoire de la pensee" xi. Paris; Hermann, 196U .
380
Thorndike, I^nn. A History of Magic and Experimental Science.. 8 vols.
Hetr York: Macmillan Company, 1929-1958. Vols. III-VIII are
published by Columbia University Press.
Wrangel, F..U. Premiere Visite de Christine de Su&de d la Cour de
France (1656). Paris: Firmin-Didot et Cis, 1930
Articles
Bertrand, Alexis. "La psychophysiologie an XVIIe siecle: Cureau de
La Chambre et Honore Miquet.” Bulletin de la Faculty des Lettres.
Poitiers, IX (1890), 3^9-387.
Chardon, Henri. "Les debuts au Mans de Cureau de La Chambre." Bulletin
de la Society d'agriculture3 des sciences et des arts de la
Sarthe, XIII (1873-1874), 603.
Coutard, Abbe Albert. "Notes inedites sur M. Cureau de La Chambre."
Revue historique et arch&ologique du Maines XXX (1891), 253-256.
Hamy, E.-T. "Les debuts de 1'anthropologie et de lfanatomie humaine
au Jardin des Plantes: M. Cureau de La Chambre et P. Dionis
(1635-1680)." L ’Anthropologie3 V (1894), 257-275.
'
"Note sur un medallion de J.-B. Tuby representant le portrait
de M. Cureau de La Chambre ■, demonstrateur au Jardin Royal
(1635-1669)
Bulletin du Museum de I’Histoire naturelle3 VI
(1895), 229-232.
Hucher, Eugeite. "Renseignements sur le portrait de Cureau de La Chambre
grave par Nanteuil." Bulletin de la Societe d 1agriculture3 des
sciences et des arts de la Sarthe3 XXII (1873-1874), 983.
Jussieu, A.-L. "Notice historique sur le Museum d*histoire naturelle
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d ’Histoire naturelley i (Paris, 1802), 1-14.
'''
"Notice historique sur le MusSum d 1histoire naturelle
(Depuis 1643, jusqu'en 1683)." Annales du Museum d*Histoire
naturelle3 ii (Paris, 1803), 1-17°
Kerviler, Rene Pocard. "Le Maine a 1'Academic Frangaise: Marin.
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vii (1920-1928), 142-145.
381
Piobetta, Jean B„ ,fAu temps de Descartes; une polemique ignoree sur
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Proust, Jacques. "Diderot et la p h y s i o g n o m o n i e Cahiers de I 'Associa­
tion. intema,tionale des etudes franqaiseSs XIII (1961), 317-330.
III.
WORKS OF GEHERAL INTEREST
WHICH W R E CONSULTED
Books
Adam, Antoine. Sur le probt&me religieux dans la premiere moitii du
XVXIe si'&ale. Oxford; Clarendon Press, 1959 •
Aristotle. Traite de I*cane* Translation and notes by G. Rodier.
Paris: E. Leroux, i960.
2 vols.
Arnold, Paul. Eistoire des Rose-Croix et les origines <£e la francmaqormerie. Paris: Mercure de France, 1955«
Ashtons Harry. Madame de LdFayette: Sa vie et ses oeuvres.
England: The University Press, 1922.
Cambridge,
Astruc, Jean. Mimpires pour servir h I ’histoire de la Faculty de
M$dedne de Montpellier. Paris: P. G. Cavelier, 1767.
Baillet, Adrien. Vie de Monsieur Des-Cartes.
Horthemels, 1691.
Paris:
Bishop, Morris. Pascal:
Press, 1937.
New York:
The Life of Genius.
Chez Daniel
Greenwood
Bloch, Olivier-Rene. La Philosophic de Gassendi: Nominalisme,
Mat$rialisme3 et M&taphysique. La Haye: Martinus Nijhoff, 1971.
Bonasea, Bernardino M.
Modem Thought.
1969.
Tommaso Campanella: Renaissance Pioneer of
Washington, D.C.: Catholic University Press,
Bouillier, Francisque. Eistoire de la philosophic cart$sierme.
Paris: Durand, Lyon: Brun et Cie, I85U.
2 vols.
Canguilhem, Georges. La Formation du concepts de reflexe aux XVIIe et
XVIII si^ales. Paris: Presses Uhiversitaires de France, 1955*
Colorobey, Emile (pseud.). BueVtes et Cabarets: H'Lstoi.ve anecdotique de
la VittGvabure franqcri.se. Paris; E. Dentu, 1888.
Crow, W. B. A History of Magios Witoharaft and Occultism*
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