03. Sustainability Dilemmas. Part 2

Transcription

Du dilemme à l’autorégulation, Ferrucio Ferrigni
Du dilemme à l’autorégulation.
analyseR Les tissus urbains comme
résultat des conflits privé/publique,
pour définir des normes de
“autorégulation”
FERRUCCIO FERRIGNI1
Resumé: A l’exeption des centres historiques “patrimoine” dans la gestion des
tissus urbains antiques on est confronté très souvent à un dilemme: les sauvegarder
(risquant de les cristalliser) ou en permettre l’évolution (risquant de les détruire).
En effet la genèse des “tissus urbains” – c’est à dire de l’ensemble des pleins, les
édifices, et des vides, rues, cours, jardins, terrains vagues est le résultat d’un conflit
millénaire entre particuliers et communauté pour l’exploitation d’une ressource
finie, le sol. La morphologie des pleins/vides dépend de comment ce conflit a été
réglé au fil des siècles. Analyser les tissus urbains sous l’angle visuel du conflit
privé/public peut offrir, donc, des informations intéressantes sur l’histoire de la
ville. En outre, comme les plans d’urbanisme règlent ce conflit mais ne l’annulent
pas, cette analyse permet de mettre au point des normes qui orientent vers des
objectifs d’utilité publique la recherche de profit qui anime toujours l’action des
particuliers. Bref, de produire l’“autorégulation” du système.
Ce texte analyse la morphologie des différents tissus urbains comme résultats du conflit
privé/publique pour l’exploitation de l’espace, propose une grille très simple basée
sur des paramètres qui permettent de les classer et suggère des normes d’urbanisme
qui permettent pas seulement de régler le conflit, mais aussi d’orienter les particulier à céder “gratuitement” les espaces publiques prévus dans le plan d’urbanisme.
Introduction
D
’habitude on considère l’aspect “régulier” des tissus urbains une
acquisition récente, produit des plans d’urbanisme, alors que la
forme irrégulière de la ville antique serait le résultat d’un processus plus
1
Coordonnateur des programmes du Centre Universitaire Européen pour les Biens Culturels,
de Ravello, Italie.
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Sustainability Dilemmas
Transdisciplinary contributions to Integrated Cultural Landscape Management
“spontané”. En réalité même les tissus irréguliers des centres anciens
répondent à des règles, tout en apparaissant “spontanés”. Connaitre ces
règles – et, surtout, savoir les reconnaître en dessous de la casualité appa
rente de rues et ruelles – n’aide pas seulement à comprendre la genèse
des différents quartiers de la ville, il donne aussi un outil qui permet
de goûter d’un élément constituant du “patrimoine mineur”, autant précieux que peu mentionné par les guides touristiques. En outre, connaitre
l’origine et les “règles” des différents tissus peut aider à mettre au point
des normes qui permettent d’adapter le bâti ancien aux exigences de la
vie actuelle sans en détruire la valeur documentaire. Et en contournant
le dilemme sauvegarde/évolution.
Les manuels de planification urbaine sont riches en classement des
centres historiques: en enroulement, en fuseau, linéaires, planifiés, etc.
(Fig. 1). Il s’agit d’une systématisation basée sur la structure de la ville,
mais qui ne donne aucune information sur la relation entre la structure
et l’époque à laquelle elle remonte.
Fig. 1. Les structures urbaines
Il y a une différence abyssale entre la structure urbaine de Aversa
(Italie) e celle du centre historique de Pékin, tous les deux centres étant
médiévaux (Fig. 2/a,b). Alors que Pékin ne diffère pas trop de Tell-el-Almarna la ville où logeaient les ouvriers égyptiens travaillants dans la
construction des pyramides, bâti 2400 ans avant (Fig. 2/c). Pourquoi
une telle analogie de forme entre villes remontantes à des époques très
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différentes et, au contraire, une telle diversité entre villes qui se sont développées à la même époque? Pour répondre à cette question l’analyse des
structures urbaines ne suffit pas, il faut utiliser une approche différente.
(a)
(b)
Fig. 2. Les structures urbai
nes ne dépendent pas de l’époque.
Aversa (a) et Pekin (b) remontent
toutes kes deux au XII, mais
elles différent largement, alors
que Tell-el-Almarna (c) ressemble
beaucoup a Pekin, tout en étant
fondé 2400 ans avant
(c)
D’abord une lapalissade, pourtant nécessaire pour le suivi du discours:
le territoire est un ensemble fini de ressources. Quel ait été l’origine de
l’établissement – un acte de fondation, l’agrégation de plusieurs familles
au croisement de deux axes routier, la localisation en proximité d’un abri
naturel de colons venus d’outre-mer – toute communauté engagée dans la
fondation ou dans le développement d’une ville a dû aborder la question
primordiale de comment répartir le territoire pour satisfaire les besoins
élémentaires: des parcelles pour les maisons, des rues pour les dégager
et pour se déplacer, des espaces pour les fonctions d’intérêt commun ou
identitaires (forum, place du marché), une frontière physique entre l’intérieur et l’extérieur (aussi bien pour défense que pour percevoir la gabelle).
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La morphologie des centres anciens est donc définie par deux éléments:
–la structure urbaine, c’est-à-dire la forme du réseau des rues
(convergentes vers un point focal, en enroulement, en fuseau
etc.) et la position relative des éléments forts (palais du pouvoir,
cathédrale, place, marché, rue principale)
–le tissu urbain, c’est-à-dire l’ensemble des pleins et des vides.
D’habitude la structure urbaine dépend aussi bien de l’orographie du
site que des décisions des groups forts (le seigneur, l’église, les marchants),
alors que le tissu dépend d’un conflit: entre les particuliers, qui ont
tendance à occuper le maximum d’espace possible, et la communauté,
qui défend son espace, la rue. Plus précisément de comment ce conflit
a été réglé: par des règles communautaires, par un pouvoir central, fort
ou faible, par un plan etc. Cette acception du tissu urbain permet aussi
bien de le lire de manière assez différente des classements usuels que de
formuler des normes de “intervention dans le bâti” qui, plus que régler
le conflit, l’utilisent, en orientant vers des objectifs d’intérêt communautaire la recherche de profit qui guide les comportements des particuliers.
En effet dans les plans d’urbanisme l’intérêt de la communauté est
assuré par la destination à utilisation publique de certaines parcelles;
dans les codes de droit civil sont définies les procédures pour transférer
au publique, par l’expropriation, la propriété des parcelles. L’institut de
la “expropriation pour utilité publique” est très récent (il est mentionné de manière explicite dans la constitution française du 1791), mais
presque dans tous les états elle est le seul outil juridique qu’on peut
utiliser pour faire prévaloir l’intérêt de la communauté sur les intérêts
des particuliers.
Il s’agit d’une procédure qui dépasse le conflit, mais ne l’élimine
pas (preuve en est les longues et turbineuses phases de définitions des
plans d’urbanisme). Par contre, sur la base d’une analyse critique des
tissus urbains générés par les conflits anciens, on pourrait en sortir
des règles qui contournent le conflit. Par exemple en “canalisant” la
recherche de profit qui anime les particuliers vers des objectifs d’intérêt
communautaire. En transformant l’origine du conflit, la recherche de
profit, en ressource supplémentaire à exploiter pour atteindre des buts
d’intérêt général.
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Le conflit privé/publique et la morphologie
des tissus urbains
La “Histoire” que nous connaissons est construite, en général, à travers
les documents d’archive, les monuments etc. Les faits qui la nourrissent,
ainsi que les motivations qui les ont produits, ne sont que ceux enregistrés
par les chroniqueurs, presque toujours payés par les puissants. Les groups
marginaux, ou juste faibles, n’avaient pas des chroniqueurs, ni construisaient des monuments. Ils entrent dans l’“Histoire” juste s’ils perturbent
les groups dominants. Pourtant le territoire – aussi bien cultivé que bâti
en prévalence est le résultat des transformations conduites par les couches
sociales subordonnées. Il peut être analysé, donc, pour intégrer les sources
utilisées pour la “Histoire”, parfois pour la corriger. L’éco-histoire2 est la
discipline qui, grâce à l’analyse des transformations opérées par la multitude
d’acteurs qui ont utilisé les territoires, permet d’avoir des informations
plus complètes sur les événements dont il est le résultat.
Par ailleurs, une lecture “éco-historique” des tissus urbains donne
des informations assez différentes de celles qu’on peut tirer d’une lecture
morphologique traditionnelle.
Par exemple, un hôtel particulier ou la route principale qui traversait
la ville étaient certainement des éléments forts de la structure urbaine.
Mais si aujourd’hui l’hôtel est restructuré pour en faire des studios,
il perd son caractère identitaire. Si un périphérique dévie les fluxes
de véhicules de l’ancienne route, la hiérarchie des axes routiers en est
bouleversée. Les deux interventions changent la distribution spatiale et
les rapports entre les éléments forts. La structure urbaine résulte altérée,
même si la morphologie de la ville ne change pas. Au contraire, si dans
un tissu ancien on démolie et on reconstruit un édifice en respectant le
même alignement sur la rue, le rapport pleins/vides n’est pas altéré. Le
tissu urbain maintient son caractère originaire, même si les édifices dont
il est constitué ont changés.
2
Le terme a été introduit aux années ’70 du XX siècle par Piero Pierotti, professeur de
Histoire de l’urbanisme dans l’Université de Pise (Italie). La éco-histoire privilège les sources
materielles (organisation du territorie, tissus urbains, ouvrages etc) plutôt que les sources écrites,
sur lesquelles est basé la historiographie traditionnelle.
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Fig. 3. Les rues du noyau
mèdiéval de Como (Italie)
garde la trame de la ville
romaine, mais leur largeur
n’est plus régulière, résultat
des régles communautaires
sur les alignements, moins
contraignante que le plan
originaire.
La structura urbaine, si elle n’est pas définie a priori par un projet –
ville de fondation, transformations conduites sous le contrôle d’un seul
décideur – est influencée très lourdement par la conformation du site
d’implantation. Par contre le tissu urbain – lorsqu’il n’est pas le résultat d’un plan établi préalablement et réalisé de façon unitaire est une
conséquence directe du rapport de force entre le pouvoir publique et les
particuliers qui opèrent la transformation du territoire. En effet lorsque
le pouvoir publique est faible il arrive que le respect de l’espace publique
non représentatif c’est ò dire l’espace qui sert au transit et à accéder aux
maisons (les rues) est assuré juste par les coutumes communautaires. La
rue est ce qui reste de l’édification des parcelles qui la côtoient. Il en résulte
un tissu qu’on reconnait aisément par des caractéristiques typiques. Les
propriétaires avancent les édifices tant qu’ils peuvent, la frontière privé/
/publique coïncide avec la façade de l’édifice, la rue est l’espace résiduel.
Le respect de l’espace destiné au publique dépendant des règles que la
communauté s’est données, pas trop contraignantes, sa largeur est irrégulière.
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Ce tissu est typique des centres historiques médiévaux. Nous pouvons le
définir un tissu communautaire. Selon que la frontière se déroule sur les
quatre côtés de l’ilot (comme il arrive dans le centre-ville) ou juste sur un
coté (il est le cas des bâtis qui côtoient les routes d’accès à la ville), on
peut avoir un tissu communautaire compact ou en courtine (Fig. 4/a).
Si le pouvoir publique devient plus fort, il affecte à la rue un espace
défini, avant que les édifices soient réalisés. Les édifices sont bâtis encore
au bord de l’espace publique mais, le pouvoir le faisant respecter, sa largeur
reste régulière. C’est un tissu que, très souvent, on repère au long d’axes
routier XVII-XVIII, d’habitude résultat d’une intervention planifié. Etant le
produit d’un pouvoir central fort, nous pouvons le définir comme un tissu
étatique, s’alignant les édifices au long de la rue, la typologie est en courtine.
Fig. 4. Le quartier de
Santa Lucia, à Naples,
montre avec évidance les
différences morphologique
entre le tissu communau
taire (en haut) et le tissu
étatique (en bas). Largeur
des rues, taille des édifices
et dimensions des espaces
intérieurs (cours/puits de
lumière) sont les caractéres
qui font la difference.
Ensuite la croissance de la ville produit une augmentation de la
circulation des carrosses, les rues doivent être beaucoup plus larges que
celles de la ville médiévale. Pourtant la profondeur des édifices ne peut
pas être augmentée en proportion, quitte à avoir des pièces obscures. Les
rues doivent être plus larges que la profondeur maximale des édifices.
Deux tiers du sol devraient être affectés aux rues, un gaspillage d’espace
insupportable. Pour le réduire on élabore une nouvelle typologie d’édifices: plutôt qu’avoir deux cellules par étage collées dos à dos et donnant
toutes les deux sur rue, les édifices ont une façade sur la rue et l’autre
sur la cour intérieure (Fig. 4 en bas). Celle-ci est largement plus grande
que les puits de lumière des édifices médiévaux (Fig. 4 en haut), plus
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que suffisante à assurer air et lumière aux pièces, mais moins large que
les rues. L’économie de sol est considérable.
L’innovation typologique est accompagnée par une parallèle évolution
du système de décideurs qui produit le tissu. Les édifices ne sont pas
bâtis les uns après les autre par les propriétaires des parcelles, ils sont
réalisés par des promoteurs, qui achètent des larges portions de sol, les
lotissent en ilot, les construisent (ou les revendent à des constructeurs).
Chaque ilot contient un grand nombre d’appartements, achetés par les
bourgeois qui de plus en plus viennent habiter la ville. Par ailleurs, le
pouvoir central est devenu beaucoup plus fort, il ne contrôle seulement
la position des édifices par rapport à la rue, il examine et approuve le
“plan de lotissement” préparé par l’entrepreneur, qui comprend aussi les
règles de construction (nombre d’étages, modules des façades etc.).
Il en résulte un nouveau tissu qu’on retrouve avec peu de variations
dans presque toutes les villes européennes qui est caractérisé par des éléments récurrents. Les rues ont une largeur constante (sont réalisées avant
les édifices); ont une maille régulière, modulée exactement sur la dimension
des édifices à réaliser; ceux-ci sont au bord des rues sur les quatre cotés
et ont des cours intérieures large autant que la hauteur. S’agissant d’un
tissu résultant d’un plan d’urbanisme, même si à l’initiative privée, nous
pouvons l’appeler un tissu proto-urbanistique.
Enfin, dans la deuxième moitié du XX siècle, le pouvoir publique
pas seulement impose le respect des espaces qui lui appartiennent (ou
qui vont lui appartenir), il règle aussi l’utilisation de la propriété privée.
La largeur des rues est régulière, mais les édifices ne peuvent plus être bâti
à fil de rue, ils sont obligé de reculer. En plus, ils doivent respecter une
distance minimale entre eux. Il en résulte le tissu actuel, produit des plans
d’urbanisme rédigés par le pouvoir publique, qui gouvernent toute transformation du territoire. Nous pouvons l’appeler un tissu urbanistique.
Une lecture différente
La lecture des tissus urbains sur la base de la position relative des
édifices par rapport à la rue (au bord/en recul) et de la largeur de l’espace
publique (régulière/irrégulière) offre un outil autant simple que performant pour reconstruire la dynamique qui a engendré le bâti historique,
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même si nous ne disposons pas de sources d’archive. Il s’agit, au fond,
d’un exercice d‘analyse éco-historique du territoire bâti. En vérité il peut
apparaitre un outil plutôt rudimentaire, mais il offre des informations
plus immédiates que celles qu’on peut avoir en utilisant la lecture morphologique traditionnelle.
Un exemple peut aider à mieux comprendre la différence entre les
deux méthodes de lecture.
(a)
(b)
Fig 5. Le plan de Philadelphie
(a) ne différe pas trop du plan
de centre gréco-romain de Naples
(b) trame quadrillé, un-deux axes
majeurs dans un reseau regulier
d’ilots rectangulaires. Mais le
détail du centre de Naples (c)
montre que si le plan grec est
assez respecté, la largeur des rues
est très irrégulière, à l’ecception
du grand axe à gauche, signe d’un
pouvoir central redevenu fort.
(c)
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En adoptant le classement traditionnel par modèles et lecture morphologique on ne repère pas de différence entre les tissus de Philadelphie
(Fig. 5/a) et le tissu du centre gréco-romain de Naples (Fig. 5/b). Tous le
deux sont le résultat évident d’un plan d’urbanisme. Au-delà des différentes
dimensions des ilots, nous ne tirons aucune information supplémentaire.
Par contre, si on utilise les indicateurs sus définis, on peut lire deux
histoires totalement différentes.
La trame urbaine régulière nous informe qu’à Naples le pouvoir
publique était assez fort pour établir un plan d’urbanisme et de le faire
respecter (le plan de la ville grecque). En suite le pouvoir s’affaiblie. Dans
la phase médiévale de la ville, les rues gardent le tracé du plan grec,
mais les édifices ne respectent pas l’alignement originaire. La largeur de
l’espace publique devient très irrégulière (Fig. 5/c). En suite le pouvoir
publique semble avoir regagné sa force. On a réalisé la grande rue à
gauche, clairement résultat d’une intervention planifiée et bien contrôlée
dans sa réalisation.
Même à Philadelphie la trame des rue est géométrique et les édifices
arrivent jusqu’au bord des rues mais, au contraire que dans le centre
gréco-romaine de Naples, la largeur de cettes-ci est très régulière. Preuve
d’un contrôle publique fort et efficace.
La différente utilité des deux lectures est évidente. La lecture morphologique des deux plans nous donne peu d’informations, voire des
informations détournant si on n’a pas des donnés sur l’origine du plan
et sur l’histoire de sa réalisation. La lecture conflit>morphologie nous
permet de reconstruire, à partir d’une analyse banale de la régularité des
rues et de la position des édifices par rapport à la rue, l’évolution de la
ville et du pouvoir qui l’a gérée.
Certes, est une lecture précise mais, peut-être, un peu simple. Elle
ne peut pas substituer les sources d’archive ou les informations tirées
des publications spécialisées. Mais elle permet de classer les tissus de
maniéré univoque et, surtout, d’en tirer des indications qui permettent
de mettre au point des normes qui transforment le conflit privé/publique
en ressource supplémentaire pour réaliser les transformations d’intérêt
publique. C’est-à-dire les prévisions des plans les plus difficiles à réaliser,
notamment à l’intérieur des bâtis anciens.
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Un classement sans ambigüité
En appliquant le critère de lecture sus illustré, on peut classer les
tissus urbains comme il suit:
– Tissu communautaire, produit d’une société dans laquelle la tutelle
des espaces publiques est assurée par des règles que la communauté
s’est donnée par elle-même. La frontière privé/publique coïncide avec
la façade; les rues ont une largeur irrégulière; les édifices peuvent
être en contact avec les rues sur quatre cotés (communautaire
compact) ou sur un seul côté (communautaire en courtine).
– Tissu étatique, produit par une société dans laquelle les espaces
publiques sont définies et sauvegardés par un pouvoir central. La
frontière privé/publique coïncide avec la façade; les édifices sont
en contact directe avec la rue, d’habitude sur un seul côté; les
rues ont une largeur régulière.
– Tissu proto-urbanistique, produit par une société dans laquelle les
espaces publiques sont définis par un plan, produit ou approuvé
par une institution publique, sauvegardés aussi bien par l’institution publique que par les promoteurs qui les réalisent. La frontière
privé/publique coïncide avec la façade; les édifices sont en contact
directe avec les rues, comme dans le tissu étatique, mais sur quatre
cotés; les rues ont une trame modulaire et une largeur régulière.
– Tissu urbanistique, produit par des plans d’urbanismes publics, qui
établissent les règles d’utilisation des espaces, aussi bien publique
que privés. La frontière privé / publique est en recul par rapport
à la rue; la largeur des rues est régulière.
– Le tableau de Fig. 6 synthétise le classement des divers tissus par
rapport aux deux paramètres découlant du conflit, position de la
façade (au bord/en recul) et largeur des rues (régulière/irrégulière).
Il est intéressant de noter que, pour chaque typologie de tissu, la
grille n’identifie qu’une, et une seule, combinaison des paramètres.
Elle permet donc de les classer sans ambigüité.
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Fig. 6. Caracteres Morphologiques des Tissus Urbains et Leur Origine Probable
CARACTERES MORPHOLOGIQUES
LARGEUR DE L’ESPACE
PUBLIQUE
(rue)
FRONTIERE PRIVE /
/ PUBLIQUE ET FAÇADE
ORIGINE
PROBABLE
coÏncidents
(édifices en bord
de rue)
su 4
cotés
su 1
coté
non
coÏncidentS
(édifices en
recul))
irregUlIEre
regUlIEre
COMMUNAUTAIRE
compact
COMMUNAUTAIRE
a en courtine
ETATIQUE
PROTOURBANISTIQUE
URBANISTIQUE
NON TISSU
(campagne)
Une contre-épreuve de son efficacité est donnée par la dernière ligne
du tableau, qu’identifie un tissu “non tissu”. la campagne, où la frontière
privé/publique coïncide avec le bord de la route, les édifices sont en recul
et la largeur des espace publiques est irrégulière.
Dépasser le dilemme: les normes de
“autorégulation”
Dans la formation d’un urbaniste il y a un dogme: le plan d’urbanisme
privilège les intérêts généraux, il ignore les intérêts particuliers. Dans la
réalité ç’est juste avec ces derniers que l’urbaniste est confronté. Pourtant,
si la lecture conflit>morphologie ne veut rester pas seulement une analyse intrigante, elle doit devenir la base pour des normes qui n’ignorent
pas le conflit mais l’utilisent comme ressource potentielle pour canaliser
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la recherche de profit des particulier vers des buts d’intérêt général. Le
conflit privé/publique existe dans toutes les zones disciplinées par le
plan, mais il est majeur dans les tissus urbains anciens. Dans ce bâti les
parcelles vides sont peu nombreuses, donc encore plus précieuses. Les
utiliser pour la communauté devient aussi bien difficile que injuste: la
rareté des terrains encore utilisables en augmente la valeur, pas toujours
reconnue par les indemnisations découlant du processus d’expropriation.
Mais le sol est une ressource finie, en affectant une parcelle à l’utilisation privé ou à un espace publique le plan opère une distribution de
plus/minus values. Il n’est pas surprenant, donc, que l’élaboration d’un
plan d’urbanisme soit accompagnée de conflits et pressions (d’habitude
soigneusement cachés).
Par ailleurs, dans la rédaction de certains plans d’urbanisme italiens3,
on a noté qu’il était beaucoup moins conflictuel localiser les grands équipements (une école, un hôpital) que les petits (un parking, un terrain de
jeu). L’analyse des intérêts de tous les acteurs (propriétaires, promoteurs,
administrateurs) a mis en évidence les causes très saines de la différente
intensité des conflits suscités par les deux catégories de destination publique. D’abord la perception de l’écart entre l’intérêt des particuliers et
de la communauté: une école ou un hôpital apportent à la communauté
des bénéfices non comparables aux sacrifices demandé aux propriétaires
concernés, alors que les bénéfices que la communauté tire d’un terrain
de jeux est de la même “taille” du sacrifice demandé au propriétaire. En
suite les raisons objectives: un grand équipement répond à des exigences
de localisation (connexion, surface etc.) difficiles à contester, alors qu’il
est ardu motiver pourquoi un parking doit être localisé sur un coté de la
rue plutôt qu’en face. La réluctance des propriétaires à accepter la destination publique de ses parcelles a donc des raisons presque physiologiques.
Aux difficultés de localisation des petites destinations publiques dans
la rédaction du plan s’ajoute la difficulté de les réaliser. Une école est
un ouvrage sur lequel certainement l’Administration s’est engagée, alors
que rarement un terrain de jeux a fait l’objet d’une promesse électorale.
Pour contourner ces difficultés systémiques, avant d’aborder la rédaction des “plans autorégulateurs” on a établi, avec la participation de tous
3
On se refère à de “plans autorégulateurs” redigés par l’auteur pour une trentaine de communes de Campanie, une région du sud d’Italie, à partir des années ’90.
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les acteurs locaux, le critère de localisation des Destinations Publiques
Mineures (DPM): “aires de parking, terrains de jeux et destinations publiques
similaires sont à localiser d’après les règles de bonne organisation du voisinage,
mais ils ne doivent pas réduire la valeur des propriétés concernées”
La traduction technique de ce critère a conduit à:
–une règle de réalisation du plan qui donne trois options au
propriétaires d’une parcelle intéressée par une DPM:
a) attendre que l’Administration exproprie la partie à destination
publique, en payant l’indemnisation prévue par les lois; dans
ce cas la surface sur laquelle on applique le Coefficient d’Utilisation du Sol (CUS) est la surface nette (surface cadastrale
moins la surface à destination publique);
b)céder gratuitement à l’Administration une aire de surface et
caractéristiques fonctionnelles équivalentes à celles de l’aire à
destination public prévue dans le plan; dans ce cas on applique
le CUS à toute la surface cadastrale de la parcelle;
c) céder gratuitement à l’Administration l’aire à destination publi
que, dans la quantité et dans la forme prévues dans le plan;
dans ce cas on applique le CUS à une surface virtuelle (SV),
somme de la surface cadastrale de la parcelle et de la surface
à destination publique;
–un dessin de sol dans lequel les DPM sont localisées là où est
demandé par l’organisation globale du quartier, mais elles sont
positionnées dans la parcelle où, vraisemblablement, elles conviennent le plus au propriétaire.
La Fig. 7 montre un exemple d’application de la règle. Sur une parcelle
ayant une extension cadastrale de 1.000 mq le plan localise une partie
d’une rue et un parking, pour un total de 200 mq. En cas d’exercice
de l’option a), la surface sur laquelle on va appliquer le CUS sera de
1,000 – 200 = 800 mq. Si le propriétaire exerce l’option c), de cession
gratuite de rue et parking tels qu’ils sont prévu dans le plan, il pourra
appliquer le CUS à une surface virtuelle de 1,000 + 200 = 1.200 mq.
Enfin, s’il a la nécessité de réserver différemment le parking (option b), il
pourra appliquer le CUS à la surface cadastrale totale, c’est à dire 1.000
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mq. L’exemple montre bien comment le profit du propriétaire monte en
proportion de l’utilité qu’en tire la communauté. La surface sur laquelle
il ira appliquer le CUS – c’est-à-dire la surface de plancher qu’il pourra
réaliser – passe de 800 mq s’il oblige la communauté à l’indemniser;
monte à 1.000 mq s’il cède le parking gratuitement, mais avec des carac
téristiques différentes que celle prévues dans le plan; atteint les 1.200
mq s’il décide de réaliser le plan tel qu’il a été dessiné.
Fig. 7. La surface sur laquelle on applique le CUS augmente à fur et à mesure que le
proprietaire réalise ce que la communauté a établi.
Le but de la règle est évident: transformer une pénalisation, l’expropriation, en un prix, l’augmentation de la surface réalisable, autant plus
haut que la satisfaction de la communauté (voir réalisé le plan tel qu’il a
été adopté). A noter que l’option intermédiaire b) a été introduite pour
faire face à des exigences du propriétaire non prévisibles à l’époque de
rédaction du plan. Encore à noter que dans les deux options b) et c)
l’acquisition des DPM est réellement gratuite pour l’Administration, mais
elle est rémunérée au propriétaire. En effet la valeur de la surface de la
DPM est récupérée par le propriétaire au prix du marché, à travers le
montant que lui payent les acheteurs de la surface supplémentaire qu’il
a pu réaliser grâce à la cession “gratuite”.
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Autant évident est le but du dessin de sol: si on veut que le propriétaire
réalise le plan tel qu’il est, il faut que la position de la DPM dans la
parcelle soit la plus convenable pour lui. Ce dernier aspect de la “autorégulations” introduit une révolution copernicienne dans la planification
urbaine: s’il veut que le plan atteigne les intérêts généraux qu’il envisage,
l’urbaniste, formé à ignorer les intérêts particuliers, doit localiser les grands
équipements de manière d’atteindre l’équilibre globale du système, mais
dessiner les détails en prenant en compte juste ces intérêts.
Conclusions
L’analyse des tissus urbains comme résultat des conflits privé/publique
et les normes de autorégulations qui permettent de les contourner libèrent
urbanistes et décideurs politiques du dilemme sauvegarde/évolution des
bâtis historiques et, plus en général, des problèmes d’affectation publique
des terrains résiduels existant à l’intérieur de la ville. Une innovation de
la technique de planification urbaine qui a changé le rôle et l’approche
de tous les acteurs impliqués.
Dans la phase de rédaction du plan, les administrateurs ont pu
décider la localisation des DPMs sans la préoccupation de perdre du
consensus Les propriétaires ont renversé l’approche à la localisation des
DPMs sur leur propriété, en passant du rejet au souhait. Les urbanistes
ont été obligés de changer d’approche. De professionnels qui devaient
ignorer les intérêts particuliers (ou faire semblant de) à experts qui les
utilise pour viser l’intérêt général. Qui analyse les conflits qui ont généré
la morphologie du bâti ancien pour en tirer les règles qui permettent de
contourner le dilemme sauvegarde / évolution.
Dans la phase d’actuation, l’Administration économise l’indemnisation qu’aurait dû payer pour l’expropriation des aires à DPM; le propriétaire peut modifier tout simplement le dessin de sol en déplaçant la
DPM à l’intérieur de sa parcelle, là où il lui convient le plus, sans pour
autant déséquilibrer les prescriptions du plan.
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Brief reflection on the role of jurisprudent’s professors on the
sustainability of human life on Earth, Eduardo Vera-Cruz Pinto
Brief reflection on the role
of jurisprudent’s professors
on the sustainability of
human life on Earth
Eduardo Vera-Cruz Pinto1
T
he idea that we briefly present is the necessity of a Universal
Law education as a sustainable solution for the juridical defense
of human beings on Earth and the responsibility of jurisprudent teachers
to accomplish it. An education in rupture with the ways of creation and
application of Law and university methods of juridical teaching. A Law
for the digital era: Universal and personal, that allows for a sustainable
return to nature and to solidary connection between people2.
It’s always an inspiration and an example, Trêncio’s quote.
Homo suum: nihil humani a me alenum puto3, for all the jurisprudents
that study and teach law as a mean for the universal Justice.
Therefore, a universal Law, not only trans-national, that doesn’t identify itself with the “international Law” of States that integrate the UN
Security Council (lex mundi), and that doesn’t bend to the demands of
an unfair and a-juridical globalization, standard appliance of an imperium
orbis terrae. A universal law that corresponds to one ordo iuris whose rules
integrate the ontic dimension of a unique reality (universitas), overcoming
iura propria of many States.
Exceeding the illusion of a societas iuridica perfecta and having rejected
the possibility of a princeps gubernator orbis terrarum, we have invested
in a process of juridical inclusion through a Ius Commune Humanitatis4
1
Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de Lisboa. Instituto de Direito Brasileiro.
2
See, for example, AA. VV. Fraternidade e Sustentabilidade no Direito (Fraternity and Sustentability
in Law), org. Clarissa Chagas Sanches Monassa et alli, Curitiba, Instituto da Memória, 2015.
3
Terêncio, Heautontimoroumenos, v. 77.
4
After the conclusion of my Doctorate thesis investigation “História do Direito Comum
da Humanidade. Ius Commune Humanitatis ou Lex Mundi” (History of Humanity’s Common
Law, Ius Commune Humanitatis ou Lex Mundi,), Vol.I, tomos I and II, AAFDL, Lisbon, respec-
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thas has, as a central element of the humanitas integration, the amicitia
(friendship) between people and the responsibility between generations.
The creation/adaptation of a group of juridical rules to a limited situa
tion: in the relationship between people; in the experience of a Human
being inhabiting the Earth; sharing resources between people for a life
with dignity – this has become a categorical imperative for the juridical
way of the digital era.
Concerning the predatory and unconcerned behavior of people and
institutions in a world political environment of economic dependence of
the crushing majority of humanity facing the richest and polluted countries; and to the shown incapacity of politics and managers to amend
or invert that human catastrophe route, the duty to interfere is given to
jurisprudent teachers.
The background of that intervention is focused on the University
relies on the possibility of a juridical understanding of this phenomenon
to a: new human-environmental theme that is plural and diverse based
on interdisciplinarity; the didactic innovation in the university education
of Law overcoming the traditional boundaries; on a pedagogy that put into
practice the stated values, recreating learning methods with the help of
new technology; in a sensibilization to justice for the Law, where creation
and application of rules has its origin in an occurring case.
For the possibility of such education in the University, we need a
public political option for an integral ecological education in basic educa
tion, in the families, in churches and also of the teachers, intellectuals
and artists’ diligence; an ecological education made through citizenship
and a political participation that invests on the transformation of thinking
and behaviors inverting the current apocalyptic reality.
To get out of the tunnel/spiral where we are, of repression and violence, as an answer to barbarism and to the injustice and to create the
conditions for its prevention. To harmonize the family and social ties
and to eliminate the causes of resentment, of prejudice and complexes
to the sharing, integration and inclusion policies of the excluded – since
tively, 2003 and 2014 we did many approches, in investigation projects, to subjects connected
to the pedagogy for an integral juridical ecology of a human being on the universal field. We
propose, on the idea of sustainability and concerning the future of the human being on Earth,
the creation of a subject of Universal Law register on the curricula of Law university courses
with cientific autonomy, didatic, pedagogic and with a jurisprudencial foundation.
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childhood, in a persistent and supported way. To respect the life of all
creatures knowing how to create hierarchies and the notion of limit; to
reveal and to spread the inspiring examples; and to teach good relationship practices.
In an adverse ambience, some Law teachers that pay attention to
the World and to the people, have been answering with studies, investigations, congresses and many contributions for overcoming of obstacles
created by certain legislators and some magistrates towards an effective
defense of the human gender and to life on Earth.
That competent contribute, opportune and well intentioned hasn’t
been enough to invert the process of human and ecological degradation.
Little improvements – after herculean efforts with few or none impact
on the field – are presented by the polluters/financers of some of those
juridical-environmental investigation projects and international scientific
meetings as great environmental victories. They are not.
In the doctorate field, the Law teachers that are worried on making
theory, on classifying, on discussing and conceptualizing, have been rendering more dense the normative contained and have been allowing for
a suitable application for the courts, but they have not been able to
clarify and to make consensual and understandable the juridical discourse
about the subject.
The solidarity or fraternity rights with community vocation and
collective titularity have not been solved, as a reflection that have a
globalized vision of the juridical that holds, without remission, the most
unprotected and info-excluded human being at a localism of misery and
dependence. It’s recent rawlsian inspiration (people’s rights), without novel
ty or dogmatic creativity, denoted – in the ideological origin – the bad
conscience of a society that, preaching Justice, keeps privilege over the
majority of invisible humans that live on the edge.
The multi-nationals that dominate the worlds of juridical edition, of
the university Law education and the juridical careers, putted into charge
to distribute the ideas and the authors, to create schools and disciples
and to grind up the scientific investigation with this thematic closed.
It has been established the politically correct and what is acceptable as
universitary and scientific.
The political power had settled down to this, with few expenses;
adapted it’s speech to this new dogmas; it chose it’s official authors;
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selected the gurus of the possible environmental thinking – and has
achieved to maintain all the same. The taxes pay the debt interests of the
State to bankers and to nourish the financial system; the public services
and the rather common are given, by the States in debt, to privates to
satisfy the profits that motivates it. The human and environmental degradation grows with speeches of convenient criticism that, through the
appearance of free contradictory and democratic, guarantee the survival
of the predatory system.
The political-legal blockade, defrayed by the courts of strict legality,
inside the States to the constitutional rules that obligate the government
and the enterprises to modify procedures at a labor, familiar, environmental and fiscal level. etc.; the international and systemic boycott to
the direct and immediate application of the norms of the Declarations
of Human, the People and Family Rights, and of the treaties that look
into answering to the degradation of human beings and to the destruction of nature – constitute an immense and dangerous discredit of the
international institutions and the principal power leader.
The scandals of political corruption, titular of international organizations and managers, and the irresponsible and luxurious life of a world
aristocracy that lives of easy investments through the bribery and profits
obtained with frauds and crimes, increases the conscience of inequality
and injustices between human beings, promoted by a financial and politi
cal system that had come since the II World War and already without
any sense to nowadays (ONU’s; FMI’s; OMC’s, etc. Security Council).
The utilization by the governments of words and ideas consensually
accepted – as liberty and democracy – repeated in speeches of propaganda conveyed by the media with an unique source (diffusion agency) to
prepare the people to accept the imposition of civil wars to pacific and
united people; murders by the lynch of inconvenient leaders; programmed
genocides by forced dislocation of people (refugees); patrimonial and
environmental catastrophes, to give opportunity to new business creating
bigger inequalities.
The programmed weakening of international institutions that don’t
accept to follow the orders of certain governments or to serve national
interests by the refusal of financing and for its unbelieved communication; and the instability of the primal raw material prices (Developing
States) and of the public services given to the population (Social State)
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– invoking the working of the market through the rating agencies – and
obligating to political subjugation of people affected by the inevitable
contracted debt taxes, it is no longer acceptable and places the principal
world economies in contradiction with the values proclaimed and that
legitimate it politically.
The actual education of Law – that can only innovate in the border
of the juridical as long as it doesn’t become a threat to the monopolist
legalist system of State and the casino economy in vigor – explains the
reality existent from the laws that maintain it, legitimating the status quo
in vigor. The legitimate narrative, focused on the principal of legality, is
averse to the critic spirit and to the created liberty. The pulverization of
the juridical through the technique specialization5 community about the
society; and the victory of power to the auctoritas on the access to justice.
An autotomized right for many departments and disciplines increa
singly removed to one another in their specificities and removed from
the juridical-cultural nucleus; with cosmopolitan specialists of each one
of them with few juridical culture and few experience and maturity on
“Law things”, gifted with an excellent legal technique but without the
comprehension of the contexts and the solution effects – it encourages
the conservatives of this heritage of human and ecological destruction;
and is the best guarantee that everything will continue like this for a
long period of time for the best of a minority.
The non-critical and rushed imposition of the standard model of
Bologna to the public system of European Higher education by bureaucrats of community institutions and by unprepared national members of
governments, some of them providing service to the university education multinationals, allowed the European States governments a brutal
disinvestment in the public education without any competitive gain or
educational integration.
The private universities thank the public universities – controlled
by the governments through the administrative and financial way weak5
We can’t treat here the impact of Heidegger’s thesis about the technologic society on the
ideas of Hans Jonas about the human and natural effects of the technification accelerated of our
societies. Let’s point out only the way how the omnipresence of the technique had created an
limited self-sufficiency that affects the human being and the natural. The increased individua
tion/subjectivation conducts to the loneliness and rejection of the risks of human relationships
(avoiding the other) resorting to a neutral friend and to the pet humanized, passive and docile.
There is not a compromise, neither participation, neither citizenship neither very common.
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ened in its autonomy – form students to the employment policies of the
governments and the need of company boards. With this university Law
education there will be no critical mass capable of creating a Law that
has the conditions to overtake the challenges given to humanity.
The doctrinaire and manual panorama of the Law presents authorial vitality and market. But it is a short term thing and represents a
bad result to the sustainability of a Law that is capable – that we wait
and that we are desperate for – to answer to nowadays unhuman and
desertification situation.
The decadent constitutionalism is reinvented by these causes, by
resisting to an open notion of fundamental rights; the civil law, incapable of recovering of the abandonment of the roman identity principal,
look for, without success, a solution in the personal rights of the third
generation: the environmental law invests in impossible ruptures facing
its state-administrative nature. Each one of other subjects presents some
details allowing this thematic to fit in its classis contents.
The result is clear to everyone: we are not, as jurisprudents teachers,
succeeding in making politics/leaders to adopt the most adequate solutions that were offered in the texts; the principal instrument of a right
world-wide government – the law and the treaties – does not express the
juridical rules. We can’t wait for changes that are outside of our possibility (on the Politic universe). It’s our duty to change it.
With all respect for whom continues (through the juridical matters
that are in vigor) and sees the way, it looks that a good solution is to
construct, through the Law education, a universal law that includes all
departments and juridical subjects in its personalist jurisprudential essence
(without falling in the encyclopedic scope), that has as interest the guardi
anship and integrity on nature and in harmony with other ways of life.
A different education in Law Schools, with the dignity to be designated as Universities (that pass through, inside the class didactics, from
knowledge to sapience and from this to life affairs and its fair solution for
the law). An education with a new method: from the case to the rule and
from the rule to the solution/sentence; from argument exception’s group
to the applicable rule, for the creation of new rules; from the sentence,
given in concrete, to the understanding and acceptance of the community
that receives it; from the auctor of the sentence to the auctoritas of the
professor that teaches it.
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To win the generalization processes and legal abstraction; the processual autocracies, that benefit who break the rules, without defense
guaranties; the common sense words, without juridical contents, and the
useful concepts; the propagation of institutional proposals and normative
– it would be already a big step.
Then, we need to incorporate without adopting the many explanations
about the causes and effects of wild in-humanization and desertification
of our actual society (super modern – Georges Blandier; from the risk –
Ulrich Beck; from the technique - Hans Jonas; liquid – Zygmunt Bauman;
from the fraternity – António Baggio).
For long, the jurisprudents that take interest in the integral defense
of a person, ask for public politics, human investment, scientific and didactic creativity, adequate pedagogy, methodologic innovation and digital
application to defense, for the Right of the human being.
They do it in a dispersed and casual way. It is necessary to do it,
with urgency, that’s what we think, for the proposal of a universal right.
That is because of its universal capacity of its rules and the potentiality
of Justice of the respective contents.
If the attention to a personalist integral ecology subject, that gives the
priority to justice and to friendship/fraternity, passes through extra-juridical events as the letter of Pope Francis Laudatio Si; or for ambiental
catastrophes that reaches USA’s population – so may they be valued on
the speeches about the matter to open the doors of Law to this urgent
need to defend the human beings on Earth.
The professors’ jurisprudents have to be compromised on the creation
of a right to the future that passes through the investment in rules of
universal precaution/prevention which juridicity relies on the possibility
of an open justice with its application to the cases that generate conflict
between people, between groups, institutions, maintaining or rearranging
peace. That universal possibility of future relies on many principles and
juridical categories harmonized on the idea of sustainability6.
6
This is not the place to separate concepts, institutes, categories principals, values, quali
ties and ideas in Law. That separation is essential for the clarity of expressed ideas and the
possibility of regulation, normation and application of what was proposed by the jurisprudent
teachers. We avoid to talk about “sustainable development” in virtue of the actual juridical
critique - which we cannot develop here - of the progressist/developments thesis.
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Therefore – starting from the statement that, normally, the university
Law education contributes for the aggravation of human and ambient
degradation – I propose, as initial attempt of jurisprudentia to invert the
process of natural and human devastation, the university education of
a universal law as a sustainable solution for the human being on this
planet. It’s not enough, in Law, to think differently; it is necessary to
do differently and, for that purpose, we need to teach differently in a
sustainable way.
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Part 2
Thinking across disciplines
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Essay on notion about landscape’s preservation, Sofiane Si-Ammour
Essay on notion about
landscape’s preservation
SOFIANE SI-AMMOUR
Abstract: The landscape is an integrated part of our lives; man has always used
it as a territorial benchmark and a source of food and comfort. The landscape
management tends to keep natural and cultural landscape sustainable by protec
ting it under law, promoting it through conservation, restoration and mediation.
Culture heritage does not basically mean cultures, because they evolve in a natural
context of a culture heritage which had been exposed to different changes. It is
a part a natural heritage who kept ecosystems, historical records and biodiversity
facing their own sustainability.
Keywords: Landscape; Culture heritage; sustainability; preservation.
Introduction
T
he landscape notion risen in France with different definitions
(Gardens, natural parks, painting art…), and evolved in England
with the urban mapping according the relation between man and space.
Then, it becomes a multidisciplinary science which combines other scientific disciplines to enlarge our knowledge. The first aim goal was to
promote the building planning according healthy norms and giving each
landscape sites valorization, protection, making park cities, and other
territorial planning, which gives free access to the public with planned
spaces (Historical gardens), all of this respecting the directives of landscape preservation and conservation.
The landscape actors are (scientists, planners, architects, artists,
gardeners…), giving formal and functional coherence to different project
types of planning territories, with the ability to be evaluated by the authorities, in order to keep this closed to the sustainable development. One
of the best examples is the garden planning in the palaces and castles, a
transformation to a vulgarization of nature and to an engineering masterpiece. The planning of historical gardens is an interesting perspective,
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cause it allows to the public to enjoy visiting sites (managed, renovated,
entertained and under law protection) (Donadieu, 2007).
The conservation is important to preserve natural and historical sites
or cultural knowledge to the future generations which will be responsible
to impose new challenges for all sectors of society (politicians, businessmen, educators, media…). So, Geoconservation must also be considered to
determine which geosites should be a subject of protection from the nature
conservation and land use and to be representative of a natural heritage also.
The role of conservation, protection and restoration doesn’t stop
here, we also have to matter about the valorization and the mediation,
by organizing circuits of visits, publications, scientific seminars, museum
expositions, education sessions, and plane the landscapes with commo
dities which doesn’t deteriorate the landscape on itself and preserving
the view on the landscape (Strohmayer, 2014).
In fact, managing a landscape needs a geopolitical stability to go
beyond the academia and intervene through practical applications, many
archaeological researches, artifacts and sites were deteriorated or destroyed
cause of political or social instability; by wars, terrorism, or just by bad
conservation managements (See Image 1. Image 2).
Image 1. Archaeological park of San Augustin in Comobia. Source: (Photo: HARIZA
Aljandro Manuel, 2012).
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Image 2. Archaeological megalith site of Sigus in Algeria. Source: (http://www.
panoramio.com/photo/95536788).
Archaeology provides understanding on the relation between resources
and needs, techniques and energy, knowledge and territory. And it offers
to contemporary society a vision of the past landscape (Oosterbeek, 2010).
Landscapes are constantly changing due to factors like climate, geological activities, urbanism…, and we see that some living entities (vegetal,
animals, insects, humans) have to manage themselves to survive to hard
supporting conditions such as an extreme environment, by adaption or
migration where others are sentenced to extinction. So, how societies
faced the global changes when other collapses, as the Polynesians who
settled an Island and created a society based on agricultural chiefdoms,
transported and erected giant stone heads, and made their own end by
non managing the resources. In other case, the landscape change was
close to the human evolution by transforming a forest to a savannah in
east Africa.
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Landscape Management
Human participate greatly to the landscape changing, and this begun
even before that the agriculture emerges (Neolithic) with applying new
activities to domesticate plants, using deforestations and hill planning for
domestic animals, building villages until that the urban civilization arrive
modifying absolutely the initial form of the ancient landscape (orlove).
According to ethnological and archaeological records, we can say that
past societies managed their space according to their activities and their
way of living (Hunters, gatherers, cultivators, sedentary, nomads). As an
example we take the Khoisan camps, it shows that small and rudimentary
structures are built on a hierarchical order, age classes and ritual activities
and due to resources procurement, which interpret social organizations
accentuated by symbols translating their believes.
The relation between men and space depends on how men see their
space, for a hunter-gatherer an empty space doesn’t exist cause of its high
degree of mobility, he just appropriate and symbolize the landscape by
marks put directly on the landscape features; as a message for himself
and for the ethic membership.
Paleolithic sites distribution shows that the sites were not just chosen
for dietary needs and are connected to a symbolic mode and seasonal
movements. The humans knew their landscape very well and respected
the availability of substances resources, and that’s what helped the human
kind to survive over all those ages.
The human gender is sensitive to its environment, and all the adap
tations that occurred through time due to the climate changes could be
seen through cultural changes and modifications, as a way of a new adaptation to a changing environment, like the arrival of domestication when
men begun managing their landscape according their activity (farming),
built new architectural structures…
The myths, also plays a major role on social distribution and on
landscape management. Sacred places for rituals or burials are defined.
So, men changed their close ecosystem according to their needs, but this
doesn’t change the global environment. But it has left indications which
archaeologists know as a cultural past remain (tangible or not tangible),
of a past occupation, with social connection with other human groups
(or not), who could be from the same social group.
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Man has always chosen shelter places to get protected from some
natural phenomena, as to get protected from wind or dust and predators, he sometimes uses what the natural landscape offers to him (Rock
shelters, caves…), or just chose to built enough strong structures which
gives adequate protection from those inconvenient, according to their
needs and their daily activities. But it has to response to the universal
laws of protection (Wind deviation and breaks) which are well known
in prehistory, from the middle Paleolithic.
Many prehistoric sites shows how space was modified for plants and
animals domestication (Isernia, Venosa), where other spaces were reserved
for the sacred and rituals during religious ceremonies initiations, mythical
development and funerary acts. Anthropology has clearly demonstrated that
funerary ceremonies does not systematically means burial, it consists also
on cremation, exposure to birds of prey, methodological dismemberments
and return to water or air, and every kind of ceremony needs a special
structure made from what nature, space, environment and landscape
offers (Ex. Dolmens), depending of the believes of each cultural human
groups. Somehow, some nomads have just to reserve a located area for
the dead burials.
Finally, all of this means that trying to know How and Why humans had changed their landscape, we need first to know their own way
of social organization, their activities, the reached resources, and their
religious or cultural believes… and so on (Otte, 2011).
Valorization of landscapes
The last process of preservation and conservation is the valorization of
the conserved subject and its mediation to the public and for the future
generations. But how can we give valorization to a landscape?
We have to evaluate the importance of the landscape and the potential dangers, and then make visit circuits, education session, scientific
expedition and researches, opening nearly specialized center or information
kiosks. But with some reliefs, it becomes so hard to organize such of
these activities, so for that we have to modify the landscape view again,
by putting adequate structures for our need (See Image 3.) (Just as in
prehistory but in a new totally different context), many infrastructures
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could be built according to the respect of the nature and of the contest
of each site, and what it can contain in particular (Geological sites, archaeological sites, Landscape view, historical parks). Because some people
are deeply in need of this, the US national parks recorded 270 million
visitors per year (Pena dos Reid & al, 2009). This natural or culture
heritage does not promote itself by itself, it needs infrastructures organi
zations and good planning management.
Image 3. Pão de Açúcar at Rio de Janeiro (Brazil). Source: (Pena dos Reid & al, 2009).
The valorization comes after the primal studies of a site and its
restoration, conservation, and areas planning. Then, it has to be cons
tantly preserved and entertained. Giving a value to a site is in a way
to promote on the presentation of all the potential (Cultural, historical,
natural) of a site by managing it, in order to give free circuit access for
the interested public to that potential, creating all good and secured
access structures with the respect of the conservation and preservation
norms, avoiding its own deterioration which could occur by humans or
due to natural phenomena.
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Protecting every kind of sites does not only mean to preserve it, It
also means to be protected under law. For example, inscribing a site to
the UNESCO historical and natural site list; is one of the steps to follow
if we want to preserve a heritage. Many administrative organizations have
this goal in mind, when other acts directly into the site others secures
the site legally, with charts and law articles (La charte de Florence 1981).
After the valorization, the mediation took place and acts primordially on the transmission of information related to the site, by organizing
events like: Summer schools, seminars and scientific communications,
touches with local populations, Museum expositions, guided in situ visits,
and personal implication in practical workshops, documentaries, scientific
expeditions…all of these helps a lot a novice person to understand the
importance of this heritage, and sensitize to population about the needs
to preserve this heritage as long as it is possible, cause it is a part of our
history (Oosterbeek, 2010).
Conclusion
To conclude, we have done a quick flight over the notion of Landscape and the convergences related to it. There is not only one landscape
but curiously there can be as landscapes as our perception can create or
imagine, it can be a simple artistic canvas or a plane view. It depends
on what we consider as a landscape, and on what we see as a landscape.
Human kind has from the early ages used this notion without considering
it as a notion, but as a living space where they have to express and to
adapt themselves, facing the environment, climate, reliefs… to survive
by counting on the knowledge of the landscape, what it has to offer or
what it has to take off from theme.
The importance of a culture heritage is not only based on cultures
cause cultures evolve in a natural context, in an area which is exposed to
different facts and conditions causing changes through time. So as is the
cultural heritage important for us; the natural heritage is also needed to
keep the biodiversity and ecosystems and historical records sustainable.
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Acknowledgments
Thanks to Mr Oosterbeek and all the actors of the IPT museum during the APHELIA
seminar, and all the participants of the IP 2015.
References
DONADIEU. P, (2007) – Le paysage, les paysagistes et le développement durable: quelles
perspectives ?, Économie rurale [En ligne], 297-298 | janvier-avril 2007, mis en ligne le 01
mars 2009, consulté le 11 octobre 2012. URL: http://economierurale.revues.org/1923.
HENRIQUES M.H et al, (2011) – Geoconcervation as an emerging geoscience. Geoheritage
3: 117-128. 2011.
Orlove.B, (2005) – Human adaptation to climate change: A new review of three historical
cases sand some general perspectives. Environmental science & policy 8 (2005) 589-600.
OOSTERBEEK.L, (2010) – Is there a role for the humanities in face of the global warming
and social crisis? In: Changing Nature – Changing Sciences?, organised by ICSS and CIPSH
in Nagoya, Japan, the 13-14 December 2010.
OOSTERBEEK.L, (2010) – Maçao: Changing the gestures of the eyes to invent new landscapes.
In: Cultural heritage and local development: Local communities through heritage awareness and
global understanding.Copyright 2010 © Centro Universitario Europeo per i Beni Culturali
Territori della Cultura è una testata iscritta al Tribunale della Stampa di Roma. Registrazione n. 344 del 05/08/2010.
OTTE.M, (2011) – The management of space during the Paleolithic. Quaternary Interna
tional 1-18, 2011.
PENA DOS REIS.R, HENRIQUES.M.H, (2009) – Approaching an integrated qualification
and evaluation system for Geological heritage. Geoheritage, Springer-Verlag 2009.
STROHMAYER.U, (2014) – Social spatiality: some rudimentary thoughts on the epistemology of Benno Werlen. Geographica Helvetica, 69, 139-143, 2014.
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Gestion et aménagement des territoires par les populations traditionnelles
en Amazonie Brésilienne, Gabriela Maria Ribeiro Guterres, Marie Sigrist
Gestion et aménagement des
territoires par les populations
traditionnelles en Amazonie
Brésilienne
GABRIELA MARIA RIBEIRO GUTERRES, MARIE SIGRIST
Abstract: In the issue of the research about sustainable utilization of natural
resources in brazilian Amazon, we aim to know better the participation of traditional populations within this framework ideally protagonists of sustainable
development, they should be involved in landscape management. Three notions
are brought forward into this theme: the notion of landscape into the context of
territorial demarcation and territorial management; the second notion is about
traditional populations into the context of traditional knowledge and the notion
of biodiversity into the context of natural resources supply.
Mots-clés: Populations traditionnelles, territoires, savoirs locaux, ressources
naturelles, Amazonie.
Introduction
P
our aborder la question de l’aménagement et de la gestion des territoires par les populations traditionnelles, il est essentiel de donner
un cadre au concept même de populations traditionnelles. L’anthropologue
brésilienne Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, dans Cultura com Aspas (2009),
donne sa vision dans le débat politique brésilien sur le statut des populations traditionnelles. Ainsi, elle défend que les populations traditionnelles
sont des groupes qui ont conquis, ou luttent pour conquérir, une identité
publique environnementaliste qui inclut certaines caractéristiques: l’usage
de techniques environnementales de bas impact, des formes équitables
d’organisation sociale, la présence ou l’alliance d’institutions légitimes
dans l’application des lois, la présence de leaders locaux et enfin des traits
culturels qui sont constamment réaffirmés et réélaborés.
Toutes ces caractéristiques sont intimement liées à la question de
l’identité culturelle, de l’identité sociale et de l’identité territoriale. CeARKEOS 38-39
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pendant, il existe des pressions environnementales et politiques qui pèsent
sur les populations traditionnelles et leurs territoires.
Elles mettent en péril la pérennité des ressources naturelles et les valeurs culturelles ou identitaires de ces populations. Leurs modes de gestion
sont alors questionnés, et c’est le plus souvent dans la lutte que les communautés traditionnelles revendiquent leur reconnaissance et leurs droits.
Il s’agit dans cet essai de s’interroger sur l’implication des populations traditionnelles dans la durabilité des paysages. En d’autres termes,
quelle est la place des populations locales dans la gestion des territoires?
Au-delà de la notion des savoirs locaux liés aux populations traditionnelles, il s’agira d’évoquer les problématiques liées aux territoires de ces
populations, tout en corrélant ces notions à la question de la biodiversité
et de la durabilité des ressources.
Méthodologie
Nous avons réalisé notre argumentation à partir d’une revue de litté
rature basée sur trois points:
– Multiplicité des groupes compris dans l’expression «populations
traditionnelles» et leurs interactions avec le milieu.
– Reconnaissance et démarcation des territoires des populations
traditionnelles.
– Mobilisation des savoirs locaux dans la durabilité de la biodiversité
et l’alimentation des populations
1. Nature, sociétés traditionnelles et territoires
1.1. Nature-culture, les différents paradigmes sur
les représentations de la nature
Depuis longtemps, l’anthropologie s’intéresse aux différentes représentations de l’environnement par les sociétés. Descola (2005) propose
quatre ontologies construites sur les relations de différences ou similitudes
entre intériorités et physicalités, que l’on peut assimiler respectivement
à l’âme et au corps. Par ces relations, les populations conçoivent leur
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rapport à la nature. Deux ontologies nous intéressent particulièrement
pour expliquer les diverses conceptions sur la nature, entre le modèle
Occidental et le modèle Amérindien.
Tout d’abord, Descola (2005) définit l’ontologie du naturalisme,
attribuée à l’Occident, selon laquelle humains et non-humains ont les
mêmes physicalités puisqu’ils sont tous composés par les mêmes éléments physiques, chimiques et biologiques. Cependant, dans cette même
ontologie, l’âme n’est attribuée qu’aux humains, différenciant humains et
non-humains sur le plan de l’intériorité.
A l’opposé, les Amérindiens d’Amazonie s’inscrivent dans l’ontologie
de l’animisme basée sur une ressemblance d´intériorités, c’est-à-dire qu’humains et non humains sont porteurs d’une âme. Cependant, humains et
non-humains sont ici différenciés par leur corps physique.
Dans les sociétés occidentales, la gestion et l’aménagement du territoire reflètent l’opposition entre nature et culture, propre au naturalisme.
Cette dichotomie ne reflète-t-elle pas l’idée que l’Homme serait nuisible à
la nature ? Les soucis environnementaux contemporains, tels que l’exploitation intensive des ressources, le réchauffement climatique, la pollution,
et bien d’autres encore, tendent à positionner l’Homme comme l’ennemi
de la nature. Comment ce positionnement Occidental peut-il inclure les
populations traditionnelles dans les programmes de gestion des territoires,
alors que ces populations ne séparent pas la nature de la culture? Ces
programmes de gestion aboutissent parfois à l’exclusion des peuples tradi
tionnels des aires de préservation.
1.2. Diversité des groupes sociaux sur les territoires Amazoniens
Au Brésil, de nombreuses communautés cherchent à affirmer leurs
identités. Le processus d’identification est double : les identités sont à la
fois définies par des acteurs extérieurs (scientifiques, organisations gouvernementales ou non gouvernementales, etc.) et par les communautés
elles-mêmes. Ainsi, de nouvelles identités naissent et de nouveaux groupes
sociaux revendiquent leur existence. Parmi toutes ces communautés, certaines ont plus de visibilité, soit par leurs pratiques extractivistes (collecte
de produits forestiers non ligneux à des fins commerciales), soit par leurs
origines ethniques.
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Ainsi, les Amérindiens entretenant peu de contact avec des
populations régionales disposent de leurs propres structures sociales,
peu influencées par la culture occidentale. Ils pratiquent le commerce
de manière sporadique. Les connaissances spécifiques à ces groupes
ont des origines mythiques et sociales qui structurent le groupe en
tant que tel (Lima & Pozzobon, 2005). Les Amérindiens dépendant
de productions marchandes sont quant à eux des peuples dont le
territoire ne permet pas la subsistance du groupe pour des diverses
raisons (démographie, proximité des villes, taille du territoire, etc.).
Par conséquent, le groupe se tourne vers la production de biens pour
sa propre consommation et vers la vente d’excédents. La réalité de ces
populations se heurte au manque de ressources, lié par exemple aux
extinctions locales de certaines espèces animales chassées. Par ailleurs,
l’intégration de ces groupes à la société de consommation a pour
conséquence l’érosion partielle de leurs savoirs traditionnels. Certains
individus vont par exemple chercher à travailler dans les villes, laissant
de côté les activités traditionnelles du groupe. D’autre part, certaines
connaissances sont restreintes aux membres les plus âgées et risquent
de disparaître avec eux (Lima & Pozzobon, 2005).
D’autres groupes sont désignés par des noms génériques, comme
Ribeirinhos, Seringueiros, Quilombolas. Les Ribeirinhos sont les habitants de
régions rurales aux marges des rivières amazoniennes, parfois issues des
vagues de migration d’autres régions du pays. Ces communautés exercent
des activités saisonnières dépendant de la pluviométrie et du niveau
d’eau des rivières. Ces activités sont la pêche, l’agriculture et l’extractivisme, à différentes échelles. La finalité de ces activités s’oriente vers la
consommation du foyer ou vers la vente (Cañete & Cañete, 2010). Les
Seringueiros, qui vivent principalement de l’extraction et de la production
du caoutchouc, sont imprégnées de vastes connaissances sur leurs espaces
naturels. De ces connaissances dépendent des représentations de l’environnement qui dépassent les enjeux productivistes du travail d’extraction
du caoutchouc (Marchese, 2005). Quant aux Quilombolas, il s’agit des
descendants des anciens esclaves qui ont fui les fermes et se sont réfugiés dans la forêt pour y vivre, en attendant l’abolition de l’esclavage.
Souvent caractérisés par l’isolement et la quasi autarcie ou autonomie,
leurs modes de vie sont de tradition orale et leurs coutumes sont perpétuées dans le temps (Schmitt, Turatti & De Carvalho 2002). Ces trois
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derniers groupes sont des exemples de la multiplicité des peuples installés
dans la région Amazonienne, au fil des différents événements historiques
qui ont marqué le Brésil. Leurs modes de vie et leurs activités sont la
combinaison de traits culturels ibériques, de connaissances indiennes et
de l’adaptation au milieu amazonien. Ces combinaisons subsistent dans
divers domaines: l’alimentation, la culture de plantes, les méthodes de
pêche et de chasse et les outils employés dans les chaînes techniques.
Ces mélanges de référence culturelles – transmis localement de façon informelle et orale – sont aussi marqués par la présence d’éléments de la
cosmologie amérindienne, notamment dans les croyances et les mythes
(Arruda, 1999; Lima & Pozzobon, 2005).
La typologie dressée ci-dessus n’est pas exhaustive puisque plusieurs
autres communautés existent et tentent de faire reconnaître leur identité:
les caboclos, les sertanejos, les quebradeiras de babaçu, etc. Énumérer toutes
ces catégories s’avère complexe car elles sont poreuses: un même individu peut se définir comme appartenant à deux catégories à la fois. Par
exemple, durant l’âge d’or du caoutchouc (fin XIXe, début XXe siècle),
certains seringueiros ont fondé des familles avec des Amérindiens Kunta
nawa. Leurs descendants s’inscrivent dans un processus de construction
identitaire, propre à ce mélange de cultures (Pantoja, 2013). D’autre part,
des groupes appelés communément «nouveaux Amérindiens» ou caboclos
sont d’apparence physique et culturelle très proche des populations régionales (occidentales) mais se revendiquent tout de même Amérindiens
car issus d’un métissage Amérindien-populations d’origine ibérique (Le
Tourneau, 2006).
L’apprentissage de l’environnement passe par la culture, particulièrement, pour les populations traditionnelles. Les relations que les êtres
humains entretiennent avec leur milieu et ses composants sont indispensables à la survie. Dans certaines situations, elles contribuent au maintien
des pratiques religieuses et sociales (Descola 2005). Pourtant, les sciences
appliquées des gestionnaires formés sur des bases naturalistes – avec des
connaissances cadrées dans la méthode scientifique et des objectifs précis
– peinent à faire écho aux connaissances traditionnelles transversales, qui
recherchent des objectifs distincts (Berkes, 2004). L’aboutissement des
projets conservationnistes passe par la considération des connaissances
traditionnelles afin de concevoir le milieu et comprendre les représentations des populations, les divisions territoriales et les conflits.
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1.3. La notion de territoire
La multiplicité des peuples d’Amazonie est liée à plusieurs événements
dans l’histoire du Brésil. C’est avec l’exploitation caoutchoutière que les
grandes vagues d’immigration en Amazonie ont eu lieu dés le XIXe siècle.
Lors de la seconde guerre mondiale, avec les accords de Washington en
1941, le Brésil s’engage à fournir du caoutchouc pour l’industrie des
États-Unis. Le gouvernement brésilien recrute alors des ouvriers pour
les envoyer dans les exploitations caoutchoutières d’Amazonie (Secreto,
2007). Au siècle suivant, dans les années 70, les politiques agraires visent
le progrès et le développement hégémonique dans l’ensemble du pays. La
région de l’Amazonie, considérée comme la plus en marge du développement, connaît ainsi des vagues d’immigration de populations venant
du Sud, du Sud-Est et du Nordeste. De nombreux exploitants agricoles et
travailleurs s’installent dans la région Amazonienne, parallèlement à la
construction d’infrastructures conséquentes. Les infrastructures les plus
révélatrices de cet engouement au développement furent les routes BR
364 et BR 230 pour l’acheminement de la main d’œuvre et des capitaux
en Amazonie (Almeida, 2004; Teisenrec, 2009).
Ainsi, de multiples populations sont présentes sur le territoire Amazonien. Il en découle une appropriation de territoires par des groupes
sociaux différents. Par conséquent le territoire Amazonien est fragmenté
et l’ensemble des populations sur ce territoire aussi. Ainsi, il existe une
vaste mosaïque de peuples qui tissent chacun des relations avec leur environnement. Ces relations ont des bases diverses sur le plan matériel et
métaphysique (Lima & Pozzobon, 2005). Cela signifie que des représentations et des utilisations différentes des territoires Amazoniens subsistent
et varient selon les groupes sociaux.
La territorialité est l’effort d’un groupe social pour occuper, contrôler,
utiliser et s’identifier à une parcelle de son environnement biophysique, qui
est le territoire (Little, 2002). La cosmographie d’un groupe, composante
de l’identité culturelle, permet au groupe de s’établir et de maintenir son
territoire. Elle inclut les savoirs du groupe, qui sont environnementaux,
idéologiques et identitaires, ainsi que ses faits culturels passés et présents
sur le territoire. L’identité culturelle est corrélée au territoire d’un groupe
social par les liens sociaux, symboliques et rituels que ce groupe tisse avec
son territoire. Selon Little (2002), plus l’occupation d’un peuple sur un
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territoire est ancienne, plus ses revendications à appartenir à ce territoire
sont solides. Par ce lien identité-territoire, il en ressort une très grande
diversité territoriale dans ce pays, qui se traduit par l’existence de terres
protégées, configurées selon la Constitution de 1988.
Une grande complexité des modes de gestion des territoires positionne les acteurs (populations traditionnelles, Gouvernement, firmes
d’exploitation, ONG...) face à des enjeux de taille: la conservation de la
biodiversité face au développement économique non durable, la superposition de territoires sous des juridictions différentes, etc. Les difficultés
quant à l’aménagement des territoires protégés des populations traditionnelles sont donc nombreuses. Pourtant, depuis les années 90 les études
archéologiques ont établi que les sociétés amérindiennes ont participé à
l’entretien de la biodiversité et à la constitution du paysage amazonien
dès l’époque précolombienne (Stahl, 1996; Heckenberger et al, 2007;
Heckenberger & Neves, 2009).
2. Confrontations entre échelle locale et échelle
étatique autour de la protection de la biodiversité.
L’histoire du Brésil est indissociable de la malléabilité de ses frontières internes. Chaque expansion de territoire a produit des conflits mais
aussi des nouvelles vagues de migration intérieures. Ces conflits peuvent
affecter certaines communautés ou résulter en la constitution de nouveaux
groupes sociaux, notamment, ceux liés aux territoires. Souvent, les zones
entourant les territoires réservés aux populations traditionnelles sont
peuplées ou exploitées. Des luttes peuvent alors émerger par la demande
d’augmentation des territoires protégés pour les populations traditionnelles
se heurtant à l’occupation des territoires par les grandes entreprises ou
l’Etat (Le Tourneau, 2006).
Les seringueiros, représentés par leur leader Chico Mendes, ont ainsi construit un nouvel espace politique et sont passés de l’ombre à la
lumière. Ils obtiennent en 1989 la reconnaissance de la part de l’État
fédéral et la création de la première réserve extractiviste (Alto Juruá) en
1989 (Almeida, 2004). On assiste alors à une transformation du droit
coutumier en une réalité légale. La gestion de ces territoires passe alors
de l’État à celle de l’União, (collectif des seringueiros) à l’échelle locale. Ce
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système de gestion s’étend à d’autres communautés extractivistes revendiquant leurs droits: castanheiros (récolteurs de noix), quebradeiras de babaçu
(récolteurs de coco), ribeirinhos... Actuellement, on dénombre 22 RESEX
(Réserves Extractivistes) au Brésil (Aguiar et al., 2014).
La gestion des territoires par les communautés traditionnelles est
difficile à instaurer car elle doit faire face à l’un des principes de l’État
Nation: la volonté d’un État déterminé à s’approprier un territoire homogène avec un peuple homogène. Dans la pratique cela est peu concevable
car il n’existe pas un seul peuple homogène mais plusieurs groupes sociaux
aux identités différentes. Selon Little (2002), cela explique pourquoi
l’État Nation aurait autant de difficulté à reconnaître toutes ces populations traditionnelles. Les territoires sur lesquels vivent les populations
traditionnelles représentent un défi à l’État Nation. Le principal paradoxe
réside dans le concept de territoire public. Ce dernier appartient en théorie à tout citoyen et logiquement tout le monde peut l’exploiter comme
il veut, mais en réalité c’est l’État Nation qui décide de la finalité de
ce territoire public. Or les peuples traditionnels sont éloignés de cette
conception de territoire public. Par conséquent, certains groupes sociaux
luttent perpétuellement contre les actions de l’État, orientées au profit
d’autres groupes sur un même territoire (Little, 2002).
Les conflits liés à la territorialité ne se limitent pas au paradigme de
l’État Nation. Ils ont plusieurs formes. Tout d’abord, ils touchent à l’identité
culturelle et en amont à l’ethnogenèse. Des caractéristiques syncrétiques
peuvent aussi y être attachées suite aux brassages d’individus aux origines
différentes (comme nous l’avons vu dans la partie 1.2). Ainsi, de nombreuses communautés revendiquent la création de territoires protégés, tout
comme leurs ascendants Amérindiens qui ont obtenu avec ces territoires
des droits et des subventions. Cela amène des conflits, des négociations,
des débats qui tentent de positionner les cadres de l’identité d’un groupe.
Les conflits sont aussi liés à la superposition des territoires. En effet,
les trente dernières années, le Brésil a connu un grand mouvement envi
ronnementaliste qui a modifié en profondeur la dynamique territoriale.
Ceci s’est déroulé surtout en Amazonie, face aux pressions produites
par les grandes infrastructures et les installations d’exploitation. Avec le
concept de wilderness, le mouvement préservationniste a été un facteur
déterminant dans la création de territoires de préservation de la biodiversité. La wilderness reflète la nature sauvage : cette nature qui existerait
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à l’origine du monde. Les préservationnistes ont incité à la création des
espaces de préservation de la nature en excluant toute activité et présence
humaine. Au Brésil, les revendications des populations traditionnelles se
sont heurtées aux revendications préservationnistes dés les années 70.
Ceci s’est traduit par la superposition de zones de protection de l’environnement excluant l’activité humaine, à des territoires de populations
traditionnelles. Ainsi des conflits de juridictions peuvent subsister au-delà
des conflits d’activités (Little, 2002).
Les politiques de développement du pays à la fin des années 60/70
entraînent d’autres formes de luttes qui font l’objet d’une importante
médiatisation. La volonté du gouvernement de redynamiser les régions les
plus en marge de la croissance, orientent ces installations vers le bassin
Amazonien, en partie. Les peuples traditionnels qui vivaient alors sur
ces territoires ont dû élaborer de nouvelles stratégies pour défendre leurs
terres. L’objectif commun de ces groupes sociaux revêt toujours la même
forme: faire admettre au gouvernement fédéral l’existence de nouvelles
formes territoriales (Aguiar et al, 2014). Cela a incité l’État à créer des
catégories foncières mais il est compliqué d’ajuster ces catégories aux réa
lités des territoires. Les mouvements sociaux les plus importants, dans
les années 70/80 avec l’appui des ONG, la fin de la dictature militaire
et la création d’institutions civiles, ont permis à certaines communautés
traditionnelles de revendiquer leurs identités et donc leur territoire.
Selon une étude de Zhouri et Laschefsk (apud Aguiar et al. 2014), les
conflits environnementaux sont liés à la superposition de revendications
de plusieurs segments sociaux porteurs d’identités culturelles différentes.
Les groupes ont des modes de productions de leurs territoires qui sont
si différents que les formes d’appropriation de la nature sont aussi variées. La difficulté à accepter cette diversité de formes par les différents
groupes aboutit à l’existence de conflits. Certaines régions connaissent
l’apparition de relations entre populations traditionnelles (qui manquent
souvent de revenus) et exploitants agricoles. Mais celles-ci sont souvent
illégales : vente de ressources naturelles, location des terres, salariat dans
les exploitations agricoles. Cela est dû au manque de main d’œuvre que
rencontrent les exploitants et aux transformations socioculturelles récentes de certains groupes amérindiens qui souhaitent obtenir un revenu,
bien que ce dernier soit très faible. Le Tourneau (2006) explique que
ces relations, tissées par les exploitants, gagnent de l’amplitude avec les
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trop longs processus de démarcation des terres indigènes qui retardent
l’existence de mesures légales.
Ainsi la gestion des territoires par les populations traditionnelles est
source de contestations, de pressions, de conflits, d’actes de malveillance.
Par exemple, d’après le site de la FUNAI Rio Branco, institut chargé des
protections des droits des Amérindiens au Brésil, des vols de cartes de délimitations des territoires amérindiens ont eu lieu en Octobre 2014 pour retarder
les démarches de démarcation. De plus, toutes ces limites mettent en doute
les futures créations de territoires de grandes tailles pour les populations
traditionnelles et conduisent à une gestion très complexe et sous tension.
3. Gestion des territoires par les populations
traditionnelles: le compromis reconnaissance-développement durable
3.1. Les questions autour de la gestion des ressources
La gestion des territoires par les populations traditionnelles est basée
sur un régime de propriété collective et sur la cosmographie. Ces deux
caractéristiques varient d’une société à l’autre: les formes d’appropriation
sont articulées en fonction des usages et de l’usufruit collectif (Little,
2002). Par exemple, pour les quilombolas, le contrôle sur la terre est réa
lisé par la collectivité mais les limites d’exploitation des terres varient
selon la filiation des individus (parenté). Quant aux valeurs culturelles
collectives, elles sont fondées sur la solidarité issue des affrontements
contre les acteurs externes, qui ont eu lieu au cours de l’histoire. Chez les
Amérindiens, selon les groupes encore une fois, les collectes, la chasse et
la pêche sont réalisées collectivement sur un territoire, surtout quand la
finalité est une fête communautaire. Ainsi l’appropriation des ressources
naturelles est collective chez de nombreuses sociétés traditionnelles.
La plupart des territoires occupés par les populations traditionnelles
sont pourvus de nombreuses ressources naturelles. Les profits, qui résultent
de l’exploitation par les multinationales ou le gouvernement, sont mal
répartis sur les territoires où vivent ces populations, surtout en ce qui
concerne les ressources minières. Le Tourneau (2006) évoque que, selon
la Constitution brésilienne, les Amérindiens disposent de l’usufruit des
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ressources du sol mais pas du sous-sol qui est détenu par l’État Nation.
Depuis les années 80, des inquiétudes surgissent quant à la durabilité
des ressources face à la croissance démographique des Amérindiens sur
leurs territoires (allant jusqu’à 4% de croissance démographique par an) et
à l’accès à la société de consommation par les populations traditionnelles.
Pour les caboclos, seringueiros, ribeirinhos et autres populations traditionnelles
extractivistes, l’accès à la société de consommation n’est pas nouveau. Mais
ce phénomène existe récemment pour les Amérindiens qui ont accès aux
avantages de la société de consommation mais aussi à ses inconvénients, en
particulier les produits polluants (gazole, insecticide…) (Le Tourneau, 2006).
D’autre part, des changements socioculturels apparaissent dans ces
sociétés, notamment la sédentarisation qui contraint les populations toujours plus nombreuses à exploiter un même territoire potentiel. La question de la durabilité des ressources est à mesurer régionalement avec les
populations environnantes et un travail de sensibilisation est réalisé par
les ONG autour de ces questions. Par ailleurs, aucun règlement de terres
amérindiennes ne mentionne les activités que les Amérindiens peuvent ou
non pratiquer: «Les peuples amérindiens ont une grande latitude sur le type
d’évolution qu’ils souhaitent, notamment en ce qui concerne la conversion
des espaces forestiers en champs ou en pâturages» (Le Tourneau, 2006).
3.2. De la reconnaissance identitaire à la co-gestion
des territoires protégés
Avec l’implication très forte des ONG et du mouvement socio-environnementaliste, les populations traditionnelles interviennent dans les
processus de gestion et d’aménagement de leurs territoires. La dimension
environnementale des territoires sociaux s’exprime alors au travers de la
durabilité écologique par la présence de ces peuples. Certaines communautés vont profiter de cette position de conservationnistes de l’environnement que les pays de la Convention de la diversité biologique (CDB
1992) leur attribuent. Par ce moyen, ils peuvent faire valoir leurs droits
de gestion et d’aménagement des territoires, et bénéficier de la reconnaissance identitaire tant revendiquée. Il s’agit d’un compromis construit par
l’engagement à protéger la biodiversité contre l’affirmation d’une identité
collective. La garantie du territoire pour ces populations est le résultat de
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ce compromis. Les alliances autour de la conservation de l’environnement
sont une stratégie pour ces peuples (Carneiro da Cunha, 2009).
Les populations traditionnelles ont des connaissances sur leur environnement qui s’inscrivent dans leurs savoirs locaux. Les sciences humaines
s’intéressent aux liens entre sociétés, environnement et économie. Elles
permettent d’avoir une meilleure compréhension de l’aménagement du
territoire et du développement durable en faisant le lien avec les autres
sciences pour reconsidérer la discontinuité entre culture et économie.
Par ailleurs, elles suscitent des questionnements autour de la biodiversité
(Oosterbeck, 2011). Les ethnosciences , qui ont pour objectif l’étude des
catégories, de la linguistique, des représentations et des classifications de
l’environnement par les groupes sociaux, aident ainsi à comprendre les
savoirs locaux et contribuent à leur donner une place dans l’aménagement
durable du territoire (Nakashima & Roué, 2002).
Comme ces groupes sociaux utilisent leurs savoirs sur l’environnement
avec des outils limités (peu de technologies), ils arrivent à extraire de
l’environnement ce dont ils ont besoin en général sans épuiser le milieu.
Leur permanence est donc favorable au maintien de la biodiversité. La
persistance des modes de vie traditionnels est corrélée avec la conservation des écosystèmes locaux et la sauvegarde de la biodiversité. Dans
ces aires représentées comme wilderness dans la pensée Occidentale, les
savoirs locaux participent à la transformation de la nature pour créer les
paysages culturels (Nakashima e Roué, 2002). Ainsi toute exclusion de
ces individus de tels territoires (préservationnisme) et toute exploitation
abusive de ces espaces sont devenues des sources de conflits majeurs
ingérables pour le gouvernement Brésilien et les États fédéraux.
D’autres tactiques sont employées pour donner voix aux populations
traditionnelles. L’implantation des infrastructures nuisibles aux écosystèmes
est devenue le symbole de l’empiétement sur les espaces protégés. Ce jeu
de symboliques, agrémenté d’une médiatisation internationale, est un des
moyens les plus utilisés par les populations traditionnelles pour toucher
les acteurs environnementalistes et les allier à leurs causes. Les systèmes
satellites du XXe siècle sont utilisés par le gouvernement brésilien pour
surveiller et protéger les territoires des populations traditionnelles depuis le
ciel. Vu du sol, ces territoires sont plus difficiles à gérer. Ainsi les populations traditionnelles et l’État commencent à mettre en place des formes de
co-gestion pour combiner la vision du ciel et du sol (Aguiar et al. 2014).
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Une meilleure gestion des territoires par les populations traditionnelles
passe, au niveau national, par la reconnaissance du droit coutumier que ces
peuples maintiennent, surtout quant à leur régime de propriété collective.
Conclusion
Corrélée à la notion de savoirs locaux, l’UNESCO a instauré la régle
mentation sur le patrimoine immatériel, qui s’échelonne sur plusieurs niveaux de reconnaissance, dans les politiques des États Nations. Les enjeux
de la reconnaissance des savoirs traditionnels, ainsi que la participation des
communautés dans la co-gestion des ressources biologiques en Amazonie,
ouvrent le champ des questionnements quant aux définitions territoriales,
identitaires, ainsi qu’à la gestion durable des ressources biologiques.
Malgré les arguments efficaces évoqués dans l’article 8j de la Convenstion sur le diversité biologique – relatif à la conservation des savoirs locaux
et à la responsabilité des populations traditionnelles dans la durabilité de
la diversité biologique – la formulation «sous réserve des dispositions de sa
législation nationale», au début de l’article, laisse le libre cours aux pays
signataires de la Convention de reconnaître ou non ces communautés.
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ambientais: lutas e resistências dos povos tradicionais no espaço brasileiro. Brasileiro, 2014,
P.T.N.E. GT 09: (Des) Igualdades e ambiente : conflitos socioambientais. Nota de congresso.
Almeida, M. W. B, (2004) Direitos à floresta e ambientalismo: seringueiros e suas lutas.
Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais. ISSN 0102-6909. vol. 19, nº 55 (2004), p. 33-53.
Arruda, R, (1999) “Populações tradicionais” e a proteção dos recursos naturais em unidades de conservação. Ambiente & sociedade, ISSN 1414-753X, nº 5 (1999), p. 79-92.
Berkes, F, (2004) Rethinking Community-Based Conservation. Conservation Biology, ISSN
1523-1739, vol. 18, nº3 (2004), p. 621–630.
Cañete, T. M. R; Cañete,V. R, (2010) Populações tradicionais amazônicas: revisando
conceitos [Em linha] . 5°Encontro nacional da AMPPAS (2010), [consultado em Março
de 2015]. Disponível na internet www.anppas.org.br/encontro5/cd/artigos/GT10-291009-20100904055930.pdf
Carneiro da Cunha, M, (2009) Cultura com aspas. Ensaios. São Paulo: Cosac Naify (2009).
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Cronon, W, (2009), Le problème de la wilderness, ou le retour vers une mauvaise nature.
Ecologie & politique , ISSN 1166-3030, nº38 (2009), p. 173-199.
Descola, P, 2005) Par-delà nature et culture. Paris: Gallimard (2005). ISBN.
Garcia, M.C.M, (2008) Povos da amazônia: juruna - makuna – krahô [Em linha]. Revista
Eletrônica do Curso de Geografia do Campus Jataí [consultado em Março de 2015]. ISSN
1679-9860, nº 11 (2008). Disponível na internet http://www.jatai.ufg.br/geografia
Heckenberger, M.; Neves E.G, (2009) Amazonian Archaeology. Annual Review of Anthropology, ISSN 0084-6570, nº 38 (2009), p. 251-66.
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Lima, D.; Pozzobon, J, (2006) Amazônia socioambiental. Sustentabilidade ecológica e
diversidade social. Estudos Avançados, ISSN 0103-4014, vol. 19 nº 54 (2005).
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da territorialidade, Nº 322 (2002), Departamento de Antropologia, Universidade de Brasília.
Nakashima, D.; Roué, M, (2002) Indigenous knowledge, Peoples and Sustainable Practice.
Social and economic dimensions of global environnemental change, ISBN 0-471-97796-9,
vol. 5 (2002), p. 314-324.
Oosterbeek, L, (2011) Is there a role for the humanities in face of the global warming
and social crisis. Changing Nature – Changing Sciences?, ICSS & CIPSH, Nagoya, Japão,
13-14 December 2010. Nota de evento.
Pantoja, M.C, (2013) À propos de quelques dilemmes politiques, intellectuels et existentiels:
le récit d’une anthropologue spécialiste de l’Amazonie. Brésil(s), ISBN 978-2-7351-1630-0,
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Pardini, P, (2012) Natureza e cultura na paisagem amazônica: uma experiência fotográfica com ressonâncias na cosmologia ameríndia e na ecologia histórica. Boletim do Museu
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Schmitt, A.; Turatti, M.C.M.; De Carvalho M.C.P, (2002) A atualização do conceito de
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1809-4422, nº 10 (2002).
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do rio Amazonas” à saga dos soldados da borracha. Revista Estudos Historicos, ISSN
0103-2186, vol. 2, nº 40 (2007).
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en Amazonie brésilienne. Revista Pós Ciências Sociais, ISSN 2236-9473, vol. 6, nº 12 (2009).
Teixeira, A, (2006) Seringueiros, da luta pela terra à proteção da floresta tropical,Seringueiros: da luta pela terra à proteção da floresta tropical: um estudo sobre o processo de
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Significance of landscape for a better understanding
of present and past societies, Celine Kerfant
Significance of landscape for
a better understanding of
present and past societies
CELINE KERFANT
Résumé: Le paysage est une notion à la croisée de différents concepts qui ne
sont pas aisés à rassembler. Victor Paz, archéobotaniste voit l’archéologie comme une échelle permettant de relier les sociétés passées aux actuelles. Améliorer
nos connaissances sur comment ces sociétés passées ont évolué dans un paysage
similaire à l’actuel comporte de précieuses informations participant à renforcer les
identités individuelles et collectives. Les textes fondateurs comme la Convention
Européenne du Paysage (Florence, 2000) et la Convention Européenne sur la
Préservation du Patrimoine Archéologique (La Vallette, 1992) sont des bases
essentielles du développement durable (Patrimoine et Paysage).
A
rcheology is componed by different kind of disciplines as biology,
physics, ethnology, anthropology…. Each disciplines set out a
singular light on human and environment relationship. How archeolo
gy can help better understanding problems linked to our environment
management? Some specific examples from theorician like Victor Paz,
archeobotanist, observes archeology as a relevant actor not only for a
better understanding of past remains but also because it can provides
informations about the various aspects of a culture. The link between
archeology and landscape is not new, European conventions describe it
and manage to use it for strengthening european communities relations.
Interdisciplinarity offers a fresh look upon our behaviors, our resource
management and allows us to better understand our past. Could it be
enough to anticipate what will happen?
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Fig. 1. Location of sites (Ochoa, 2014)
1. Victor Paz: Material culture could be understand
through an unique and evolutive landscape
How landscape helps to reconstruct site environment? Ille and Pasim
bahan sites give a perfect example full of possibilities. Both sites are
located in north Palawan (Philippines) in a karstic valley system. The
project leads by Victor Paz aims to understand people-landscape interac
tion across time (Paz et al, 2009). Ille site gots a good stratigraphy and
allows resarchers to establish chronology of the valley from 9000 BC to
nowadays.
Landscape is rythmed by nine limestone towers, some of them are
visible from the sea. Those which have been used by men are not the
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biggest but the one which present human features. Landscape helps to
reveal collective unconscious with specific patterns, for example immaterial phenomenas like wind could be perceived in karstic caves and be
interpreted as human breath. Ille east cave entrance looks like a human
mouth. Indeed the entrances are still called «mouth». Pictures show how
entrance of the mouth is lighty and how the middle of the cave is obviously dark, it is easy to imagine the perception of two distinct worlds
this landscape features are great expressions of ancient cosmogenies,
persisting through times but are no more articulated to its one symbolic.
Identifying persistence in collective unconscious gives us the ability to
better study past senses.
Patterns recognition have to be linked to archeological assemblages
with a time scale. Ethnology associated with actual cosmology is linked
to landscape. Here we found all concepts elaborated by European Convention on Landscape (Florence, 2000) dealing with a visual experiment,
Fig. 2. Inside and outside view from east mouth (Ille cave), ©Andrea
Dominique Cosalan
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Therefore it is also the meaning of the first article: “Landscape”
means an area, as perceived by people, whose character is the result of
the action and interaction of natural and/or human factors.»
1.2. Victor Paz methodology
Victor Paz recommends to observe general patterns which came out
archeological assemblages, so it became possible to link it to a specific
culture or/and landscape. Landscape data helps to better draw a picture of
disappeared culture connected with it environment. Several material cultures
could be differentiated thanks to stratigraphy and fossil markers. Markers
could be landscape components as well as archeological artefacts (Fig. 3).
More than that landscape presents a continuity, by use people develop a
sense of ownership which is better transmitted than symbolic means.
Fig. 3. Presence of artifacts and features through times at Dewil valley (Paz, 2009)
Continuity of landscape and sense of ownership
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Victor Paz’s work on Dewil Valley in Palawan is focusing on understanding archeological remains located on a scale-time given by stratigra
phy (Fig. 3).
Using time depth scale as a table of symbolic behaviors allows to
draw a successive picture from past culture until today, it also provides
its differences. This kind of studies could be broaden to other sites of
geographical area, Victor Paz furnishes examples of megaliths presents in
Kadazan’s culture in Bornéo and also in Batanes islands, it is a direct
image of spiritual matters connected to social behaviors, signs of Austronesian expansion.
1.3. Archeobotanic evidences
Archeobotany aims to understand interaction between human and
plants through time, of course this kind of studies are highly connected
with landscape perception and use.
An interesting example is given by the use of Canarium sp, this specie
has been found in the oldest grave of Ille site (around 9000 BC). This
tree provides food and raw material but is also used for its ability to
produce a perfumed smoke when it burned. Finding its macro remains
inside one of the oldest grave of the area is highly interesting regarding
symbolic behaviors and use of vegetal. Plant management strategies are
old and complex showing how the rich use of landscape components was.
2. Contributions of European Council and
Civil Societies:
2.1. Cultural routes and Civilscape examples
European Council with Cultural routes experiences leads to similar
concerns close to the one expressed by Apheleia project. For instance
they put landscape concept at the center of their considerations on
sustainability. Simultaneously European Convention on the Protection
of the Archaeological Heritage (La Vallette, 1992) sets out in its first
article dealing with its proper meaning the importance of landscape: «the
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preservation and study of which help to retrace the history of mankind
and its relation with the natural environment». This text is deeply linked
with European Convention on Landscape (Florence, 2000) and works on
a tight collaboration of European countries acting to the protection of
material and immaterial Heritage. This legal framework underlines the
absolute need to implement a cooperative and strong network, examples
coming from civil society strength this idea. Furthermore these conventions
are open to Extra-European countries underlining the universal framework
of such problematic.
The legal framework and the cooperation initiated by several countries
give best examples of good practices already started, IN particular by civil
society (key player of dilemmas as they are directly linked to landscape)
and coordinate by different public or non-public stakeholders, from the
city to the county and from the state to the European agency. Regar
ding to the different steps represented by this continuous and progressive
circles is mandatory in order to not lose the link between the smallest
common determinator (a community) and a wider networking (cooperarive
dimension between communities of several countries):
The Civilscape example is interesting because it works on a better
representation of population wills, first key players and witnesses of landscape. Their aims are expressed so: «Landscape is integrative. It functions
as a platform to get people together to consider the future of the places
they want to live in. Democracy is participative. It means involving people and including them as part of the decision making process». Their
collaborative experiences about good practices written in the European
Convention on Landscape are fair and excellent feedback with real life.
Transmission of knowledge helps to streamline the negative effects that
a certain type of tourism produces in connecting humanely habitants to
tourists.
The example of Cultural Routes is deeply interesting because it defines the act of walking as a movement, a physical experiment that links
the walker to the landscape and also to the habitants who are parts of
it. This double experiment offers an intracultural dialogue (to reposition
itself) and an intercultural one (to exchange with the others). So landscape
associated to its Heritage value becomes a communication tool easy to
implement, meaningful and representative of cultural diversity.
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2.2. Apheleia inputs
Apheleia sees cultural diversity as a «new paradigm of implement», this
choice permits to put in the center the importance of human evolution
linked to environment center rib. These two concepts are intimacy linked;
archeology is the science which is dedicated to shed new light about our
origins. The mediator purpose of this science is supported by museums
(presentation of collections) or animated by visits on sites providing access
to general public to this complex set of information. Going further the
archeobotanist Victor Paz gives a new scientific and spiritual dimension to
landscape, including it in uniformitarist comparison between past remains
and actual ethnological patterns. This theory acts as a «feedback» going
further to only understanding past and present links, it records and put
values on living testimonies of evolutive and particular cultures.
3. Discussion
One of main aim of archeology is to better understand our past behaviors, our evolution; How this information coming from a remote past
can help us to understand our upcoming evolution?
Understanding what we were, what made us becoming what we are
can help to better design this «unpredictable evolution». Is better understanding what we are today could be a communication medium toward
current energy policies?
The human resources problems necessary to human survival, water
in the first instance, are becoming core issues and more than that are
explosive problems (L.Oosterbeek). Can we hope that a network build
with historical, landscape and humanist perspectives can lead us to better
plan our futures economical developments? And allow us to draw new
strategies to frame this so fast development and too many times with
devastating consequences.
Human adaptations to different climate change are keys to understanding on which we can certainly get some useful information about
several degrees in our societies. This topic developed by Luiz Oosterbeek
is rooted with the great role played and still plays by landscape in human
evolution. Archeological environment studies expressed the same though;
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archaeology aims to reconstruct several environments in which humans
evolved. Most of the time information given by such kind of studies are
amazing towards hominins abilities to adapt to contrasted environments.
Their behaviors are making the link with resource uses. In fact hominins
know how to adapt in creating technologies that archeology is only able
to reconstruct a part. Dilemmas created this last century with such a fast
and unpredicable evolution have certainly affected global climate of our
planet even if it is not the only factor involved. Resource management
expressed an anthropic reality, as it is underlined by Luis Oosterbeek the
disponibility of potable water goes on an explosive issue.
4. Conclusion
Archeological knowledge have to be echoed in our actual societies. Past
cultures were able to tackle dangerous glacial events with elaborated solutions.
Of course it is much more a postulate backed up with indirect evidences
but it still indicates that there is logic carried by disappeared cultures.
The sum of good practices carried by civile societies everywhere in
the world is for that reason deeply important. Its furnished basis for
cooperating topics, a laboratory of ideas and proposals to exchange and
it expressed also populations speaking. The sensitive fairness carried by
the civile societies is a basis balancing the framework given by public
organisms and justifying the evaluation of the first component: population.
Works carried by archeology offers a solid step of potentialities, research give us great informations about past collective identities.
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Concepts of Sustainability in the Report of the World Commission on Environment and
Development “Our Common Future”, Julia Jorge, Hannah Hofmann, Theres Kämmerer, Jens Moggert, Elisa Theka
Concepts of Sustainability in the
Report of the World Commission
on Environment and Development
“Our Common Future”
JULIA JORGE, HANNAH HOFMANN, THERES KÄMMERER,
JENS MOGGERT, ELISA THEKA
Abstract: “Sustainability” is a favoured buzzword in modern discourses of
combining social with ecological issues. Important questions circuit around the
ecological, the economic and the social aspects of the concept. the aim of this
essay is To reveal the understands of these aspects within the brundland report.
The mean content will concentrate on an analysis of the authors of the reports
term of sustainability, based on the method of qualitative content analysis. However, in a historical perspective the notion of sustainability is also pointed out
in different contexts, where differing interpretations of the relationship between
human and nature can be found. That includes different approaches how space
is perceived. In action-based concepts, space appears not as a material object
according to Werlen, but is constructed around the meanings and interpretations
that stakeholders refer to. This raises the question how to decode the mentioned
three different understandings of sustainability and to reveal the meanings that
stand behind the arguments of the report and the preconceptions to the notion
of space and forms of world-binding. So there is to ask how the different dimensions are corresponding to each other in this respect.
Keywords: Brundtland Report, action-centred research perspective, global under
standing, dimension
Introduction
T
he terms sustainability and sustainable development can nowadays
be seen as favoured buzz-words which are located within a high
contested terrain. However, it is to criticize that these terms more and
more get fuzzy and experience a state of meaninglessness. The reason
could be its highly normative character. Even if the normativity of the
term is important because sustainability is about how we want to arrange
human living on earth without endangering our basis of existence, what
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can only be worked out in democratic discussion and public negotiations,
that vagueness diminishes the credibility of the term and makes it hard
to operationalise it into concrete action. The realization of sustainability is
determined by the view and understanding, that people have on that term.
In the theoretical debate we notice a shift from focusing environmental
issues to a valorisation of the acting of people, what also means a former
more technological and natural science based approach to a more holistic
view. Indeed sustainability can be seen as a complex concept, where diffe
rent spheres are interacting. But the consideration of other dimension
at the side to environment as core issue is not that simple in real life.
Trade-offs have to be made and in the interrelationship different dilemmas occur. In this sense these understandings and the interdependence
between the different dimensions of sustainability have to be revealed.
This essay is dealing with the different meanings of the term sustaina
bility. To that, it is important to provide a theoretical background at
first. The historical development and the different concepts of the term
will be explained. A more detailed analysis of the term is advisable, by
distinguishing between the ecological, economic and social dimension. In
this way it is possible to embed the various meanings in a larger context
and establish connections between the different dimensions. That is the
reason, why this work includes three main parts of the analysis and a
following part for reflections. A suitable foundation to present the diffe
rent meanings in detail is offered by the Brundtland Report which was
published in 1987. This report will be analysed in view of selected text
sections that are dealing with ecological, economic and social sustainability.
An appropriate method to realize this procedure provides the qualitative
content analysis, which supplies support to assess the different meanings
and interpretation possibilities of sustainability.
1. Different Theories of Sustainability
1.1. Historical Development of the Term
This chapter focuses on the historical development of the term sustaina
ble development as well as sustainability and differing interpretations of the
relationship between human beings and nature. It can be presumed the
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concept of sustainability is not something new. In the past, the awareness
of the importance of nature existed in different contexts (Grober, 2013:
2). First of all, in the age of the Enlightenment, the ideas of Baruch
de Spinoza mattered. The student of Descartes criticizes his concept of
humankind as the ultimate sovereign and possessor over the nature and
postulates that human beings are also part of nature (Grober, 2013: 17
f.). The term sustainability in today’s use was first formed in the beginning of the 18th century by Hans Carl von Carlowitz, a German mining
administrator. He created the term nachhaltend in his book Sylvicultura
Oeconomica (1713) in the context of deforestation in Saxony because of
rising agricultural activities and growing industrialization. An increasing
demand of wood for mining and smelting works led to an overuse of
the forests. Thus he claimed people should live from the interest and
not from the capital itself; more precisely said: only the amount of wood
that could regrow should be used (Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2012: 17 f.).
The maxims of action for sustainable development, which were published
by Carlowitz, can be ascribed to a local perspective of the problem,
because of their specific local solution approaches and in the sense that
the resource wood was used within a regional boundary. Therefore it is a
matter of a particular term of sustainability that is not necessarily transregional adaptable. This concept therefore implied a view of space as a
container. However, the sustainable yield forestry was adapted and advanced
by European scientists in the next decades. Examples are given in the
economic sciences with John Stuart Mills’ stationary economy and John
Hicks definition of income (Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2012: 19 f.). Also,
Thomas Robert Malthus called attention to the so-called population trap.
With this, he wanted to explain that the population would at one point
outgrow the means to feed itself. This can be seen as the first systema
tic treatise about the limits of growth (Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2006:
15). But the technological progress was able to absorb this development
insofar, as the main focus remained on the environmental perspective so
that “for more than 200 years, the principle of sustainability was essentially bounded on the forestry and fishery as well as capital allowance”
(Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2012: 17 f., o. t.). A curious interpretation of
nature is inherent in these classical understandings of sustainability. Nature
can only be understood with regard to its physical or biological properties (Werlen, 2010: 292). The mechanic-reductionist tradition originally
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comes from Newton, who construed space as a container that influences
all actions of humankind. Friedrich Ratzel assumed and enhanced this
view in his anthropogeography and overloaded it with naturalistic connotations
(Werlen, 2010: 285). According to Ratzel, space becomes the selective
entity. In current research on social geographic ecology – as it is going
to pointed out in the following chapter of the action-centred approach of
Werlen – humankind, and this is one significant difference, stands in the
centre of investigations as part of nature. The daily expiring and direc
tional actions of stakeholders are extremely important for the research.
They create specific appreciations of meanings, and, from this point of
view, space becomes merely a regulative concept. And a linkage to constructivist definitions of landscapes is made by Kühne (1985: 41): “What
causes [the] natural conditions to become elements of the landscape is
not simply the presence of people, but rather their mode of living, their
practical and esthetical horizons, and the substance of their fulfilment.
[…]The link, by means of which the human being living in nature realizes
the landscape, is the building, the structure. Nature, architecture, the
human being – these are the constituent of elements of the landscape.
Their harmonization as a landscape is not yet provided merely by their
existence.” (cited in Weingarten, 2015: 158).
1.2. Development of the Sustainability Term in a Global Context
In the 1960’s and 1970’s the exploitation of nature was more central
in the public discourse, due to the negative consequences of the techni
cal progress. A solution for this problem had to be found (Grunwald &
Kopfmüller, 2012: 20). Several debates and suggestions resulted from
that discussion. The report The Limits of Growth of the Club of Rome
stressed that exploitation of resources and assumed that the environmental
pollution will end up in an ecological collapse (Grunwald & Kopfmüller,
2012: 21). Although the report has its weaknesses, it is responsible for
the recognition that social and economic components are strictly bound
to the finite nature of resources. Reports like Global 2000 followed du
ring the following years. The increasing environmental pollution was the
reason of the first UN Conference on the Human Environment (UNCHE)
in 1972 that took place in Stockholm. The United Nations developed
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an environment programme. This Stockholm-Conference was the starting
point of international political debates about the connection between
development and environment issues and the keyword ecodevelopment was
particularly formative (Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2012: 21 f., o. t.). The
1970s were additionally characterized by essential social and economic
problems of the developing countries, e.g. “economic underdevelopment,
public debt, poverty, lacking medical supply, hunger […]” (Grunwald
& Kopfmüller, 2012: 22 f., o. t.). Consequently, numerous conferences
and activities took place on a global scale. Especially worth mentioning
is the north-south-commission, which resulted in the Brandt-Report (1980),
the Palme-Report (1983) and the World Conservation Strategy (1980) from
the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) (Grunwald
& Kopfmüller, 2012: 23, o. t.). The last paper includes the first use of
the term sustainable development in an international scientific and political
context (Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2012: 21, o. t.).
1.3. Creation Context and Impact of the Brundtlandt Report
As result of the discussion of the north-south division and global
environmental problems the UN-Commission for Environment and
Development started 1983 its work and completed it in 1987 with
the Brundtland Report. In the Foreword from the Brundtland Report,
Gro Harlem Brundtland (Head of the Commission and a former Prime
Minister of Norway) describes the aim of the report to span a global
perspective and to include not only environmental issues but to get an
interdisciplinary and integrated approach “to global concerns and our
common future [with the need for] people with wide experience, and
from all political fields, […] from all areas of vital decision making that
influence economic and social progress, nationally and internationally”
(UNGA, 1987: Our Common Future, Chairman’s Foreword)1. Accordingly
the personnel composition was characterized by a diversified commission
including also a “clear majority of members from developing countries, to
reflect world realities” (UNGA, 1987: Our Common Future, Chairman’s
1
To reference on the official document of the United Nations from 1987 the authors chose
the following citation style: (Chapt. x, Sect. y). For the Foreword and the Chapter “Our Common Future, From One Earth to One World” the chapters are mentioned in their full name.
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Foreword). Thus the “Brundtland”-Commission understands itself as
integrative council. With the Brundtland Report the terms sustainability
and sustainable development first gained political authority and widespread
recognition (Jacobs, 1999: 21). Also it brought forth the most cited definition until today of the sustainability term:
“Humanity has the ability to make development sustainable to ensure
that it meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability
of future generations to meet their own needs.” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt.
2, Sect. 1).
In that sense the report represents a predominantly anthropogenic
position and focuses the term on meeting the needs of humans with regard to the prospective generations (Hauff & Kleine, 2009: 7). Also the
huge sale of the report combined with the support of non-governmental
environment organizations, established the concept of sustainable development and sustainability into the wider public domain (Jacobs, 1999:
21), even if the definition is from some authors criticized as being “a
better slogan than [...] a basis of theory” (Adams, 2009: 5). Further the
Brundtland-Report laid the groundwork for the convening so called Earth
Summit, the UN Conference on Environment and Development of 1992
in Rio de Janeiro. During this meeting a lot of important contracts were
signed, for example the Agenda 21. Also considering a broader period of
time the far-reaching development of the term sustainability is recognisable. The term was exclusively trapped in the forestry as a specialist term
for 250 years, where it applies a code of behaviour. Not until the end
of the 20th century the term reached a geopolitical rank. For this reason
the term developed to a role model for the world community that is still
relevant today (Grober, 2013: o.S.). With this background the aim of
this essay is to investigate the understandings of the authors about the
given definition of sustainable development in its various facets (ecologically,
economically and socially).
1.4. An Action-Centred View on the Idea of Sustainability
The research perspective of the action-centred social geography (Werlen, 2008: 275-321) will be contrasted with the remarks on the different
dimensions of sustainability in the “Brundtland” – Report. In this viewpoint,
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in contrast to concepts of geographical determinism, where humans and
their acting was explained by the influence of the surrounding natural
environment, the space and its environmental objects are no longer at
the centre of attention. The perspective focuses on human actions that
are responsible for changes of the physical material environment and
thus the constitutive elements of space. Therefore the everyday on-going
activities of human beings are the investigative objects of research. But
no actions are done without the sociocultural background, subjective
knowledge and the physical conditions, which influence them. The spatial
is viewed as the dimension of acting, not inverse (Werlen, 2008: 279, o.
t.). Thus, the protagonists of differing actions get into focus. This angle
opens up opportunities to analyse globalised living conditions in current
late modern life forms (Werlen, 2008: 281 f., o. t.). The transfer of this
perspective on the qualitative content analysis can be made by a view on
the formation setting of the Brundtland Report. It is particularly relevant
to take a look at the viewpoints that stand behind the report and the
appropriations and interpretations of spatial conditions that are important.
2. Different Concepts of the Sustainability Term
Renn et al. state, that there is no dominant unity about the understanding of sustainability. Also the definition in the Brundtland Report stays
relatively general. In that sense many concepts are based on the different
areas of human living worlds. These are in the most cases “environmental”, “economical” and “social structures of society”. In the beginning of
the debate, the consideration of ecological environment was paramount.
In later discussions the perspective was extended to other spheres of life,
which were considered as relevant (Renn et al., 2007: 27). The following
subsections three different concepts of sustainability in their essential
features shall be presented. There are various more concepts in which
the interdependence between the different dimensions are stated and as
well various forms of representations, but the analysis concentrates on
the following ideas of the term.
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2.1. Precedence of the Ecological Dimension
The one-pillar-model is build on the premise, that covering of needs
from nowadays and future generations would only be possible, if nature
was preserved as fundament of life and economy. In that way the ecological dimension takes priority over the economic and social dimension
(Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2006: 41; Pufé 2014: 104). Economic and
social questions are therefore causes and consequences of environmental
problems. Thus environmental measures should be realized as “econo
mic and socially acceptable” as possible (Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2006:
41; Pufé 2014: 104). Agents of this opinion can mainly be found in
environmental institutions. However, environmental issues can no more
play the leading role, because there are other issues, which endanger
the sustainable development. Further, critics on the one-pillar-model point
out, that all relevant groups of society have to be included to act in
mutual agreement and to be aware of environmental problems to obtain
a sustainable development. Insofar the one-pillar-model is criticised in a
fundamental way so that the UNCED came to the understanding of a
three-pillar-concept while the 1992 Rio-Conferences as it is as well quoted
in the Agenda 21 document (UNCED, 1992).
2.2. Sustainability as an Integrative Approach
The concept of the three columns of sustainability (“three-bottomline”) was developed after the Brundtland Report and is not explicitly
mentioned in there. Nevertheless, as also stated in earlier chapters, the
understanding of an interdependent world – where not only the ecological
sphere but also the social and the economic spheres play a crucial role
for a sustainable development – can be found in the Brundtland Report.
The success of the three-pillar-model is based on the integrative approach
that is postulated with it. In this manner aim of sustainable development
politics should be developing an even balance between the three subgoals
of ecological, economic and social sustainability. On the one hand this is
reasonable because environmental measures are no more seen as additive
politics which only diminish the environmental impact but do not change
processes. On the other hand that raises problems since their equality in
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terms of inspection criteria decomposes the integrative concept again in its
spare parts (Petschow, 1998: 24). In that way a policy of sustainability
means an adaptation strategy of the social and economic system to the
ecological restrictions In addition to that, the following has to be taken
into account: the economic and ecolocical dimension are stable in a limi
ted way and excessive demands of the economic and social dimension
can question the ecological sustainability (Petschow, 1998: 31). Sustaina
bility in this sense is not only meant as a conservation strategy but as
ability to adaptation of the economic and social dimension on changing
environmental conditions, which are in part caused by the two systems
in their use of environment (Petschow, 1998: 26). According to the Enquete Commission to the protection of human and environment of the
13nd German Bundestag the three-pillar-model shows in a good way, that
a dominance of the ecological dimension is not to justify but according
to the Enquete Commission there are some ecological durability criteria,
which cannot be negotiated. This is not to understand in an ecological
reasoning but in a merely rational cost-benefit-analysis which is based
on the assumption that the aim of society is not to place itself in a less
favorable position. In the opinion of the Enquete Commission a policy
of sustainability that does not consider these hart facts as given moves
beyond rational considerations (Petschow, 1998: 29, o. t.). Later the
three-pillar-concept was extended, also other dimensions were defined and
in that way the cultural, the political and the institutional dimension
play a role. The authors of this essay want to take – with respect to the
concept of the Apheleia project in Mação – first of all the issue culture
in consideration.
2.3. Culture as a Frame of the other Three Dimensions
In a later debate, there is to find a call to integrate the idea of culture
in the concept of sustainability. There can be found different modes of
integration of cultural aspects in the sustainability understanding. Either
it is included as a component of the social dimension or it is drawn as
the fourth dimension of sustainability. The integration of culture in the
sustainability concept as key dimension can be seen as the most radical
involvement. Culture is mostly defined in a broader anthropological sense
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and refers to the term culture as all forms of human life together, the
imprints through social structures, traditions, education, representation and
mediation processes through language, media and, indeed, art in a narrow
understanding of culture. This definition takes into account the social
produced understandings of and relationships with nature and therefore
lays emphasis on the dependence of social change on culturally sound
and collectively shared beliefs and values, which are crucial to achieve
sustainable development (Kurt & Wagner, 2002: 14, o. t.). Thus the
cultural dimension allows to understand local circumstances and differences
between regions and how people attribute sense to their environment and
the physical material environment.
However, Parodi (2015: 170) criticizes in a latest article: “Possibly due to a significant degree to the heterogeneity of the issues, no
synthesis or independent cultural dimension of sustainability has so far
succeeded in being broadly established. It has not […] attained a depth
and breadth in the international sustainability debate comparable, for
example, to that of the ecological or economic dimensions.” The idea of
the Integrated Cultural Landscape Development attributes a quite important role to cultural aspect and deems culture as a key variable that has
got a cross-cutting effect on all the other factors (Batista, 2012: 241).
This expands the concept of the triple bottom line with a new variable
(culture) that can be seen as transversal through the other dimensions and
interrelates them (Batista, 2012: 243). He gives the example of economy
which can also be understood as an outcome of cultural since it relies on
key variables like history or interactions between groups of given regions.
In his point of view the Integrated Cultural Landscape Management is
with this enlargement of the term of sustainability the successor or the
idea of sustainable development (Batista, 2012: 245).
Therefore, questions must be answered. Questions that represent in
which the perspectives of sustainability concepts in the Brundtland Report
are formulated and consequently which approaches in terms of the action
in regard to a theoretical perspective can be found in the Report. Other
questions ask, whether they are adequately presented or not as well as
how the three dimensions are interpreted to be interrelated.
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3. Method: The qualitative content Analysis
The qualitative content analysis by Philipp Mayring is a method that
deconstruct texts and verbal material in a systematically way. It is useful
particularly in terms of revealing latent meaning structures (Mayring,
2008: 9) and can be seen as a counterpart of quantitative methods, which
try to explain phenomena mostly in counting and analysing frequencies
(Mayring, 2008: 9). There are innumerable definitions of the qualitative
content analysis but one should be mentioned here. Ritsert defines it as
“an instrument of investigation for the analysis of ‘societally’, finally of
‘ideological content’ of texts” (Ritsert, 1972: 9 in Mayring, 2008: 11). In
this process the available material will be edited stepwise, while organizing
it in different units and classify them into a stringent system of categories
(Mayring, 1999: 91). To filter out certain aspects of the material or to
assess the material based on certain criteria, the basic form structuring
is used. Concisely text passages have to be classified in a clearly way.
Therefore it is important to define the system of categories in a precise
way (Mayring, 1999: 94f.). According to this, the selection of the text
passages from the Brundtland Report has to be sufficiently reflected. Because of the fact that the term “ecological sustainability” is not explicitly
mentioned in the report, it is necessary to find text passages on the basis
of predefined features. With regard to the analysis text segments were
selected, which relate clearly to the topic of either the ecological or the
economical or the social dimension. The categories were formed in an
inductive way: each selection criteria is predefined. During processing the
material these criteria must be revised and adapted (Mayring, 1999: 93).
4. Results of the Analysis
4.1. The Ecological Dimension in the Brundtland Report
4.1.1. Understanding of Ecological Sustainability in the Brundtland Report
Referring to an ecological sustainable development the Brundtland
Report offers the following statement:
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“Sustainable global development requires that those who are more
affluent adopt life-styles within the planet’s ecological means – in their
use of energy, for example. Further, rapidly growing populations can
increase the pressure on resources and slow any rise in living standards;
thus sustainable development can only be pursued if population size and
growth are in harmony with the changing productive potential of the
ecosystem.” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 29)
This citation illustrates the main understandings of ecological sustaina
bility in the report. First, there is a need of a spare handling of resources
and energy. In a world characterised by fast growing populations it is
necessary to consider the time measures of nature: The regeneration time
of resources have to be taken into account. The understanding of nature
within the Brundtland Report implies the existence of several ecosystems.
Following the precautionary principle a burden of those ecosystems should
be avoided. For example this includes reduction of pollutant inputs,
emissions and waste. The “potential of the ecosystem”, which is named
above, also results of the biodiversity:
“The diversity of species is necessary for the normal functioning of
ecosystems and the biosphere as a whole. The genetic material in wild
species contributes billions of dollars yearly to the world economy. […] But
utility aside, there are also moral, ethical, cultural, aesthetic, and purely
scientific reasons for conserving wild beings.” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 1,
Sect. 53). According to that an ecologically understanding of sustainable
development implies also the protection of species respectively gene diver
sity. The following information refers to the specific consideration of the
ecological sustainability concept in the Brundtland Report by means of
the qualitative content analysis according to Mayring.
4.1.2. Attributions of meaning to Ecological Sustainability in the Brundtland Report
Even though one searches in vain for the explicit formulation of ecological sustainability in the Brundtland Report, this concept appears in
various contexts and meanings. As the result of the inductive approach, five
categories can be figured out. The first outcome of the selected material is
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Ecological sustainability as preservation and management of
ecosystems
So it is said for example: “Sustainable development requires that
the adverse impacts on the quality of air, water, and other natural elements are minimized so as to sustain the ecosystem’s overall integrity”
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 14). This citation illustrates the necessity
of ecosystem preservation, which essentially includes the managing of so
called “life processes [...] by nature” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 6, Sect. 4).
The analysed attribution of meanings reminds of the already described
definition of sustainable development by Hans Carl von Carlowitz. In
the early eighteenth century he postulated as well a suitable dealing with
ecosystems (Grober, 2010: 21). It is conspicuous that the term ecosystem
has, according to the definition of the Brundtland Report, the following
implications: It is a completed system regulated through natural proces
ses, which affects the inside living species. The need for preservation of
biological diversity is explained in the following way:
“More widespread climatic changes are likely to emerge within
the foreseeable future as the accumulation of ‘greenhouse gases’ in the
atmosphere leads to global warming [...]. Such a change will produce
considerable stress for all ecosystems, making it particularly important
that natural diversity be maintained as a means of adaptation.” (UNGA,
1987: Chapt. 6, Sect. 21)
This section emphasises a deterministic manner of nature, or to be
more exact, the deterministic functioning of ecosystems shown in the
analysed parts of the Brundtland Report. Voigt (2011: 61) named this
approach “reductionist holism”. The problem, which can be combined with
this view of ecosystems, refers to the inaugurated conception of space or
the spatial perspective. If space and in this case an ecosystem is seen like
a “supra-individual entity” (Voigt, 2011: 61) or as a whole, reductionist
explanation patterns are a logical consequence. In the Brundtland Report
this becomes obvious in the connection between human acting and ecosystems. For example the establishment of nature reserves is one of the
actions recommended for a sustainable ecological development: “The total
expanse of protected areas needs to be at least tripled if it is to constitute
a representative sample of Earth’s ecosystems” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 6,
Sect. 72). In this citation, space is seen as a delimited unit with the label
conservation area. Here one is faced with the following dilemma: People
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can choose a certain place and add boundaries around it to protect the
inside living species. But these boundaries are not natural given, they are
man-made. If one decides to protect such an area, one looses the chance
to preserve the excluded areas. This is an example for the dilemma of
decision-making. In addition the presented proposal seems vague insofar
as there is no description of what the label conservation includes: Which
activities imply the establishing of protected areas and how are human
actions affected by it? And all in all: how do conservation areas support
a sustainable development?
Furthermore, it is striking, that the management of ecosystems appears
in the Brundtland Report often in relation to political institutions and
decisions: “The Earth’s endowment of species and natural ecosystems will
soon be seen as assets to be conserved and managed for the benefit of all
humanity. This will necessarily add the challenge of species conservation
to the international political agenda” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 6, Sect. 50).
Parts like this are the foundation for the second formulated category:
Ecological sustainability as political regimentation
In connection to this it is useful to examine the scale in which
action strategies are proposed: “The most urgent [policy measures] are
those required to increase and extend the recent steady gains in energy
efficiency and to shift the energy mix more towards renewables” (UNGA,
1987: Chapt. 6, Sect. 40). Here, a general measure to contain resource
scarcity on a global level is shown. Furthermore there are several politi
cal suggestions on a national dimension: “A useful tool in promoting
this approach [to protect gene reservoirs] is the preparation of National
Conservation strategies [...], which bring the processes of conservation
and development together.” Both presented scales are often found in the
analysed material. To a lesser extent suggestions are given which as well
include the individual level: “Governments should enact national laws
and public policies that encourage individual, community, or corporate
responsibility for the protection of gene reservoirs” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt.
6, Sect. 10). But in this citation it is not concretised, in which way an
individual responsibility can be reached.
Additionally, it is noticeable that strategies of ecological sustainability
measures are often linked to economic interests. So the third category
which can be formulated is:
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Ecological and economic sustainability as interwoven
Spangenberg (2015: 50) ascertains, that the economic dimension of
sustainable development is, in contrast to the social and ecological one,
not an integral part of the main definition in the Brundtland Report.
Thus, one might assume that the economic dimension is subordinated to
the ecological and social sustainability concepts. To discuss this thesis,
which is obviously in opposition to the formulated category, more text
examples should be focused. Citations like “environmental stresses and
patterns of economic development are linked one to another” (UNGA,
1987: Chapt. 1, Sect. 42) and “economy is not just about the production
of wealth, and ecology is not just about the protection of nature; they
are both equally relevant” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 1, Sect. 42) illustrate
the connection and equivalence of the ecological and economic dimension
shown in the report.
To put these statements in perspective, it should be added that
also different interpretation possibilities of the relation between both
dimensions can be found. For instance Spangenberg (2015: 50) describes
economic growth pointedly not as a “goal for its own sake, but rather as
a means for achieving the key aim of satisfying needs while recognizing
the ecological limits established and shaped by society”. A suitable part
of the Brundtland Report, which encourages this view, is the following:
“Third World governments can stem the destruction of tropical forests
[...] while achieving economic goals. They can conserve valuable species
and habitat while reducing their economic and fiscal burdens. Reforming
forest revenue systems and concession terms could raise billions of dollars.” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 6, Sect. 42) Here, the economic dimension
is a part of acting ecologically sustainable.
A third attribution of meaning refers to the necessity of economic
strategies in the concept of sustainably ecological development. For example
it is stated: “A major thrust in actions to conserve genetic diversity must
therefore be directed at making it more economically attractive [...]. Deve
loping countries must be ensured an equitable share of the economic profit
from the use of genes for commercial purposes.” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt.
6, Sect. 51) Summarised it means, acting ecologically sustainable needs
to generate economic benefits – only then a public agreement for those
strategies is given. At this point the concept of an ecologically sustainable
development is linked to rational thinking and an extrinsic motivation.
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In contrast to this interpretation is the fourth definition:
Ecological sustainability as an intergenerational concept
Grober (2010: 21) identifies generational equity as a central argument
of each definition of sustainability. But in which sense and way does it
appear in the Brundtland Report? First of all it is a main part of the
much cited main definition: “Sustainable development is development
that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability
of future generations to meet their own needs” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt.
2, Sect. 1). It seems naturally not just to focus only our common, but
also the others future. Intergenerational sustainability often appears in
the connection to nature and ecological variability: “The loss of plant
and animal species can greatly limit the options of future generations”
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 13) – or, more general: “However, the
case for the conservation of nature should not rest only with development
goals. It is part of our moral obligation to other living beings and future
generations” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 13). The second citation
investigates the qualitative difference between this categorization and
the one which is analysed before. It is named explicitly that ecological
sustainability is not just acting to reach economic benefits, it is also a
given objective and necessary attitude. Here is presented an intrinsic
motivation to operate in an ecologically sustainable way. The calling on
the individual’s morality reaches his peak in the following part: “There
is still time to save species and their ecosystems. It is an indispensable
prerequisite for sustainable development. Our failure to do so will not
be forgiven by future generations” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 6, Sect. 73).
This attribution of meaning is closely related to an opinion, in which
nature is seen as an aesthetic and useful entity. For example, the preservation of Antarctica is motivated by following reasons: “The challenge is
to ensure that Antarctica is managed in the interests of all humankind,
in a manner that conserves its unique environment, [and] preserves its
value for scientific research” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 10, Sect. 83). In
this category ecological sustainability is understood as the protection of
something inimitable or precious and the concept got a moral attitude.
The last formed category, which describes a facet of the ecological
sustainability in the Brundtland Report, is not a representative but still
one worth mentioning. It is not representative in so far as the analysed
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material offers, in contrast to the other categories, just one suitable exam
ple. It is about
Ecological sustainability as an understanding of attributions of
meanings and social connections
The presented text section refers to the dilemma of wood as an endless
resource and to aspects which have to be concerned while handling this pro
blem: “But in most rural areas, simply growing more trees does not necessarily
solve the problem. In some districts where there are many trees, fuelwood
is not available to those who need it. The trees may be owned by only a
few people. Or tradition may dictate that women play no role in the cash
economy and cannot buy or sell wood. The communities concerned will have
to work out local solutions to these problems. But such local issues mean
that governments and aid and development organizations that want to help
the fuelwood situation in developing countries will have to work harder to
understand the role fuelwood plays in rural areas, and the social relations
governing its production and use.“ (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 7, Sect. 72).
Here a perspective is examined in which cultural and social aspects
are included. To reach ecological sustainability, it is necessary to understand how humans act to construct their living environments. With
this example a constructivist and action centred geographic approach,
which is established by Werlen (2008), can be explained. It is not the
space which determines the included elements. If it had been like that,
in districts with many trees the fuelwood would have been available for
everyone. But it is not true. Through human acting and the attribution
of meanings like a symbolic charge of material things, people construct
their spatial relations (Werlen, 2004: 153,155).
4.2. The Economic Dimension in the Brundtland Report
The Brundtland Report and especially the economic dimension includes the message of overcoming poverty in the developing countries.
Furthermore, the material should wealth of the industrial countries are
brought into harmony with the nature. The society should not live beyond their means, because this leads to negative consequences in later
generations. Regarding the economy you can say that is only sustainable
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if it can be operated continuously. Possible implementation variants are
technical innovations, which are also described in the Brundtland Report.
The following informations show the results of the inductive approach
referring to the economic sustainability concept in the Brundtland Report.
Economic Sustainability regarding Finance
For a stable and bearing development are external financial flows
necessary. Foreign investments are necessary to grant a stable development in the developing countries. Therefore, one can conclude for this
category, that without enough foreign investments a stable development
is not possible. As discussed before, many economical concepts and mea
sures are based on a rational approach. In the Brundtland Report you
find demands based on a rational level because of their pure economic
aspects. Examples for these demands are the questions about the quantity
and quality of financial means. Besides the rational perspectives, other
perspectives, for example moral ones, are also taken into account. Thus,
the Brundtland Report states that the financial support for developing
countries is not sufficient. These countries still need help in establishing
their own and independent economy (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 3, Sect. 6).
The demands and concepts, which aim at the economic independence
of the developing countries, prove that not only global but also national
and local activities are considered. The demand of linking the different
action levels can be seen in the global understanding approach by Benno
Werlen. Because of the “New realities” such a connection is inevitable.
Economic Sustainability regarding Commodity Trading
The distribution of goods and services plays an important role in
economics. The commodity trading in connection with sustainable develo
pments is the main subject of that category. The Brundtland Report shows
that if the developing countries bring their demand for export growth
in line with their demand for keeping the resources it is necessary to
provide the requirements that these countries have access to the markets for non-traditional exports of the industrialized countries (UNGA,
1987: Chapt. 3, Sect. 51). The global commodity trading dominates the
world economy. Due to the sustainable development it is important to
search, if national and local recommendations can be found. One claim
in the Brundtland Report describes that every country needs a leading
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authority that evaluates the conservation of a fair environment basis for
the economic growth (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 3, Sect. 56).
Economic Sustainability regarding Industry
With the growing population the needs for goods and services are also
rising. A good and effective industrial basis is needed to fulfil these needs.
Therefore, an effective industry basis is necessary for all nations (UNGA,
1987: Chapt. 8, Sect. 38). Furthermore, it is necessary to strengthen the
measures regarding prevention, reduction and control of contamination
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 8, Sect. 47).
The following sentence includes all important aspects concerning
industrial development: “In general, industries and industrial operations
should be encouraged that are more efficient in terms of resource use,
that generate less pollution and waste, that are based on the impacts on
human health and the environment“ (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 8 , Sect. 26).
These demands do not mention in which global level they are supposed
to be effective. As they are described in general one could draw the conclusion
that it is supposed to be on the global level. Though, a national approach
is mentioned in the same chapter. It is stated that an effective industrial
basis has to be established for all nations and then the global and natio
nal action levels will be connected. The demand for taking environmental
questions and conservation of resources into account should be part of the
governmental decision processes besides the aspect of supporting effective
and environmentally-friendly industries (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 8, Sect. 47).
This demand of the Brundtland Report can theoretically be justified with
the “problems of scale” by Werlen. Global programs have to be downscaled
on the national and regional level. Political actions and their aims have to
be endorsed nationally and therefore as well its economic activities.
4.3. The Social Dimension in the Brundtland Report
4.3.1. The Social Dimension of Sustainability
First of all it has to be concretised what the social dimension of
sustainability includes. Today, the core issue in sustainable development
debate is characterised by the normative base of justice for nowadays
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and future generations. Pufé cites Amartya Sen, the Nobel prize winner
in economic sciences, with the words: “My thesis is, that the elimination
of serious lack of freedom is a basic precondition for the development”
(Pufé, 2014: 104). Therefore, in different papers the core problems in
the social dimension are population growth, world nutrition, global health
and disparities in development. According to Grunwald & Kopfmüller,
sustainability implies the fair distribution of basic social goods and their
advancement of and the transmission for further generations (Grunwald
& Kopfmüller, 2006: 49). This includes on the one hand “individual
goods”, such as life in itself, health, basic supply of food, clothing, housing and elementary political rights (Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2006: 49
o. t.), which have enabling character and empower individuals to lead
and create a secure, decent and self-determined life by acting in a productive manner. On the other hand, these basic goods also contain social
resources, like tolerance, solidarity, capacity for integration etc. which
warrant a lasting societal cohesion. In this sense, the main objective in
the social dimension is to maintain the social peace (Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2006: 49 o.t.). That means an “acceptable solution of distribution
problems between regions, social strata, genders and age groups” as also
“solving the problem of cultural integration, belongings and identities”
(Fischer-Kowalski et al., 1995 in Grunwald & Kopfmüller, 2006: 49).
In a Canadian point of view the term of social sustainability and the
implication of social equity and the maintenance of community traditions
is stressed along with economic viability and ecological health (Jacobs,
1999: 284; footnote). Further, Jacobs quotes Barbier (1987) that social
sustainability is “the ability to maintain desired social values, traditions,
institutions, cultures or other social characteristics” (Jacobs, 1999: 284;
footnote). Therefore sustainable development is not only about adaption
but also about conservation.
For the analysis it is to ask, what preconceptions and tenors stand
behind the notion of social in the Brundtland Report. The buzzwords
that circulate around the focused aspects are to reveal. Furthermore,
there is to explore the notion of justice in inter- and intragenerational
perspective as a main constituent of the social dimension. Therefore it
is to ask if the social dimension stands on an equal level with the other
two dimensions, the economic and the ecological one, or if there is a
weighting in favor of one dimension obvious? Beyond this, the question
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is if culture already plays a (crucial) role in the understanding of the
Brundtland Report.
4.3.2. Understanding of Social Sustainability in the Brundtland Report
The definition of sustainable development in the Report became
famous in the review of the paper:
“Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the
present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet
their own needs. It contains within it two key concepts: the concept of
‘needs’, in particular the essential needs of the world’s poor, to which
overriding priority should be given; and the idea of limitations imposed
by the state of technology and social organization on the environment’s
ability to meet present and future needs.” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 1).
And especially with regard to the social dimension of sustainability
it is stated:
“Even the narrow notion of physical sustainability implies a concern
for social equity between generations, a concern that must logically be
extended to equity within each generation.” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2,
Sect. 3).
The following keywords are most important within this given definition: “needs”, “limitations”, “social equity” and “generations”. The
authors attach importance to equity between (inter) and within (intra)
the present and future generations. With the consideration of future
generations, the Brundtland Commission implements the factor of time
in the report. When concentrating on the next generations, the important
question is: What needs will they be confronted with? The difficulty
in this respect is that future generations have no voice today and it is
difficult to represent needs that are not yet started. The call for justice
and the reference to adequate conditions of living as a fundamental right
can be seen as a highly ethical claim (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 55;
Chapt. 12, Sect. 81). The authors argument that the wealth of today’s
industrialized nations was made possible only to the expense of future
generations and by the acceptance of poverty in Third World countries
(UNGA, 1987: From one earth to one world, Sect. 25). Thus justice in
the sense of the Brundtland Report is above all characterized through the
idea of distributive justice (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 1, Sect. 1). Therefore
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there is a need to create justice in taking into account and assuming
responsibility for the today’s actions that harm the common basis of
existence. That means on the one hand the conservation of resources
and on the other hand the search for substitutes respectively adaption
to changing environment circumstances (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect.
12, 13, 55). In this intergenerational sense the importance is to preserve
the options of good living conditions (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 12,
13, 55) and for the intragenerational point of view distributive justice is
stated highly relevant to avoid conflicts (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 11, Sect.
6, 11). The involving of future generations and vulnerable groups can be
seen as a tendency to a more integrative approach to the issue.
The wording “environment’s ability” is to criticize with a strictly
action-based research perspective, because neither the “environment” nor
“the state of technology” or rather “social organization” influences the
“needs” of humankind. Instead, the sum of every single human-induced
action affects the environment and the “needs” depend on each individual
need of individuals and generations. Humankind should be able to “satis
fy their aspirations of a better life” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 4).
The most important strategic imperatives are the reduction of inequa
lity (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 39) and to facilitate equal opportunity
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 41). The first one largely concentrates on
the developing countries and opportunities to reduce poverty. The second
one implicates increased money spent on education and a strong interconnection of the economic and the social dimension of sustainability.
Furthermore, there has to be a new perspective in the research of
technologies. Normally, the production of new and innovative goods and
technologies in companies is directly connected with gaining economic
success. This typical practice in today’s meritocracy should be rethought:
“Technologies are needed that produce ‘social goods’, such as improved
air quality or increased product life, or that resolve problems normally
outside the cost calculus of individual enterprises, such as the external
costs of pollution or waste disposal” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 67).
The critical question is whether CEOs of big and international operating
companies are attentive to these critical challenges posed by global change.
Therefore environmental elements such as air become a social factor and
social values are inscribed in nature. That means for example everyday
air pollution of the coal industry causes not only the living worlds of
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people in the close surroundings but also in more distant areas e. g. the
smallest island states. Focusing on the new sustainability-conception it
is revealed a lack of the social dimension. This lack becomes apparent
when the human-induced environmental stress may lead to “growing
outflow from rural areas” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 11, Sect. 9) towards big
cities and urban areas. One might suggest that the bulk of the affected
population is characterized by a low income level. Consequently they do
not have the financial resources to acquire adequate living conditions in
their new homes, but end up in growing slums, favelas and underdeve
loped suburbs. They do not have a real chance to increase their living
conditions, which is often coupled with low educational backgrounds and
standards. Besides, the poor population class does usually not determine
the described environmental stress and pollution but is directly influenced
by the impacts of the environmental issues. Short-term improvements
often stand in conflict with a durable development (f. e. UNGA, 1987:
Chapt. 5, Sect. 47).
The Brundtland Report provides one of the first calls for international commitments: “The global commons cannot be managed from any
national centre: The nation state is insufficient to deal with threats to
shared ecosystems. Threats to environmental security can only be dealt
with by joint management and multilateral procedures and mechanisms”
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 11, Sect. 38). At this point a comparison can be
made with the transdisciplinary and internationally networked research
in Mação. It is necessary to work together in a team of specialized researchers from different countries. That means there is also a need here
for multilateral interchange.
Finally, the demand for acting “in concert to remove the growing environmental sources of conflict” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 11, Sect. 48) on the
road to sustainable development under a global scale can be rated positively.
4.3.3. The Relationship between the Social and the Other Dimensions
Precedence of the ecological dimension
The Brundtland Commission explicated an understanding of sustaina
bility that places the priority on the ecological dimension: “Sustainable
development requires the promotion of values that encourage consumption
standards that are within the bounds of the ecological possible and to
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which all can reasonably aspire” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 5). It is
also mentioned there that “needs are socially and culturally determined”
(UNGA, 1987:Chapt. 2, Sect. 5). These get an increasing importance when
political restrictions undercut the basic rights of people. One demonstrative example is the “inhuman policy of apartheid” in South Africa that
was still omnipresent at the date of publication of the Brundtland Report
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 11, Sect. 10). The authors criticize at this point
the omission of “elementary political rights” as one of the mentioned
“individual goods” (Chapt. 2.1). In other words: The social dimension
of sustainability does not have a real chance to take affects because of
inhuman political standards.
The authors also focus on a broader scale of consequences of human
actions which go beyond “the boundaries of individual ownership and
political jurisdiction” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 17).
The next category that can be formed from this segment is the prio
rity of self-interest instead of conscious acting (UNGA, 1987: Chapt.
2, Sect. 20). However, the first step is done towards a close reflection
about the outcome of everyone’s actions and how they influence others.
The economical dimension causes the social dimension
The Report describes one more dilemma of sustainable development
which has drastic social implications. The more the population grows,
the more difficult the governmental management of “education, health
care, and food security for people, much less their abilities to raise living
standards” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 4, Sect. 2). In this matter, the main
problem is the uncontrolled population growth in poor and low-income
countries. The intensification of agriculture can face the dilemma between
production of food and population growth in certain limits (UNGA, 1987:
Chapt. 4, Sect. 9).
The category of analysis that the social dimension is a caused of the
economical one is confirmed in this respect, when economic development
reduces fertility rates “through its indirect impact on social and cultural
factors” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 4, Sect. 13).
As stated in the report, another example is that economic crises may
lead to the elimination of social achievements (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 9,
Sect. 14).
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The economical and the social dimensions as interwoven
There is also stated one of the main objectives of sustainable development:
“welfare and safety” (these are simultaneously “individual goods”), because
the authors assumed that “increases well-being and security lessens peoples’
desires to have more children than they and national ecosystems can support”
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 4, Sect. 14). But reasons for this assumption are not
explicitly stated. One important demand for political regulation is seen in
equal economical to social investment (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 4, Sect. 34).
Concerning the problem of uncontrolled population growth the role
of women in different societies should also be considered. Increasing
prospects for female employment and education do have an impact on
the fertility rate, which will fall (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 4, Sect. 36).
The aim is therefore to empower women in making their own decisions
about family planning and to get independent from the need of children
as retirement provision (UNGA, 1987: Our Common Future, From One
Earth to One World, Sect. 43).
The authors develop an interconnected understanding of the social
with the economical dimension of sustainability in this respect. These
dimensions do not have strong selectivities in this point of view.
In light of the time of release (1987) in the Brundtland Report is
obtained an important advancement in the area of education with the
required connection of comprehensive knowledge from “the social and
natural sciences and the humanities, thus providing insights on the
interaction between natural and human resources, between development
and environment” (UNGA, 1987: Our Common Future, From One Earth
to One World, Sect. 67).
Culture as a frame of the other three dimensions
The high importance of cultural conditions within aspects of social
sustainability became visible at the examination of indigenous groups. They
live under traditional conditions and “in close harmony with the natural
environment” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 4, Sect. 71). Sustainable measures
shall take into account the traditional life-styles of these groups (UNGA,
1987: Chapt. 4, Sect. 76). And they have to get the “decisive voice in
the decisions about resource use in their area” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt.
4, Sect. 75). At that point it becomes clear, why “needs [of people] are
socially and culturally determined” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 2, Sect. 5).
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There is an accurate example given of how humankind provokes “environmental stress”: the “bad land use in Ethiopia in combination with
yearly increasing population rates causes deep soil erosion and hunger”
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 11, Sect. 7). At this point, the first step is done
towards action-based solutions of problems caused by human beings.
5. Reflections and Theoretical Implications
The qualitative content analysis by Mayring has examined that the
Brundtland Report is based on a traditional scientific approach. The concentration on the distinction between the developing and the developed
countries and as well the differentiation between the spheres land, oceans
and atmosphere is construed by a deterministic point of view and with the
assumptions of the sphere-model by Ratzel, which classifies the geospheres,
hydrosphere, atmosphere, biosphere and anthroposphere amongst others. This
perspective of research does not fit in all its points with an action-centered
approach. The social dimension of sustainability has to stand in the centre
of interest with this prospect, not the ecological or the economic one. In
this theory are only existing contemporaries surroundings and not environments. And the human being is as well one part of the sourroundings as
well. Furthermore the term social has to be redefined. Social issues are in an
action-based point of view understood as questions of the whole society,
not as aspect concerned only indigenous groups or the role of women in
different societies (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 4, Sect. 71; Chapt. 4, Sect. 36).
The authors of the Brundtland Report mention two different strate
gies for national and international environmental policy to face the
problems. The first one concentrates on environmental effects. Nature is
standing in the centre of politics at this point of view. In contrast, the
second one focuses on “the policies that are the sources of those effects”
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 12, Sect. 11). This strategy implicates an interest
in everyday’s actions of local politicians, which should lead to a deeper
understanding of the political process. However, it is only a requirement
to pass the change in the document, the ubiquitous practice was the first
one from the 1950s to the end of the 1980s (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 12,
Sect. 12). But: “Today, the sources of these effects must be tackled”
(UNGA, 1987: Chapt., Sect. 14).
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The implications of the accretive globalization are described by
“New Imperatives for International Cooperation” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt.
12, Sect. 18). As a consequence of this process the demand for international networked sustainable development practices is represented in
the Brundtland Report. By comparison with current guiding ideas of the
IYGU (2015: n.p.), e.g. “Local actions alter global processes”, the formulation goes already approximately 26 years earlier in the right direction:
“In some areas, […] especially among developing countries, new regional
and subregional arrangements will be needed to deal with transboundary environmental resource issues” (UNGA, 1987: Chapt. 12, Sect. 29).
Environmental resource issues require new forms of collaboration; state
borders are no more an adequate demarcation criterion.
But global and national strategies cannot be affective, if there is no
public awareness for the need of it. The results of the analysed materials
have examined that there are few examples given, in which the individual
level plays a role (e.g. referring to ecological sustainability as political regimentation). On the one hand the strength of the formulated development
strategies in the Brundtland Report lies in its indetermination – so there
is a wide range for interpretations and implementation opportunities given.
On the other hand, the strategies have to be specified on a lower scale.
Some regional cooperations across national boundaries are stated,
e.g. the Canada/USA Interna-tional Joint Commission and Commissions for the
Rhine River, the Danube River, and the Baltic Sea (UNGA, 1987: Chapt.
12, Sect. 30). The most important one in the European context was
found not until five years after the release of the end of the Brundtland
Commission with the European Union.
In comparison with the described sustainability-concepts (Chapt. 2),
the paper does not have a standard point of view on a concrete concept.
Each chapter and section has an own angle of view and is underlain by a
specific conception. As already stated in an earlier section, Adams (2001:
5) declares the definition of sustainable development in the Report as “a
better slogan than it is a basis for theory”. Also he criticizes the often
not visible “clear and consistent meaning” of the terms sustainability and
sustainable development (Adams, 2001: 5). In contrast, Ekardt (2015: 65)
defines sustainable development with a transdisciplinary understanding: “I
view sustainable development not only as the establishment of a permanent, globally practicable and future-capable mode of life and economics,
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but rather as a complex array of problems, involving a wide range of social-scientific and humanistic disciplines – law, political science, sociology,
economics, theology, psychology, philosophy, etc.” The authors of this
essay identified that social aspects of sustainability are in the Brundtland
Report often strongly interwoven with economical ones. Besides, there is
determined a priority of the ecological dimension in many text passages.
Conclusion
With regard to the development of different meanings of the term
sustainability, one can join the explanations of Adams (2009: 20), who
established the following phrases:
“There is no simple single meaning of ‚sustainable development‘:
a wide range of different meanings are attached to the term. Far from
making the phrase useless, it is precisely because of its ability to host
divergent ideas that sustainable development has proved so useful, and
has become so dominant”.
For this reason it was necessary first to clarify the history of the
term sustainable development and its different concepts before analysing
the attributions of meaning in the Brundtland Report. The Report itself
offered a suitable foundation for this work because of several reasons. On
the one hand it represents an important document that intensified the
debate about sustainability in evidence. On the other hand it contains
different attributions of meaning for the concept of ecological sustaina
bility. Because of the fact, that there are not any explicit or precise
recommendations for action, the Brundtland Report offers a wide scope
for interpretation an does not constrain the “wide range of meanings”.
It can be said that the Brundtland Report often assigns sustainable
concepts in a more rational way of understanding. This can be attributed
to the historical development of the economic behaviour patterns. As in
further development of the model of the Homo oeconomicus, which includes
a gradual decline of the rationality, also the Brundtland Report offers new
perspectives. The economic dependence and further enhancements of the
developing countries are depicted from a more moral point of view. The
global understanding by Werlen implies the necessity of measures and
actions on all levels in regard to the sustainable development because
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of this new globalized world. Connections on the global, national and
local level have to be established. Local conditions need to be fulfilled
to achieve a global sustainability. According to the ecological dimension
it is important to mention, that it was possible to define five different
categories, which represent various facets of ecological sustainability concepts. In some cases the vagueness is not effective, particularly because
of the risk to use reductionist explanation patterns. Argumentations that
can be assigned to the last category should occur more often. There one
can constitute a constructivist perspective that satisfies the characteristics
of the social construction of space. Furthermore it is important to focus
not only large scales but also the individual. Sustainable research and
action in an adequate way only can take place though the consideration of global extents as a result of local and everyday actions (Werlen,
2012). The link to the social dimension at this point of the conclusion
is obvious. Regarding the social dimension it could be revealed, that the
understanding of this dimension in the Brundtland Report states the idea
of justice and equity as a main principle. In the course of this, justice can
first of all be seen as a distributive justice between and within generations
which is mainly motivated through ethical considerations. The aim is to
maintain the options for further generations and to avoid conflicts within
today’s societies. The taking into account of vulnerable groups and unborn
successors provides the opportunity to a more integrative point of view.
The integrative moment can also be seen in the demonstration of
broad and complex interrelationships between the different dimensions. All
in all, to confront the analysed perspective of the Brundtland Commission
with an action-centred view from the social geography, the Report contains
some sensible approaches. Although this integrative approach became
apparent, many statements can be criticized because the main challenges
are presented as e.g. environmental problems and not as man-made and
action effected disasters by humankind. At some cases, the authors of
the Report do not take the necessary semantically change from nature to
the individual and especially his or her actions in their thought pattern.
Therefore, the problem of sustainability as a term that stays relative
vague, can perhaps be interpreted also as advantage. The concept of
sustainability, however it is understood, needs the process of negotiation
and a maintaining of discussion on the topic, how we want to live. This
is only possible in an integrative approach including all stakeholders
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and thus also scientist from both natural and social sciences. The social
sciences can provide important knowledge about the motives of acting.
Insofar, the social sciences have to experience a valorisation in this respect.
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Visual anthropology concept of territory revaluation, Filippo Scianò
Visual anthropology concept
of territory revaluation
FILIPPO SCIANÒ
Abstract: To reassess the territory is undoubtedly needed a revolution, meant
not in the sense of a total change but in the sense of a revolution of an idea in
which visitors may approach that particular “place”. In this paper will be discussed
how anthropology, and specifically the visual anthropology, can bind to the urban
geography and various context, such as archaeological, sacred, monumental and
symbolic context, that can be significant for different populations, including the
indigenous one. This project would be comparable to a anche “symbiont” able
to latch on to existing and functional already.
Each realization rests on the exploitation of the nowadays technology linked
to a new way of enjoying the culture, enhancing the existing and new contexts
with innovative methods and materials useful first of all to reiterate the concept
of sustainability.
Key-words: Anthropology, Archaeology, Geography, Landscape, Sustainability.
I. Introduction
W
hen people visit cultural landscapes, the majority of the information about them is lost because most of the time they don’t
have time or just the opportunity to have access to those information.
Starting from this dilemma and integrating anthropology, archaeology
and social sciences together with technology, the access to those information can be reached by anyone in any kind of cultural landscape like
archaeological parks, bio parks, urban parks and many others.
So, how can we create a network of knowledge to implement the
experience in a cultural heritage? With visual anthropology, in fact
it provides the research, the contextualization and the diffusion of
images. Visual anthropology is not only the consideration of the use
of images in anthropological research, but also the analysis of the
uses of images in different cultural contexts.
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It is assumed that for anthropological research can be used not
only the pictures that the anthropologist himself produces and stores
but also those pictures that are produced and used in various territorial, social and cultural contexts. The study of the city as a built-up
area and as a place of high concentrations of people, activities and
relationships has been the subject of study and research of both
geographers and town planners, and recently of regional geographers
and spatial economists, who have transferred methods and models
developed in the regional geography with the contribution provided
in the sixties by Isard. (Isard, W. 1960)
In this urban context stands out the idea of visual anthropology
which aim is to reach a “theory of visual”, which analyzes and decodes the visible forms that cultures assume when they try to shape
the environment, places, objects and buildings.
In this context of territorial organization visual anthropology can
be considered as the engine that will make the process of digitization
of the project possible.
My idea is related to the revaluation of archaeological park or urban
space with the purpose to create a multimedia space (via QR codes and
references to web information).
It would also be comparable to a project “symbiont” able to latch
on to existing and already functional projects and equipment in order
to increase the value.
In my opinion a concrete example and mainly necessary in Italy could
be the field of museum display both meant as a museum in sensu stricto of
the term and in relation to a variety of archaeological contexts that require
a total revaluation and visibility in order to continue to exist and grow.
II. Material and methods
Necessary treatment for cultural landscape is divided in a few points,
prior to undertaking work on a landscape, a treatment plan or similar
document should be developed.
The four primary treatments are:
–Preservation.
–Rehabilitation.
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–Restoration.
–Reconstruction.
The project it situated at intermediate level between rehabilitation
and restoration.
At this level we are talking about cultural landscape as a cultural heri
tage. It «is a common heredity which can be used today and transmitted
to future generation making possible that the knowledge of the past can
enrich collective cognitive and critics faculties, improving opportunities
for a better quality of life». (Quagliolo M., 2015)
For the realization of the project the first thing to do would be to
replace all materials that have a strong impact on the environment, both
ecologically and aesthetic, with recycled materials and in line with the
landscape that surrounds it, in order to create an architectural homogeneity in compliance with the rest.
The main materials used are:
–
pietra (stone): a natural material of mineral origin, for flooring,
according to requirements may be rough, splitted or polished;
–cocciopesto: a particular type of pottery, a mortar composed of
hydraulic binders, selected aggregates of different grain sizes like
marble dust, silica sand, terracotta and pozzuolana.
– vetro cellulare (crystal-glass), a light volatile insulating, which is
produced from pure glass, quartz sand and recycled glass with the
addition of carbon. Brought to high temperatures there is a process
of fusion, and subsequent expansion, without any kind of use of
binders; it is a recyclable material. It is impermeable to water and
water vapour, incombustible, not attacked by pests and rodents,
compression-resistant, non-deformable, non-toxic material. It is
perfect to use it as an alternative to wood and iron, the use of
vetro cellulare would also reduce the visual degradation in case of
rusts (metals) and mold (wood). (Allen G., et al, 2011. 22,31,34)
Another point of interest would be the energetic supply, which has
to be evaluated according to the context of belonging, such as the exploitation of solar energy rather than the use of wind or water energy.
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In addition, integrated management mechanism requires therefore: (I)
to build abroaden identity and instruments that allow local communities to
be involved in the development choices, (II) to go beyond their boundaries,
and (III) to verify the efficacy, efficiency and satisfaction of visitors (citizens
+ tourists). The success of a cultural system of territorial type, depends
on a large set of conditions, and in particular the ability to coordinate
natural and cultural resources (tangible and intangible assets), facilities
and infrastructure, the demand/supply ratio and any problems that the
territory must address and resolve. (Amendola A. et al., 2005, 27, edited)
The central point for the development and success of this project of
revaluation is the “Quick Response Code” (QR Code) technology, that is
the trademark for a type of matrix barcode (or two-dimensional barcode)
first designed for the automotive industry in Japan. A barcode is a machine-readable optical label that contains information about the item to
which it is attached. A QR code uses four standardized encoding modes
(numeric, alphanumeric, byte / binary, and kanji) to efficiently store data;
extensions may also be used. (Denso-Wave, 2011.)
So what does this technology means in this context? This module
allows the implementation of a trip in four dimensions. This is set up as
a “path” both in space through a hike or a walk, and in time with
the possibility to direct access to a computerized network that would
increase the learning experience and at the same time would not create
in the visitor a sense of estrangement from the place it is located.
I called this model Future Mirror to Past, (F.M.T.P.), an experience
like a “time machine” but without a closed room or space. With the
smartphone, every visitor can be know information about the park (trees,
plants, animals, material of construction etc) only with a code scanning.
Moreover, in an online databank accessible through login, it can be possible to see the changing of the landscape from the past to the present
and additional information about anthropological and archaeological data
can improve the experience.
III. Discussion
Cultural landscapes are at the interface between nature and culture,
tangible and intangible heritage, and biological and cultural diversity;
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they represent a tightly woven net of relationships that are the essence
of culture and people’s identity.
The category of associative cultural landscapes has contributed subs
tantially to the recognition of intangible values and to the heritage of
local communities and indigenous people. These landscapes are places with
associative cultural values, some considered as sacred sites, which may
be physical entities or mental images that are embedded with people’s
spirituality, cultural tradition and practice.
Sustainability means using natural and cultural resources so that
their capacity to meet human needs into the future is not diminished.
By the way the idea of sustainability, specifically of the urban sustainability was showed by Dely K. in Brussels on March 2009:
“The concept of urban sustainability must be framed in environmental, social, cultural and
economic dimensions; it faces the need to reconcile conflicting actors and antagonistic stakehol
ders. Holistic approaches to territorial cohesion are needed. Promoting sustainability in cities
must be seen as a ‘quality step’ balancing good land use, territorial planning, development
policy, design and life style. This implies more effective involvement of citizens in decision
making and new modes of governance to inform and involve all citizens. In turn, improved
governance of resources in the urban environment should be seamless with improved social
equity. Socio-economic sciences and humanities provides a bridge between natural science and
its equitable application to the real concerns of people” (Dely K, 2009, 25.)
The concept evolved in relation to perceived threats to natural resources. Those involved in cultural heritage management have transferred
relevant concepts to the survival of cultural resources, the fabric of monu
ments, sites and landscapes.
What constitutes sustainability in the maintenance of heritage cultural landscapes?
«Decisions have to be made about which elements of the cultural
landscape are (i) to be conserved at all costs, (ii) subject to limited change
provided that the overall character and significance of the resource is
maintained, and (iii) suitable for exchange in return for other benefits»
(UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2009, 28.)
The project is based not only on the idea of a long term positive
feedback on the territorial revaluation but also on a revolution of the
landscape perception.
The combination of different cultural activities in an area emerges
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bination can be assumed as the base in order to ensure its success. When
the territory is part of the cultural landscape or archaeological heritage,
the preservation is required. The preservation is essential before any
action of revaluation or even social enjoyment.
The idea is to have a limited or minimal impact not only by avoiding
building redundant installations, but also to contextualize and enhance
the natural and cultural assets peculiar to that environment. It would
be avoided non-native species of plants and animals reintroducing native
species. It would be also taken into account the possibility of organizing
paths that are in synch with customs and practices of a specific culture
so to revaluate the traditional aspect of the city.
The preferential location in which would be better to realize the
project, as mentioned above, would be an “urban or archaeological” park.
This concept can be described as an open space museum without
architectural barriers, but it can also be linked to museums, archaeolo
gical parks and areas of artistic interest that may be part of the project
because of its multidisciplinary and multi-purpose nature.
In line with this opinion: «Archaeological research offers to contemporary society, hence, an integrated insight into past landscapes and their
human dynamics, contributing to disseminate awareness of adaptation
mechanisms and of the need to value all levels of information.» (Ooster
beek L., 2011, 102.)
The focus of the project is centred on landscape interpretation, that
is the requirement for the people to discover new type of attractive, in
this sense especially: landscape interpretation is the process of providing
the visitor with tools to experience the landscape as it existed during its
period of significance, or as it evolved to its present state. These tools
may vary idely, from a focus on existing features to the addition of interpretive elements.
These could include exhibits, self-guided brochures, or a new representation of a lost feature.
The nature of the cultural landscape, especially its level of signifi
cance, integrity, and the type of visitation anticipated may frame the
interpretive approach. Landscape interpretation may be closely linked to
the integrity and condition of the landscape, and therefore, its ability to
convey the historic character and character defining features of the past.
If a landscape has high integrity, the interpretive approach may be to
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direct visitors to surviving historic features without introducing obtrusive
interpretive devices such as free-standing signs.
For landscapes with a diminished integrity, where limited or no fabric
remains, the interpretive emphasis may be on using extant features and
visual aids (e.g. markers, photographs, etc.) to help visitors visualize the
resource as it existed in the past. The primary goal of these situations
is to educate the visitor about the landscape’s historic themes, associations and lost character-defining features or broader historical, social and
physical landscape contexts.
IV. Conclusions
«Understanding humans as a link involving society (humans organisations), environment (humans context) and economics (human behaviour)
enables to understand humanities as a set of expertise for integrated landscape
management for sustainable development». (Oosterbeek L., 2011, 102.)
For this reason this concept may be used to improve any place
without a large material waste and expenditure of energy; in a digital
time all the people, with their technology can be implement the sharing
of culture, visual culture, archaeological culture, anthropological culture
and any type of culture.
While this can be challenging, progressive improvements may be
secured through innovative and experimental approaches, involving techniques of adaptive management. In particular, innovative measures – for
example those that brand and market the place and its traditions, through
retailed products and in the tourism sector – can both help develop a
more sustainable economy, and also support landscape protection. Successful cultural landscape management can “illustrate sustainable local
and regional development” and serve as “models of sustainable development–drawing on traditional practices of sustainable use of resources”.
(UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2009, 36.)
Through this approach, cultural landscape management has meaning
in people’s lives, becomes more relevant to a larger constituency and
contributes to a sustainable future.
In conclusion, progressive improvements may be secured through
innovative and experimental approaches, involving techniques of adaptive
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management. In particular, innovative measures can both help developing
a more sustainable economy, and also support landscape protection.
In my opinion a concrete example and mainly necessary in some
realities could be the field of museum display both meant as a museum
in sensu stricto of the term and in relation to a variety of archaeological
contexts that require a total revaluation and visibility in order to continue
to exist and grow.
References
Allen G., Moro M.,Burro. L., (2001), Repertorio dei materiali per la bioedilizia, Maggioli
Editore.
Amendola A., Papaccio A., [Online] Driving local developmen via cultural networking in
Cultural heritage and management local development, Local Communities through heritage
awareness and global understanding, p. 27.
Dely K, (2009), Sustainable cities: From an oxymoron to a target in: People, the economy
and our planet Sustainable developmentinsights from socio-economic sciences and humanities.
Benson, J., and M. Roe, (2000). Landscape and Sustainability, Spon Press, London and New
York, examines a range of mechanisms including legal provisions.
Denso-Wave, (2011), QR Code features.
Isard, W. (1960). Methods of Regional Analysis; an Introduction to Regional Science, Cambridge:
Published jointly by the Technology Press of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
and Wiley, New York.
Lockwood, Michael, Graeme L. Worboys, and Ashish Kothari (eds.), (2006), Managing
Protected Areas: A Global Guide, Earthscan Publications Ltd, London.
Mauro Masi, (2001), Capitolato speciale d’appalto per opere in Bioedilizia, DEI edizioni Tipografia del Genio Civile Roma.
Nora Mitchell, Mechtild Rössler, Pierre-Marie Tricaud, (2009), World Heritage Cultural
Landscapes: A Handbook for Conservation and Management, UNESCO World Heritage Centre.
Oosterbeek L., (2011), Is there a role for the humanities in face of a global warming and social
crisis?
Oosterbeek L, (2012), Looking at global disruption in three steps, plus one to overcome
it, in Territori della cultura rivista on-line.
Quagliolo M., (2015), Cultural Heritage as a global driver: why, how, which quality? Herity
and the Quality Management of cultural heritage, in Apleleia Intense Program, Maçao.
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Réflexion sur les apports de l’architecture contemporaine dans une
perspective de soutenabilité communautaire, Indio de Azevedo Vignes
Réflexion sur les apports de
l’architecture contemporaine
dans une perspective de
soutenabilité communautaire
INDIO DE AZEVEDO VIGNES
Retrait: Nous mènerons une étude pour analyser le repositionnement nécessaire
d’une architecture contemporaine, trop souvent déconnectée des populations
locales (sans liaison avec le paysage bâti), vers par une architecture en lien avec
les identités culturelles d’une communauté, où les peuples ont le pouvoir de
choisir les matériaux, les techniques et les objectifs.
Quels enjeux ce replacement de l’architecture comme manifestation culturelle
(au même niveau que la danse, la cuisine etc.) met-il en évidence? Cette archi
tecture devient-elle grâce à ce repositionnement, plus écologique et/ou plus «durable»? L’implication des communautés entraîne-t-elle un choix conscientisé des
matériaux, des techniques et de l’esthétique architecturale? D’autre part, cette
architecture devient-elle plus variée et plus riche lorsque chaque communauté
fait des choix pour son bâti?
Cette gestion de l’architecture par les communautés, peut-elle apporter une
dimension plus écologique aux techniques constructives? Une valeur ajoutée
sociale pour valoriser les cultures locales? Et enfin un vecteur d’intégration du
bâti dans les paysages?
Mots Clés: Architecture, Vernaculaire, Culture, Communauté, bâtir.
1. INTRODUCTION
L
’Être humain exploite, depuis toujours, l’environnement autours de
lui-même. Parfois pour faire simples récoltes des produits, parfois
pour gérer les sources naturelles afin de lui donne de confort en profitant
d’une situation sédentaire qui a été choisi depuis million d’années.
Cette relation est plutôt une relation de symbioses entre l’homme et
la nature que de parasitisme. Parfois la nature profite aussi de la gestion
rational d’être humain pour se maintenir. On trouve plusieurs situations
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où l’homme a été influencé la manutention des espèces qui sont de leurs
intéresse.
Pour l’architecture ça passé quelque chose tout à fait pareille. L’Être
Humain a commencé à exploiter les places disponibles déjà pour la nature pour se faire protéger et après bâtir leurs places devient une besoin.
Au début l’architecture devient vernaculaire où les matériaux sont
trouvés sur la place qui a été choisi pour la communauté s’installer. Une
sortie d’équilibre entre les ressources alimentaires, du bâtir et des besoins
climatiques influençait les choix pour chaque place.
Et, l’assemblage de tout ça a développé qu’on appelle «culture».
1.1. L’architecture
L’Être humain, au début, trouvait des matériaux bruts pour conçus
leurs places. Pierre et bois sont des éléments les plus numéraux sur les
superficies. On peut trouver les exemplaires comme les dolmens et les
obélisques. Après la paille et la terre crue sont ajoutés à l’architecture.
Encore en façon d’exploitation de la nature l’être humain choisissait
les matériaux qu’il pourrait trouver sur la place choisie. Si la pierre est
le matériau plus abondant sur place elle devient la caractéristique de
l’architecture locale. Si est la paille le matériau le plus numéraux celuilà sera trouvé sur les bâtis de cette région. Et comme ça, on trouve
plusieurs matériaux qui donnent leurs caractéristiques à la technique du
bâtir (végétaux, glaçon, cuir, sable, etc.).
L’évolution des processus du transporte, de l’économie et des échange
sur le monde a possibilité aussi l’échange de matériaux et techniques
du bâtir. Le commerce a amené la pierre plus loin, a envoyé les bois à
l’ultra-mer. De plus en plus l’être-humain exploite les matériaux ailleurs
pour le servir comme des matériaux constructifs.
La science a fait améliorer les techniques d’exploitation et aussi le
développement des nouveaux matériels. Avec un commerce de plus en
plus puissant l’être humain avance aussi de plus en plus sur l’exploitation
pour le marché du bâtir.
Les caractéristiques architecturaux, que d’autre fois, font partie
d’une culture locale et que devient d’une communauté sont maintenant
perdues. L’homogénéisation des techniques et des matériaux sont issue
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d’une révolution commerciale et scientifique qui est sur toute la surface
de la planète.
L’architecture qui est produise aux pays industrialisés est consumée
aux pays ailleurs, en tuant parfois, les cultures locales du bâtir, du choisir
et d’exprimer d’une communauté.
1.2. La Culture du Bâtir
Les cultures dans plusieurs coordonnées sur le monde se sont composées pour des éléments qui deviennent de la manifestation humaine en
groupe. Ces manifestations sont aussi influencées pour l’environnement
où la culture se développe.
L’environnement provoque au l’être humain des réactions pour survivre
et stimule la créativité humain pour réussir a cette objective.
La culture d’une communauté est le conjoint des manifestations de
ces intégrants. Les manifestations peuvent être des origines physiologiques
comme la production de nourriture, la production de protection, le choix
pour rester dans un endroit. Sont des manifestations pour les besoin basique pour survivre à l’environnement. Mais les manifestations peuvent
aussi être expresse par d’autres origines comme expliquait Maslow (besoins
d’appartenance et d’amour; besoins d’estime; besoin d’accomplissement
de soi).
Le bâtir est aussi importante que la dance, l’agriculture, la cousine,
la musique dans une communauté. Le bâtir réponde l’enjeu de la sécurité
pour une culture où se trouve la protection des diversités de la nature.
1.3. L’architecture Comme Manifestation Culturel
Être sédentaire a fait que l’être humain avait choisi les meilleur coor
donnes pour bâtir par rapporte la localisation des ressources matériaux,
et par rapporte aux fontes de vie (nourriture et l’eau).
L’être humain choisissait les bons matériaux pour bâtir par rapporte
aux enjeux de la technique d’utilisation des matériaux, par les enjeux de
dispositions de cette matériau sur place et pour les enjeux de la carac
téristique de ces matériaux (thermique, résistance, etc.)
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Par conséquence de tout ça devient la forme du bâtir de chaque culture.
Cette conjoint des choix (les coordonnées pour bâtir, les matériaux
et le formes) faites que les processus du bâtir soit différents par chaque
communauté et leurs expressions culturelles.
Au contraire des autres expressions culturelles, le bâtir impacte plus
l’espace et le temps, et de plus en plus a gagné une place d’évidence sur
les communautés occidentales. Le bâtir devient expressions mythiques des
cultures aussi comme des utiles pour soutenir le choix de les communautés
d’être sédentaire (infrastructure).
Les plusieurs mouvementes de la science sur l’histoire humaine ont
aussi influencé le bâtir. La Renaissance aussi comme la Révolution Indus
triel apportent les nouvelles techniques et matériaux.
Les matériaux ont besoin des laboratoires pour être produites ont
aussi besoin de chaînes productives spécifiques pour les transformer et
un marché pour permettre les gagnés économiques.
Les techniques du bâtir sont, de plus en plus, complexes et sont
seulement permis à des classes d’être humain certifiés.
L’architecture gagne complexité et elle bascule d’une expression
sociale e culturale pour une science loin de permettre la participation
communautaire.
Cette contexte contemporaine de l’architecture, où la communauté
ne participe plus, donne une grande complexité au bâtir qui mène aussi
des conséquences comme les coûts de matériaux. Ces coûts sont de types
économiques et environnementaux.
2. QUAND L’ARCHITECTURE DEVIENT CULTUREL/DURABLE?
Les origines des matériaux pour le bâtir sont aujourd’hui dans une
chaîne mondialisée où on laisse le coût environnemental à chaque étage
productive.
Par exemple on peut décortiquer la chaîne d’acier qui sert aux structures dans l’architecture contemporaine pour comprendre ces analyses.
L’acier au monde aujourd’hui est exploiter comme de fer dans le territoire
du tiers monde (l’Amérique du sud et l’Afrique), spécifiquement au Brésil
le fer vient des sursols de l’Amazonie, pour le transformer en acier il faut
ajouter du carbone qui vient du processus de bruler les bois de la forêt.
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Après être exploiter l’acier est vendu à Chine pour le transformer
en plaques et structure pour l’industrie du bâtir par tout le monde. La
Chine aujourd’hui reçoit l’industrie lourd et polluent.
Avec cet exemple d’acier on peut voir comme notre choix pour les
matériaux laisse conséquence écologique pour la chaîne mondialisée. Notre bâtir légère en accord avec les lois écologique apport des problèmes
depuis les origines des matériaux.
Des autres matériaux peuvent aussi souffrir les mêmes analyses et on
va trouver que depuis la teinture jusqu’à structure de chaque constructions
il y a de problèmes écologique ailleurs au monde.
Notre choix pour habiter de plus en plus des régions hostiles amené
aussi de souci par rapporte aux technique et aux matériaux. Normalement
la réponse pour ces soucis est gaspiller plus d’argent pour matériaux de
haute-technologie.
Au contraire de cette cycle économique contemporaine du bâtir où
nôtres choix nous amènent à gaspiller plus des ressource naturels, la
proposition est faire comprendre le processus évolutif du bâtir par chaque
région du monde.
Faisant connaissance au processus constructive de notre passé; les
choix, les «pourquoi» et le technique on pourra trouver de réponse pour
l’avenir dans l’architecture plus écologique.
2.1. L’exemple de la «Tour au Vent»
Consulter les techniques anciennes pour le bâtir et les adapter aux
nouveaux matériaux, si nécessaire, pourrait nos donner les chemins pour
une architecture qui respect les ressource de matériaux et simplifié la
technique.
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Figure 1. Tours au Vent à Yazd en Iran
Source: http://www.albert-videt.eu/photographie/carnet-de-route/iran_10-2006/badgir_tour-duvent_yazd_03.php
Un grand exemple de ce processus est la «Tours au vent» qui a été
utilisé en Abu Dabi dans l’Institute Masdar. Cette «Tour au vent» aussi
appelée de «Badgir» est une adaptation de bâtisseurs iraniens depuis des
siècles pour faire refroidir les maisons sur le désertes. Cette technologie
utilise le vent plus élevé pour faire pression et changer l’air dans les maisons.
Figure 2. La Tours au Vent de Masdar
Source: Vidéo: Masdar une Cité Verte au Pays de l’or noire.
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Le bureau d’architecture de «Foster and Partners» a utilisé la même
technologie millénaire pour aider à conçu la ville plus vert au monde:
Masdar. Pour faire refroidir tout une partie de la ville les architectes ont
créé la plus grande «Tour au Vent». L’assemblage de techniques anciennes
avec les nouvelles techniques et nouveau matériaux.
Comme la «Tour au Vent» a exemplifiée on peut utiliser cette réflexion
à plusieurs exemples des bâtir au monde. Et aussi déloqué les origines
pour le biome, par exemple la «tour au vent» pourrait être utilisée en
autres régions désertifiée au monde (Afrique, l’Amérique du Sud, L’Asie).
3. QU’EST-CE QUE ON PEUT APPRENDRE AVEC CETTE
FAÇON DE BATIR?
Plusieurs réflexions deviennent de ce point de vue:
A)La perception de que notre histoire du bâtir est encore vivant et
que on peut trouver des solutions pour l’avenir en notre passé;
B)Les technique du passé utilisait plus des matériaux locale et moins
industrialisés;
C)La relations entre la communauté et la culture du bâtir donnait
plus de richesse créative aux processus; et
D)L’adaptation des techniques anciennes pour autre régions au monde
avec les nouveaux matériaux.
Cette adaptation peut-elle être plus écologique?
BIBLIOGRAPHIE
ARBID, George. (2014) ARCHITECTURE FROM THE ARAB WORLD 1914 – 2014 (a
Selection). 14. Mostra Insternazionale di Architettura – La biennale di Venezia, 2014.
CARTIER, Jacques. (2001) L’ARCHITECTURE, LES SCIENCES ET LA CULTURE DE
L’HITOIRE AU XIXe SIÈCLE. L’Université de Saint-Étienne, 2001.
EM REVISTA, TRABALHO ESCRAVO NO BRASIL. Observatório Social, Revue Edition
nº 6 – mai 2004.
CORREIA, M., DIPASQUALE, L., MECCA S. (2014) VERSUS: HERITAGE FOR TOMOR
ROW, Vernacular Knowledge for sustainable Architecture. Firenze University Press, Firenze, 2014.
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OLIVER, P. (1998) ENCYCLOPEDIA OF VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE OF THE
WORLD. University Press Cambridg, Unitec Kingdom, 1998.
OLIVER, P. (2006) BUILT TO MEET NEEDS: Cultural issues in vernacular architecture.
Elsevier, Oxford, 2006.
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Restoring the Repertoire of the rural heritage
of BUCIUM, Romania, Iulia Melania Dumitru
Restoring the Repertoire
of the rural heritage of
BUCIUM, Romania
IULIA MELANIA DUMITRU
B
etween July 19 and August 4, 2015, the French-Roumanian
Association of Heritage – Rper – organizes the fifth edition of
“Summer University for restoration of monuments and sites” under the
patronage of the Romanian Academy in Bucium, Romania.
Initiated in 2011 on the back of increased preoccupation crisis on cultural heritage, reflected by the absence of strict legislation on the protection
of the rural heritage and the grant funds restorations, the project continued
aims to educate the Romanian society to the importance of preserving the
existing rural heritage and encourage initiatives related to the identification,
inventory, in-situ rehabilitation and promotion of this heritage.
The project’s concept was inspired by the European rural heritage
restoration model in situ as the economic engine of territorial development
of the ICOMOS statement on safeguarding the spirit of the place – Quebec
City, October 4, 2008, but also the objectives of the association Heritage
Foundation and can become a scalable model in every municipality of
the country.
Bucium commune is in the center-west of Alba County – the land of
Mots – and consists in 30 villages scattered over the hills, along the river.
Attested from 1585, the town has traces of habitation from the Bronze Age.
Part of the cultural landscape of the Land of Mots, held as a
secret story, reveals the richness of its cultural values, mirror of the
victories and vicissitudes of the inhabitants.
The origin of the name
The bucium (also called trâmbită
, or tulnic) is a type of alphorn
used by the inhabitants of the mountains in Romania. With a Dacian
origin, it was used in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia
as a signaling device in military conflicts.
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The word is derived from Latin “bucinum”, which originally means
“curved horn”, an instrument used by the Romans, also characteristic
for the Romanian folk music.
A central objective of concern and research of the Summer University
is the Old School of Bucium, a building built between 1884 and 1900 by
an unknown Italian architect, who has held numerous important functions
over time. Now, thanks to the collaboration between the City Council
and Rper Bucium (the association that organizes the summer university), the school has a climacteric temporary protection, feasibility study
and technical expertise, in seeking funds for rehabilitation in restoration
techniques and reconceptualization of its spaces. Its transformation into
a Centre of Archaeological Studies, Architecture and mountain farming
is recommended, with school workshops traditional crafts and related
accommodation spaces.
The Summer University of Bucium, Romania offers participants, the
majority of students and graduates in architecture but also sociologists,
political scientists and anthropologists, as future players Heritage Policy,
an interdisciplinary program of postgraduate preparation, in the context
of perception and processing of non-classified Romanian rural heritage,
which is in a gap of 68 years compared to the West of the Europe.
The program of the Summer University 2013 includes practical activities for the completion of the inventory objects of local architecture,
secular and sacred: photographic study, analyzes of morphological and
structural features, GPS tracking, bearings, completion fact sheets inventory
(FAI-M) for the selected objects, some of which – primarily those value
memorial – subject to classification proposals as a historical monument.
Meanwhile, on the site of rehabilitation of the House Colda, participants
learn the processes and restoration procedures and reconceptualization in
situ of a traditional house.
The learning activities are supported by specialists and university staff
at conferences, debates and conferences that take place daily throughout
the university. As part of the summer of 2012, the architectural study
was also extended to the study of the cultural landscape, a work of inventory of built heritage integrated in its natural setting. As part of the
2013 edition, a case study will be performed on built heritage whose
owner is unknown or uncertain and is therefore neglected and subjected
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to degradation. The study could be the basis for the adoption of legislative measures concerning tax incentives can stimulate the clarification
of succession.
Documents synthesized during the summer 2011 have been the publi
cation of Book I – Rural Heritage Directory Bucium, Ist Edition (ISBN
978-973-0-13019-5).
Documents synthesized during the Summer 2012 are subject Workbook II Rural Heritage Directory Bucium, Second Edition, which will be
launched in Bucium on the occasion of the official opening of the Summer
University 2013 are the basis for the development of classification folders
as historical monuments of six votive cross and road, a large memorial
and symbolic value.
Documents synthesized during the Summer School 2013 will be
Workbook III Rural Heritage Directory Bucium, Third Edition.
On the occasion of the official opening of Sunday, July 21, 2013,
at 16h, which will be held at City Hall in the town of Bucium, the concept of the Summer Bucium going to be presented and will be launched
Booklet Rural Heritage Repertory II Bucium Second edition, the second
edition of the most elegant house open to residents and a drawing competition for children.
The guests of honor are the representatives of the project partners and
local and county administration and the inhabitants of the municipality.
At the closing of the festival Saturday, August 3, 2013 at 16h, certificates attest to, and price of the second edition of the most elegant
house will be delivered, and the conclusions of the first three editions
of the Summer University Bucium will be presented. The festivities will
end with a traditional show Bucium and picnic.
The Summer University treats the unclassified rural heritage of Bucium, Alba countie, cultural heritage of villages that has suffered several
mutilations.
Traditional houses from unprotected areas, except those stored in
museums or remarkable resettlement projects, were often used as fire
wood, as raw material for the floor for restorations in the Occidental
Europe or have collapsed in ruin.
The reason for these irreversible losses lies in the lack of respect to
cultural heritage, situation reflected in the gaps of the legislation in the
field of protection of cultural heritage, in the uncertainty of the legal
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status of properties and in the absence of fiscal and financial incentive
programs for preservation of rural heritage.
The UDV (Summer University) of Bucium, Romania, proposes solutions to save unprotected rural heritage, still existing in situ, especially
the ones with memorial value and also, rethinking its life, inspired by
what it’s practiced and perfectly working in France, the long mission of
“Fondation du Patrimoine” (France) in order to develop cultural, social
and economic, the local communities and territories.
Preparing future policy actors heritage, after the European model
initiation, for the students and young professionals, architects, planners
and sociologists - in the identlfiarii, repertorierii and scientific inventory
of rural heritage values and in their rehabilitation processes in situ awareness of local people and local administrations on the cultural heritage
value of the benefits and the importance of saving objects in order to
rehabilitate rural heritage in situ, of the categorization as a monument
to their introduction and development programs durabiIa editing program
results in a series of notebooks Rural Heritage Repertory Bucium, which
include synthesis and related documentation filing proposals achieve a
repeatable model and adaptable in any township or village in Romania.
In the Bucium area there are evidences of archaeological sites,
gold mining, the continuous practice of craft during the Daco era, the
Daco-Romanian era, the medieval, modern and contemporary times
of the villages. The region has a huge archaeological, ethnological
and anthropological potential.
We can distinguish the following types of heritage:
– Tangible and intangible cultural heritage
–Rural Heritage
– Historical and Natural Heritage
– Knowledge and know-how for traditional crafts
– Oral Traditions
Objectives for the architectural heritage conservation policy:
–
the concern on cultural heritage, reflected by the absence of
strict legislation on the protection of the rural heritage
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–educate the Romanian society to the importance of preserving
the existing rural heritage and encourage initiatives related to
the identification, inventory, in-situ rehabilitation and promotion of this heritage
– identification and sustainable development of rural heritage
objects photographic inventory, reporting associated with their
position in the plane and village mapping
– completion of the inventory objects of local architecture, secu
lar and sacred
The importance of a policy to safeguard the heritage Bucium,
Romania
– Promoting model Bucium, restoration and re-conceptualization ‘in
situ’ national
– Revitalization of traditional crafts and facilitation of cultural and
sports activities in the mountainous landscape in the light of the
common European model of sustainable development
– Minimize the perception gap and the life of cultural heritage in
European countries in western and eastern
– Save the tangible and intangible heritage
– Ad hoc studies of popular architecture to the urgency of indexing
and scientific inventory for the in situ rehabilitation and preparation of file folders, to publicize and put under protection the
valuable and Fragile Rural Heritage that developed over time, in
unexpected hypostases.
– Try to convince the most important ethnographic museums in the
country to bring their expertise in situ
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Drawing: Iulia Dumitru
180° perspective in Bucium, Romania
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Traditional Romanian interior. Fabric crochets, art crafts, handmade carpets and tablecloth
180º panorama with Bucium landscape
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NOTE: All drawings and pictures are part of a personal collection of data of
the Author of the presentation, Iulia Melania Dumitru
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PUBLIC CITY SPACE – ZNOJMO TOWN – RIVER EMBANKMENT OF DYJE, Monika Marková
PUBLIC CITY SPACE – ZNOJMO TOWN
– RIVER EMBANKMENT OF DYJE
MONIKA MARKOVÁ
Key words: riverbank; The Podyjí National Park; valley; problems of the river
localities; town and greenery; historical context; traffic; public space
Introduction
I
live in Znojmo which is very nice town but with a lot of land or
urbanism problems and I wanted to find some idea for these places.
Before I started do this work I was thinking about places which are
ignored or overlooked in Znojmo town. Yes, town has a lot of places which
are interesting and need “new face”. There are brownfiels but problems of
these localities were designed many times. And I wanted to find some new
way, try restoring and improving public space in connecting by the river.
I chose locality which connect two important buildings – Znojmo
castle and Louka monastery. There is needed to improve connection this
locality to town centre.
Situation
Znojmo town is situated in the south of Moravia in the Czech Republic. It belongs to popular tourist destination because there are a lot of
historical sights and has strategic position in the way from Prague to Wien.
Znojmo town was declared an urban conservation. There is always a
lot of cultural events and many tourists know it for their wine making
tradition.
It is surrounded by the nature with wonderful paths through the
valleys – Granice valley and valley around Dyje River – to the direct
connections. These paths are used often. But their quality is reduced
during time because nobody cares about them. There is not exploiting
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the potential of them, expanding activities for tourist and inhabitants
of the town.
The situation of Znojmo town nearby the Dyje River had indisputable
advantages – drinking water supply or a protection against enemies in
earlier times. The river underlines the beauties of the town. The views
on the silhouette of town are the most impressive from the riverbanks
or river.
But the second view on this situation is not so positive. The river
requires to build bridges in the town. It was need only on the main paths
when whole town is on one riverbank – bridge over The Salt Trail in the
Cow hill was under Znojmo castle; the next one was to Vienna in the
south of Znojmo and the third was situated nearby Louka monastery to
the vineyards around Cow hill. When was introduced railway also, was
built new imposant bridge over Dyje valley a then over Leska valley.
The strategic position is not as satisfactory in this period as it
was – The city bypass builds a lot of years. The railway from Vienna is
finished in Znojmo does not continue to Prag or Brno. A lot of tourist
or businessmen visit Prag, Brno, Czech Krumlov but Znojmo town is
overlooked. Even though Znojmo is nice town nearby Austrian border
there is high unemployment. Many people how live in Znojmo go to
work to Brno every day. But it is very nice town has a lot of spaces for
business or for visitors.
Ilustration 1. Znojmo situation
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Short history of Znojmo
Space of the town was inhabited in prehistoric times. Hillfort has
controlled a large space in the south Moravia and part of Lower Austria
since 8th to 10th century. Hillfort was rebuttaled by Hungarians and
then Przemyslid castle was built.
The first mention of Znojmo is in false document since 1048.
The most important Znojmo Przemyslid is Konrád II Ota. He
controled all Moravian space and then became Prince of Bohemia and
founded Premonstratian Louka Monastery. This monastery is situated in
the south from town centre. In 1222 to 1226 Znojmo was elevated to
the royal town by Przemyslid I. Otakarem. It was the first town in the
South Moravian. It has strong walls around the town and some walls
are there until nowadays.
Napoleon´s army hit Znojmo town in the first time in 1805 (before
Slavkov wars) and the second time in 1809 during this war the Znojmo
castle lost his significance.
Promising boom was finished by the first world war. Znojmo became
centre of separatist region of German Southern Moravia during disintegration of Austro-Hungary. Znojmo was occupied by Czechoslovak troops.
Number of Czech Germans dropped.
Munich Agreement had connected Znojmo to Hitler’s Third Reich in
1938. Town was damaged by air raids at the end second world war. The
Old Town Hall and the train Station were directly hit by bombardment.
German army had left Znojmo. The Czech population was moved to
Znojmo. It was the biggest ethnic change in history from 13rd century.
History of riverbank of Dyje
Dyje river turns sharply to the left under Cekanovice bridge and
there are meadows on both sides. This part of river was lined with wide
paths. Right path was wider and neater, was leading to the Water mill
and Hydroelectric power station. Because this path was near to the town
was more civilized.
Once upon a time on the left riverbank stood skittle-alley and then
there was built lightweight fortifications. In front of town was inn – the
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next important orientation point, later Rabstejn hotel nearby rock formation looking like a giant head.
Unfortunately, the Znojmo dam was built and a lot of these buildings
were flooded – for example the popular swimming-pool on the river. It
was situated between Rabstejn hotel and Brewery stream which is under
Znojmo castle. This swimming-pool was used for 100 years but had to
be flooded because the town needed drinking water – was built dam.
Someone think it was very nice place for recreation and the flood was
so drastic. People were waiting to see the new swimming-pool after 50
years which is nearby Louka monastery.
Ilustration 2. View at Znojmo town
Ilustration 3. Znojmo castle and dam
Urban city concept
Spatial arrangement of the town
Historical town centre is consisted of compact houses with the histori
cal essence – gothic, rennaisance, baroque, and historicst. This essence is
similar on the houses in Dyje river locality too. The riverbank is consisted
of individual housing, compact or loose. Znojmo town is well-known for
dominants which are towering over the town and influence riverbank.
The functional areas of the river have function of housing and greenery. In terms of more detailed research locality there are situated areas
of transport infrastructure, public spaces technical equipment.
The potential of the current problematic locations can used for new
using. For example area of the old hospital has significant potential.
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Traffic
The location is situated nearby main traffic road (link between Vienna
and Prague) and is crossed by railway (link between Znojmo with Vienna).
Only part of the riverbank has a traffic connection. The first part
– the path behind the railway is accessible only for transport service,
pedestrians and cyclists. The second part (where you can go by car)
solves the typical problem for historical town – parking and width
roads (which is in the some places narrow as one car – One-way traffic
without pavements).
The parking place is situated on the riverbank nearby the bridge but
you can park along the pavements.
Tourist train is crossed part of the riverbank, the historical center
up to the Louka monastery.
The technical infrastructure
I prepared the analysis of electricity supply for reasons of thought
of design public lighting along the riverbank. In this time is the part of
area behing railway without electricity, spatial plan envisages placing the
cable wiring.
Gas supply is made as supplementary analysis for an opportunity to
put new design houses in this area.
Ilustration 4. View at Dyje river valley
Analysis and problems of the place
My analyzes shows the most problematic places which make barrier.
This barrier is in most cases unnecessary. Mostly it restricts access for
pedestrians or cyclists.
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The problem of whole locality and the south part of Znojmo is
poor accessibility to town centre. Quiet pedestrian and bicycle traffic
is restricted because there is a lot of crossroads (with or without traffic
lights) and intensive traffic. The new designed town ring would relieve
it but numbers of the cars will be big also.
These barriers could cancel and enable walking. A new a attractive
paths follow up on themselves could be designed.
The next problem is parking. Today it is sufficient, in the event
the number of visitors to the location will grow, the number of parking
places can grow also.
Studied area is a lot of unused areas or wrong used areas. This place
offers controversial but functional resolutions for parts of these areas.
These resolutions can bring some new view, connect and open up whole
locality to create variable space with new function.
There are two houses in poor condition on the Kozeluzska street.
They need restoration and new use because spoil the impression in loca
lity. In this time they are uninhabited for sale.
The wrong used areas are barriers for pedestrians or cyclists and
nonfunctional place in the locality with potential for another used. Some
places can be used for another using and expand the services offered.
Studied area tenders a lot of activities allowing variegation of the
day for the inhabitants or visitors of Znojmo. The centre of free time
activities is perfect for ball games and hall sports. The bicycle paths go
trought whole riverbank and continued to the most beautiful places in
Znojmo. There are situated restaurants or refreshments.
For lovers sights and history the very nice view of Znojmo is from
riverbank. The imposant technical sight - Rail Bridge is spanned river.
The Louka monastery with representative spaces and Znovín wine shop is
very interesting and a lot of people know this wine which was delivered
to the Prague castle.
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Ilustration 5. Louka monastery
Greenery in the town
Znojmo is the town in greenery and the riverbank is overgrown by
greenery literally. Public greenery is on the land of the town of Znojmo.
It is on the slopes in relatively unkempt condition. The same situation is
on the riverbank behind railway in the direction to the Louka monastery.
In the former hospital area, free time centre and surrounding Louka
monastery is grown solitaire greenery or greenery in areals predominantly.
Private greenery is in the gardens, there are a lot. The advantage is
caring a garden by owner and this area can be nicer.
Surrounding Louka monastery had beautiful ornamental gardens but
in this time there are the unkempt park where is needed revitalization.
Explanation of the relevance for landscape management
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Ilustration 6. Greenery and rail bridge
ILUSTRATION 7. Unkempt greenery
The Podyji National Park is nearby the Znojmo town and makes
very nice locality for people, animals and plants. It is the smallest park
in the Czech republic which goes on Austria. The river makes so nice
meanders in deep valley and flows through Znojmo town. The surrounding
greenery of the river is overgrown. It is nice scenery which is continue
to the town and this circle have to be preserved.
The relevance for landscape management is in beauty of the town,
greenery with a lot of charming spots, quantity of animal species etc. I
love these places. This appearance have to be maintain, I think.
We need it for next generations, clean air and our relaxations. The
greenery is beautiful simple means which we have to care about it.
Ilustration 8. Znojmo town in greenery
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Considerations and plans
I found these points of my thought and analyse. The intended plans
can be applied during time and the locality can get unified look. It could
be imaginary connection between Znojmo castle and Louka monastery and
riverbank could designed for the pedestrians or cyclists preferentially.
Point if new plans:
– removing barriers
– design of new paths
– ensuring safety for pedestrians and cyclists
– new footbridge
– design and layout of parking spaces with greenery
– restoration / demolition houses in poor quality
– revitalization of the park - surrounding Louka monastery
– placement of wine stall
– design of placement for marinas for small boats
– new landscaping
Conclusion
At the first sight I could say, riverbank is functional and does not
need any other interventions. Despite the fact the it is stood. Few people
want to go down to the river valley. The lively stretch is finished there
where is railway and is continued nearby Louka monastery. What a pity!
Everyone visit historical centre town. But so nice greenery has not every
city and it is the added value. We can use it for its next development.
A lot of people can come to Znojmo. The people, who live there yet,
need nice places for their life, inspiration and relaxation. I mean we can
change it.
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INTEGRATED CULTURAL LANDSCAPE MANAGEMENT, A LOCAL
SUSTAINABILITY OUTLOOK, Rossana Merizalde
INTEGRATED CULTURAL LANDSCAPE
MANAGEMENT, A LOCAL
SUSTAINABILITY OUTLOOK
ROSSANA MERIZALDE
Abstract: Conflicts and questions arise from the paradox of Sustainable Development, conservation and Cultural Landscapes management, moreover if there are
communities involved. Approaches to integrated cultural landscape management
are currently garnering new interest as scientists, policymakers, and local stakeholders recognize the need to increase the multi-functionality of these landscapes
for sustainability, conservation, policy making and management effectiveness.
But there is a gap to fill in terms of direction when it comes to reach the ILM
objectives and place them in different realities. By defining key concepts while
recognizing the diversity of perspectives and realities in Cultural Landscapes and
with a case study example, we hope to ground ILM in a common foundation. So
we could get as a result an improved communication, innovation and ultimately
successful landscape management throughout each national and regional reality.
Modern approaches such as “Conservation and sustainable development projects” (CSD
Projects) are development strategies for project management inside conserved areas
or in land management areas, normally not adapted to communities reality and
their activities inside the protected area limit. (Rockfelter, 2006).
Based on the approach of “vivir bien” (Bolivia and Ecuador), as well as strategic
orientations used by some international institutions such as the IUCN and the
ICOMOS, as well as the capability approach, the effective management, best practices
and political engagement- governance this research gives as a result guidelines and
general strategies that can be used for a cultural landscape management project.
Keywords: Strategies, «vivir bien», capability approach, protected areas, communities, culture, paradox, development, capability approach, the effective management,
best practices and political engagement.
GLOBAL CHALLENGES
T
he continued growth of human populations and of per capita
consumption has resulted in unsustainable exploitation of Earth’s
biological diversity, exacerbated by climate change, ocean acidification,
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and other anthropogenic environmental impacts. “Despite some conservation successes (especially at local scales) and increasing public, as well
as the government interest in living sustainably, biodiversity continues
to decline” (Wildlife Conservation, 2010). “Because of the distance that
had developed between humans and nature, the modernity paradigm led
to the over-exploitation of nature, in other words, to devastation of the
source of life.”(Mercier, 2011.) But Cultural Landscapes are not only
about nature conservation, but also conserving the anthropic activity that
have had a unique value, depending on the site could be arquitecture,
geological, spiritual, and being part of the associative or evolutive landscape – according to UNESCO´s classification.
Cultural Landscape management present paradigms, as well as best
practices, and policies guidelines. These have shifted over in time and
have been variably successful. “In recent decades, is important to have
a Land management, but also open to traditional approaches to define
the main stake holders in management project, sustainability, natural
resources management. The importance of Integrated Cultural Landscape
Management has been growing day by day, as they face with risks and
dilemmas of global change, as well as the problem caused by profit and
loss and sustainability. Local conservation initiatives and interests in CL
management, and the need to address the opportunity costs of conservation among the communities living within is by far one of the most
important objectives when management projects are visualized.
Integration of local people into conservation has been a major feature of conservation policy over the past twenty years but is not without
controversy. Since 1992, the term “Integrated Conservation Management
projects and Development Projects” (ICDPs), they were mainstreamed
(Brandon and Wells, 1992), promising to: • Help to defuse the major
threats to biodiversity, • Create better opportunities for “poverty alleviation” and mitigate effects of conservation on human welfare and •
Allow people to gain access to basic services. (Chrintenson, 2004) “…
On the ground, ICDPs were generally paternalistic, lacking in expertise
and one-sided: driven by the agenda of the conservationists with little
indigenous input” (Chapin, 2004).
Now, ICLM claims to have stakeholders, capable of not only take
decisions based on now a days reality, but also based in the culture and
the intangible heritage that surrounds the sites. By having the primary
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stakeholders as people who know the area as well as the culture of
the site, we are giving trust and knowledge at the same time in order
to start with the capacity building program, which could be leaded
by a multidisciplinary team which is part of the secondary group of
stakeholders.
Capacity development is a locally driven process of learning by lea
ders, coalitions and other agents of change that brings about changes in
sociopolitical, policy-related, and organizational factors to enhance local
ownership for and the effectiveness and efficiency of efforts to achieve
development goals. (Houtard, 2011) This framework can be used in
various circumstances and at different levels: from designing a national
strategy for capacity development (protected areas and cultures), to expost evaluation of programs or program components. In order for the
project to continue, there should be an exhaustive analysis involving all
the main factors that interact with the culture and with the environment.
Processes involved in the management Process, such as: Assessment, Planning,
Implementation and Monitoring, Adaptive Management, as well as Sustaining
Management, focusing on management and governance capacity, funding, strate
gies and capacity building are a basic framework for ICLM. Even though
there are guidelines to reach a successful ICLM, there are some gaps in
reaching long terms goals.
Filling gaps in our knowledge and building on success, through
scaling up and further investment in conservation strategies, are critical
if we are to gain some breathing space for ecosystems and cultures, but
will not suffice to achieve its maintenance short-term.
Defining any approach as a unique formula for conservation is uncer
tain and ambiguous for a standard intervention approach or sequence of
actions producing a ‘guaranteed’ result. However, there are some bases
that can be taken into account when it turns to the intervention between
people living within areas that need to be protected.
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Therefore, to succeed in projects, is important to fill these field needs:
Source: Merizalde, 2015
BASES OF THE CONCEPT “VIVIR BIEN” AND “CAPABILITY
APPROACH”AND ITS ROLE IN ICLM
Nowadays, there is a need of finding concepts and approaches that can
lead us to solve environmental and social paradigms when it turns to conservation and development. However, the concept of development is generally
referred to an economic system and material well-being. “This concept as
a part of a system, may be detrimental to the development of other parts,
giving rise to conflicting objectives (trade-offs) and conflicts. Consequen
tly, measuring development is not accurate for societies that don´t mean
to reach this economic goal but a living goal…” (Bellu, 2011), “…it is clear
that instrumental fixes or economic compensation to balance the negative
effects of current development strategies, are many times inadequate, and
the classical development idea needs to be change...” (Gudynas, 2012)
A key source is our roots located in the experiences, wisdom, knowledge,
and practices that indigenous people all over the world have preserved. A
concept that is getting known worldwide, based in a number of principles
that were and are present among communities in South America, codified
in the constitutions of Ecuador and the Plurinational State of Bolivia, is
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been taken as an example and base in approaches including the classical
idea of quality of life, but with the specific idea that well-being is only
possible within a community. “Vivir Bien” is a Spanish term that refers to the way of life of indigenous peoples in South America. The Aymara people call it sumaqamaña, the
Quechua, sumakkawsay, the Peruvian Amazon, Kametsa Asaiki and the Guaraní,
ñandereko. It can also be translated as “living well,” “good life,” “knowing
how to live,” “inclusive life,” “sweet life,” among others. (Solon, 2014).
Depending on the history, location and culture of each community,
the practice of this concept can change. However, there are “…common
elements that have been identified and developed into a new perception
now. To enlighten the future, we need to learn from things from the
past that remain relevant in the present..”(Solon, 2014)
The term “Living-well” is a harmonious balance between material and
spiritual components, which is only possible in the specific context of a
community, which is social but also ecological. Means adopting forms
of consumption, behavior and conduct that are not degrading to nature.
It requires an ethical and spiritual relationship with life. “Living Well”
“… proposes the complete fulfillment of life and collective happiness…”
(Gudynas, 2012)
There are several case studies in which the concept of “vivir bien”
is a key in the projects framework, projects of sustainability, natural
resources management, biodiversity conservation and land use management have more and more basis on this approach. This would include
the ICLM, as it involves conservation, land use management, culture
enhancement, etc.
Synergy between “Sustainainable Developement”
and “Living-well” in ICLM?
Sustainable development involves the “simultaneous pursuit of econo
mic prosperity, environmental quality and social equity” (World and Earth
Council, 2005) and the meeting of “ the needs of the present generation,
without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own
needs” (UN, 1987) The globalization process has set our reaction and
way of thinking. The key concept of the economic system is equally to
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growth; without economic growth, capital cannot expand and make more
profit. And capital that does not have a return is not capital, the effect
of globalization in protected areas has been bringing unsolved paradox,
between the ideas of conservation and resistance to external effects.
“National Parks and other forms of protected area (“fortress conservation”) were the standard approach for conserving biodiversity worldwide” (CIFOR, 2007) However, in developing countries the benefits of
conservation through preservation accrue mainly to the national and global
economy, while the costs are often borne by local communities. Hence,
“integrating conservation and development has become a popular means
of reducing the “trade-offs” felt by communities in terms of loss of access
to resources” (CIFOR, 2007), making communities to apply new ways of
adaptation to global changes is either accurate, nor fair with the ancient
sustainable activities they have been practicing.
Therefore, is necessary the existence of a platform where critical views
of development are shared. All positions consider alternatives not as an
instrumental fixing of current strategies, but as a replacement of the very
idea of development for those who have an alternative way of living and
managing natural resources. This platform also should be proposed in a
literal sense, providing the system to apply habits they have been using
since many decades ago, moving towards alternatives to development.
The concept of “Living-well” rejects growth as the mean of development, since it could be assumed that there are wide overlaps with the ideas
of the ‘degrowth’ movement, thus is not a synonym of “living-better”.”
For “Living Well” the goal is harmony whereas for “Living Better” it is
growth. “One vision recognizes that our planet has physical limits and
wants to live in equilibrium within these limits. The other wants to find
ways to expand beyond the limits. (Heinberg, 2014). In the Andean
communities of South America the evolution over time is not linear but
circular; therefore the concept of progress is relative.
Even though it may seem that the two concepts pose contradiction,
the “living well” concept propose also alternatives of local strategies
designed by communities on their own, depending on their own best
interest and needs. Moreover, “…it helps creating an equilibrium between
anthropogenic survival activities and biodiversity, the ancestral knowledge
they apply to natural resources management, and the way they respect
the “mother´s earth rights”…” (Revolt, 2014)
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ICLM would involve a close relation with the “vivir bien” approach and
at the same time helping to conservation. As shown in the scheme below:
Source: Merizalde, 2015
STRATEGIC ORIENTATIONS (Based on the analysis of
IUCN and ICOMOS Cultural Landscapes reviews
The strategic orientations of some international institutions which are
aware of the importance of taking care of some world sites around the
world, which means the heritage in general, not only meaning the sites
which belong to the “world sites” of UNESCO. This guidelines presented
bring some important objectives of protected areas, enclosing terms such
as protection, valorization, education and information diffusion.
Taking the actual reality of a Cultural Landscape and the conservation, it is important to open up the vision of the main objective of
CL – Why did this concept was born?- and adapt it to the transversal
process of evolution and difference of interest between the parts and
actors involved. The interest of finding places of EUV is growing day by
day, with the main goal of taking care of this places in order for them
to survive the global changes and the anthropic intervention.
Protection and valorization of natural and cultural heritage (always
involving people – living or not living cultures), is a critic point when
the planning and management programs are done. “Maintenance of biodiversity, the preservation and valorization of natural resources as well
as landscapes..” (FPNR, 2013) can contribute to the territory planning
in order to define the intervention area.
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Monitoring is another important practice; it involves regular checking of the ecosystems, biodiversity and culture living within it. The data
collected from ongoing monitoring programs can help inform management
plans and improve the sustainability of activities in productive landscapes.
Regarding nowadays world´s reality it´s impossible to not be touched
by globalization, that´s why is “important to take in mind alternative
practices and strategies that can represent a way of reaching a better life
in terms of human basic needs and ecosystem and biodiversity resilience.”
(Gudynas, 2013)
Therefore in order to have a successful ICLM, is important to take
into account le points already stated but also is important to progress
though cycles in the project terms, depending on natural and anthropic
pressures and responses. Is important also to bring protection and understanding of traditional CL, they are a key in maintaining sustainability,
in terms of time, in this type of projects ( long-term) is important to
state day to day actions, this goal is strictly related with monitoring and
adapting management.
CONCLUTIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS
There has to be a change of paradigms, to permit a symbiosis between human beings and nature, access of all to goods and services, and
the participation of every individual and every collective group in the
social and political organizing processes, each having their own cultural
and ethical expression
Long-term conservation success depends on developing a network
of committed individuals and institutions that are strong enough and
effective enough to address the threats to our natural world.
These strategies could be used as a base of any serious attempt to
find long-term solutions to conservation and ICLM gaps, when it turns
to living cultures and CL. Outside intervention may provide a shortterm fix, but this will only be sustainable if t is linked to locally-driven
action. The most effective and long-term solutions to safeguard species
and habitats lie in local hands. This guidelines help with the Successful management is inclusive and
transparent – Governance is shaped through dialogue and agreement among
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stakeholders, promotion of simple and management strategies, as well as
identification and addressing of diverse stakeholder interests. People associated with the cultural landscape are the primary stakeholders. The value
of the cultural landscape is based on the interaction between people and
their environment; and the focus of management is on this relationship.
It´s construction and applications in the fundamental elements of
the collective life of humanity on the planet processes: not just academic
exercises, but something to be worked out in society, where thinking has
an essential place, but so does practical experience, particularly with the
regard to environmental and conservation struggles, it´s imperative to
transform nowadays vision about “what we want to be done” and “what
nature and we, as humans need to be done”, “…this transformation
provides an opportunity to combine the best of ancestral and modern
wisdom, with knowledge and technology working in step with nature´s
processes…” (Suarez, 2009). Realizing that different cultures do exist,
but a process of co-existence is needed, the application of intercultura
lism in all its dimensions, as well as redirecting the production of life´s
necessities, prioritizing “use value” over “exchange value”.
Whenever outside ICLM interventions are carried out, it is essential
to let communities themselves to realize, how important is to create a
way to register, diffuse and transmit their own identity and practices,
inserting them in regional or national management programs, in which
each community would have a political backup that can protect (i.e.
“Estatuto Autonómico indígena Originario Campesino Uru-Chipaya” in Bolivia).
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03. Sustainability Dilemmas. Part 2

Transcription

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